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On black criminology: past, present, and

future
Everette Penn
Published online: 03 Jun 2010.

To cite this article: Everette Penn (2003) On black criminology: past, present, and future,
Criminal Justice Studies: A Critical Journal of Crime, Law and Society, 16:4, 317-327, DOI:
10.1080/0888431032000183515

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 Criminal Justice Studies, 2003, Vol. 16(4), pp. 317–327

ON BLACK CRIMINOLOGY: PAST, PRESENT, AND

FUTURE
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EVERETTE B. PENN*

The study of Black crime is dominant in criminology literature. Often theories of social control, anomie or conflict
theory are presented to explain Black crime. This article purports such theories are deficient when studying Black
crime because they do not adequately assess the magnitude of the social reality of being Black in the United States.
Through a presentation of what Black criminology is, has the possibility to become and the characteristics of
criminologists who are Black the article presents a stepping-stone to understand Black criminology’s past, present,
and future.

Keywords: Black crime; Black criminologists; Black criminology; Criminology; Criminal justice; Race and
crime

INTRODUCTION

Over 10 years ago, Russell (1992) cultivated a criminology sub-field called Black
criminology. The need for this sub-field stemmed from criminology’s inability to answer
questions of crime committed by Blacks beyond the race variable. In her work, she states the
need for a well-developed cohesive sub-field that would theoretically seek to explain crime
committed by Blacks (Russell, 1992). Several criminologists support the need for a Black
Criminology, (Taylor Greene, 1979; Caldwell and Taylor Greene, 1980; Georges-Abeyie,
1981, 1989, 1990; Mann, 1993; Young and Sulton, 1994; Young and Taylor Greene, 1995;
Onwudiwe and Lynch, 2000). Whether criminologists use the term African-American, Afro-
centric or Black, each has presented arguments for a progressive movement to expand
criminology beyond traditional theories to explain Black crime.
The current practice by criminology to make Black crime fit into traditional theories is
incomplete. The unique history of over 240 years of slavery, life in the antebellum South,
migration, Black Codes and Jim Crow laws, migration, segregation, affirmative action and
disproportionality in the criminal justice system provides clear evidence for a criminological
perspective that encompasses the history and culture of Black people in the United States.1
By allowing current theoretical perspectives to explain Black crime, the discipline remains
stagnant and may dangerously fallback to the use of eugenics, Darwinism and Lombrosian
philosophies that make Black crime appear “pathological” (Moynihan, 1965) if not biological
in origin (Wilson and Herrnstein, 1985).
This article will provide an update on the development of Black criminology and the
progress made by Black criminologists. This article is a stepping-stone for the advancement
1
For a presentation of African-American history read Franklin and Moss Jr. (2002).
*Prairie View A & M University, College of Juvenile Justice and Psychology, P.O. Box 4017, Prairie View Tx
77446–4017, USA. Email: everette_penn@pvamu.edu

ISSN 1478-601X print; ISSN 1478-6028 online © 2003 Taylor & Francis Ltd
DOI: 10.1080/0888431032000183515
 318 E. B. PENN

of Black criminology because it will define the term “Black criminology” as well as those
who have contributed to its presentation in the literature. Additionally, the number of
criminologists who identify themselves as Black will be presented to compare longitudinal
data. The article can be used to mark the success, and plot the path necessary to create and
include Black criminology and Black criminologists into mainstream criminology.
The evolution of Black criminology can be beneficial for the development of Asian,
Hispanic and Native-American criminology. These groups also have a unique and rich
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history in the United States, which goes beyond the use of “one size fits all” criminological
theories.

The Social Reality of “Black”

Understanding Blacks involvement in the criminal justice system requires an understanding
of the term “Black” as it’s social reality. Before 1494 racial antagonism did not exist (Hunter
and Adams, 1987). It was on June 7, 1494 that Pope Alexander VI issued the Treaty of
Tordesillas, which put all heathen peoples of the world (especially colored people) and their
resources at the disposal of Spain and Portugal (Hunter and Adams, 1987). From a Christian
sanctioned origin the slave trade began in order to fulfill the massive amount of labor
necessary to harvest the great resources of the Americas. Cox points out that modern race
relations did not begin as an “abstract, natural immemorial feeling of mutual antipathy
between groups” (Hunter and Adams, 1987 p.58), but rather “a practical exploitive
relationship with its socio-attitudinal facilitation” (p.58). The capitalist exploiter uses any
convenience, including race prejudice, religion, science, and history in order to keep the labor
needed (Hunter and Adams, 1987). Over time these “conveniences” become ingrained into
philosophy, law and practice whereas one group becomes inferior to another.
Today a person’s race is determined by an alchemy of physical characteristics, language,
geographical origin, culture, and religion blended together to make a social construct of
Asian, Black, Hispanic, Native American and White (Marshall, 1998). Ironically, scientists
agree that modern humans originated from Africa. Thus, all humans have a common genetic
make-up that can be traced to Africa (Marshall, 1998). A contemporary definition of a Black
or African-American person is anyone “having origins in any of the Black racial groups of
Africa” (Office of Management and Budget, 1997). From this definition, persons from North
African countries such as Algeria, Egypt and Morocco are considered White. Such a
definition leaves the term race useless, due to the lack of genetic, biological, and
geographical support. Thus, the term “Black” leaves itself open for misinterpretations, and
flawed methodology in criminal justice research because of its relativism. Due to these
limitations, criminal justice data on Blacks should be used with caution and constantly
crosschecked. In the future, in order to avoid the use of race and its socially constructed
definition, Young (1996) and others have called for the use of a “misery index” (p.75), which
uses ones income, employment, and access to adequate housing, educational opportunities,
and health care to measure crime.

State of Blacks in the Criminal Justice System

Black involvement in the criminal justice system presents a foundation for Black
criminology. In 2000, Blacks accounted for 27 percent of the total arrests in the United States
(US Department of Justice, 2001). For the crimes of murder and robbery, not only are Blacks
disproportionate to their percentage in the general US population, of 12.3 percent (US
Census, 2002), but also they represent 48 percent of the murder/nonegligent manslaughter
arrests and 53 percent of robbery arrests (US Department of Justice, 2001). For persons under
 BLACK CRIMINOLOGY 319

the age of eighteen, the numbers are similar. Blacks account for 25 percent of the total arrests.
This includes 49 percent of the murder/nonnegligent manslaughter arrests and 56 percent of
robbery arrests (US Department of Justice, 2001).
The jail population of the United States is another point of disproportionality for Blacks
in the criminal justice system. In 2001, Blacks represented 40 percent of the United States jail
population (US Department of Justice, 2001). This was second only to Whites who were 43
percent of the jail inmate population (US Department of Justice, 2001).
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When reviewing persons under the jurisdiction of state and federal correctional authorities
as of December 31, 1997 a total of 1 240 962 persons were in a United States correctional
institution (US Department of Justice, 2000). During that census, 590 454 or 47 percent was
Black (US Department of Justice, 2000). This represents the largest number for any racial
category. This is astounding when Blacks comprise just over 12 percent of the general US
population (US Census, 2002) and 27 percent of the total arrest for Index Crimes (US
Department of Justice, 2001).
When reviewing the most serious punishment available in the criminal justice system,
Blacks are also disproportionatly represented. According to the census taken on April 1, 2002
there were 3701 inmates under the sentence of death (NAACP Legal Defense and
Educational Fund, 2002). Of that, 1678 (45 percent) were White and 1593 (43 percent) were
Black (US Department of Justice, 2000).
Disporportionality of Blacks is seen throughout the criminal justice system, from bail
proceedings, indictment, trial, probation, incarceration, sentencing, parole and the death
penalty (Mann, 1993; Reiman, 1998; Russell, 1998; Barak et al., 2001; Reasons et al., 2002
). Unfortunately, even with the presentation of data about inequality in the administration of
criminal justice many are unable to grasp the magnitude of the problem (Barak et al., 2001).
Today, a Black male has a 1 in 4 chance of going to prison in his lifetime; Hispanics males
1 in 6 and a White male a 1 in 23 (US Department of Justice, 1997). To put it all in
perspective one source reports there were 791 600 Black men in prison or jail verses 603 000
in higher education (Justice Policy Insitute, 2002). Thus, there are more Black men in
institutions of detention and corrections than institutions of higher education.

DEFINING BLACK CRIMINOLOGY

A synthesized definition of Black criminology that has emerged is that of a body of

criminological research that goes beyond the race variable to produce the monolithic Black
paradigm. It looks to study Black as a socially constructed variable in order to explain or
refute disproportionality. The intent is to have Black Criminology become solidified into a
recognizable sub-field incorporated into mainstream criminology (Georges-Abeyie,
1989,1990; Russell, 1992; Young and Sulton, 1994).
Black criminology takes the common history of Black people in the United States as the
start point that creates a unique sub-group. From the sub-grouping commonalities of racial
profiling, discrimination, prejudice, stereotyping, racism, social distance, interactionalism
and the social reality of being Black in the United States become measurable variables of
crime. These Black commonalities will vary in their intensity, duration, and magnitude based
on a persons geographical region, social economic level, skin tone, assimulation, and social
distance. Thus, a monolithic theory will not emerge to explain all crimes committed by
Blacks. Instead a paradigm based on the Black commonalities forms a start point in order to
measure the affects on criminal behavior. Chicago School, phenomenology and Conflict
theory are elements of Black criminology, but since these philosophies are largely based on
class issues they fall short in addressing the social effect of being Black in the United States.
 320 E. B. PENN

Black criminology’s major tenant is the debasing social reality of being a Black man, woman
or child in the United States.

Scope of Black Criminology Literature

A cursory look at the historical and contemporary writings of Blacks about Black crime is
beneficial to provide the reader with a range and scope encompassed in Black criminology.
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Early writers included Ida Wells-Barnett’s 1892 presentation of lynch laws and the
criminalizing of the Black race (Taylor Greene and Gabbidon, 2000). In his early writings
during the late 1890s and early 1900s William Edward Burghardt Du Bois, presented the
impact of social disorganization as a result of slavery (Talyor Greene and Gabbidon, 2000).
In addition, he showed how a convict-lease system produced pseudo slavery in the south
(Taylor Greene and Gabbidon, 2000). Monroe Work in the early 1900s demonstrated how the
migration of Blacks from the rural south to the industrialized north created strain and social
disorganization (Taylor Green and Gabbidon, 2000). E. Franklin Frazier, throughout the
1930s and 1940s further researched migration patterns and the urbanization of Blacks as it
affected family life, delinquency and crime (Taylor Green and Gabbidon, 2000). In the 1930s,
Earl Moses, discussed the community factors associated with Black juvenile delinquency
(Taylor Green and Gabbidon, 2000). Oliver Cox, in the 1940s discusses the disadvantaged
and disenfranchised Black urban class (Hunter and Abraham, 1987).
The rich history continues with contemporary writers such as Charshee Lawrence-
McIntyre (1993), Russell (1998), and Onwudiwe and Lynch (2000) who present the social
construction of being Black, as the perceived criminal variable. In 1986, Darnell Hawkins
explained Black homicide through the devaluing of Black life. Bruce Wright, (1987);
Coramae Mann (1993), and A. Leon Higginbotham (1996) (Gabbidon et al., 2002) provide
specific examples of how being Black was the variable of effect for harsh treatment in the
criminal justice system.
The cursory look continues with Daniel Georges-Abeyie (1981) presentation of a social
ecology approach to explain Black crime. William Julius Wilson (1987, 1996) and Elijah
Anderson (1990, 1994) present findings that support the creation of an urban culture and their
disadvantage. Robert Staples (1975) and Becky Tatum (1994) present the colonial model and
the how the dominance of imperialism creates alienation and crime. Joseph (2000), Ward
(2001), and Penn (2004) present historic and contemporary events to explain the
disproportionality of Black youth in the juvenile justice system. Young and Sulton (1994)
critically analyzed crime statistics and the use of the term disproportionality.
The above presents a small survey of the approaches, variables and concepts that can be
used when studying Black crime. This broad body of research along with numerous others
provides the very foundation of Black criminology. Black criminology is not simply a body
of work written by Blacks for Blacks. It is the use of sound social research practices by
criminologists to grasp the unique and diverse variables associated with Blacks who commit
crime. Thus, criminologists from all races can, have and will contribute to Black criminology.
Georges-Abeyie (personal communication, April 28, 2003) presents a note of caution, as he
states: “. . . the racial and ethnic experiences of the researcher is a delineating factor in Black
Criminology and will result in research questions asked, or omitted.” Georges-Abeyie takes
an even more radical view by stating; “Non-Blacks can not do or conduct Black criminology
(personal communication, April 28, 2003). He goes on to say Black criminology is unique,
because it looks at Black crime through the “filter of Black ethnic identity, or lack thereof”
(personal communication, April 28, 2003).
With or without the inclusion of non-Blacks as Black criminology writers it can be
expected that a significant amount of Black criminology literature will be from authors that
 BLACK CRIMINOLOGY 321

TABLE I Type of PhD Degree Held by Black Criminologists

Terminal Degree Number (Percent)

Criminology 35 (31)
Sociology 34 (30)
Criminal Justice 19 (17)
Other* 10 (9)
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Political Science 5 (5)

Education 5 (5)
Unknown 3 (3)
Totals 111 (100)

Source: Heard and Penn (2000).

Notes: * Includes two public administration, and one of the following; African Studies,
American Studies, Behavior Sciences, Geography of Law, Human Development,
Interdisciplinary studies of Criminal Justice and Women Studies, Multidisciplinary Social
Science, Urban Geography Administration and Social Ecology.

self identify themselves as Black or African American. Thus, presenting a snap-shot, as well
as a longitudinal look at Black criminologists and the issues faced by this racial group is
presented in an effort to further the development of Black criminology through the increased
numbers of criminologists who identify themselves as Black or African American.

BLACK CRIMINOLOGISTS

Heard and Bing (1993) placed the number of Blacks with a PhD in criminology or criminal
justice at less than 50. Data from the National Science Foundation (1991) stated that 27
Blacks earned a PhD in criminology from 1980–1990. During that same time a total of 399
persons received such a degree. A national study by Heard and Penn (2000) presents some
of the latest findings on Black criminologists.
Heard and Penn (2000) found 54 Black persons who held a PhD in criminology, or
criminal justice. When the definition is broadened to include persons who hold a PhD in
sociology or closely related field the number swells to 111 as seen in Table I. Additionally,
13 of the 111 Black criminologists also hold a Juris Doctorate.
Although this broader definition increases the numbers of criminologists that are Black,
this number is miniscule in comparison to the total number of criminologists. An examination
of the American Society of Criminology (ASC) membership allows for a full understanding
of the Black criminologists rarity. Membership for ASC was 3500 (American Society of
Criminology, personal communication, December 10, 2002). Of the 3500 members only 48
members, self-identified themselves as African American or Black (American Society of
Criminology, personal communication, December 10, 2002). This number represents less
than one percent of the total ASC membership. Although, criminologists from all races may
not be members of ASC or may have chosen not to identify their race or ethnicity, the small
number of Blacks in ASC as compared to the general population of the organization
illustrates how few Blacks are criminologists.

Where Are the Black Criminologists?

Where Black criminologists are employed may contribute to the development of Black
criminology. Richardson (1976) believes that Black men and women with PhDs who are
employed by predominately White research institutions are more prolific in regard to their
 322 E. B. PENN

TABLE II Place of Employment for Black Criminologists

Place of Employment Number (Percent)

Predominately White Institution (PWI) 70 (63)

Historically Black College/University (HBCU) 22 (20)
Not employed in academia. 15 (13)
Unknown 4 (4)
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Totals 111 (100)

Source: Heard and Penn (2000).

contributions to the general literature. Although the majority of Black criminologists are at
predominately white institutions (see Table II) some 20 percent are at Historically Black
Colleges and Universities (HBCU). Richardson’s statement may have merit due to most
HBCU being other than research institutions, where teaching and service are emphasized.
These Black criminologists who are at HBCUs must overcome demanding teaching and
advising loads as well as limited funds and resources available for research. Gabbidon and
Penn (1999) provide and overview of criminology and criminal justice programs at HBCUs.
Their findings indicate the numbers of undergraduate and graduate programs is on the rise.
Such increases in programs may transpire into increased numbers of Black criminologists in
the future.
Table II provides a breakdown of places of employment for Black criminologists. Of the
111 who responded, 63 percent of the Black criminologists were employed at PWIs and 20
percent were employed at HBCUs (Heard and Penn, 2000).

Has There Been an Increase in Black Criminologists?

A longitudinal look at the number of Black criminologists is helpful because it provides a
picture of the increasing numbers over the last thirty years. Table III presents a decade-by-
decade overview of the number of Blacks who have earned a PhD in criminology/criminal
justice or a closely related field.
According to Heard and Penn (2000), during the 1970s decade a total of 16 Blacks
received a PhD in a criminology/criminal justice or a closely related field. Subsequently,
1980–1989 saw 34 recipients and from 1990–1999, 50 Blacks achieved this honor. In the
year 2000 nine Blacks had earned a PhD in criminology/criminal justice or a closely related
field. Such a steady increase presents promise for a continued supply of Blacks to further
develop Black criminology.

TABLE III Decade Terminal Degree Awarded to Black Criminologists

Decade Number Percent

1970–1979 16 14
1980–1989 33 30
1990–1999 50 45
2000 09 08
Unknown 03 03
Totals 111 100

Source: Head and Penn 2000.

 BLACK CRIMINOLOGY 323

What Is the Rank and Tenure of Black Criminologists?

It is useful to know the rank and tenure status of Black criminologists in order to grasp the
number of seasoned criminologists, as well as those in the tenure-track pipeline. The Heard
and Penn (2000) data of 70 Black criminologists presents a healthy distribution of full,
associate and assistant Black professors. Fifteen professors self-identified as full professors,
27 as associate professors and 28 as assistant professors. Finally, just over half, 36 of the
seventy Black criminologists have tenure at their university (Heard and Penn, 2000).
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THE BLACK CRIMINOLOGISTS AND BLACK CRIMINOLOGY

Edwards et al. (1998) conducted a national survey of 40 African-American criminology/

criminal justice PhDs. In a serious of questions their research found that 53 percent of the
respondents stated that their professional research focused on racial or ethnic issues 50
percent or more of the time. Furthermore 67 percent stated that they “strongly agreed” or
“agreed” with the statement: “I feel that I must conduct some type of racial or ethnic
research” (Edwards et al., 1998). Berg and Bing, 1990 found that educated Blacks have a
strong interest and desire to help others who are less fortunate. Thus, the clear connection
between Blacks and the development of Black criminology can be understood. This strong
desire of Blacks to write and cultivate Black criminology does not come without a price.
Blacks publishing and writing on Black issues may limit or delay their potential for
promotion and tenure (Russell, 1992; Young and Sulton, 1994; Bing et al., 1995; Edwards et
al., 1998; del Carmen and Bing, 2000).
Writing and publishing on minority issues is viewed as distracting the minority scholar
from more mainstream work he/she “should” be pursuing (Edwards et al., 1998). This is an
ironic point due to the fact that the majority of research conducted by Black criminologists
is on street crime. Criminology literature shows a high propensity for theories that respond
to street crimes such as murder, forcible rape, robbery, aggravated assault, burglary, larceny-
theft, motor vehicle theft, arson, and drug offenses. Accordingly, Blacks are disproportion-
ately arrested for these crimes (United States Department of Justice, 2000). Journals, books,
and presentations provide constant reminders about the “social reality of crime” (Quinney,
1970; Reiman, 1998) and the prominence of street crime in the media. Yet, the “. . . field of
criminology has developed with little recognition of the perspectives advanced by African
Americans” (Young and Sulton, 1994, p.2). Several factors may explain the “excluded”
(Young and Sulton, 1994; Gabbidon et al., 2004) phenomena.
The professional network of friends, associates, former classmates, and colleagues
enhances publication and the forwarding of perspectives. It is the friends and associates of
editors that are typically given access to publishing (Edwards et al., 1998). Gabbidon et al.,
(2004) examined the composition of editorial boards between 1992–2002 of 10 of the most
widely read journals in criminology/criminal justice. A total of 16 Blacks served on editorial
boards in that 10 -year period (Gabbidon et al., 2004). Such a small number of Blacks in
editorial positions may limit the opportunities for the publication of the Black criminology
perspective. Change may occur, however with the recent addition to the criminology
literature of the Journal of Ethnicity in Criminal Justice. In the future, this peer-reviewed
journal may become the major outlet for Black criminology.
A second element of the exclusion phenomena may be that much of the research conducted
by Black criminologists is qualitative. In contrast a scanning of criminology literature found
in mainstream outlets presents a highly quantitative field. Currently, much of the research
that would encompass Black criminology is qualitative in nature. This is not surprising,
because Black criminology goes beyond numbers and categorical groupings in order to
 324 E. B. PENN

answer questions about “social setting,” “symbolic interactionism,” “social structure,”

“social roles,” “social realities,” and how humans arrange themselves (Berg, 2001). These are
the very elements that make Black criminology, because it surpasses the race variable in
order to find and define deeper variables of causation. As the development of concepts,
tenants, and theories of Black criminology advances, so to will the increased presence of
quantitative methods to test findings and hypothesis.
A final factor is the belief that Blacks cannot study Blacks objectively. Is the same
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questions asked of White or female criminologists? The Black criminologist comes with a
lifetime of interaction with Blacks. Such scholars “possess an insight into, and an affinity
with the African American community that is not born of detached scientific methodology”
(Bing et al., 1995, p. 125). Thus, the Black criminologist comes with a unique understanding
of behaviors, customs, values, and beliefs of the Black community. Armed with the tools and
practice of qualitative and quantitative methods, Black criminologists bring a breath of
knowledge and understanding that advances the study of Black crime. In the end, the product
is never compromised because the peer review process provides a check in order to validate
the structure and presentation of research (Russell, 1992).

PRESENT STATUS OF BLACK CRIMINOLOGY

Since 1992, advancements have been made in the areas of faculty positions, administrative
appointments, ASC/ACJS elected positions, editorial positions and publication production
(Gabbidon et al., 2004). There have been several significant publications over the last ten
years that have advanced Black criminology. Because of space limitations, only three are
noted. In 2000 Taylor, Greene and Gabbidon produced a book titled African American
Criminological Thought, which presented the theoretical foundation and research of 10
prominent African Americans. Two years later Gabbidon, Taylor Greene and Young (2002)
produced an edited work that highlighted the work of 17 African American’s criminological
work. In addition, Imogene Moyer shows the contribution a non-Blacks can make to Black
Criminology by producing a text titled Criminology Theories: Traditional and Non-
traditional Voices and Themes (2001). In this work E. Franklin Frazier becomes a part of the
Chicago School. W. E. B. Du Bois is integrated into Conflict/Radical/Marxist Theory.
Coramae Mann and Vernetta Young are integrated into Feminist Criminology and Martin
Luther King Jr. is a member of Peacemaking Criminology. All three of these works should
be commended, as they have commenced the process of integrating Black criminology into
mainstream criminology.
In order for Black criminology to be integrated into mainstream criminology there must be
a continuous interest and group of scholars to research, develop and test its concepts, tenants,
and theories. Thus, a need to have new Black criminologists enter the discipline. Frost (2002)
through data from the American Association of Doctoral Programs in Criminology and
Criminal Justice (AADPCCJ) reports that there are 27 institutions offering a PhD in
criminology, criminal justice or a closely related field. Her findings indicate the percentage
of Black doctoral students has ranged from seven to ten percent as presented in Table IV. This
represents the largest of the minority groups in doctoral programs.

FUTURE OF BLACK CRIMINOLOGY

The above has presented a picture of where Black criminology has come and where it
currently stands. Black criminology is still developing. In the near future the diverse
 BLACK CRIMINOLOGY 325

TABLE IV Race and Ethnicity of Applicants who Enrolled in PhD Programs by Year

Year N* White Black Hispanic Asian Other/DK

1999–2000 12 72 (80%) 6 (7%) 4 (4%) 5 (6%) 3 (3%)

2000–2001 11 65 (74%) 9 (10%) 7 (8%) 3 (3%) 4 (5%)
2001–2002 19 110 (71%) 13 (8%) 8 (5%) 8 (5%) 17 (11%)
2002–2003 19 100 (65%) 16 (10%) 10 (7%) 9 (6%) 18 (12%)
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Source: Frost (2002).

Note: * Number of programs that responded.

theoretical voices of Black criminology should clearly articulate their concepts and
propositions in scholarly works indoctrinated into mainstream criminology. Black criminol-
ogy encompasses understanding Black crime, victimization, and crime prevention beyond the
created race variable. Black criminology theorizes about Black crime in order to reduce the
human and property loss felt by Blacks because of the intra-race relation of Black crime.
Black criminology’s importance goes beyond any specific racial group due to the spiraling
effect of crime on the United States’ social systems and economy.
Black crime is predominately street crime. Thus, Black criminology is criminology. The
hope is that this article inspires others to see the validity, magnitude and potential of Black
Criminology. Progressive thought and change are true elements of a discipline. Criminology
has presented dozens of theories, philosophies, and schools over its rich history in order to
define itself. Adding Black criminology expands criminology in order to examine and answer
the ever-present question of: Why does crime occur?

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Biography
Everette B. Penn, PhD, is an assistant professor in the College of Juvenile Justice and
Psychology at Prairie View A & M University. His research interests include race and justice,
juvenile justice, crime prevention and community building. His recent publications have
appeared in the Journal of Criminal Justice Education, Journal of Homeland Security,
Justice Professional and the Journal of the Research Association of Minority Professors, His
current research includes an edited book entitled Race and Juvenile Justice (Carolina
Academic Press) with Taylor Greene and Gabbidon is forthcoming in 2004.