Intercultural Education

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Emotional school engagement among minority

youth: The relevance of cultural identity, perceived
discrimination, and perceived support

Kerstin Göbel & Zuzanna M. Preusche

To cite this article: Kerstin Göbel & Zuzanna M. Preusche (2019): Emotional school engagement
among minority youth: The relevance of cultural identity, perceived discrimination, and perceived
support, Intercultural Education, DOI: 10.1080/14675986.2019.1616263

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/14675986.2019.1616263

Published online: 11 Jul 2019.

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INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION
https://doi.org/10.1080/14675986.2019.1616263

Emotional school engagement among minority youth:

The relevance of cultural identity, perceived
discrimination, and perceived support
Kerstin Göbel and Zuzanna M. Preusche
Faculty of Education, University of Duisburg-Essen, Essen, Germany

ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY

Minority student school dropout represents a challenging Received 23 January 2019
issue for educational systems in many countries. Accepted 23 January 2019
Notwithstanding minority families' overall high academic KEYWORDS
aspirations, there is a stable achievement gap between major- Minority youth; ethnic and
ity and minority students. Minority students who are emotion- national identity; perceived
ally engaged with their school tend to be psychologically and discrimination; social
socioculturally better adapted to their country of residence support; school
and, as a result, report higher academic success. Therefore, engagement; acculturation
emotional school engagement represents a relevant factor for
integration into the host society. The goal of this paper is to
investigate the interrelation between ethnic and national iden-
tity, perceived discrimination, and perceived support from
parents, peers, and teachers with emotional school engage-
ment. Results indicate that cultural capital within the family,
cultural self-identification, and perceived support from peers
and teachers play an important role for students’ emotional
school engagement.

Schools within the acculturation process

Due to historical and recent immigration waves to Germany, ethnic, cultural, and
linguistic diversity has had an impact on schools, which play a major role within
the acculturation process of these children and young adults (Destatis 2017;
Göbel, Lewandowska, and Diehr 2017; Vedder and Horenczyk 2006; Vertovec
2007). Acculturation is a complex process for children and young adults, with
several factors influencing the outcome, such as individual prerequisites, the
specific minority group they belong to, the support they receive within the family
and from the society of residence (Berry et al. 2006). Academic achievement has
been a prominent research subject within acculturation studies because it has
been assumed to represent a relevant outcome of the acculturation process of
immigrant children and young adults1 (Brown and Chu 2012; Vedder and
Horenczyk 2006). Schools usually represent the culture and the values of the
country of residence, and they ought to be a place for integration for students

CONTACT Kerstin Göbel kerstin.goebel@uni-due.de

© 2019 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
2 K. GÖBEL AND Z. M. PREUSCHE

from different cultural and linguistic backgrounds (Gutentag, Horenczyk, and

Tatar 2017). Unfortunately, there is a gap between majority and minority students
in terms of their academic achievement and their dropout rates (Vedder and Virta
2005; OECD 2015), therefore it is important to shed light on predictors for
problematic school careers. Nevertheless, school achievement for immigrant
families is seen as an important step towards the desired social advancement
within the new society. Hence, educational aspirations of immigrants are quite
high (Horenczyk and Ben-Shalom 2001) and many immigrant families feel con-
fident and optimistic about their children’s academic biography (see e.g. immi-
grant optimism hypothesis, Kao and Tienda [1995]).

School engagement

School achievement is indeed an important predictor for latter employment and

thus for social and economic integration (Lamb et al. 2011), but immigrant
students often fail to meet their full potential in educational contexts and are
usually more at risk of dropping out of school. Research on school engagement
emerged from the desire to determine risk factors for school dropout (Mosher and
McGowan 1985; Stamm 2012). Since then an elaborative field of theoretical
constructs has risen, focusing predominantly on subdimensions of school engage-
ment (Christenson, Reschly, and Wyle 2012) or disengagement (Stamm 2012;
Makarova and Herzog 2013; Hascher and Hadjar 2018). The present study con-
centrates on school engagement of immigrant students as an important ante-
cedent of school adaptation, as students’ school engagement is not a stable
personality trait but is supposed to be malleable and subject to change through
school career (Brewster and Bowen 2004; Willms 2003). The present study
focusses on emotional school engagement as encompassing ‘positive and nega-
tive reactions to teachers, classmates, academics, and school and is presumed to
create ties to an institution and influence willingness to do the work’ (Fredericks,
Blumenfeld, and Paris 2004, 60). Emotional school engagement can foster school
success (Eccles and Wang et al. 2012), which highlights the importance of this
construct for the school career of students.
Several protective factors against school disengagement or dropout have
been identified in different studies: e.g. students' behaviour, self-concept,
aspiration, their parental involvement and academic support, and committed
schools and teachers (cf. Christenson, Reschly, and Wyle 2012). Respectively,
contextual predictors for school engagement are family, peers, and school-
related factors (Teuscher and Makarova 2018; Göbel, Makarova, and Filsecker
2016; Christenson, Reschly, and Wyle 2012). Especially during adolescence
relationships with peers and support from peers are crucial for students’
sense of belonging and school engagement (Wang and Eccles 2012).
Whether there is a difference between boys and girls in their school engage-
ment is still difficult to determine as findings are heterogeneous; although it
 INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION 3

seems that on average female students tend to report higher engagement

than male students (Wang and Eccles 2012). Most studies include gender as a
predictor, but its explanatory power for school engagement is sometimes
limited (Finn and Zimmer 2012).
Although individual factors such as students’ gender, socioeconomical back-
ground, immigration experience, and academic self-concept have turned out to
be related to students’ school engagement, some studies have shown that the
predictive power of individual-level variables is weaker than family or school-
related factors (Göbel and Preusche 2018; Göbel, Makarova, and Filsecker 2016;
Schunk and Mullen 2013; Makarova and Herzog 2013; Marks 2000).

Perceived discrimination and perceived support

Experiences of discrimination in school can create stress, which might cause

negative consequences for students. In some cases, severe psychological
problems, as well as successive disengagement in different social domains
and predominantly in the school environment, can be the consequence
(Brown and Chu 2012; Berry et al. 2006). There is also empirical evidence
that perceived discrimination is negatively related to students’ adaptation
inside and outside of school (Berry et al. 2006; Wolfgramm, Morf, and
Hannover 2014). Though perception of discrimination appears to be negatively
associated with student engagement, this relationship is possibly moderated
by ethnic identity (Dotterer, McHale, and Crouter 2009).
Since schools represent an important source of contact for minority students
with their society of residence, schools, and particularly teachers play an impor-
tant role in integrating immigrant students and promoting their social embedd-
edness through offering support (Ryan and Deci 2017). Still, the integration of
students with different cultural and linguistic experiences is a complex task
teachers are often insufficiently prepared for (Göbel, Lewandowska, and Diehr
2017; Gutentag, Horenczyk, and Tatar 2017). Especially teachers' attitudes and
sensitivity towards multiculturalism can influence students' acculturation process
(Gutentag, Horenczyk, and Tatar 2017). Teachers often de-emphasise cultural
diversity and ignore the diverse living conditions of their students, or they over-
simplify them, relying on stereotypes (Göbel, Lewandowska, and Diehr 2017).
Negative stereotypes demonstrably effect learners’ school adaptation and their
learning in an adverse way (Rosenthal and Jacobson 1968), possibly leading to
stereotype threat (Schofield 2006; Rydell and Boucher 2017). Concerning school
engagement, and emotional engagement, respectively, supportive teachers seem
to serve as protective agents in terms of dropout prevention for at-risk students
and as advocates for school engagement (Roorda et al. 2011; Makarova and
Herzog 2013; Vollet, Kindermann, and Skinner 2017). Studies reveal that especially
minority students seem to rely more on the support they receive from their
teachers than do majority students (Schuchart 2012; Göbel, Rauch, and Vieluf
4 K. GÖBEL AND Z. M. PREUSCHE

2011). In a study on minority students, Brewster and Bowen (2004) found that
support from teachers is not only an important precondition for school engage-
ment, but the effect of teacher support was even greater than parental support.
The extraordinary role teachers play regarding the acculturation and integration
of minority students has been widely demonstrated (see, e.g. Decker, Dona, and
Christenson 2007; Furrer and Skinner 2003). Negative experiences with teachers,
but also with peers, constitute important reasons for dropping out of school
(Stamm 2012). Therefore, an inclusive school and classroom climate, promoting
multiculturalism and valuing its students' ethnic diversity, can serve as
a protective factor against school disengagement and can support emotional
engagement with school (Brown and Chu 2012).

Cultural identity

In the process of acculturation, individuals have to respond to expectations and

pressures from their own ethnic group, as well as from the majority society
(Horenczyk et al. 2013). Students with immigration experience usually construct
their social identity based on both their heritage culture and the new culture of
residence (Seaton et al. 2017; Hannover et al. 2013). Although some studies show
heterogenous effects of children's cultural/ethnic identity for school adaptation
(cf. Makarova 2015), there is empirical evidence which supports the hypothesis of
a positive impact of a strong ethnic identity for school adaptation (Vedder and
Horenczyk 2006; Fuligni, Witkow, and Garcia 2005; Horenczyk 2010). Ethnic iden-
tity is therefore interpreted as a resource for immigrants which supports them in
coping with their psychosocial task within the demanding situation of accultura-
tion (Allemann-Ghionda et al. 2010; Liebkind, Jasinskaja-Lahti, and Solheim 2004).
A study from Switzerland, focusing on bicultural identities, provides evidence for
a better integration of biculturally identified adolescents into the society of
residence (Makarova 2015). Spiegler et al. (2018) also found a positive correlation
between school adjustment (school motivation, perceived competence, social
support) and a strong ethnocultural identification, especially for Turkish minority
students in Germany. In contrast, research focusing on motivation to learn the
language of schooling in Germany and Switzerland showed mixed effects of
ethnic identification, such as a negative direct effect of ethnic identity on
German language learning motivation, but an indirect positive effect via school-
related contingency of self-esteem (Wolfgramm et al. 2010). Furthermore, national
and ethnic identity were found to be negatively correlated in a German student
sample, which might point to assimilative pressures in Germany (Zander and
Hannover 2013). The international ICSEY study found positive correlations
between ethnic and national identity only for traditional immigration countries
like the US, Canada, and Australia (Berry et al. 2006). Perceived discrimination has
been shown to be related to the construction of ethnic and national identity:
immigrant students tend to favour national identity as a strategy for school
 INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION 5

adaptation when confronted with discrimination towards their ethnic identity

(Berry et al. 2006). For the German context, the empirical picture concerning the
connection between cultural identity and school adjustment seems to be hetero-
geneous (Edele et al. 2013).

The present study

Minority students are more often at risk of dropping out of school than their
majority peers. Research has indicated that variables connected to students'
emotional well-being in school influence their school achievement. Therefore,
the present article focuses on emotional school engagement as a relevant
interlink to academic adaptation. The presented study aims to analyse relevant
predictors for emotional school engagement of minority students in Germany,
and investigates whether students' national and ethnic identity, their percep-
tion of discrimination, and their support by parents, peers, and teachers serve
as predictors for students' emotional engagement, when controlling for rele-
vant sociodemographic variables (e.g. gender, parents' occupational status,
and families' cultural capital). Following the results, implications for school
practice and teacher education are presented.

Method
Study design
The present study is a cross-sectional survey study, using a paper-pencil
inquiry of 7th grade students conducted in North-Rhine Westphalia during
the summer of 2017. The study is part of a larger international cooperative
study focusing on hidden school dropout of immigrants in different European
countries and Israel. The data collection in Germany was carried out by the
authors themselves and by trained student assistants. Data collection involved
the completion of a structured questionnaire with one open question at the
end (‘Is there anything else you want to tell us?’). The questionnaire was
completed individually during regular class time.

Sample

The following analysis is based on a subsample from the project ‘Hidden School
Dropout in the context of immigration’ (University of Duisburg-Essen). The analysis
of the present paper focuses on students who reported cultural self-identification
with at least one other culture, in addition to German culture. This subsample
consists of 356 students (46,8% female), mostly aged 12–13 years (22,7% older
than 13), reporting more than 50 different cultural identifications (Table 1).
6 K. GÖBEL AND Z. M. PREUSCHE

Table 1. Cultural identification.

Heritage Culture N %
Turkish 135 33.6
Polish 41 11.2
Italian 25 6.9
Russian 24 6.6
Albanian 13 3.6
Kurdish 13 3.6
Moroccan 10 2.7
Dutch 10 2.7
Other cultures with less then 10 students (n = 85):
Afghanistan, African, American, Argentinian,
Austrian, Bosnian, Croatian, Egyptian, English,
French, Iranian, Japanese, Lebanese, Palestinian,
Peruvian, Romanian, Spanish, Thai, Togolese,
Ukrainian, and Vietnamese.

In this study, migration status was defined by having at least one foreign-
born parent. When comparing migration status and cultural identification, it
became clear that 72 children whose parents were born in Germany reported
identifying with at least one other culture than the German one. In addition, 66
students with at least one foreign-born parent did not report any other cultural
identification besides their German one. Since a person's individual cultural
identification is relevant for their emotional acculturation process (cf. Berry
2006), the 72 students who identified with a another culture, but did not
report first or second generation migration background were included into
the subsample. The 66 students who did not report a different cultural identi-
fication were dropped.

Measures
The questionnaire contained items such as gender, the country(ies) in which
the students and their parents were born, their cultural identifications (Q:
Which culture or cultures do you feel part of?), parents' occupation (using
the HISEI measure; International Socio-Economic Index of Occupational Status,
Ganzeboom et al. [1992]) and their families' cultural capital (adapted version
from PISA, Kunter et al. 2002).
As a widely recognized measure for school engagement, the scale developed
by Fredericks et al. (2005) was integrated into the questionnaire, the analysis
focused on the subdimension emotional school engagement. Ethnic and national
identity measures were based on the work of Phinney et al. (2001). Perceived
discrimination was tested using the scale constructed by Oppedal, Røysamb, and
Heyerdahl (2005), based on a previous operationalization of Berry et al. (1993).
Students' perceived support was divided into parental support, peer support, and
teacher support, which were measured by an adapted version of the ‘Common
activities of parents and children’ scale (PISA, Kunter et al. 2002). The scales and
their characteristics are presented in Table 2.
 INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION 7

Table 2. Scale description and statistics.

Scale Statistics Source/Item examples
Emotional School 6 items, α = .845, M = 2.43, SD = Fredricks et al. (2005) (adapted); e.g. ‘I feel happy in
Engagement 0.73, n = 364, 4-point-Likert- school.’
scale
National Identity 4 items, α = .932, M = 3.11, SD = Berry et al. (2006) based on Phinney (1992) and
1.20, n = 361, 5-point-Likert- Roberts et al. (1999); e.g. “I am proud of being
scale German.”
Ethnic Identity 4 items, α = .887, M = 4.39, SD = Berry et al. (2006) based on Phinney (1992) and
0.82, n = 324, 5-point-Likert- Roberts et al. (1999); e.g. “I am proud of being
scale a member of my heritage culture.”
Individually 4 items, α = .722, M = 1.50, SD = Oppedal, Røysamb, and Heyerdahl (2005) e.g. “I have
Perceived 0.55, n = 362, 4-point-Likert- been teased and insulted because of my cultural
Discrimination scale background.”
Group-based 4 items, α = .826, M = 1.63, SD = Oppedal, Røysamb, and Heyerdahl (2005); e.g. “I have
Perceived 0.71, n = 363, 4-point-Likert- the feeling that people from my culture are not
Discrimination scale being accepted by people with another cultural
background.”
Parental Support 9 items, α = .881, M = 3.03, SD = Adapted from Kunter et al. (2002); e.g. “How often
0.77, n = 364, 4-point-Likert- can you ask your parents for help if you have
scale problems?”
Peer Support 9 items, α = .904, M = 2.94, SD = Adapted from Kunter et al. (2002); e.g. “How often
0.71, n = 361, 4-point-Likert- can you ask your friends at school for help if you
scale have problems?”
Teacher Support 9 items, α = .881, M = 2.52, SD = Adapted from Kunter et al. (2002); e.g. “How often
0.76, n = 357, 4-point-Likert- can you ask your teacher for help if you have
scale problems?”

The scales used within the present analysis were found to be highly reliable
(Table 2). The mean scores of emotional school engagement showed a rather
even distribution within the sample. In contrast, students' cultural identity and
perceived discrimination were unevenly distributed, as students in the sample
reported a relatively high level of national identity and a high level of ethnic
identity. Complementary to this, their perception of individual and group-
based discrimination was quite low. Distribution of perceived support differed
between contexts: teacher support was normally distributed, but parental and
peer support were unevenly distributed, as most of the students in the sample
tended to feel highly supported by their parents and their peers.

Data analysis
Gender differences in emotional school engagement were examined using a Mann
Whitney test, while a Spearman’s rank correlation test was administered to check the
bivariate relationship between all variables of the study. Since directed associations
between variables were expected, one-tailed significance tests were used.
A multiple hierarchical linear regression was calculated to predict emotional school
engagement by cultural identity, perceived discrimination, and perceived support,
statistically controlling for demographic and individual trait variables (gender, HISEI,
and family’s cultural capital). Four step by step regression equations were adminis-
tered to identify the respective explanative power of the resulting models.
8 K. GÖBEL AND Z. M. PREUSCHE

Results
The Mann Whitney test which was conducted to compare emotional school
engagement of male (n = 191) versus female students (n = 171) showed that
female students (Md = 2.45, SD = 0.73) reported a slightly higher level of emotional
school engagement than male students, but this difference was not statistical
significant (Md = 2.40, SD = 0.74; U = 15,387.0, p = .342) (Figure 1).
Correlations between the variables showed that emotional school engage-
ment was significantly linked to most of the variables integrated into the
study, except for parents' occupational status and ethnic identity (Table 3).
Students' emotional school engagement was positively correlated with the
support they perceived from parents, peers, and especially their teachers. On
the other hand, a negative correlation was found between perceived discrimi-
nation and emotional school engagement.
Regarding students’ cultural identity, the data revealed a negative correla-
tion between students’ national and ethnic identity. Families’ cultural capital
and parental occupational status (HISEI) were positively associated with
national identity, but negatively correlated with students’ ethnic identity.
Students’ ethnic identity was linked to parental and peer support, while
students’ national identity was correlated with teacher support. The support
variables were intercorrelated moderately.
In order to estimate the relevance of the different variables relating to emo-
tional school engagement, a multivariate stepwise regression was conducted
(Table 4). The first regression model included only sociodemographic variables
(F (3,235) = 4,618, p = .004) and revealed a significant impact of families' cultural

Figure 1. Emotional school engagement of male and female students.

Table 3. Spearman’s rank correlation between included variables.
Emo.
School Family's cultural National Ethnic Ind. Discri- Grp. Discri-
Eng. HISEI capital Identity Identity mination2 mination3 Parental Support Peer Support Teacher Support
Emotional School rs= 1.0 rs= .077 rs= .216** rs = .186** rs= .022 rs= −.112* rs= −.091* rs= .309** rs= .202* rs= .429*
Engagement n = 364 n = 330 n = 316 n = 360 n = 323 n = 361 n = 362 n = 363 n = 360 n = 356
HISEI1 rs= 1.00 rs= .240** rs= .094* rs= −.147* rs= .050 rs= −.006 rs= .063 rs= −.034 rs= −.034
n = 331 n = 287 n = 328 n = 291 n = 328 n = 329 n = 331 n = 327 n = 323
Family's cultural rs= .1.0 rs= .145* rs= −.111* rs= .092 rs= .042 rs= .174** rs= .033 rs= .087*
capital n = 317 n = 315 n = 279 n = 315 n = 315 n = 316 n = 314 n = 312
National Identity rs= 1.0 rs= −.220** rs = −.086 rs= −.083 rs= −.191** rs= .070 rs= .099*
n = 361 n = 320 n = 359 n = 359 n = 360 n = 357 n = 353
Ethnic Identity rs= 1.0 rs= −.039 rs= −.017 rs= .098* rs= .137* rs= .003
n = 324 n = 321 n = 322 n = 323 n = 321 n = 316
Ind. rs= 1.0 rs= 548** rs= −.162** rs= −.088* rs= −.123*
Discrimination2 n = 362 n = 362 n = 361 n = 358 n = 354
Grp. rs= 1.0 rs= −.128** rs= −.007 rs= −.063
Discrimination3 n = 363 n = 362 n = 359 n = 355
Parental Support rs= 1.0 rs= .224** rs= .322**
n = 364 n = 360 n = 356
Peer Support rs= 1.0 rs= .361**
n = 361 n = 355
Teacher Suport rs= 1.0
n = 357
* = p < .05; **= p < .001,
INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION
9
10 K. GÖBEL AND Z. M. PREUSCHE

Table 4. Hierarchical linear regression, dependent variable: emotional school engagement.

Predictor Model 1 (β) Model 2 (β) Model 3 (β) Model 4 (β)
Gender −.014 −.012 −.029 −.045
HISEI1 .063 .081 .092 .094
Family's cultural capital .215*** .190** .222*** .134**
National Identity .160** .131** .060
Ethnic Identity .120* .114* .087
Ind. Discrimination2 −.169** −.120*
Grp. Discrimination3 −.008 −.002
Parental Support .072
Peer Support .123**
Teacher Support .382***
Corrected R2 .044 .071 .092 .293
Dependent Variable: Emotional School Engagement (n = 239), * = p < .10i; ** = p < .05; *** = p < .001,
1
International Socio-Economic Index of (highest) Occupational Status.
2
Individually Perveived Discrimination.
3
Group-based Perceived Discrimination.

capital on emotional school engagement, although the overall explanatory power

was rather limited. Student's national and ethnic identity were integrated into the
next model, while controlling for individual/sociodemographic variables (F (5,233)
= 4,645, p = .000). Both, students' national and ethnic identity, were predictors of
emotional engagement, and the explained variance increased.2 Next, perceived
individual and group discrimination were included into the model (F (7,231) =
4,455, p = .000), while controlling for sociodemographic variables, and retaining
cultural identity variables. Perceived individual discrimination turned out to be
a further significant predictor of emotional school engagement, but perceived
group-based discrimination did not significantly predict emotional engagement.
In the final model, the various support variables were integrated and a noticeable
increase in the explained variance emerged (F (10,228) = 10,851, p = .000). Peer
and teacher support turned out as being predictive of emotional school
engagement.

Discussion
Minority students’ school adjustment is a complex acculturation process
which is determined by different factors inside and outside of schools. The
present study concentrated on emotional school engagement among min-
ority students, as it seems to be linked to school achievement (Eccles and
Wang et al. 2012). Results show moderate yet significant correlations
between emotional school engagement and cultural capital, national iden-
tity, teacher, peer and parental support in the 7th grade minority student
sample. Although male and female students did not differ considerably
regarding their emotional school engagement girls reported a slightly
higher engagement than boys which is equivalent to other research (cf.
Wang & Eccles 2012). In contrast to findings in other studies, individual and
 INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION 11

group-based perceived discrimination was only slightly linked to emotional

school engagement. Similar to other studies in Germany (Zander and
Hannover 2013), there was a negative correlation between national and
ethnic identity. Multiple regression analyses endorsed the correlative find-
ings: national and ethnic identity, as well as perceived discrimination, only
marginally explained variance of emotional school engagement. Once par-
ental, peer, and teacher support variables were integrated into the regres-
sion analysis, cultural identity and perceived discrimination were no longer
relevant predictors. The strongest gain in explained variance was realized
when support variables were integrated into the regression model. In our
minority student sample, parental support did not significantly predict
emotional engagement. As has been shown in previous studies peer but
especially teacher engagement turned out to be the strongest predictors.
School-related process variables, such as perceived social support in school,
seem to play a major role in the emotional school engagement of minority
students. Perceived teacher support and the quality of interactions with other
students have shown to be highly relevant for the prevention of disengage-
ment in primary schools (Teuscher and Makarova 2018; Makarova and Herzog
2013). Our results confirm the relevance of teacher and peer support in
secondary schools for the fostering of emotional school engagement among
minority students. The quality of the social climate, meaning the support
students receive from their teachers and their peers, is highly relevant for
the way they feel engaged with their school and with their learning (Ryan and
Deci 2017; Gutentag, Horenczyk, and Tatar 2017).
Although it has been argued that ethnic identity is a resource for school
adjustment (Horenczyk 2010; Spiegler et al. 2018), our analysis shows only
a weak contribution of ethnic identity to emotional school engagement. The
same is true for national identity, which other studies have found to be
a predictor for student learning motivation (Wolfgramm et al. 2010). The
results concerning cultural identification in the context of school adjustment
of minority students remain mixed.
A negative correlation between national and ethnic identity, within our sample,
confirms findings from earlier studies (Berry et al. 2006; Zander and Hannover
2013). Perhaps tensions between ethnic and national identity development could
be assumed, at least in Germany. These findings might possibly point to assim-
ilatory pressures from German majority society. Further research is needed to
understand the underlying processes of this negative correlation.
International studies point to the negative impact of perceived discrimina-
tion on school adjustment, with individually perceived discrimination being
more relevant than group-based discrimination (Horenczyk 2010; Berry et al.
2006). The results of our study confirm this to a certain extent, as we found
negative correlations between both perceived individual and group-based
discrimination, on the one hand, and emotional school engagement, on the
12 K. GÖBEL AND Z. M. PREUSCHE

other hand. Although the experience of discrimination hinders a positive

emotional identification with school, our findings indicate that perceived sup-
port might play a buffering role.
The relevance of socioeconomic and individual factors for school drop out
has been identified in several studies (e.g. Stamm 2012), but our results failed
to show any impact of families' occupational status in explaining emotional
school engagement. For 7th grade students, the occupation of their parents
might be difficult to assess. Therefore, the data concerning occupational status
might be inaccurate. However, families' cultural capital emerged as a strong
predictor in all regression models. Cultural capital showed a considerable
correlation not only with student engagement, but also with national and
ethnic identity, and parental support. Interestingly, cultural capital correlated
negatively with students' ethnic identity, which could point to its relevance
within the acculturation process. This finding corresponds with those found in
earlier studies by Schunk and Pajares (2009) and Makarova and Herzog (2013),
who point at the prominent role that families' cultural capital plays within the
acculturation process in school. Thus, one can surmise that educational values
of the family are relevant for students’ emotional school engagement.

Conclusion
Despite its exploratory character, the present study offers interesting insights
into aspects relating to minority students' emotional school engagement.
However, the sample might not be representative and the distribution of
several scales was unsatisfactory. Since self-assessment scales were employed,
little is known about actual student behaviour. Nevertheless, results reveal
interesting relations between the studied variables: Social support in school
from peers and particularly from teachers seems to play a major role in
shaping minority students' emotional school engagement (Makarova and
Herzog 2013; Göbel, Makarova, and Filsecker 2016; Wang and Eccles 2012).
Hence, immigrant students who experience little support from their teachers
and their peers are at risk of disengaging from school. Consequently, teacher
training should focus on strategies on how to create a supportive climate in
class and build relationships to strengthen students’ engagement and self-
concept, and prevent disengagement (Ryan and Deci 2017). Special attention
might be needed to prepare teachers for cultural diversity, so they can better
support their immigrant students (Göbel, Lewandowska, and Diehr 2017).
Furthermore, for students from families with limited cultural capital, it could
be important to inform parents and students about educational opportunities
and the relevance of education for the lives of their children (Reschly and
Christenson 2012).
In order to understand how different students perceive social support in
class, and for a better understanding of how teachers can establish and foster
 INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION 13

a positive classroom climate for different types of students, future research

should focus on whole class samples. For a further analysis of the processes
that determine emotional school engagement, information regarding class-
room interactions and regarding possible changes relating to student percep-
tions could imply a combination of assessment instruments (e.g. video and
self-report) in a longitudinal design.

Notes
1. We use the term immigrant and minority students synonymously.
2. Because of our focus on dichotomous cultural identities (national and ethnic) we
decided not to include bicultural identity as a predictor in our current model. Still, we
found that in our sample students with a strong bicultural identification report
a slightly higher emotional engagement with their school than students with
a weak bicultural identification. Further analysis on bicultural identity is planned to
be presented in further publications.
3. Because of the limited size of the subsample, we decided to highlight significant
results also at a 10% significance level.

Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Notes on contributors
Kerstin Göbel a is Professor for educational science at the University of Duisburg-Essen and
head of the workgroup of teaching development at the Faculty of Education. She studied
psychology at the J.W. Goethe University in Frankfurt/Main, received her PhD in Psychology
at the University of Landau and habilitated in Education at the University of Wuppertal. Her
research areas are teaching development in the context of cultural and linguistic diverse
schools, research on intercultural competence, and research on the fostering of reflection
competences of teachers.
Zuzanna M. Preusche is a doctoral candidate and research assistant at the Faculty of
Education and member of the workgroup of teaching development at the University of
Duisburg-Essen. She studied secondary education with a focus on teaching German and
English. Her research interests are teacher education, cultural and linguistic diversity in
education, school engagement, and school-based interventions.

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