Class: B.A. Semester : III Sub.

History
Name of the Paper : History of India from 1750-1964
 2

Chairperson : Prof. Madhurima Verma

Department Co-ordinator : Prof. Sheena Pall
Course Leader : Prof. Sheena Pall

B.A. SEMESTER-III, HISTORY

HISTORY OF INDIA FROM 1750-1964
• Introductory letter (i)
• Syllabus (iii)
CONTENTS
Title Page
L. No. Lesson Writer/Editor
No.
Circumstances Leading to the Battle of 1
1. Plassey and Buxar; Significance; Reforms of Prof. Manju Malhotra
Warren Hastings
Reforms of Lord Cornwallis, William Bentinck 28
2. Prof Manju Malhotra
and Dalhousie
The Uprising of 1857 : Political, Socio- 44
3. Religious, Economic and Immediate Causes; Prof Manju Malhotra
Failure, Results
British Agrarian Policies and 56
4. Commercialization of Agriculture; Rural Prof Manju Malhotra
Indebtedness
Brahmo Samaj; Arya Samaj; Ramakrishna 75
5. Mission, (Swami Vivekanand); Aligarh Prof Manju Malhotra
Movement
6. Depressed Classes Movement Prof Manju Malhotra 90
Foundation and Growth of the Indian National 96
7. Congress 1885-1905, Growth of Nationalism Prof Manju Malhotra
1905-1919
Circumstances Leading to the Non- 117
8. Cooperation Movement 1920-1922; the Civil Dr Neha Sharma
Disobedience Movement.
Rise of Communal Politics: Growth of 137
9. Communal Politics, Pakistan Resolution of the Prof Manju Malhotra
Muslim League
 3

Quit India Movement; British Proposals for 153

10. Independence; Indian Independence Act of Dr. Neha Sharma
1947
Making of the Constitution, Integration 172
11. of Princely States, the Reorganization Prof Manju Malhotra
of States
12. Tribal Rebellions: Santhal, Bhils and Mundas Prof. Sheena Pall 179
13. Maps Prof Manju Malhotra 184

Vetter : Prof. Sheena Pall

E-mail of Department : coordhist@pu.ac.in

Contact No. of Department : 0172-2534329
 4

INTRODUCTORY LETTER

Dear Student,
It is a matter of great pleasure for us that you have joined the Correspondence Studies
(USOL) of this University with a view to improving your academic qualifications. In this age, when
there is a keen competition for going ahead in life, academic attainments have a unique role to
play. Hence we like your decision to take up this course of study for passing a University
Examination. It is also a matter of great satisfaction that you have taken up History as one of
your subjects. History is not only a record of events, but it also deals with the growth of
civilization and culture. It is in fact, a living record, not only of kings and kingdoms, but also of
men and manners, socio-economic and political life of a country; a nation and a race. A proper
study of History thus enables us to understand the development of civilization and culture, the
progress of art and literature and the evolution of the system of government.
It may, however, be explained that the study of History does not merely mean the record
of dates and names of the notable personalities. It also involves a practical understanding of the
interaction of courses and effects which produce a particular development during a particular
period. Every lecture-script should, therefore, be carefully studied to understand what actually is
required to be given in the answer. Besides narration of the facts, it is also necessary to give the
background, course of events and consequences. You are therefore, advised to give due
attention to the lecture-scripts and the instructions accompanying it. Ten to twelve questions are
normally set from the syllabus prescribed for your course. Out of these, five are to be attempted.
A copy of the syllabus is enclosed. Please keep it with you for future reference. The various
topics on the form of lecture scripts will be dispatched at regular intervals.
You will be called upon to make a thorough study of the lecture-scripts and answer the
questions, given at the end of the lecture-scripts, on the Response-Sheets. The Response-
sheets received from you will be scrutinized and returned after corrections, remarks and
suggestions for further improvement. Each question paper carries 100 marks. In all, ten
questions are usually set in the University examination and a candidate is required to attempt
only five questions.
In the end, we may assure you that every effort will be made to give you detailed
instructions, and to remove your difficulties. The USOL by their very nature are a co-operative
venture and would require full co-operation on your part. You may, therefore bring to the notice
of the Department of History any special problem that you might face in this subject. Needless to
say that prompt attention will be paid to your enquiries. The success of the entire course of your
study, as you will appreciate, depends on mutual understanding and co-operation.
We wish you success in your studies.
Cordially yours,
Department of History, USOL
0172-2534329
 5

SYLLABUS
B.A. SEMESTER-III

HISTORY SEMESTER-III INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE PAPER-SETTERS AND

CANDIDATES :
1. The syllabus has been divided into four Units. There shall be 9 questions in all. The
first question is compulsory and shall be short answer type containing 15 short
questions spread over the whole syllabus to be answered in about 25 to 30 words
each. The candidates are required to attempt any 9 short answer type questions
carrying 18 marks i.e. 2 marks of each. Rest of the paper shall contain 4 units. Each
Unit shall have two essay type questions and the candidate shall be given internal
choice of attempting one question from each Unit and 4 questions in all. Each
question will carry 18 marks.
2. For private candidates, who have not been assessed earlier for internal
assessment, the marks secured by them in theory paper will proportionately be
increased to maximum marks of the paper in lieu of internal assessment.
The paper-setter must put note (2) in the question paper.
3. One question from Unit-IV shall be set on the map.
The paper-setter must put note (iii) in the question paper.
Explanation:
1. Each essay type question would cover about one-third to one half of a topic detailed in the
syllabus.
2. The distribution of marks for the map question would be as under :
Map : 10 marks
Explanatory Note : 08 marks
Note: In case, a paper setter chooses to set a question on important historical places, the
paper setter will be required to ask the students to mark 05 places on map of 02 mark
each and write explanatory note on any 04 of 02 marks each.
3. The paper-setter would avoid repetition between different types of questions within one
question paper.
Paper : HISTORY OF INDIA, 1750-1964 A.D.
Max. Marks : 100
Theory : 90
Internal Assessment : 10 Marks
Time : 3 Hours
 6

Objectives: To introduce the students to the broad developments in the history of India in
Modern times.
Pedagogy : Lectures, library work and discussions.
UNIT-I
1. Foundation of British Rule: Circumstances leading to the battles of Plassey and
Buxar and their significance; Reforms of Warren Hastings.
2. Administrative Reforms: Reforms of Cornwallis; William Bentinck and Dalhousie. 3.
The Uprising of 1857: Political, socio-religious, economic and immediate causes;
failure; results.
UNIT-II
4. Economic Changes and Response: British Agrarian policies and commercialization
of agriculture; rural indebtedness; Tribal and Peasant Uprisings w.r.t. Santhal, Bhil,
Munda Rebellions.
5. Socio-Religious Reform Movements: Brahmo Samaj; Arya Samaj; Ramakrishna
Mission; Aligarh Movement.
6. Depressed Classes Movement: Contribution of Jyotiba Phule; Dr.B.R. Ambedkar
and Mahatma Gandhi.
UNIT-III
7. Growth of Political Consciousness: Foundation and growth of the Indian National
Congress from 1885- 1905; Growth of Nationalism 1905-1919
8. Indian National Movement: Circumstances leading to the Non-Cooperation
Movement 1920-22; the Civil Disobedience Movement.
9. Rise of Communal Politics: Factors responsible for the growth of communal politics;
Separate electorate; Muslim League and Pakistan Resolution.
UNIT-IV
10. Towards Partition and Independence: Quit India Movement; British proposals for
independence; Indian Independence Act of 1947.
11. Significant Developments after Independence,1947- 64 : Making of the constitution;
integration of princely states; the reorganisation of states.
12. Map: (a) Important Historical Places – Delhi, Calcutta, Madras, Bombay, Goa,
Surat, Plassey, Buxar, Gwalior, Jhansi, Hyderabad, Sabarmati, Amritsar, Lucknow,
Lahore and Aligarh. (b) Extent of the British Empire in 1856. (c) Republic of India in
1950. Specimen Map for Examination:
Reading List:
Abdul Kalam Azad, Azadi Ki Kahani (Hindi Medium), Delhi: Orient Black Swan, 2007.
Bandyopadhyay, Sekhar, From Plassey to Partition: A History of Modern India, Delhi
Orient Black Swan, 2007 (Also available in Hindi Medium).
 7

Chandra, Bipin, History of Modern India, Hyderabad: Orient Blacksman, 2009.

Chandra, Bipan, Communalism in Modern India, Delhi: Vikas Publishers, 1987.
Chandra, Bipan et al., India’s Struggle for Independence, 1875-1947, Delhi:
Viking/Penguin Books,1989.
Chandra, Bipan, Aitihasik Sangharsh – EPIC Struggle (Hindi Medium), Delhi: Orient
Black Swan, 2007.
Desai, A R, Social Background of Indian Nationalism, Punjabi University, Patiala:
Publication Bureau, 2005 (Punjabi).
Nanda, B.R., Making of a Nation: India’s Road to Independence, New Delhi: Harper-
Collins, 1998.
Gopal, S, British Policy in India, Punjabi University, Patiala: Publication Bureau, 2011.
Sarkar, Sumit, Modern India, 1885-1947, New Delhi: Mcmillan, 2014.
 8

Lesson-1

CIRCUMSTANCES LEADING TO THE BATTLE OF

PLASSEY AND BUXAR; SIGNIFICANCE; REFORMS OF
WARREN HASTINGS

Structure
1.0 Objectives
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Events leading to the Battle of Plassey
1.3 Battle of Buxar
1.4 Foundation of British Empire
1.5 Reforms of Warren Hastings
1.6 Regulating Act; Pitts India Act
1.7 Summary
1.8 References
1.9 Model Questions
1.0 Objectives
After reading this lesson you would be able to:
 Know about the expansion of British empire
 Learn about the causes of the Battle of Plassey and its consequences.
 Understand the Battle of Buxaur and its significance
 Analyse the reforms of Warren Hastings
1.1 Introduction
When the East India Company established a factory at Hughli in 1651, it marked the
beginning of British ascendancy in Bengal. It was in Bengal that the Company could lay the
foundation of a vast empire in India. Bengal offered the best items of trade, cotton goods, silk,
yarn, sugar etc. which had a great demand in European market. Clive's service to the British
nation are undoubtedly great and there is ample justification for his being regarded as the
founder of the British Empire in India. It was he who transformed the East India Company from a
commercial corporation into a territorial power. He rendered great and meritorious services to his
country and laid the loundation of the British Empire in India. According to P.E. Roberts, "His
headlong valour on the battlefield, his splendid daring and audacity in political crisis, his moral
courage in facing disaffected and mutinous subordinates, his force and fire in debate" all this
 9

justified the lofty verdict of Lord Macaulay, that "Our island has scarcely ever produced a man,
more truly greater than Robert Clive either in arms or in counsel”.
1.2 Events Leading to Battle of Plassey
Clive gave the first example of his military talents in the second Carnatic War, when he
defeated the French. Before, the advent of Clive, the French Governor Dupleix had succeeded
wonderfully in executing his great plans and had raised the French influence to an amazing
height. He became the master of whole of the Deccan and carnatic. But Clive nullified all his
plans. When Chanda Sahib and Dupleix were besieging Mohammad Ali at Trichinapoly, Clive
thought of a plan of capturing Arcot; the capital of Chanda Sahib. This created a division in
favour of the besieged, Mohammad Ali at Trichinapoly, Clive rightly expected that this blow at the
heart of the enemy's country would divide its strength and attention. He with the help of 200
Europeans and 300 Indian soldiers, made a bold dash for Arcot and occupied it, without any
opposition. This had the desired effect. The fall of his capital alarmed Chanda Sahib and
compelled him to send away a large portion of his army to recapture Arcot. Clive maintained a
gallant defence for fifty three days, after which he was reinforced by troops from Madras, Chanda
Sahib was defeated. He tried to escape but he was caught and beheaded. Then Mohammad Ali
Was made the undisputed Nawab of Carnatic. Thus Dupleix's high hopes were dashed to the
ground.
Significance of the Capture of Arcot
According to P.E. Roberts, during the siege of Arcot, the extinction of Chanda Sahib from
the scene was the good beginning for the establishment of the British Empire. Although it was a
simple phase in the history of India, yet it had a great significance for the British.
(i) In 1751, the British became an effective power in India. The credit of it goes to
Clive alone.
(ii) The influence of the French was at decline and they were not in position to face
the British any more.
(iii) Chanda Sahib, who was considered to be a terror for the British was no more to
create trouble for them.
(iv) The surrender of Trichinapoly to the British was great boon to them. '
Thus, Clive saved the English prestige in the Deccan, when it was at the point of being
lost, he won success and honour for his country.
Recapture of Calcutta
In 1756, Siraj-ud-Daulah, the Nawab of Bengal, fell out with the British. He made an
attack on Calcutta with a huge force and captured it. This was another humiliation for the
English. However, Clive came to their rescue. He had been recently appointed as a Governor of
 10

fort Saint David. He was a man of courage and conviction. He himself wrote that it was not at all
difficult for them to bring Calcutta under the British control. He recaptured Calcutta with the help
of Admiral Watson on 2nd January, 1757 by defeating the Nawab's forces. Clive also concluded
a treaty with the Nawab, whereby the latter agreed to pay for the losses incurred by the English.
By this treaty Clive showed himself to be a man of great insight for there was possibility of the
Nawab of Bengal joining hands with the Dutch (still very powerful in India) against the British.
Capture of Chandernagar (March, 1757)
Immediately after the Treaty with the Nawab, Clive turned his attention towards
Chandernagar. It was essential to capture this French possession, as it had become a great
centre of intrigue between the French and the Nawab of Bengal. To leave such a place in their
hands would have been dangerous to the English cause, especially when there were existing
hostile relations between the English and the French. Clive attacked and captured Chandernagar
in March, 1757. The formation of a coalition between the French and the Nawab of Bengal
became almost impossible.
Battle of Plassey (June, 1757)
According to Sunder Lal, "Politically the Battle of Plassey is one of the most important
battles in the history of the world." The Nawab of Bengal Alivardi Khan died in the year 1756.
After his death Siraj-ud-Daulah ascended the throne of Bengal. Taking advantage of the
situation, Clive tried to control the politics of Bengal by diplomacy. Clive very cleverly won over
Mir Jafar, the commander of Siraj-ud-Daulah, so as to remove him from the throne and hand
over the same to Mir Jafar. Siraj-ud-Daulah could not tolerate their nefarious activities. The
forces of the Nawab and Clive faced each other at Plassey, a place twenty miles away from
Murshidabad, in June 1757. The Nawab was defeated and Clive made Mir Jafar the Nawab of
Bengal. The Nawab gave huge amounts to the Company. Clive also got enormous wealth as a
gift.
Significance of the Battle of Plassey
According to Watson, the Battle of Plassey was not only of great significance for the
Company but it also proved a great boon to the British nation as a whole.
(i) It made the English masters of Bengal, from where they overran the whole of India
within the next fifty years. In fact, it provided them with the key to the conquest of
India.
(ii) Mir Jafar was made the new Nawab of Bengal. He was just a puppet in the hands
of the British.
(iii) The new Nawab gave the British East India Company a tract of land, near
Calcutta called the 24 Parganas.
 11

(iv) It marked the beginning of the British domination in India. The prestige of the
English increased in the eyes of the people. From a simple corporation of
merchants, the British East India Company had at once become the ruler of a rice
tract of land.
(v) The Battle of Plassey prepared the grounds for a grand success in the battle of
Buxar in 1764. After this, the British got the Diwani of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa.
(vi) Lastly, it was mainly with the resources of Bengal that the English were able to
oust their European rival, including the French from India.
Events leading to Buxar
The final scene of this drama had yet to be enacted, and this was to be done in the battle-
field of Buxar. Those who profess that it was the British prowess and superiority in the training of
arms which won them an empire in this country must know the circumstances which led to the
battle of Buxar. For therein lay the subtle forces which seem to be much more powerful than
anyone of the contestants, and which in reality seem to have shaped the events and their course
as they happened.
As Mir Kasim was proceeding towards Oudh to seek help from the Nawab Shuja-ud-
Daula, the latter, together with the Emperor Shah Alam who was then camping with him at
Allahabad, wrote in August, 1763 to the British offering to help them against the fleeing Nawab of
Bengal. The English interests in the court of Oudh were on the other hand being well served by
Shitab Rai, an ex-Dewan of Bihar who had been removed from office by Mir Kasim and had
taken service under Shuja-ud-Daula. Early in October 1763, Shitab Rai, wrote secretly to Mir
Jafar to send a petition for recognition as the new Nawab of Bengal which he would get
sanctioned by the Emperor. The petition was duly sent together with a nazrana of five lakh
rupees and promise regularly to pay a tribute and Shuja-ud-Daula not knowing the initiative taken
by Shitab Rai, started convassing for its approval.
In the meanwhile, however, Mir Kasim arrived and he was also received by the Nawab
Wazir with due cordiality and sympathy. Mir Kasim had at this time with him jewellery and cash
worth not less than ten crore rupees, an amount significant enough to make the Nawab Wazir
have a second thought before he precipitated in favour of the British. But when the former
pressed for an immediate action against the British so that they did not get time to consolidate
their position in Bengal, the Nawab-Wazir replied that more pressing than that problem before
him was the subjugation of Hindupati of Bundel-Khand who had defied his authority. Mir Kasim
offered himself to lead an expedition and set Hindupati right to which the Nawab-Wazir agreed.
Mir Kasim's expedition against Bundel-Khand was a success. But in his absence the Nawab-
Wazir proved his treachery by getting sanad in favour of Mir Jafar signed, which was delivered to
the latter on 24th March, 1764.
 12

On his return from the expedition, when Mir Kasim found himself duped, he put his turban
on Nawab-Wazir's feet and begged for his help for which he was prepared to offer him eleven
lakh rupees a month to defray the expenses of his army, cessation of the province of Bihar and
three crore rupees as the gratification money after the war was successfully concluded. Besides,
Mir Kasim's success against Bundel-Khand also had favourably impressed the Nawab-Wazir
who, opportunist, as he was, with the army and resources of the ex-Nawab added to his own,
began to feel the possibility of defeating the British. The Emperor's name and authority though
not resources (of which personally he did not have many) were already at his disposal. He
therefore agreed to help Mir Kasim, and forgetting his pretension of friendship for the British and
the sanad that he had secured from the Emperor for Mir Zafar, he wrote in the name of Emperor
to the British to withdraw from all political activities and confine themselves only to commerce
failing which they would have to face war and a crushing defeat.
But foolish as he was, he did not know that the Emperor was unreliable as he himself was
and that much before he wrote in this vein to the British, Shah Alam had already communicated
to the British his state of helplessness, his want of confidence in Nawab Wazir, his offer of
friendship towards the British on whom, as earlier, he was prepared to confer the province of
Bengal, and requested them for financial help in the absence of which he was in great distress.
The Emperor had written to the British that if they could defray his expenses he was prepared
immediately to march away to Delhi, leaving behind his Prime Minister, Shuja-ud-Daula, for
whom he had absolutely no sympathy.
The situation was very clear and the British had to fight and expand their political
influence in which success was assured but in the absence of which their very existence in
Bengal would be endangered. They accepted the challenge thrown by the Nawab-Wazir.
The circumstances were such as the British could not help the Emperor as against the
Nawab-Wazir. but they took note of his intentions and tried secretly to keep him in good humour.
A total of 19,000 British soldiers, including 1,000 Europeans, 6,000 Indians of their own army and
12,000 men belonging to Mir Jafar, marched. The invaders totaling 40,000 and ostensibly under
the leadership of Emperor, crossed the border and reached in the proximity of Patna without any
opposition. In the neighbourhood of Patna the two armies met on 3rd May. 1764 at Panch-
Pahari. The Emperor was an unwilling partner in this venture. The command having been
assumed by the Nawab-Wazir, Mir Kasim was jealous of having lost his initiative and had no faith
in his benefactor. Raja Bahvant Singh of Benaras, Shitab Rai and even Beni Bahadur, Minister of
the Nawab-Wazir were all ostensibly fighting against the British, but in reality in their
correspondence they secretly sought their favours. The outcome of the battle was natural. The
invading army was defeated and they withdrew to Buxar where they intended to stay till the rainy
season was over.
 13

In the meanwhile the Nawab-Wazir once again expressed his desire for peace, though he
was not prepared to surrender to Mir Kasim. On the other hand. the British also had the
understanding that any peace with the Nawab-Wazir would be against the wishes of the Emperor
who wanted his ruin. Peace in these circumstances was difficult.
1.3 Battle of Buxar
Before, however, the final trial of strength at Buxar came on October 28, 1764 both sides
busied themselves in preparations. The British were luckier. Some Mughal officers of the Nawab-
Wazir, such as Asad Khan and Zaih-ul-Abdin, easily responded to the seductive offers of the
British and joined them with their soldiers. Even the well known historian Ghulam Hussin Khan
the author of Seir-ul-Mutakharin who was in the service of the Nawab Wazir deserted him
together with his father and joined the British helping them also to secure through him the
allegiance of Sahumal, the Governor of the fort of Rohtas. Nor did Mir Kasim himself remain with
the Nawab-Wazir, for he was relieved of all his wealth and turned out to go into a wandering fife
and ultimately to die in Delhi in 1777 in a state of extreme poverty.
Despite all this, however, when the hour of final reckoning came the Nawab-Wazir's
troops repeatedly pushed back the British army at Buxar. But treachery was at work; though it
could not succeed as well at Buxar, as it had done at Plassey. Lieutenant Harper said, "I fancy,
had one or two thousand of the enemy cavalry behaved as well as those few that attacked the
grenadiers, we should have lost the day. The chance was more than once against us and I am of
opinion the sepoys would not have been able to stand the cannonade five minutes longer than
they did." The issue was decided in favour of the British within only three hours and to them it
cost the lives only of 300, of which the number of Europeans was barely 32: while the enemy lost
6,000 dead.
Marching ahead the British occupied Benaras where they were given a welcome by Raja
Balwant Singh and the Emperor Shuja-ud-Daula, the Nawab-Wazir however, had not yet been
completely vanquished. He was given 'one more defeat near Benaras on 18th January 1765
where in the midst of battle large numbers deserted the Nawab-Wazir who himself however still
escaped. The British thereafter captured Chunar where earlier they had received a, severe blow.
The Allahabad fort was also occupied. The Nawab-Wazir fleeing with the remnants of his troops,
secured help from Malhar Rao-Holkar but the pursuing British forces defeated them both at Karra
in April, 1765. The Nawab-Wazir being insulted by the Maratha chief decided to part-company
with him as well and abandoned all resistance to the British. In May, the Marathas were given
one more defeat near Kalpi, and the Nawab-Wazir surrendered his person to the British throwing
himself at their mercy. He was, however, honourably received and restored as the Nawab of
Oudh.
Significance of the Battle of Buxar
 14

The Battle of Buxar marks one more turning point in the history of India, and is said to
have brought about the third revolution in Bengal. In a sense more than one, it was more
significant than even the Battle of Plassey. Although both these battles were won by the British in
similar circumstances; i.e. dissension in the ranks of the Indians and their mutual jealousies, yet
in its results the battle of Buxar brought to British a greater glory and prestige than that of
Plassey. In the Battle of Plassey the British were fighting only against the Nawab of Bengal, but
in that of Buxar they were opposed also by the Nawab of Oudh who was also the Prime Minister
of India; nay, ostensibly at least, in the latter battle even the Emperor of India was pitted against
them. The battle of Plassey placed the resources of Bengal at the feet of the British, but that of
Buxar delivered to them also the whole of the Oudh State. After Plassey the British became the
arbiters of the fate only of one Nawab, but after the second battle his Prime Minister apart, even
the great Mughal emperor lay completely at the mercy of the British.
After the Battle of Buxar the British now became an all India power, and their influence
instead of being confining to the limits of Bengal, now extended, right up to Delhi. The
achievements which the British made after the Battle of Plassey, were consolidated only by that
of Buxar. In a way without Buxar, the victory of Plassey itself should have remained incomplete.
Clive's Contribution in the Establishment of the British Power in Bengal
Clive can be termed as the real founder of British Empire in India. His services to the
British nation in India were commendable. Like a true patriot, he served the interests of the
Company and increased the power of British. By virtue of his exceptional ability and courage he
made the British the real rulers of the country. He was a daring soldier, a great general and a
statesman of a great insight. According to Pitt, the Elder he was a 'heaven born general'. He was
responsible for the capture and defence of Arcot in 1751. In collaboration with Lawrence, he was
able to frustrate all designs of Dupleix.
He learnt his soldiering from General Lawrence and his diplomacy from Saunders. In
1756, he co-operated the Marathas to put down the pirates stronghood of Ghariah. He captured
the Northern Circars and thus destroyed the French influence in Hyderabad. By inflicting a
terrible defeat upon the Nawab Siraj-ud-Daula, in the Battle of Plassey, he earned the reputation
of laying the foundation of the British Empire in Bengal. It was this victory of Plassey which had
earned for the English real road to the conquest of the other parts of India. In short, he gave the
clear proof of his being a great soldier by defeating the Dutch, the French and Ali Gohar during
his first Governorship.
During his second Governorship of Bengal, he established Oudh as a buffer State. He
was not only a great warrior, but also a great administrator and statesman. He purified civil and
military services. He established the Dual System of Government in Bengal successfully. He
concluded a treaty with the Nawab of Oudh and Mughal King Shah Alam. Lord Chatham
 15

compared Lord Clive with Frederick the Great of Prussia. In the words of P.E. Roberts, in spite of
faults, there was the stamp of grandeur on all the words and actions of Clive.
But according to some historians, if Clive on the one hand, was the founder of the British
Empire in India, on the other hand, he was also an architect of the ruin of the people of Bengal.
The corruption, the oppression and the maladministration, under which they groaned for years,
were in no small measure due to him. His lust for gold became responsible for his fall. He
reduced the Nawab to a figurehead and deprived him of real power. He was not in a position to
make any improvement. There was nothing new and original in his plans.
He followed in the footsteps of Dupleix and won name and fame for his country.
According Dr. V.A. Smith. "It appears to be impossible, to deny that Clive was too much willing to
meet Asiatic intriguers on their own ground, too greedy of riches, and too much disposed to
ignore delicate scruples in their acquisition. His most outstanding characteristic was an inflexible
will which guided his conduct to success in all affairs, whether military, or civil."
1.4 FOUNDATION AND CONSOLIDATION OF BRITISH EMPIRE DUAL SYSTEM :
ROBERT CLIVE
In the beginning of the 16th Century English adventurers, attracted by the stories of the
fabulous wealth of India, set out on expeditions with the object of trading with the Indians.
They formed a company which later on came to be known as East India Company. The
Company secured form the Queen a charter on 31st December, 1600. It granted monopoly of
East Indian trade, in the first instance for fifteen years, to be renewed, periodically if the interest
of the Crown and the People were not prejudicially affected.
The first trading port established by the Company was at Surat where it was granted land
by the Mughal Emperor Jahangir. In 1640, the fort of St. George was erected in Madras. In 1650
the Company got a licence to trade, and erect factories etc. in Bengal. Consequently a factory
was established at Hugli. After some time the English abandoned Hugli and founded a factory in
1690 at Sutanati, the site where modern Calcutta stands. The port of Bombay was presented to
the Company by King Charles II in 1669. The Company thus secured by the end of 17th century
important places on the coasts of India.
The establishment of the East India Company synchronised with the death of Mughal
emperor Aurangzeb. But before the Company could establish its supremacy in India it had to
contend with serious opposition both from the Indian rulers and European rivals.
The power of the Portuguese in India was limited to Goa, Daman and Diu. From 1648 the
Portuguese ceased to count in the East. But the struggle with the Dutch continued for a longer
time. Ultimately, the Dutch power was broken by the French in Europe and the Dutch
Commercial supremacy in the East came to an end in 1697, when the Treaty of Ryswick was
made. But there still remained the French who had established their position on the Eastern
 16

Coast of India at Pondicherry and Chander Nagar near Calcutta. Besides them, Yaman Karikal
and Mahe were the other three French possessions in India.
The real struggle between the French and English for supremacy in India began in 1741
and continued for about twenty years. The tide turned in favour of the English East India
Company with the capture of Arcot by Clive. But the French power was finally broken in January
1760 when the British achieved a decisive victory at Wandewash.
The East India Company also had to face a serious opposition from the Indian rulers
specially the Nawab of Bengal Siraj-Ud-Daulah. He was irritated in to arrogance and unfriendly
acts of the servants of the Company and attacked Calcutta in 1756. The governor Drake and
military commandant left the garrison at the mercy of the soldiers of the Nawab.
However, with the arrival of Clive and Watson from Madras situations changed. They
captured the fort of Baj-Baj and Fort William without any delay and a treaty was concluded with
the Nawab.
Now Clive settled down at Calcutta and began to intrigue with the Ministers of the Nawab.
He entered into a treaty with Mir Jafar—Commander—in--Chief of the Nawab. After this, Clive
marched towards Murshidabad to meet the Nawab's army. The famous battle of Plassey took
place in which the Nawab's forces gave way. Siraj-ud-daula fled away in disguise. Mir Jafar was
proclaimed the Nawab in June 1757. Now the English became supreme both in the South and
the East. Luckily for them the greatest Indian power of the time, the Marathas suffered a great
set back in 1761 by their defeat in the famous Third Battle of Panipat.
Clive now saw the future before the British in India. He very cautiously laid the foundation
of British Empire, the English East India Company in India. Instead of following the policy of rapid
expansion and conquest he very shrewdly got the Company the right to collect the revenue
known as the Diwani, from the Mughal Emperor. By it the Company was given the right to collect
all taxes in Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. After the Battle of Buxar he made the Nawab his ally, he
did not fight the Marathas, rather recognised their right to Chauth in Orissa. In this manner he
fortified his position.
In February, 1765 Mir Jafar died and his son Najib-ud-Daula entered into a treaty with the
Company. By this Nizamat (judicial) functions were also transferred to the Company. Thus by
1765 the Company combined in itself both the Diwani and Nizamat functions. But it was difficult
for the Company to carry on the whole administration of the province. Clive then introduced a
new system of administration what is generally known as the Dual or Double Government. The
new system for obvious reasons did not last very long and worked for a period of seven years
(1765-72) only. It made the confusion more confounded and corruption more corrupt. The
abuses of the private trade attained climax during this period.
CLIVE'S FIRST GOVERNORSHIP OF BENGAL (1757-60)
 17

The success in the Battle of Plassey made Clive's name alive for ever and in the year
1757 the Company's Directors made him the Governor of Bengal. The office was entrusted to
him for 3 years i.e. 1757-1760. The important events of this period were as under:
Defeat of Shah Alam: Ali Gohar, the Mughal Prince who later on with the help of Shuja-
ud-Daula, the Nawab of Oudh became the Emperor of India under the name of Shah Alam
invaded Bihar in 1759. At that time Bihar was under Mir Zafar. He requested Clive for help.
Clive defeated the enemy i.e. Shah Alam near Patna and compelled him to retreat. At this
Mir Zafar became so happy that he gave a Jagir to Clive whose, income was at least 30,000
rupees.
Defeat of the Dutch at Chinsura 1759: The Dutch had established a colony at Chinsura
in Bengal. After the Battle of Plassey, when the British became the masters of Bengal, the Dutch
were afraid of them. Secondly, when the British got the monopoly of trade in saltpetre it was a
great shock for the Dutch, as they had been keen for long to have control over this trade item.
For this reason, the Dutch started secret negotiation with Mir Jafar who was already tired of the
English. In order to get rid of them, he sided with the Dutch. In November, 1757, seven ships of
the Dutch reached Ganga. Clive could not allow things to pass that way and so he hit upon a
masterpiece of diplomacy. The Circars, which were then under the French, lay unprotected. He
sent Colonel Ford who was successful in capturing them easily. This wiped out the French
influence from Hyderabad. He dispatched his force under Colonel Ford, who defeated the Dutch
army at Bidera. Chinsura was also captured. Their ships were seized. Consequently they ceased
to be a source of danger for the British.
Capture of Northern Circars 1759 A.D.: The capture of Northern Circars by Clive in
1759 when Bussey was recalled by Lally from Hyderabad Court was another great achievement
of this Englishman.
The distinguished duties performed by Clive continuously for three years with single
mindedness affected his health adversely. Hence, in 1760, he sailed for London. He was greatly
honoured and awarded the title of "Lord" and was created a Peer in the Upper House.
CLIVE'S SECOND GOVERNORSHIP OF BENGAL (1765-67 A.D.)
After Clive's departure, Vansittart became the Governor of Bengal. But he was not an
efficient administrator and could not solve the problems that he had to face. Corruption was
rampant. Company's servants were very much corrupt and made efforts to amass wealth by fair
means or foul. They indulged in illegal trade and openly accepted bribes to enrich themselves.
All this adversely affected the administration. Chaos and confusion prevailed in Bengal. When
the news of misgovernment reached England, the Directors of the company decided to send
Lord Clive, a second time to India. He reached there in 1765 and remained the Governor of
Bengal up to 1767.
 18

Clive's work during this period was of three-fold character: first, reform of the Company's
services, secondly, the acquisition of Diwani (the right to collect revenue) of Bengal and thirdly,
the adjustment of Company's relations with foreign powers.
Internal Reforms:
The first thing which he attempted was to purify the Company's civil and military services,
for which he adopted the following' measures :
(i) The servants of the Company were forbidden to receive gifts and presents from
the Indians.
(ii) Similarly the servants of the Company were forbidden to indulge in private trade.
(iii) To satisfy the servants of the Company and to compensate for the loss, which
they suffered because of giving up their private trade and discarding gifts, Clive
decided to increase their salaries. But when the Directors did not agree to his
proposal, he paid an allowance to the senior servants out of the profits arising
from the monopoly in salt. Later on, this was also abolished by the orders of the
Court of Directors.
(iv) Clive's military reforms also tended to strengthen the Company's position. He
reduced the force of the Nawab and abolished the Double Bhatta. In fact this
system was started during the Carnatic Wars. Chanda Sahib and Mohammad Ali
gave 'Double Bhatta' to the French and the British soldiers, respectively. Mir
Kasim followed the same policy. So long as these allowances were paid by the
Indian rulers, the Company did not mind it but when the Company got the 'Diwani'
of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. it had to pay the same from its own coffers. Hence
under the orders of the Directors, Clive stopped the payment of 'Double Bhatta' to
its soldiers. There was some opposition to this and about two hundred soldiers
submitted resignations. Clive did not yield and allowed them to do so. Clive was,
however, able to manage the situation.
(v) Clive also set up a fund known as 'Lord Clive's Fund' with a view to help the
servants of the Company at the time of financial difficulty. Such a system served a
useful purpose especially when the Company had no system of giving pensions to
its servants. In this way Clive made many improvements in the civil and military
departments during his second Governorship.
Dual Government of Bengal (1765-73)
From 1765 to 1772, the administration of Bengal was run by two masters, one by the
British and the other by Nawab of Bengal. The power was thus divided between two bodies.
Hence that system came to be known as 'Dual System', in the history of India. According
to this division, the actual work of civil, criminal and police administration was carried on by the
 19

Nawab of Bengal, who received 53 lakhs rupees a year from the Company for the purpose while
the real and ultimate authority rested with the Company. The Company not only directed the
Nawab in the work of administration but also maintained a large force, for the defence of these
provinces. Thus, such a system of Government, where there existed two authorities, one foreign
and other native, one real and other nominal, one dominant and other passive, one supreme and
other shadow, came to be known as the 'Dual System' of Government.
How and why the Dual Government was established: Since 1756, a constant struggle
for the control of Bengal had been going on between the Nawab of Bengal and the East India
Company. Clive was determined to bring an end to it. Prior to his appointment as Governor he
had written to the Board of Directors that the company should become an effective rather than a
nominal ruler of Bengal. Clive fulfilled this determination in a proper manner during the period of
his Second Governorship.
In February, 1765, the Nawab of Bengal Mir Jafar died. He was succeeded by his minor
son Nizam-ud-Daulah. The Nawab handed over the 'Nizamat' or defence and criminal justice to
the English. In August, l765 by the Treaty of Allahabad, the Mughal Emperor Shah Alam also
handed over the Diwani of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa to the Company. In this way, the English
East India Company became the virtual ruler of Bengal. But the English Company did not like to
shoulder the burden of administration. As Nizam-ud-Daulah, the Nawab of Bengal was as yet a
minor, two Deputy Naibs were appointed to assist him. Muhammad Raza Khan was to look after
the administration of Bengal with its headquarters at Murshidabad while Shitab Rai was to act, as
a Naib of Bihar and Orissa with his headquarters at Patna.
Now the question arises why did Clive hesitate to shoulder the responsibilities?
The reason was that when Clive returned from England he felt that the Company had
neither the means nor the experience to run the government. Moreover, he did not want to face
the hostility of the native powers by assuming the full charge of Bengal. Hence novel experiment
was made by Clive.
Merits of the Dual System
Despite of some defects in the Dual System of Government, its establishment proves
Clive's statesmanship and ability. According to some historians, it was the best possible
arrangement for running the government of the province at that time.
(i) Dual System put an end to the frequent revolts and struggle for supremacy
between the Nawab, and the Company. The British became the real masters of
Bengal and the Nawab had become their subordinate. Thus, henceforth, there
existed no possibilities of future revolts.
(ii) It removed the suspicion of the Europeans, as the British had not assumed the
nominal sovereignty (of Bengal) which still lay with the Nawab.
 20

(iii) The running of the direct administration of Bengal by the British was also difficult
due to the absence of experienced and trained Englishmen. They were not able to
understand the Indian languages nor were they well versed in native laws and
revenue affairs. When the Directors of the Company refused to take direct
responsibility of administration Clive found no other alternative but to introduce the
Dual System.
(iv) Lastly, it suited the exigencies of the time, as it ensured better financial position
for the Company.
Defects of the Dual System
(i) According to Dodwell, "The great defect of the scheme was that it separated
power from responsibility. The Company had all the power but no responsibility
while the Nawab had all the responsibilities but no power.” According to Dr. Nand
Lai Chatterji, "The Dual Government which Clive established was both illogical
and unworkable. He forgot that division of power was impossible without creating
anarchy and confusion." According to P.E. Roberts, "The Dual administration
made confusion worst confounded and corruption more corrupt."
(ii) This system increased the abuses of the private trade. The servants of the
company cared little for native administration. They only cared for amassing huge
wealth. The result was that the Company's coffers became empty and financial
bankruptcy started.
(iii) The plight of the people became very miserable especially when both the servants
of Company and servants of the Nawab, extorted money from them disgracefully.
(iv) Indian merchants and industries also suffered a lot, because they could not
compete with the British merchants who enjoyed vast privileges. Besides, the
Company's servants harmed the Indian industries by forcing the artisans to work
only in the Company's factories.
(v) Instead of collecting the revenue directly, the Company authorised Revenue
Agencies the big Zamindars to collect revenue, they extorted heavy sums of
money from them and bled them white. The result was that cultivators became
mere paupers. In 1769-70, there occurred a severe famine, which took away one-
third of its population but the Company did not feel any responsibility towards the
people.
(vi) Bribery and corruption became the order of the day. It resulted in the complete
breakdown of the civil and judicial administration.
Pointing out the defects of this system. Ramsay Muir writes, "Dual System of
Government was a complete failure from the beginning. In the first place, the
 21

abuses of the private trade reached a great height than ever. In the second place,
the demand of the Company for increase of revenue led to gross oppression of
the peasantry."
ABOLITION' OF THE DUAL SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT
This Dual System of Government, as introduced by Clive, continued to work, till 1772 But
because of its defects it was abolished by Warren Hastings in 1772.
FOREIGN POLICY OF ROBERT CLIVE
Settlement with Shuja-ud-Daulah
In 1764, after the Battle of Buxar, Shuja-ud-Daulah the Nawab Wazir, of Oudh was
defeated by the British, he threw himself at the mercy of the English. In 1765 Clive concluded a
treaty with him. According to this treaty.
(i) Oudh was given back to Shuja-ud-Daulah.
(ii) The Nawab gave the districts of Kara and Allahabad to the British.
(iii) The Nawab Wazir also agreed to pay Rs. 50 lakhs as war indemnity.
(iv) The Nawab also agreed to allow the English Company to carry on trade, duty free
throughout the whole of his dominions.
(v) He also entered into a defensive alliance with the Company.
Instead of annexing Oudh to the British dominions, Clive used it as a buffer state. It
served as a bulwark against this threatening power of the Marathas.
Settlement with Shah Alam
Lord Clive also made a treaty with Shah Alam the Mughal emperor. By this treaty.
(i) The district of Kara and Allahabad, which had been secured from the Nawab of
Oudh, were given to Shah Alam. He was also given Rs. 26,00,000 as annual
pension.
(ii) In return for all this, the Mughal Emperor granted the Diwani of Bengal, Bihar and
Orissa to the East India Company.
In short, Clive had earned many achievements to his credit during the period of his
second Governorship. In the words of Stanhope, "Though his period of First Governorship was
famous for his battles, yet his second term of Governorship was no less renowned on account of
his reforms."
Clive's Contribution in the establishment of the British Power in India:
Clive can be termed as the real founder of British Empire in India. His services to the
British nation in India were commendable. Like a true patriot, he served in the interests of the
Company and increased the power of the British. By virtue of his exceptional ability and courage
he made the British the real rulers of the country. He was a daring soldier, a great general and a
statesman of a great insight. According to Pitt the Elder, he was a "heaven born general."
 22

During his Second Governorship of Bengal, he established Oudh as a buffer state. He

was not only a great warrior but also a great Administrator and statesman. He purified civil and
military services. He established the Dual system of Government in Bengal successfully.
He concluded a treaty with the Nawab of Oudh and Mughal King Shah Alam. Lord
Chatham compared Lord Clive, with Frederick the Great of Prussia in the words of P.E. Roberts
"In spite of faults, there was the stamp of grandeur on all the words and actions of Clive."
In 1767 Clive returned from India for good. In England he was charge sheeted for
corruption and mismanagement of Indian affairs but was acquitted by the House of Commons.
Between the departure of Clive in 1767 and the appointment of Warren Hastings as the
Governor of Bengal in 1772, two men namely Vansittart and Cartier looked after the
administration of the Company. Their weak and inefficient administration added many miseries to
the people. The Company could not afford to be indifferent to the sufferings of the people. The
Company, therefore, appointed Warren Hastings as the Governor of Bengal with a complete
power to remedy the evils of dual Government.
1.5 REFORMS OF WARREN HASTINGS
In 1767 Clive returned from India for good. In England he was charge sheeted for
Corruption and mismanagement of Indian affairs but was acquitted by the House of Commons.
Between the departure of Clive In 1767 and the appointment of Warren Hastings as the
Governor of Bengal in 1772, two men namely Vansittart and Cartier looked after the
administration of the Company. Their weak and inefficient administration added many miseries to
the people. The company could not afford to be indifferent to the sufferings of the people. The
Company, therefore, appointed Warren Hastings as the Governor of Bengal with a complete
power to remedy the evils of the Dual Government.
Warren Hastings was a very able administrator. He came to India as a writer of the
Company and worked in various subordinate capacities. In 1760 he was made a member of the
Council at Calcutta. Throughout his career he gave many proofs of his love of justice and
honesty. He enjoyed the absolute confidence of his superiors. When he became the Governor,
he set himself to bring about reforms in the administration. Clive had only gained territories, but it
was Warren Hastings who laid the real foundation of the British Empire in India.
The administration of Warren Hastings can be divided into two parts – (a) from April 1772
to October, 1774 when he was Governor of Fort William in Bengal and (b) from October 1774 to
February 1785 when he became the Governor General, under the Regulating Act.
Warren Hastings had great difficulties to confront as the Governor General. He had to
give Bengal a workable system of administration and transform a Company of merchants into
administration. He had to rehabilitate the finances of the Company and develop its Commerce.
Besides, it he had to look after the judicial administration which had run into complete chaos.
 23

Hyder Ali and the Marathas were also endangering the British existence in India. Besides the
Mughal emperor, Shah Alam had crossed over to the Marathas, Warren Hastings achievements
can be divided into two groups (i) Internal administration and (ii) External affairs.
A. Internal Reforms of Warren Hastings
(i) Administrative Reforms : Warren Hastings first turned his attention towards the
evils of the administrative system. He found that the Dual Government system was responsible
for chaos and confusion in the country. He and the Court of Directors decided to end the Dual
System of administration. He dismissed two Indian tax collectors namely Mohammad Raza Khan
and Raja Shitab Rai and appointed British officials, each in-charge of a district. The revenue
offices were transferred from Patna and Murshidabad to Calcutta. Munni Begum, the widow of
Mir Jafar, was appointed as the guardian of the minor Nawab or Bengal-Mubarak-ud-Daula. The
Nawab's pension was reduced from 32 to sixteen lakhs. He stopped the payment of Rs. 26
lakhs, annually paid to emperior Shah Alam since 1765. Warren Hastings also took back the
districts of Kara and Allahabad which were given to the Emperor by Clive in 1766. He sold these
districts to the Nawab of Oudh for Rs. 50 lakhs.
(ii) Judicial Reforms : Hastings next turned his attention to bring reforms in the
judicial system. The old judicial institutions were full of abuses and unsatisfactory working.
Hastings, however, did not want to replace the old system of laws by Western laws. He wanted
to reform them. Under his guidance a digest of Hindu Law was prepared. He established a civil
and criminal court in each district. He also established Sadar Diwani Adalat and Sadar Nizamat
Adalat at Calcutta. Appeals from the district courts could be carried to the Adalats at Calcutta.
Nizamat Adalat decided the criminal case. The Diwani Adalat was competent to decide all civil
cases including those of personal property, inheritance, marriage etc. The cases were decided
according to the religion of the person involved. In case of Hindus, the Hindu Law and in case of
Muslims, the Muslim Law was applicable. The district Faujdari Adalat was presided over by
Indian officers of the Company who decided cases with the assistance of Wazir and Muftis. The
Faujdari Adalat could not pass death sentences. Settlements by arbitration were encouraged.
In 1773 under the Regulating Act, a Supreme Court was set up at Calcutta which was
competent to try all 'British subjects’. In the Supreme Court the English law was administered,
while in the district courts and Sadar Diwani and Sadar Nizamat Adalat the cases were decided
according to Hindu and Muslim laws.
(iii) Revenue Reforms : Warren Hastings also tried to being some reforms in the land
revenue system. The grant of Diwani to the Company gave them the power to control the
revenues of Bengal. But the power of collecting the revenue was left into the hands of local
officials known as Amils. Under them the tenants suffered grievously. Therefore a committee was
appointed to investigate the problem and also to recommend improvements.
 24

In 1772 Warren Hastings made a five year settlement of land revenue by the crude
method of farming out estates to the highest bidder. The quinquennial settlement was a
miserable failure and the peasants suffered heavily.
After the expiry of quinquennial settlement in 1776 Warren Hastings reverted to the
system of annual settlement. Some changes were made in machinery of collection of revenue.
The provincial councils were abolished and all work of supervision was concentrated in the
hands of the committee of Revenue at Calcutta.
In spite of his best efforts Warren Hastings failed to bring satisfactory reforms in the
revenue administration.
(iv) Commercial Reforms : Warren Hastings also introduced some drastic reforms in
the field of commerce which ultimately resulted in the improvement of the economy of the
country. The various custom-houses in the territory were suppressed. Only five custom-houses
at Calcutta, Hugli, Murshidabad, Patna and Dacca were to be maintained. The duties were 2.5%
payable by all merchants--Europeans and Indians alike. Steps were also taken to check the
exploitation of the weavers by the Company's agents. Efforts were made to develop the trade
relations with Bhutan and Tibbet.
In short, by these reforms Warren Hastings gave frame-work to Bengal and laid the
foundation of civil administration on which the super structure was raised by Cornwallis.
(B) External-Affairs under Hastings

4. When was the Battle of Self BuxarAssessment

fought? Questions
1. Write the main cause of Battle of Plassey.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
2. Write the main consequence of Battle of Buxar.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
3. Give two reforms of Warren Hastings?
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
4. When was
Warren the Battle
Hastings, of Buxar
relations withfought?
the Indian ruling powers may be studied broadly under
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
three heads viz. (a) relations with the Mughal Emperor, (b) relations with the kingdoms of Oudh
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
and Rohil Khand, and (c) relations with the Western and Southern Indian States. In all these his
-----------------------------------------------
 25

first and foremost concern and guiding principle was to establish the British supremacy and
preserve the company's possession in India.
(i) Hastings and Mughal Emperor Shah Alam :- The Marathas who had suffered a
crushing defeat at Panipat in 1761, had recovered from the losses and once again made a bid to
establish their supremacy in Northern India. After overrunning the Rajputana defeating the Jats,
exploting the Rohillas from the Doab, the Marathas Captured Delhi in 1771. The Mughal
Emperor accepted the protection of the Maratha leader Madhoji Sindhia. The emperor also
agreed to hand over the districts of Kara and Allahabad to the Marathas in return for a promise
on the part of the Marathas that they would establish him on the throne of Delhi.
These two districts were given to the Mughal Emperor by Clive in 1765. Hastings
considered that to allow the Marathas to have these two districts would be prejudicial to the
interests of the Company; He, therefore, took away these districts and sold them to the Nawab of
Oudh for 50 lakhs.
(ii) Warren Hastings and Oudh :- The central pillar of Hastings foreign policy was
the alliance with Outh. Clive had sought to create Outh as a buffer state for the territories of the
Company. The Nawab asked every year for help of the Company's troops without payment of
extra expenses. Thus it always meant heavy loss to the Company.
Hastings felt clear need of re-defining relations with the Nawab of Oudh so that he may
not join the Marathas. Therefore, Hastings personally visited the Nawab and concluded the
Treaty of Benaras. By this treaty Allahabad and Kara were given to the Nawab for Rs. 50 Lakhs.
The Nawab agreed to pay Rs. 2,10,000 per month for one brigade when the British forces called
for service. The Nawab also agreed to pay extra sum if the British troops were called against the
Rohilas. This was a crowning achievement of Hastings because it gave a financial gain to the
company, besides the alliance between the Marathas and the Nawab of Oudh rendered difficult.
(iii) Hastings and the Marathas : (First Anglo-Maratha War 1776-82). Soon after
Hastings became the Governor General, war broke out between the English and the Marathas.
After the death of Balaji Baji Rao, his son Madhav Rao became the Peshwa. He considerably
revived the powers of the Marathas. Like his grandfather, he was an ambitious statesman and an
able general. He defeated the Rajputs. He compelled the Mughal Emperor Shah Alam to leave
the protection of the English and to come over to his side. But Madhav Rao died at an early age
and was succeeded by his brother. Narayan Rao. Unfortunately Narayan Rao too did not live
long, because he was murdered and his uncle Raghunath Rao (popularly known as Raghoba)
seized the Peshwaship. But soon afterwards, a posthumous son was born to Narayan Rao, and
the infant was installed as the Peshwa. The child was named Madhav Rao Narayan. A civil war
broke out and the Bombay Government was asked by Raghunath Rao (Raghoba) to assist him.
The treaty of Surat was signed between Raghoba and the Bombay Government. According to
 26

this treaty the English agreed to help Raghoba on the condition that Raghoba would give the
English Salsette and Bassein as the prince of their assistance.
Hastings did not approve the treaty of Surat and concluded a new treaty with the
Marathas. This is known as the Treaty of Purandhar1776. According to it the English were to
retain Salsette & were to desert Raghoba. He was to be cleared out of the scene and his
expenses were to be borne by the Peshwa: But the Directors of the Company did not like the
treaty of Purandhar and accepted the treaty of Surat.
Meanwhile, a turn in European politics changed the political situation in India. The
American War of Independence broke out in 1775. The French joined the Americans against the
English in a bid to avenge the defeat suffered earlier. Therefore, the Treaty of Purandhar was
treated as a scrap of paper and forces were sent against the Marathas.
The British forces were defeated and forced to sign the humiliating treaty of Wadgaon in
1779 by which the Company was required to give up all advantages gained by the Treaty of
Purandhar.
In 1781 Warren Hastings sent two armies under Captain Popham and Goddard towards
Gwalior and Satara, respectively. Hyder Ali, the Marathas, and the Nizam formed themselves
into a confederacy.
At this juncture Captain Popham recovered British prestige by defeating the Sindhia.
Meanwhile, Warren Hastings concluded a treaty with Sindhia in October 1781. Sindhia then
acted as a mediator between the Company and the Marathas and the first war between the
Company and the Marathas came to an end by the treaty of Salbai in May 1782.
By this treaty the British returned all their conquests, except Salsette and Elephanta
island. The English gave up the cause of Raghunath Rao and recognized Madhav Rao Narayan
as the Peshwa.
The peace treaty makes an epoch in Indian history. The peace established by Warren
Hastings with the Marathas, speaks highly of his diplomacy and stood him in good stead in his
wars in the South. It was by this treaty that without annexing a square mile of territory, the British
power became virtually peace maker in the greater part of India.
(iv) Warren Hastings and Hyder Ali (Second Anglo--Mysore War--1780-84) :-
Mysore under the leadership of Hyder AH was a source of danger to the rising British power in
India. Hyder Ali was born in 1722. His father was a faujdar in the army of the Raja of Mysore.
Hyder Ali was an adventurer and steadily rose to power in Mysore. Though unlettered, Hyder Ali
was endowed with a strong determination, courage, keen intellect and shrewd common sense.
Taking advantage of the prevailing conditions in the South, he consolidated his power and
extended his territories by conquering Bednore, Sunda, Sera, Canara and Guti.
 27

The rise of Hyder Ali excited the jealousy of the Marathas, the Nizam and the English. In
order to safeguard the interests of the Company, Warren Hastings ordered the seizure of al!
French settlements in India including the part of Mahe in 1779 on the Malabar Coast which
Hyder Ali regarded as within his jurisdiction. Hastings feared that the port of Mahe might be used
by Hyder Ali to receive help from the French against the Company. Moreover, the English gave
offence to Hyder Ali by marching an English force across a part of his territory without
permission.
Hyder Ali came to a common understanding with the Marathas. He also won over the
Nizam to his side and secured promises of French help. He then marched against the
Company's forces and captured Arcot. "By the summer of 1780, the fortunes of the English in
India had fallen to their lowest water mark. But the energetic policy of Warren Hastings saved the
situation. An army sent under Sir Eyre Coote defeated Hyder Ali. The Marathas were detached
from the alliance by a compromise with the Sindhia. The British fleet prevented the French help
which reached India in 1782 but could not be given to Hyder Ali. Luckily for the British Hyder Ali
died in December 1782. However, the struggle continued under the able leadership of his son
Tipu.
In 1783 the situation changed in Europe. The American war of independence came to an
end in 1783. Therefore, the French admiral Suffren sailed back to France leaving Tipu to fight his
battles. The British further precipitated their attacks and continued to march towards Tipu's
capital. Ultimately, peace treaty was signed in 1784 at Mangalore, by which conquests on both
sides were restored. Both the sides also returned the prisoners of war to each other.
(v) The Rohilla War : The Rohillas were the inhabitants of Rohil Khand. The Rohilla
chief Hafiz Rehmat Khan feared the Maratha attack and concluded a treaty with the Nawab of
Oudh. According to it, the Nawab was to drive away the Marathas if they attacked the Rohillas.
The latter was to pay him Rs.40 lakhs for this. In 1773 the Marathas advanced towards the
Rohillas but returned to Poona without fighting when they noticed the forces of the Company and
the Nawab of Oudh on the other side. The Nawab now demanded sum of Rs. 40 lakhs from the
Rohilla chief which the latter evaded on the plea that the Marathas had gone back without fighting.
The Nawab now decided to annex Rohil Khand and he opened a dialogue with Warren
Hastings for help. He agreed to help the Nawab to fight against the Rohillas for the sum of Rs. 50
lakhs. Now the combined forces of the Company and the Nawab of Oudh swarmed the Rohilla
territory. The decisive battle was fought at Miranpur Katra in April 1774. Rohilla leader Hafiz
Rehmat Khan died in action and the Rohilla territory was annexed.
The conduct of Warren Hastings has been severely criticised by the; historians. It is said
that he waged a war against the Indians who had not harmed the British in India. His action was
also denounced in the British Parliament. But the defenders of Hastings maintain a different
 28

opinion. According to them the motives for participation in the Rohillas war were a mixture of
sound strategy. Hastings wanted to include Rohil Khand in the Company's defensive line.
(vi) Warren Hastings and Chait Singh of Banaras : The wars against the Marathas
and Hyder Ali had been a very heavy drain on the Company's treasury. In this period of financial
difficulty Warren Hastings demanded from Chait Singh of Banaras a sum of Rs. 5 lakhs in
addition to stipulated yearly tribute of Rs. 22½ lakhs, as a war levy. The demand was repeated in
1779 and 1780 but the Raja showed his inability to fulfil the demand. Warren Hastings resolved
to punish the Raja. He placed Chait Singh under house arrest. The soldiers of Chait Singh could
not tolerate the insults heaped on their ruler and rose in rebellion which, however, was crushed.
Chait Singh was replaced by his minor nephew Mahip Narayan subject to payment of annual
tribute of rupees fifty lakhs.
It is obvious that Warren Hastings acted in a very unfair manner. His conduct was
unworthy and indefensible. He tried to extract money from Chait Singh to relieve the Company of
its financial bankruptcy.
(vii) Warren Hastings and Begums of Oudh : Like Chait Singh's affair, Warren
Hastings's treatment of Begums of Oudh was also the result of his desire to replenish the
exhausted treasury of the Company. The subsidy due by the Nawab of Oudh for the payment of
British was heavily in arrears. He pleaded his inability to pay. Pressed for payment the Nawab
suggested that the jewels and treasure of the Begums (wives of the late Nawab) might be taken
from them for the purpose of the state. Warren Hastings immediately authorized the British
Resident in Oudh to help the Nawab to obtain the money from the Begums by some means or
the other. To recover it, severe pressure was put on the Begums and their servants were beaten.
Ultimately everything extorted thus from the Begums, was passed into the coffers of the
Company.
The conduct of Hastings towards the Begums of Oudh has been described as unworthy
and indefensible. When the news of the above two incidents reached England there was a lot of
hue and cry. Hastings was asked to cancel his orders against Chait Singh and the Begum of
Oudh.
(viii) Trial of Nand Kumar : In 1773 the British Parliament passed an Act which was
called the Regulating Act. According to this Act, a Governor-General with four councillors was
appointed for the province of Bengal, to which the provinces of Madras and Bombay were
subordinated. Soon after the formation of the council, their councillors combined together to
oppose Hastings. They encouraged the people to make charge of corruption against Hastings.
In March 1775, one Nand Kumar accused Warren Hastings that he had taken bribe from
Munni Begum, widow of Mir Jafar, for appointing her guardian of the young prince. Hastings
admitted that he had received rupees One lakh from Munni Begum as entertainment money and
not as bribe. Before Nand Kumar could substantiate his charges. Warren Hastings and his
 29

friends planned a counter offensive against Nand Kumar. On the instigation of Hastings, one
Mohan Prasad brought a charge of forgery against Nand Kumar. He was tried by Sir Eligah
Impey, chief judge of Supreme Court. Eligah Impey was on quite cordial terms with Hastings.
Nand Kumar was sentenced to death. The execution of Nand Kumar put a stop to further
accusations against Hastings.
The critics of Hastings have described the trial and execution of Nand Kumar as a 'judicial
murder'. The haste with which Nand Kumar's case was pushed through arouses suspicion. The
punishment accorded to Nand Kumar was excessive and even unjust because no Indian law
prescribed death penalty for forgery.
Impeachment of Hastings : Warren Hastings left India in 1785. In the beginning he was given a
cordial welcome. But two yeas later he was accused of several charges. Some of them were (i)
violation of the treaties with the Nawab of Oudh, (ii) oppression of Chait Singh and Begums of
Oudh, (iii) Trial of Nand Kumar and (iv) acceptance of bribes and presents etc.
The trial carried on for a few years. Hastings was acquitted of all these charges but this
by itself was a great indication that he had acted most unfairly in above matters.
1.6 THE REGULATING ACT – 1773; PITTS INDIA ACT
In 1765, Najib-ud-Daula by a treaty with the Company, transferred the Nazamat rights in lieu of a
sum of Rs. 53 lakhs per annum. Clive, during his second governorship of Bengal established a
new system of administration which is popularly known as Dual Government. It put an end to the
struggle for superiority between the Company and the Nawab. But the new system made
confusion more confounded. The division of power from responsibility made the system suffer
from all possible defects. With the acquisition of Diwani, Clive estimated net income of
£16,50,000. But the expectations proved false. In 1772 the proprietors of the Company
approached Lord North, the British Prime Minister for loan. This led to Parliamentary intervention.
The Regulating Act was passed in 1773. It was a very important Act which established for
the first time, the relationship between India and Parliament, which ultimately found its
culmination in the passing of the Government of India Act in 1858 The following factors were
responsible for the passage of this act :-
(a) Circumstances
(1) The Officers of Company were becoming very rich and had acquired great riches.
But the Company was becoming poor.
(2) Governing authority exercised by a private trading company was not liked by the
British politicians.
(3) The Company's financial problems complicated by the Mysore War and Bengal
famine were exploited by its enemies at home.
 30

(4) The Company had through a petition requested the Home Government for
financial help. This gave a handle to the enemies of the Company who charged it
with bungling in the administrative affairs.
A Select Committee of 31 members of Parliament was appointed in 1772 to go into the
affairs of the Company. The result of all this was the passing of the Regulating Act which brought
the affairs of the Company under a loose type of control by the British Parliament. A loan was
also given to the Company to tide over its financial difficulties.
(b) Provisions
(1) The Governor of Bengal was made the Governor General of Bengal. He was to be
assisted in the work of administration by an Executive Council consisting of four
members. He was to work with the help of this Council by a majority decision in
which, if need be, he could exercise a Casting vote.
(2) Warren Hastings as the Governor General and Philip Francis, Barwel, Monson
and Clavering as members of the Council were to exercise powers of
superintendence over Madras and Bombay Presidencies in matters relating to war
and peace. The Governor General and his Councillors were to hold office for five
years. Members could not be removed except by His Majesty acting on the
recommendation of the Directors.
(3) The Act provided for the establishment of Supreme Court consisting of a Chief
Justice and three Puisne Judges. The court was given the authority to try civil,
criminal, admiralty and ecclesiastical cases. Its jurisdiction had to extend over ail
the British subjects residing in Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. This Court could also try
His Majesty's subjects and also cases against any person in the employment of
the Company.
(4) Share holders of the Company holding shares worth £1000 and having held the
same for 12 months preceding the date of election were entitled to vote for
election of the Directors of the Company. The Directors who were previously
elected for one year were now to be elected for four years.
(5) All matters of civil and military importance were to be laid before a Secretary of
Sate of the British Ministry. Similarly matters relating to revenue were to be placed
before the British Treasury.
(6) The Governor General was given the authority to make rules and regulations for
the civil Government of the Company's settlements. These rules were not to go
against the laws of England and were required to be registered with the Supreme
Court.
 31

(7) Acceptance of gifts or indulgence in bribery by the servants of the Company was
prohibited under this Act.
(8) For any misconduct, the Governor General, the members of his Council, the
Governor of a Presidency and Judges of the Supreme Court could be tried only in
the King's Court in England.
(9) The Act fixed the salaries of the Governor General, the Governors and the judges
of the Supreme Court at a high figure..
(c) Criticism of the Act
(1) The Act did not clearly define the powers of the Governor-General-in-Council with
reference to his relation with the Supreme Court and this resulted in occasional
conflicts between the two bodies.
(2) Powers of the Supreme Court were not properly defined, with reference to the
other Courts of the Company.
(3) The Supreme Court claimed authority over the Revenue Collectors and Judicial
officers of the country. Further, it did not recognise the Provincial Courts. All this
created complications.
(4) Presence of various laws in India i.e., Hindu Law, Muslim Law or Christian Law
etc., created complications as the Supreme Court applied only the English Law to
the cases, which came before it
(5) The Governor General normally could not have good relations with his Council.
Philip Francis and Calvering, both gave a very tough time to Hastings. The
Council was under the influence of Francis who was quite opposed to Hastings.
(6) Control of the Governor General over the Presidencies of Madras and Bombay did
not work satisfactorily. The Presidencies did not like to lose their independence.
P.E. Roberts has rightly observed that the Regulating Act "had neither given the State a
definite control over the Company, nor the Directors a definite control over the servants, nor the
Governor General a definite control over the Council; nor the Calcutta Presidency a definite
control over Madras and Bombay".
PITT'S INDIA ACT -- 1784
Within a decade of the working of the Regulating Act it was felt that it needs some reforms,
particularly to fix the jurisdiction of the Court. Moreover, the Regulating Act failed to provide an
efficient Government. Warren Hastings had to face a hostile opposition. Besides, the Supreme
Court came in conflict with the Governor-General and his Council. Moreover, Hastings's
colleagues proved fortune hunters. So the Company's mal-administration could no longer escape
the attention of the Parliament.
 32

Besides, Pitt the Younger, the British Prime Minister was a shrewd statesman. He had
realized that the prosperity of England in large depended on the welfare of Indians. With this
consideration in mind he enacted the Act in 1784. Once again in March 1784, the Company
asked the British Government for financial relief. Fox and Burke vehemently criticised the
Company and called its administration a system of despotism. To put the administration of the
Company on sound footing, Pitt, the Younger introduced a Bill which was passed in August 1784
and came to be known as Pitt's India Act, 1784.
(a) Provisions
(1) The Act established a Board of Control consisting of six commissioners to deal
with the affairs of India. These members were (a) the President; (b) Chancellor of
Exchequer and (c) four Privy Councillors. All of them were to be appointed by the
King and were to hold office during his pleasure.
(2) The Act established a Secrecy Committee consisting of 3 Directors through whom
the urgent or secret orders of the Commissioners were transmitted to India.
(3) The Board of Control was given the power to superintend, direct and control the
affairs of Indian administration.
(4) The Directors had the power to make important appointments in India. They could
also review the working of the Indian administration.
(5) Since the Court of Directors was to work in collaboration and in compliance with
the wishes of the Board of Control, the powers of the Court of Proprietors over the
Directors was abolished.
(6) The Governor General-in-Council was given power to superintend, direct and
control the work of Presidencies of Bombay and Madras.
(7) The Act provided that the Council of the Governor General and Governors were to
consist of 3 members, one of whom was to be the local Commander-in-Chief.
(8) A court consisting of 13 members was to try cases against Europeans committing
offences in India.
(9) The Act provided that the schemes of conquest and extension of dominion in India
were repugnant to wish, the honour and policy of this (British) nation.
(10) The Governor General-in-Council could not declare war or make peace without
the approval of the Court of Directors. The Governors-in-Council were under the
Governor General-in-Council in this regard.
(11) The Governor General was to be appointed by the Directors with the approval of
the Crown. The Crown could recall the Governors or the Governor General.
(b) Demerits
 33

(1) The Act did not specify the relations between the Board of Control and the Court
of Directors.
(2) The President of the Board of Control became very powerful and arrogant as he
was not to submit accounts to the Parliament.
(3) The Directors who had insufficient knowledge of Indian affairs, became
submissive before the President of the Board of Control.
(c) Merits
(1) The Act gave more powers to the Governor General over the Presidencies. This
helped in bringing uniformity in the Indian administration.
(2) The reduction of one member each from the Council of the Governors and the
Governor General, facilitated better handling of business in these councils.
(3) The Act also signified the supremacy of the British Parliament over the Company
in India.
In spite of various defects in his politics, Hastings occupies an important place among
the makers of British Empire in India. In the field of administrative reforms he laid the foundations
where the super structure was raised by Cornwallis. He encouraged learning. His judicial reforms
benefitted many. A resolute, far-seeing statesman, Warren Hastings remains one of the great
figures in British Indian History.
Warren Hastings certainly stands out as a very prominent figure in the history of British
rule in India. On coming to India he had to grapple with a series of serious problems which he
tried to solve to the best of his ability. The Marathas, the Nizam and the Nawab of Oudh
presented a serious menance to the British existence in India. His handling of the Maratha
relations is a spectacular achievement in itself.
Perhaps nowhere does the genius of Hastings speak as loudly as in the field of the
administrative reforms. The introduction of these reforms proves that he was a hard-working
gentleman who would dig deep into the details of administration and try to improve things as
much as possible. No doubt he had to resort to measures of dubious propriety as in the case of
Chait Singh, the Begums of Oudh, Nand Kumar, the extinction of the Rohillas etc. but the net
result was that he pulled the East India Company out of the morass of economic depression. We
may close this discussion with the views of P.E. Roberts, who has written that Hastings was
perhaps the "greatest Englishman who ever ruled India. A man who with some ethical defects
possessed a fertile brain, the tireless energy and lofty fortitude, which distinguish only the
supreme statesman."
1.7 Summary
Students, in this lesson you have studied about how the British East India Company started its
expansion from Bengal. They took advantage of mutual conflicts. At that time the ruler of
 34

Bengal was Siraju—d--Daula. He was defeated in the Battle of Plassey. The British occupied
Bengal after their victory in the Battle of Buxar. The foundation of British rule in India under Clive
was thus laid. Warren Hastings was responsible for introducing certain reforms that have been
examined in this lesson.
1.8 References
1. Sekhar Bandyopadhyay, From Plassey to Partition, New Delhi: Orient Blackswan,
2009.
2. Amar Farooqui, The Establishment of British Rule 1757-1813, New Delhi: Tulika
Books. 2014.
1.9 Model Questions
1. Write the causes and significance of the Battle of Plassey.
2. Write the causes and results of the Battle of Buxar.
3. Describe the reforms introduced by Warren Hastings.

_____
 35

Lesson-2

REFORMS OF LORD CORNWALLIS, WILLIAM BENTINCK

AND DALHOUSIE

Structure
2.0 Objectives
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Reforms of Lord Cornwallis
2.3 Reforms of Lord William Bentinck
2.4 Reforms of Lord Dalhousie
2.5 Summary
2.6 References
2.7 Model Questions
2.0 Objectives
After reading this lesson you would be able to understand:
 Administrative reforms of Lord Cornwallis
 Social and administrative reforms of Lord William Bentinck
 Reforms of Lord Dalhousie
2.1 Introduction
Students in this lesson you will learn about the reforms of Lord Cornwallis, William
Bentinck and Dalhousie. Lord Cornwallis was appointed Governor-General and Commander-
in-Chief in 1786 and he continued till 1793. As a Governor-General, he was empowered to over-
ride his Council. He had come to India with the express purpose of reforming the administration
and setting up on a fair basis, the relationship of the State and the Zamindars. He was appointed
Governor-General for the second time in July 1805 but died three months later on October 5,
1805 at Ghazipur. Lord William Bentinck was the Governor-General of India from 1828 to 1835.
His period is significant for various reforms. Lord Dalhousie was the Governor-General of India
from 1848-56. This period is full of important political events as well as reforms introduced by
Lord Dalhousie.
2.1 Reforms of Lord Cornwallis
 36

Lord Cornwallis is known for his internal reforms like--Judicial, Public Services, Police
and Jail reforms. However, the most important reform introduced by Cornwallis was the
introduction of the Permanent Settlement of Land Revenue in Bengal.
(i) Judicial Reforms: Cornwallis introduced a number of judicial reforms. First he
reduced the number of districts from 36 to 23 and placed them under the charge of a servant
known as Collector. The Collector acted both as revenue collector and as a magistrate. As
magistrate, the collector enjoyed power to try both civil and criminal cases. In civil cases appeal
could be taken to the Sadar Diwani Adalat at Calcutta consisting of Governor-General, and
members of his council Final appeal could be taken to the King-in-Council.
However, while exercising his revenue powers the collector was not to exercise his
powers as Revenue Courts. Appeals against the Revenue Courts could be taken to the Board of
Revenue. The final appeal could be taken to the Governor-General-in-Council.
In 1793 Cornwallis introduced many judicial reforms. He separated the revenue
administration from the administration of justice. The collector was deprived of all judicial and
magisterial powers. He was left only with revenue functions. Cornwallis appointed District judges
who were to preside over district Civil Courts.
He also introduced organizational changes. He abolished the Court fee which was paid
by the litigants. To save litigants from exploitation of the lawyers he fixed the fees to be charged
by them. He also permitted Indians to proceed against the servants of the Company.
Cornwallis also prepared a code of regulation in which all the regulations made by the
Government were codified. It was indeed an important contribution to the judicial administration
of India.
He also introduced reforms in the Muslim law as applied by the Criminal Courts.
Amputation of limbs (parts of body) was replaced by hard labour, or fine and imprisonment. In
murder cases there could be no mutual settlement. He also introduced certain changes in the
law of evidence.
(ii) Reform of Public Services: At the time of his appointment as the Governor
General, the servants of the Company were both corrupt and inefficient. They freely indulged in
private trade and accepted gifts. Cornwallis introduced a number of reforms. He asked the
Directors of the Company to pay good salaries. His advice was accepted. Cornwallis prohibited
the employees to indulge in private trade.
He also tried to do away with the prevailing nepotism in the services. He refused to give
jobs to persons who brought recommendation letters. He appointed Englishmen and Europeans
instead of Indians. Thus he was able to provide service clean and free from corruption.
 37

(iii) Police and Jail Reforms: To supplement the judicial reforms Cornwallis also
introduced certain reforms in the police administration. Lord Cornwallis took away the police
powers from the Zamindars. He divided each district into small units under the charge of Daroga.
The Darogas were assisted by village watchman etc. Cornwallis also raised the salaries of all
police officers to induce the police officials to act honestly.
Cornwallis also introduced a number of reforms in the functioning of jail. He asked the
magistrates to inspect the jails regularly. Separate arrangements were to be made for women in
jail. Magistrates were to ensure that the prisoners were properly treated.
To encourage the police officials to act honestly and promptly, Cornwallis raised the
salaries of all police officers. They were also offered good rewards for the discovery and arrests
of burglars and murderers. The English magistrates were given control of the district police. Each
district was placed under the charge of a police superintendent assisted by a number of
constables.
(iv) Constitutional Reforms: During his Governor-Generalship the Charter Act was
renewed in 1793. By it the Company's trading and commercial privileges were renewed for
another twenty years. The Governors of Bombay and Madras were given the power to Veto the
decisions of their respective councils. The Directors were required to submit annually to the
British Parliament an account of their income and expenditure. The Board of control got the right
to send royal troops to Iidia and their expenses were to be met out of Indian revenues.
(v) Introduction of Permanent Settlement (Revenue Reform) in Bengal
The most important reforms introduced by Cornwallis was the introduction of Permanent
Settlement of land revenue in Bengal. It recognised the Zamindars as the proprietors of the land.
They were permitted to hold land on condition of paying 89% of the estimated revenue to the
Company's treasury by the sunset of a particular day each year. For failure to pay the revenue
he would be punished with forefeiture of land which would be auctioned to the highest bidder.
Permanent Settlement: Cornwallis, at the time of his appointment, was specially asked
to devise a satisfactory solution of the land revenue system in Bengal.
After prolonged discussion he asked these three questions :-
(1) With whom the settlement was to the made, the Zamindar or the actual tiller of the
soil?
(2) What should be the state share?
(3) Should the settlement be for certain years or permanent?
(i) What was the position of Zamindar?
 38

Was he to be considered merely a tax collector with no proprietary rights or was he the
owner of land.
John Shore gave the opinion that Zamindar was the owner of land subject to the payment
of annual land revenue. James Grant, on the other hand, maintained that the state was the
owner of all land in the country and the Zamindar was only the rent collecting agency of the
state. Cornwallis accepted the view point of John Shore. The Company's servants did not
possess sufficient administrative experience, therefore, it was decided to make a settlement with
the Zamindars.
(i) What was to be the basis for the revenue ? It was decided that the settlement was
to be made on the basis of the actual collection of the year 1790-91 which were
put at Rs. 2,86,00,000 (Rs. Two Crore Eighty Six Lakh).
(ii) For what period was the settlement to be made? John Shore was of the opinion
that it should be made for an initial period of ten years. Cornwallis wanted to make
the settlement permanent. The court of Directors gave sanction in the favour of
Cornwallis and thus Permanent Settlement was established in Bengal.
THE SETTLEMENT
According to the settlement the Zamindars were recognized as the owner of land. The
settlement was declared permanent. The state demand was fixed at 89% of the rental. 11% was
left with Zamindars for their trouble and responsibility. The Zamindars and their legal heirs were
to hold their estate at the assessed rate forever.
Merit of the settlement:
(i) Financial: It secured a fixed income for the state. Further, it saved the government's
expenses that had to be spent in making assessments and settlements.
(ii) Economically: It was believed that it would encourage agricultural and wasteland
would be brought under control. The Zamindars would introduce new methods of
cultivation.
(iii) Politically: It was also expected that it would create a class of loyal Zamindars
who would defend the Company at any cost. Thus it secured for the government
the political support of an influential class. The Zamindars of Bengal stood loyal
during the great rebellion of 1857.
(iv) Socially: It was also expected that the Zamindars would act as the natural
leaders of the ryot and would help the spread of education and other activities.
(v) It set free the ablest servants of the Company for judicial services.
(vi) It paved the way for the industrialization. The huge income made by the
Zamindars was utilised by them for the setting up of industries.
 39

(vii) Finally, it also kept the interest of the ryot in mind. The Zamindars were required
to grant pattas (deed settlement) to the ryots. If they encroached on their rights,
the ryots were free to move the law courts for their rights.
Demerits:
(i) Financial: The Settlement suffered from various defects financially, the state was
a great loser in the long run. Even when new areas of land were brought under
cultivation, the state could not claim more share in the increase. The state
demand which was fixed in 1793 remained almost the same even in 1947.
It hampered the economic progress of Bengal. Most of the landlords did not take interest
in the improvement of land. Moreover, the cultivator under the fear of ejectment, had no incentive
to improve the land.
(ii) Politically also, the settlement did not favour the government. No doubt the
Company gained the loyality of the few but at the cost of the alienation of the
masses.
(iii) Socially also, the settlement stands condemned. It sacrificed the interests of the
cultivators. The cultivators suffered from double injustice, first by surrendering
their property rights and secondly they were left at the mercy of Zamindars. In fact
the cultivators were reduced to the position of a serf.
(iv) It divided the society into two hostile classes, the Zamindars and tenants.
(v) It proved ruinous for the Zamindars. The state demand was very high and they
failed to realize the amount from the cultivators, in consequence they had to
surrender the propriety rights and thus were ruined.
We can say that a settlement for forty or fifty years and renewable again and again would
have secured all the objectives Cornwallis had in his mind. It was hardly a wise policy measure
to bind the prosperity for all times. In the twentieth century the economic inefficiency and social
injustice of the settlement became very glaring. The government of India has tried to set right the
wrong done by Cornwallis.
Cornwallis built a superstructure where the foundations had been laid by Warren
Hastings. He gave to Indians the basic administrative set up that continued without many
changes. He introduced British principles and planted British institutions in India.
Although he was an army man who showed his ability in the American War of
Independence as well as against Sultan Tipu of Mysore, yet he carried remarkable administrative
reforms. The system of administration set by him began to be regarded as perfect and infallible.
2.3 REFORMS OF LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK (1828-1835)
 40

Lord William Bentinck was the Governor-General of India from 1828 to 1835. His period
is significant for various reforms. His period is called the period of peace and reforms. William
Bentinck gave up the policy of aggression of the predecessors Lord Hastings and Lord Amhearst
and instead followed the policy of peace. He gave his attention towards reforms. P.E. Roberts
writes, "He was undoubtedly the first Governor-General who openly acted on the theory that the
welfare of the subject people was the main, perhaps, the primary duty of the British of India."
Many factors helped William Bentinck to introduce reforms. His was the era of reforms in
England, which was to have effect in India also. Secondly, people of India were tired of wars and
wanted peace. Thirdly, the financial condition of the Company was very bad. Hence there arose
the need of reforms. The important reforms of Bentinck are as under:
(A) Financial Reforms:
The financial condition of the Company had gone worse because of the Burmese War.
The treasury was empty. To cut the government expenditures and to increase income, Lord
William Bentinck introduced the following' reforms:
(a) Reduction in the Salaries of Officers: William Bentinck appointed two
committees (i) civil and (ii) military. On the recommendations of these two
committees, he abolished a number of posts and reduced the salaries of many
others. He also stopped allowances. In this way great economy was made.
(b) Economy in Military Administration: The expenses in military administration
were also reduced. 'Double Bhatta' or the allowance of soldiers was stopped. In
the case of troops stationed at a distance of 400 miles from Calcutta, only half
'Bhatta' was allowed. Thus Company was able to save £ 20,000 annually.
(c) Abolition of Four Courts of Appeal: There were four courts of appeal at that
time. These courts were not doing any good work and, therefore, were abolished.
The District judges were allowed to hear more cases. Thus more saving was
affected in the government expenditure.
(d) Employment of Indians: Before Bentinck became the Governor-General, only
Englishmen were appointed to high posts. They were paid high salaries. Now the
Governor-General employed Indians in their place. They were not to be paid high
salaries. The introduction of English education trained the Indians for these
administrative jobs.
(e) Regulating the Opium Trade: William Bentinck made efficient arrangements for
opium trade. Opium cultivated in Bihar, Banaras and Malwa was a great source of
income. Government licences were to be produced for carrying opium from one
place to another.
 41

This also increased the income of the Company. Contracts were also given for opium
trade. These measures also greatly increased the state income.
(f) Taxing the Rent Free Lands: Many zamindars had been given rent free Jagirs in
the past by the Kings and Nawabs. Many had claimed the same right and paid no
revenue to the treasury. William Bentinck issued orders to the collectors to
investigate into the rights of these rent-free lands. Many people had lost the
written documents because of the passage of the time.
Hence such lands were either occupied by the government or land revenue was charged
from the owners. This resulted in an income or rupees 30 lakh per year to the Company.
(g) Land Settlement in North West Province: A new land settlement was fixed in
North-West province (present U.P., All the land was measured. The land was given to
cultivators and zamindars for 30 years on contract. Now the company got fixed income
annually and its revenue also increased.
All these saving schemes resulted in an income of 2 crore rupees per year to the
Company.
(B) Judicial Reforms
William Bentinck also introduced several judicial reforms. There were three main defects
in the system prevailing then, (i) delay, (ii) expensive (iii) uncertainty. Delay was a usual feature
in judicial cases, besides expenses. So William Bentinck introduced a number of reforms to
remove these defects.
(a) Abolition of Appellate Courts: Lord Cornwallis had established four courts of
appeal at Calcutta, Dacca, Murshidabad and Patna. But no useful work was done
by these courts. So these courts were abolished.
(b) Appointment of Commissioners: Bengal was divided in 20 Divisions. A
commissioner was appointed in each division for judicial work. He did this work of
provincial courts also.
(c) Establishment of Sadar Adalats at Allahabad: It was a long distance for people
of United Provinces to come to Calcutta in connection with their appeals. So
William Bentinck established a Sadar Diwani Adalat (Civil Court of Appeal) and a
Nizamat (Criminal Court of Appeal) at Allahabad. In 1832 these courts started
functioning.
(d) Employment of Indians: Willam Bentinck employed Indians in the service of the
company. Indians were appointed as judges also. They could hold the post of
Munsif and Sadar Amin and had the power to try cases upto Rs. 300/- but they
could not try the cases of Europeans.
 42

(e) Powers of Magistrates: The jurisdiction of Magistrates to punish was fixed. They
could sentence a criminal up to two years rigorous imprisonment. Appeals against
their judgments could be heard by high courts.
(f) Jury System : In 1832 the jury system was introduced. The European Judges were
given the authority to get the advice of local Panchayats and influential and respectable
Indians while deciding the cases. The laws were also given a written form.
(g) Use of Vernacular: The Court language was Persian. William Bentinck
introduced the use of vernacular language in those days. Urdu language was also
now used. This simplified the work of the courts.
(C) Administrative Reforms
William Bentinck's period is known for administrative reforms. These reforms not only
improved the economy but also brought efficiency in the administration.
(a) Employment of Indians on High Posts : Lord William Bentinck began
appointing Indians to high posts according to their merit. This meant savings. This
also created respect for the Governor-General in the minds of Indians. The
Charter Act of 1833 had declared that no Indian would be debarred from
government service of high posts on account of religion, place of birth, caste or
colour. Hence the Indians were given a place in the Company's administration.
(b) Freedom of Press: William Bentinck pursued a liberal policy towards the Press.
Although he was greatly criticized by the Anglo-Indian press at the time of
reduction of allowances of Military and Civil servants, yet he did not impose any
restriction on the press. Sir John Kayes remarks that during the administration of
Lord William Bentinck, the press enjoyed real freedom.
(c) Reforms in District Administration: Lord William Bentinck amalgamated the
work of collectors and magistrates. Now they could do revenue work along with
trying civil and criminal cases. This meant great reduction in expenditure. This also
removed delay and inefficiency.
(D) Social Reforms
Social reforms introduced by Lord William Bentinck were more important and of far
reaching effect than other reforms. He did not allow the cruel traditions and customs prevalent in
Hindu society to grow and established social justice. In this, the Governor-General was helped
and encouraged by social reformers like Raja Ram Mohan Roy.
(a) Abolition of Sati: Bentinck abolished in 1829 the practice of Sati, the immolation
of Hindu widows on the funeral pyres of their husbands. By the inhuman custom,
several hundreds of women were compelled to immolate burn alive every year in
Bengal alone.
 43

The Brahmans thought that this custom was sanctioned by tradition and religion. The
Governor-General could not tolerate the agony suffered by the unfortunate sati women. But at
first he was reluctant to interfere in the Hindu custom, because he had some bad experiences at
Vellore. He sent letters to various eminent people in Bengal and enquired their views about sati.
Majority of them were against this custom and requested the Governor-General to ban it by law.
Raja Ram Mohan Roy came forward to help Bentinck. He toured various places and told his
audience that this cruel practice was not sanctioned by any religious authority. It was the work of
selfish Brahmans. This vigorous propaganda helped William Bentinck and he made sati a legal
offense. Thus he showed love for the Indian subjects, and saved several women from this
inhuman custom.
(b) Suppression of Thugs: Thugs or dacoits were active in India in general and in
Central India particularly. These Thugs used to move in small batches from place
to place. They would attack the peaceful travellers, loot them, and strangle them.
They formed a caste of their own and were the worshippers of goddess Kali. In
1830, the campaign of breaking up the Thugs was handed over to Colonel
Sleeman who was successful in his attempts. He found out the hideouts of these
robbers and killed at least 1,000 of them. Many were imprisoned and taught
different vocations. A number of them were exiled. Within a period of six years,
this problem was fully solved.
(c) Banning of female infanticide: Rajputs followed a cruel rite of killing their
daughters as soon as they were born. Bentinck banned this by passing a law.
(d) Banning of human sacrifice: Some forest tribes of India used to offer human
sacrifice to please their gods and goddesses and to pray for the increase of their
crops. Bentinck passed a law banning this custom also. People found guilty of
human sacrifice were to be severely punished.
These social reforms introduced by William Bentinck clearly show his genuine love for the
Indian people and the way as to how he wanted to reform the Indian society of its social evils. He
had the courage and conviction and was not afraid of hostile propaganda. He fully knew that
after some time people who oppose him will appreciate the introduction of these reforms. It was
a great attempt to put the old, traditional and sick Hindu society on the road to progress and
greatness. This was quite a bold endeavour which endeared him in the eyes the Indians.
(E) Educational Reforms :
Lord William Bentinck did praiseworthy work in the field of education. D.C. Bougler writes,
"Of all the acts associated with the administration of Lord William Bentinck there was none more
important and of greater consequence than the new education policy inaugurated in 1835.
The Charter Act of 1833 had granted one lakh rupees every year to be spent on
education. But this money had not been spent. Now the question arose as to whether this sum
 44

was to be spent on oriental literature and education or the western education. The Orientalists
led by H. H. Wilson were in favour of spending this amount for the development and progress of
Indian literature and languages. The Anglists led by Lord Macaulay and assisted by Raja Ram
Mohan and others were in favour of western education and English medium. There arose
considerable controversy. Lord Macaulay wrote his famous minute recommending the teaching
of European learning and knowledge through the medium of English language. He was of the
view the Indian, literature was outdated and did not possess even literary talents. On the other
hand, European knowledge had new ideas. All invention and discoveries were in those
languages. Law, philosophy, literature science and other higher branches of learning were found
only in European languages. Indian literature was thus no match for European literature. Let the
window of Europe open on Indian's mind, and this will provide key for India's progress. Lord
William Bentinck ultimately decided in favour of Western education and English literature in
March 1835, on the recommendation of Lord Macaulay.
Bentinck and Macualay made this decision on the selfish motives of the English. But it
must be admitted that the Western literature and English language unified the country and
aroused national sentiment in India.
In 1835, a Medical College was established in Calcutta to teach European Medical
Science. Elephinstone College was established in Bombay.

Self Assessment Questions

1. Give two reforms introduced by Cornwallis?
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
2. Write two reforms of William Bentinck.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
3. Write about the Doctrine of Lapse.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
4. Write two reforms introduced by Lord Dalhousie.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
 45

(F) Public Welfare Works :

Bentinck also did some public welfare works.
Roads: He repaired the roads laid in the days of Sher Shah Suri. The Grand Trunk Road
from Calcutta to Delhi was given a new shape. Construction work of a new road from Bombay to
Agra was undertaken. These roads led to the development of trade.
Canals : For the welfare of the cultivators and to develop agriculture many canals were
dug. Several canals were constructed in the North West province

Policy towards the Indian States

Bentinck followed a policy of non-intervention in the cases of states like Jaipur, Jodhpur,
Bundi, Kota, Hydarabad etc. but he annexed Coorg to the British Territory.William Bentinck's
period was a period of peace and reform. Dr. V A. Smith writes, "Lord William Bentinck justly
deserves credit for the clear vision which enabled him to construct for the first time a really
workable and efficient frame work of administration."
Lord Macaulay acknowledged praise on Lord William Bentinck in these words, "He ruled
with eminent prudence, integrity and benevolence. He never forgot that the ends of the
government is the happiness of the governed. He abolished cruel rites, gave liberty to the
expression of public opinion and whose constant study, it was to elevate the intellectual and
moral character of the nation committed to his charge."
2.4 REFORMS OF LORD DALHOUSIE
Lord Dalhousie was the Governor-General of India from 1848-56. This period is full of
important events. He is regarded as one the greatest Governor Generals of India. He did not
miss an opportunity, if any, to annex any Indian State. His annexations were both of 'war and
peace'. Punjab and Pegu (Burma now called Mynamar) were annexed by war. By applying the
policy of 'Doctrine of Lapse' he annexed Satara, Jaitpur, Jhansi and Nagpur. In the field of social
and public reforms Dalhousie introduced a number of reforms.
Doctrine of Lapse: To understand the work and achievements of Lord Dalhousie it is
necessary to know his 'Doctrine of Lapse' i.e., to annex the states by the enforcement of the
Doctrine which he introduced in 1854. Dalhousie was a great imperialist. He tried to extend
British dominion by peaceful invasions. He had no sympathy with weak royalties. He saw no
advantage in allowing them to exist. He believed that the British administration was a blessing to
the people so it should be imposed upon them whether they like it or not. The Doctrine of Lapse
reached its climax under Dalhousie. It was based on the principle that the English were the
paramount power in India and that the dependent state could not pass to the adopted son
without the approval of the paramount power.
At that time there were three categories of Hindu states in India. These were
 46

1. Those states who did not pay any tribute to the British government. They did not
accept the paramountcy of the British power in India.
2. Those Hindu Chiefs and princes who paid tribute to the British government as the
paramount power in place of the Mughal Emperor or the Peshwa etc.
3. Those Hindu states or sovereigns which were created or revived by the Sanads or
letters of authority of the British government.
According to Dalhousie's declaration of 1854, i.e. doctrine of Lapse, he explained that for
the states covered by the first category the British government had no objection for their 'right of
adoption'. In the second category for the Hindu rulers it was necessary for them to have
Government's permission for adopting a son. The government had the right to refuse but
generally it was given. In the third category of the Hindu rulers, Dalhousie said, the permission to
adopt a son should never be given.
The Company had acquired the position of supreme power in India after the fall of the
Mughal Empire and the defeat of the Maratha confederacy.
Dalhousie declared, "it is necessary for the British government to annex any state into the
British dominion on any opportunity offering itself of doing it." This opportunity could come into
two ways: first, on the death of a natural heir to the throne. Secondly, in case the British
government does not give permission of adoption to any Indian ruler.
Dalhousie recognised the right of the adopted son to succeed to the personal property of
the ruler. But for succession to the royal Gaddi, sanction of the supreme power must be
obtained. The supreme power could refuse 'adoption' in case of the 2nd and 3rd categories of
states. In that case the states were declared as having passed back or 'lapsed' to the supreme
power i.e. the British government,
Dalhousie did not invent the doctrine. It had already been the policy of the Court of
Directors since 1834. Dalhousie's contribution was that he uniformly applied this policy of
Doctrine of Lapse. He did not miss any opportunity in consolidating the territories of the East
India Company.
Some of the officers were opposed to this policy for three reasons:
(i) That the dependent states were useful to keep check on daring men, who might
otherwise create disorder.
(ii) Princes of India might be alarmed that it might be applied to them too.
(iii) The people of India preferred to be ruled by their own princes and such
annexations may lead to general disorder in the public.
Dalhousie did not agree with these views. He was determined to apply the doctrine of
lapse to dependent states. Some of the states annexed, by the application of the Doctrine of
Lapse were:
(1) Satara (1848) : It was annexed in 1848 after the death of Appa Sahib.
 47

(2) Sambhalpur (1849) : Raja Narayan Singh, the ruler of the state, died without
adopting a son. Therefore the state was annexed in 1849.
(3) Jhansi (1853) : In 1853 the ruler of Jhansi Gangadhar Rao died without leaving a
male heir. However, before his death he adopted Anand Rao as his son.
Dalhousie refused to accept his claim and the state was annexed. Lakshmi Bai,
the Rani of Jhansi greatly resented this action of the English and became leader
of the Mutiny of 1857.
(4) Berar (1853) : Berar was annexed on the plea that the Nizam of Hyderabad had
failed to pay the amounts due to the English in lieu of subsidiary force in
Hyderabad under the treaty of 1800.
(5) Nagpur (1854) : The Raja of Nagpur died without leaving an heir and the British
government refused to recognise the boy adopted by his widow. The state lapsed
to the British Company.
(6) Oudh (1856) : The state of Oudh was annexed by Dalhousie on the charge of
misgovernment. He asked Nawab Wajid Ali Shah to abdicate the throne. But
when he refused to do so. Dalhousie made a proclamation and annexed the state
on 13th February 1856.
(7) Carnatic : Another victim of Dalhausie's doctrine of lapse was the Nawab of
Carnatic. The Nawab Mohammad Ghaus died without leaving behind a son.
According to Dalhousie the title and privileges were granted to the Nawab in 1801
and were only personal and without hereditary rights. Therefore the privileges of
the late Nawab lapsed.
(8) Tanjore : In 1855 the raja of Tanjore died leaving behind a widow and two
daughters. The widow put forward her claim of the pension. But Dalhousie did not
accept her claim on the death of Raja without a son.
Other states which were annexed by the Doctrine of Lapse were Jaitpur 1849, Baghat
1850 and Udaipur 1852.
Criticism of the Doctrine of Lapse:
(1) The right of adoption has always been a great religious ceremony among the
Hindus and the Peshwas. The recognition of the supreme power was usually
obtained by the payment of Nazrana or succession duty. Dalhousie changed the
old custom to use it for imperial purposes.
(2) The line of demarcation between the "dependent states" and "protected allies"
was very thin. In disputed case the decision of the East India Company was final.
There was no Supreme Court to give impartial verdict.
(3) Lord Dalhousie on many occasions broke the precedent and was guided only by
imperial consideration.
 48

(4) The court of Directors withheld their sanction in the annexation of Karauli on the
ground that the state was a "protected ally" and not a "dependent state". Similarly
Baghat and Udaipur were returned to their respective rulers by Lord Canning, the
successor of Lord Dalhousie.
Besides the above states, which Dalhousie annexed, were the states like : the Punjab
(1840), Lower Burma (Pegu), Sikkim etc. by following the policy of annexation.
Dalhousie was an annexationist. He applied the 'Doctrine of Lapse' to achieve his
aggressive ends. Where the Doctrine of Lapse could not be applied, as in the case of Oudh, he
annexed it on the pretext of maladministration. In fact his doctrine of lapse was a part of his
imperialist policy and was based on the principle of "might is right".
Internal Reforms
Although Dalhousie is known mainly for his imperialistic policy, he introduced several
reforms. These reforms were mainly in the field of administration, military, education, railways,
electric, telegraph, postal, public welfare and commerce.
(1) Administrative Reforms: The basic principle of his administrative reform was
'Centralisation'. The administration of newly acquired territories was entrusted to
the Commissioner who was directly responsible to him. To relieve the Governor-
General from wider responsibilities, Bengal was placed under the charge of a
Lieutenant Governor. (2) Military Reforms: The expansion of the British Empire
compelled Dalhousie to introduce certain military reforms. Large areas had been
brought under the control of the Company. Therefore, it was necessary to
distribute the troops, in proper order. Hence the Bengal artillery was shifted from
Calcutta to Meerut. The army headquarters were gradually shifted to Shimla. He
reduced the strength of Indian soldiers and added more European soldiers to
keep a proper balance between the British and Indian soldiers. He encouraged
the recruitment of Gorkhas in the army. A new Irregular Force was created in the
Punjab. These regiments proved useful to the English during the rebellion of
1857-58.
(2) Educational Reforms: A number of educational reforms were introduced in the
field of education. Before Dalhousie Vernacular education was neglected. In 1853
he introduced Thomsonian system of vernacular education in North West
Provinces, Lower Bengal and Punjab. He also asked the authorities at Bombay
and Madras to encourage vernacular education.
But the most important contribution of Dalhousie was to implement the recommendations
of Charles Wood known as "Wood's Despatch" It recommenced Anglo-vernacular schools
throughout the country. It suggested a proper scheme of education from the primary school to
 49

the university. It recommended instructions in vernacular in the provinces although the teaching
of English was to be encouraged. In each province a D.P.I was to be appointed.
Examinations of Calcutta, Bombay and Madras universities were to be held on the model
of the London University.
(3) Railway Development: He revolutionized the mode of transport in India by
introducing railway. He laid down the plans for railways in his famous "Railway
Minute", It formed the basis for future Railway lines in India. First railway line
connecting Bombay with Thana was laid down in 1853, Railway line was also laid
from Calcutta to the coalfields of Raniganj. Railway line was also laid in the
Madras Presidency. The introduction of railways not only encouraged Trade and
Commerce but also played an important role in uniting the people of India.
(4) Electric Telegraph: Dalhousie may be regarded as the father of electric telegraph
in India. Electric Telegraph Department played an important role in linking
Calcutta, Peshawar, Bombay and Madras with other parts of country. The railways
and telegraph proved of great assistance to the English during the Great
Rebellion of 1857-58.
(5) Postal Reforms: The basis of modern postal system were laid down under
Dalhousie. 1854 he appointed a Director General of Post Offices in all the
Presidencies. Postage stamps were issued for the first time. A uniform rate of
letter irrespective of distance covered was introduced. As a result of his reforms
the Post Offices became a source of revenue.
(6) Public Works Department: To undertake the work of public utility he set up a
separate department of public works. A large amount began to be spent on work
of public utility. Irrigational works were undertaken on an extensive scale. The
Ganga canal was completed and declared open on 8th April, 1854. Construction
work of Bari Doab Canal in the Punjab was taken in hand. Many bridges were
constructed on the G.T. Road.
(7) Commercial Reforms: Dalhousie believed in the policy of free trade. He removed
all the obstacles in the way of free flow of goods throughout India. The ports of
India were thrown open to the commerce of all the world. The harbours of Karachi,
Bombay and Calcutta were developed. The construction of light house was also
undertaken. As a result of his free trade English capitalists were greatly benefitted.
 50

Dalhousie also paid special attention to Indian agriculture and digging of canals so that
raw materials like cotton, tea could be developed for supply to the mills of England. Improved
means of communications helped a great deal in the spread of trade and commerce.
2.5 Summary
Students in this lesson we have slearnt about the reforms introduced by Lord Cornwallis,
Lord William Bentinck and Lord Dalhousie. These reforms were instrumental in strengthening the
foundations of British rule in India. Lord Cornwallis introduced important reforms in the fields of
judiciary, police and jails. William Bentinck made an effort to reform Indian society via the
reforms introduced in the social sphere. Dalhousie’s annexations gave the map of modern India.
He changed the old conditions. The Railway and Telegraph brought the people of various races
and provinces together.
2.6 References
1. Amar Farooqui, The Establishment of British Rule 1757-1813, New Delhi: Tulika
Books. 2014.
2. Bipan Chandra, History of Modern India, New Delhi: Orient Blackswan, 2009.
2.7 Model Questions
1. Describe the reforms of Lord Cornwallis.
2. Examine the reforms of Lord William Bentinck.
3. Analyse the reforms of Lord Dalhousie.

^^^^^^^
 51

Lesson-3

THE UPRISING OF 1857 : POLITICAL, SOCIO-RELIGIOUS,

ECONOMIC AND IMMEDIATE CAUSES; FAILURE, RESULTS

Structure
3.0 Objectives
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Causes of Uprising
3.3 Events of Uprising
3.4 Results of the Uprising
3.5 Nature of the Uprising
3.6 Summary
3.7 References
3.8 Model Questions
3.0 Objectives
After reading this lesson you would be able to understand :
 The causes of the uprising of 1857
 Events of the revolt
 Main consequences of the revolt
 Nature of the revolt.
3.1 Introduction
Students this lesson will discuss the causes that resulted in the uprising of 1857. The
British Empire got its strong foothold in India after the Battle of Plassey (1757). One Century later
an uprising took place in different parts of the country against the British rule in 1857. This
uprising has been assigned different names. The British have called it a 'Sepoy-Revolt', or
'Mutiny'. Whereas, for the Indians it was the 'First War of Indian Independence'. Various political,
social, religious, economic and immediate causes were responsible for this uprising. Students
the reasons for the failure of this uprising have also been dealt with in this lesson.
3.2 Causes of the Uprising
Though this uprising was started by the Indian soldiers, yet there were many causes
behind it. These causes were deep rooted and can be traced back to hundred years of British
 52

rule in India. For convenience, these causes can be placed under five different headings which
are as follows:
(a) Political Causes
(b) Religious and Social Causes.
(c) Administrative Causes.
(d) Economic Causes.
(e) Military Causes (Immediate Causes).
A. POLITICAL CAUSES.
1. British Imperialism: In order to establish their supremacy and to consolidate their
position in India the British adopted a policy of war and diplomacy. After the Battle of
Plassey (1757) and the Battle of Buxar (1764), the British fought three battles against the
Marathas and four battles against Mysore, thus extending the boundaries of their Empire.
Later, Lord Hastings and Lord Wellesley started establishing British supremacy by
adopting subsidiary system. Hyderabad, Mysore, Oudh, Carnatic, Tanjore, Jaipur,
Gwalior, Indore, Nagpur, Bhopal etc. were brought under subjugation by the British. The
territories of Coorg and Kachchar were brought under the British Control by Lord William
Bentinck, and Sindh was brought under control by Lord Elenbrough. The Indian rulers
were fed up with this British policy of imperialism.
2. Dalhousie's Doctrine of Lapse: Following the policy of imperialism Lord Dalhousie
adopted a unique policy known as the Doctrine of Lapse. This Doctrine dictated that any
Indian ruler, who is issueless, could not adopt a son without the prior permission of the
British. The territories belonging to these issueless rulers were annexed to the British
Empire, after their death. The States of Satara, Jhansi, Nagpur, and Sambalpur became
victims of the doctrine. The doctrine sowed the seeds of the Great Revolt of 1857.
3. Injustice Towards Nana Sahib: Lord Dalhousie deprived Nana Sahib, the adopted son
of Peshwa Baji Rao II, of his pension previously granted to him. Along with it, he also
stopped paying pensions to the rulers of Carnatic and Tanjore. Nana Sahib appealed to
the British Government in England against this injustice, but he could not get his
grievance redressed. Hence, he too, changed his attitude towards the British. Nana Sahib
played a prominent role in the Revolt of 1857.
4. Annexation of Oudh : In 1856 Lord Dalhousie used force and dethroned Nawab Wajid
Ali Shah of Oudh and annexed Oudh to his Empire. The Nawab of Oudh had always
been loyal to the British Government. Consequently, the native rulers started thinking that
as the British did not spare even the Nawab, who had been faithful to them, there was no
use in becoming loyal to the British. Now the Nawab, his ministers, chiefs and the
 53

subjects of Oudh became the opponents of the British. They, too, took a great part in the
Revolt of 1857.
5. Ill-treatment of Bahadur Shah: The British did not show any respect to the Mughal
Emperor, Bahadur Shah. They stopped making presents to him and also started minting
coins bearing the British authority. So, Bahadur Shah became their enemy. The Muslims,
who greatly respected their Emperor, turned against the British. In the Revolt of 1857,
Delhi was its centre.
B. RELIGIOUS AND SOCIAL CAUSES
There were some religious and social causes which gave impetus to this great revolt.
These were as follows:
1. British interference in Hindu Traditions: The British interfered in the social and
religious affairs of the Indians. William Bentinck and Lord Dalhousie were responsible for
some social reforms. The Indians misinterpreted these reforms. The Britishers were
responsible for the abolition of Sati and Infanticide. They also, gave permission of widow
remarriage. Orthodox Hindus strongly resented these reforms. These protests, later on
were changed into a revolt.
2. Propagation of Christianity in India: The British started converting Indians into
Christianity by adopting all official and non-official ways. They converted many distressed
poor people and the orphans too, into Christianity after the famine of 1857. Christianity
was preached to the soldiers and Government officials. The Government gave to the
converted Hindus and Muslims, the right of sharing the inherited property. The British
Government helped the preachers in every possible manner. The Indians felt that their
respective religions were in danger and thus they rose in Revolt in 1857.
3. Western Education in India: Spreading of English education by the British was another
cause of this Revolt. English was declared the medium of education in India in 1835. The
orthodox Indians did not like English language. They tried to check the spread of Western
civilization and to save their Indian civilization and culture.
4. Introduction of Railways, Post and Telegraph: The introduction of Railways, Post and
Telegraph was viewed with suspicion by the Indians, because, they believed that these
plans had helped the English in consolidating the British Empire in India. Moreover, there
was a rumour that those people, who did not embrace Christianity would be either
strangled with these wires or crushed under the railway engines. The Indians failed to
realise the significance of the introduction of Railways, Post and Telegraph and revolted
against it.
5. Completion of Hundred Years of British rule: The foundation of British Empire in
Indian had been laid in 1757, right after the Battle of Plassey. One hundred years of
 54

British rule in India was completed in 1857, and it was believed that the British would rule
India, for only one hundred years. But when in 1857 the, British showed no sign of
leaving India, the Indians rose in revolt against their rule.
C. ADMINISTRATIVE CAUSES
1. Ill Treatment of the Indians: The English authorities treated the Indians very badly. The
English were proud and hated the Indian people. The Indians had to pay various states,
were subjected to atrocities. Separate treatment was accorded to the English and the
Indians. They were fed up with the behaviour of the British and they had strong desire of
taking revenge. They tried to satisfy their desire of taking revenge by revolting in 1857.
2. No Higher jobs to the Indians : No Indian was allowed to hold a high post. Though by
passing the Act of 1833, it had been decided that while filling the vacancies no
consideration would be paid to caste, religion and colour of the candidates, yet the
Indians were appointed only in low standard posts. Higher jobs were given to the British
and the Europeans only. This injustice, too, contributed to the rise of the Indians in revolt
against the British Empire.
3. Defective Judicial System: The Judicial system of the British was quite defective and
discrimination was practiced in the sphere of justice. Their judicial system could not
become popular as it involved a huge expenditure by the litigants. Moreover, the
judgements were delayed. The poor and innocent became victims of this system. The
Indians got fed up with this and they felt compelled to rise in revolt in 1857.
D. ECONOMIC CAUSES
1. Economic Exploitation: The British badly exploited Indian Industry and trade. They
made India market for the consumption of their manufactured goods and for getting the
raw material for their factories in England. The Government had placed Indian trade and
industry under many restrictions. According to Dr. Ishwari Prasad, "India became a milky
cow feeding England while own sons were gradually pushed to the starvation stage:"
2. Unemployment and Poverty in India: India became a poor country due to the British
policies of economic exploitation. Unjust discrimination and unemployment spread
everywhere in India. The unemployed people thought that the British rule was responsible
for their unemployment. They were forced by their hunger and restlessness to join hands
with those who rose in revolt. They joined the rebels for a handful of grains in 1857.
3. Land Policy of the British: Lord William Bentinck and many other British officials took
possession of the land of those Zamindars (landlords) who could not submit any
documentary proof to show that those lands had been granted to their ancestors by the
Government. Moreover, land revenue was imposed on those lands owned by many
 55

jagirdars, which were free from the same until now. Hence, the jagirdars too, became the
opponents of the British and they stood by the rebels in 1857.
4. Restrictions on Indian Trade: The British did not give any chance to the Indian trade to
flourish. They imposed many restrictions on the Indian trade. In England Industrial
Revolution had already started and many new factories had been opened there. The raw
material from India and the Indian wealth started flowing into England. Thus India
became poor every day and the Indian trade suffered a set back. The Indians got so
much fed up with this that they revolted in 1857.
E. MILITARY CAUSES (Immediate Cause)
1. Ill Treatment of the Indian Soldiers: The British always doubted the loyalty of the Indian
soldiers. They were under the wrong impression that the Indian soldiers were incapable
and thus they ill-treated them. Indian soldiers were deprived of higher jobs in the army.
The European soldiers thought that they were cowards. Indian sepoys had to carry out
the British orders of every nature. This ill-treatment gave rise to a feeling of
discontentment in the minds of Indian sepoys and ultimately they had to rise in revolt.
2. Low Salaries and Allowances: Salaries and allowances of Indian sepoys were lower
than their British counterparts. Consequently there was discontentment among the Indian
soldiers. The Indian soldiers had resorted to revolt in 1844, 1849 and 1852 because of
poor salary and allowances, but no heed was paid to them. They felt insulted and
neglected. Hence they revolted in 1857 after Lord Dalhousie had returned to England.
3. General Service Enlistment Act 1856 : Lord Canning had no respect for the sentiments
of Indian sepoys and he passed General Service Enlistment Act in the year 1856. Any
Indian soldier enlisted under this Act had to give in writing that British Government was
authorised to send him to any place it liked for the purpose of fighting a war. Under the
British orders the Indian sepoys had to fight in many countries across the sea. High caste
Indian soldiers thought that it was against their religion to go across the sea. They
protested against this act and this protest, later on, took the shape of revolt.
4. Annexation of Oudh : The British had annexed Oudh to their Empire in 1856. This, too,
caused discontentment among the Indians. Many soldiers of the Bengal army belonged
to Oudh. They opposed the annexation of Oudh to the British Empire. In the Great Revolt,
they sided with the Nawab of Oudh and other rebels.
5. Majority of Indians in the British Army: In the Army the number of Indian sepoys was
five times the number of the British soldiers. Such a big majority gave courage and self-
confidence to the Indians. The Indian soldiers were fully confident that by revolting they
would succeed in overthrowing the British government.
 56

6. Greased Cartridges: The Immediate Cause: Greased Cartridges proved to be the

immediate cause of the revolt. In 1856 the old rifles were replaced by the new ones. The
cartridges used with the new rifles were greased with the fat of cow and pig. The sepoys
had to bite the end of the cartridges before using it. The Hindus and the Muslims
considered it an irreligious act. Therefore, the Hindus and the Muslim sepoys refused to
use these cartridges. They believed that the British Government wanted to destroy their
religion. Hence they rose in revolt. Many Indian People and some of the native rulers
sided with them and this revolt took an alarming shape in 1857.
3.3 EVENTS OF THE UPRISING
Revolt of Mangal Pandey at Barrackpur.
This revolt was started at Barrackpur on March 29, 1857 by a Brahmin soldier named
Mangal Pandey, a sepoy of the 34th Regiment. He shot two British officers of the Regiment. He
was hanged in April, 1857, but the fame that he had kindled and the heroism that he had
displayed were sufficient to incite a revolt. Echoes of this revolt were felt in various places.
Meerut: On May 9, 1857, a few cavaliers refused to use greased cartridges. They were
put behind the bars. On May 10, the other soldiers at Meerut attacked the jail and set free these
soldiers. The rebels marched towards Delhi.
Delhi: On May 12, the rebels brought Delhi under their control and declared Bahadur
Shah II as the Emperor of India. The combined soldiers of Delhi and Meerut murdered many
British soldiers and officers. News of the success of this rebellion spread throughout Northern
and Central India. By June, 1857 the rebellion had spread throughout Lucknow, Allahabad,
Kanpur, Bareilly, Banaras, Bihar and Jhansi.
Lucknow : The revolt started in Lucknow on June 5, 1857. The British recaptured it by
March, 1858.
Kanpur : The mutineers captured Kanpur on June 4, 1857. The army of Tantya Tope
fought here. But later on the British recaptured it.
Jhansi : Tantya Tope fled away from Kanpur and reached Jhansi, and joined hands with
Rani Lakshmi Bai who was proclaimed as the ruler of the State. But on April 3, 1858 the British
recaptured Jhansi.
Gwalior : Gwalior, too was bubbling with the feeling of revolt. From Jhansi, Rani Lakshmi
Bai and Tantya Tope reached Gwalior and proclaimed Nana Sahib as the Peshwa. But the
British captured Gwalior in June, 1858. Rani Lakshmi Bai of Jhansi was killed and Tantya Tope
was hanged in 1859.
Ultimately the British crushed the revolt everywhere and once again consolidated their
rule.
Causes of the Failure of the Uprising
 57

The British Government was successful in suppressing the revolt. Following were the
causes of the failure of this uprising :
1. The primary cause was that the uprising started prematurely. May 31, 1857 had
been decided as the date of revolt by Nana Sahib, Bahadur Shah Zafar, Rani
Lakshmi Bai and others, but the revolt started earlier.
2. In contrast to the British, the rebels had a dearth of War equipment and other
resources.
3. The native rulers of Hyderabad, Patiala, Jind and Baroda sided with the British.
4. The revolt could not spread throughout India. It did not spread through Patiala,
Nabha, Jind, Rajputana, Saroda, Hyderabad and Bengal.
5. The Gorkhas and the Sikhs too fought along with the British. Delhi, and Lucknow
were recaptured by the British only due to the help of the Sikhs and the Gorkhas.
6. The tendency of looting among Indian soldiers, too, proved to be the cause of
failure of this revolt. During the revolt they looted many houses, shops and thus
degraded themselves.
7. Railways, Post and Telegraph also helped the British a great deal in suppressing
the revolt.
8. The British got regular help from England. About 1,12,000 English soldiers came
to India to help the British Government in India. Timely supply of money, weapons
and food went on pouring in from England. The rebels lacked such help.
9. The British did not suffer from the shortage of able generals, Wilson, Neil Outram,
Henry Lawrence, Nicholson, John Lawrence, Havelock, Rose and others helped a
lot in suppressing the revolt.
10. There was no common policy, programme, and common cause amongst the
various elements which revolted in 1857.
Thus we find that the revolt of 1857 proved to be failure because of the above mentioned
causes and the British succeeded in consolidating their power. If the rebels had acted according
to the set plan, if they had capable generals, if the native rulers had helped them and if they had
no dearth of war equipment and resources, they would have won freedom and British supremacy
could have ended forever.
3.4 Results of the Uprising
As has been written above, the uprising of 1857 proved to be a failure in the end and the
British supremacy was once again established throughout India. Though the British Government
was successful in suppressing this revolt, yet it had a significant impact on the Indian History.
 58

This uprising had greatly effected on the British also. The good and bad results of the uprising
can be described as follows:
1. End of Company's Rule in India: East India Company entered India in 1600 as a
trading Company. After the Battle of Plassey (1757) the British gained the power of
administration also, and the Company became, a political institution. The Revolt of 1857
put an end to the defective and unjust administration of the Company. The corrupt and
incapable officials of the Company were helpfully responsible for this revolt. An act was
passed in 1858. According to it the Board of Control and Court of directors were
dissolved and the Company's rule in India was put to an end.
2. Direct Rule of England: After the Act of 1858 had been passed Company's rule in India
was brought to an end and India came under the direct rule of the British Crown. Now,
the Governor General was called the Viceroy. In England a Council known as India
Council consisting of 15 members was set up. The council worked under the Secretary of
State. Now the administration in India was run under the orders of the Secretary of State
and the India Council. Had the revolt not taken place, Company's discriminatory and
defective rule might have lasted for some more years.
3. New Policy towards the Native Princess: The Revolt brought a change in the policy of
the British towards the native rulers, as many native rulers had sided with them during the
rebellion. Now they started paying attention to the internal affairs of the native rulers and
they also started working for their welfare. They gave up the policy of annexing native
states to their Empire, because they were convinced that during the time of crisis, these
native rulers had helped them.
4. The Beginning of Military Reforms: The immediate Cause of this Revolt was the
rebellion of the sepoys against the use of greased cartridges. Thus many reforms were
introduced in the army, (i) The number of the Indian soldiers was reduced and that of the
English soldiers increased. The number of the Indian troops in 1861 was 1,25,000 and
that the British troops in the same year was 72,000 (ii) The artillery was brought entirely
under the control of English army. Before the Revolt, the number of the Indian soldiers
was five times the number of the British soldiers but after 1861 the number of the British
soldiers was increased to more than half the number of the Indian soldiers in the army.
5. Changes in the Administrative Policy: After this revolt they adopted a policy of 'Divide
and Rule'. They did not want there should be political unity among the Indians. They kept
alive and encouraged the difference among the Indians and sowed the seeds of
 59

communal and caste dissension among them. They tried their best to do away with
communal harmony between the Hindus and the Muslims.
6. Declaration of Queen Victoria 1858 : Queen Victoria made a Declaration on November
1, 1858. In this Declaration, she enunciated the new British policy towards India. Through
this, she assured the Indians that a policy of religious toleration would be adopted in
India, native states would not be annexed to the Empire, proper importance would be
attached to Indian customs, rites and religious sentiments; Indians would be given
government jobs irrespective of their caste, etc., all the people would be made to promote
Indian industry and welfare; and the Indians would not be forced to embrace Christianity.
Indians welcomed this Declaration. The British followed this policy till 1947. Sir Lepel
Griffin writes, "Perhaps a more fortune occurrence than the Mutiny of 1857 never occured
in India. It swept the Indian sky clear of many clouds. Dr. Ishwari Prasad too, has
remarked, "To the people of India, the proclamation brought a new heaven on earth."
7. Act of 1861 : In 1861, Indian Council Act was passed in order to give Indians a place in
the Indian Legislative Council. Under this Act, Indians were given a share in the
legislation. In the provinces too, Legislative Councils were set up and Indians too were
taken in those Councils. All this took place as a result of the Revolt of 1857. Before the
passing of this Act no attention was paid to the customs, rites and sentiments of the
Indian people, while passing a legislation, but now Indians too were the members of the
Legislative Council.
8. Inspired Indians to launch a National Movement: Though the uprising failed in
achieving its goal, yet it gave rise to National movement for the independence. This
Revolt was a rebellion on a large scale against the foreign rule in the country. Many
scholars have called it "First War of Independence." Though this Revolt failed, yet it
inspired the Indians for freedom struggle. After the Revolt, the National Movement came
to an end only when India got Independence in 1947. Indians got a new inspiration and
there was a growth of new consciousness among them.
9. Economic Reforms: The uprising had an adverse effect on the economic conditions of
the British. They were under a debt of $ 96,000,00. The British introduced many
economic reforms in order to make up this loss. James Wilson was sent to India to find
solution of the financial problems of India. He levied licence tax at the rate of Re. 1/-, Rs.
4/- and Rs. 10/- on the people belonging to different professions. Income tax was
imposed on those who earned more than three hundred rupees a year. Zamindars had to
pay many other taxes in addition to the land revenue. Tea, jute and other raw materials
 60

were now exported free of any duty. Economy was practised in every department. The
duty imposed on goods imported from England was reduced. These steps saved money
and economic crisis was averted. Debt was paid and there was an improvement in the
economic condition of the British in India.

Self Assessment Questions

1. Write the immediate cause of the uprising.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

2. Write politcal causes of the uprising.

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

3. Write two results of the uprising.

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

4. Give two reasons for the failure of the uprising.

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

3.5 NATURE OF THE UPRISING OF 1857

There are different views about the nature of the uprising. This uprising can be compared
to the American War of Independence, 1776 and the French Revolution of 1789. Some
historians have called it ‘The First War of Independence’. Some scholars hold the view that this
Revolt was Hindu-Muslim Conspiracy against the British rule. The British have named it a
"Military Revolt" or "Mutiny". Following are the different views, expressed by different scholars
about the nature of this Revolt.
(a) Hindu-Muslim Conspiracy and First War of Independence
 61

The viewpoint of James Outram is that the Revolt was a Hindu-Muslim Conspiracy
against the British rule. Vir Savarkar and Ashoka Mehta named it as the 'First War of
Independence.' These scholars have given the following arguments in support of their
viewpoints.
1. May 31, 1857 had been fixed as the date of Revolt. Bahadur Shah, Rani Lakshmi
Bai, Ahmed Shah, Nana Sahib and many other rulers had planned to take part in the
Revolt on the same day,
2. Indian people and the native rulers were fed up with the unjust and discriminative
rule of the British. The British had given a setback to the Indian trade and had
deprived the Indian of higher jobs and propagated Christianity in India. Due to these
and many other reasons Indians were forced to take part in the Revolt.
3. The mutineers had the plan of making Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah the
Independent ruler of India. That is why rebels started marching towards Delhi from
different parts of India.
4. The letters of Bahadur Shah, too, reveal the nature of this Revolt. He had written
these letters to the rulers of Jaipur, Bikaner and Alwar at the time of Revolt. In a
letter he wrote, it is my ardent desire to see that the Firangee (The British) is driven
out of Hindustan and that the whole of Hindustan should be free. If all of you, native
rulers, are ready to take up your arms, then I am ready to hand over my imperial
power to the confederacy of native rulers who are chosen to exercise it." It becomes
clear from this letter that Bahadur Shah had the intention of setting up a Federal
Government, with the help of the native rulers. This Revolt was the result of the
combined efforts of the Muslims and Hindus, but they could not succeed in their aim.
5. In the words of Ashoka Mehta, "Hindus and Muslims worked together, their blood
flowed to intermingle; all differences were forgotten."
6. This war was fought to win freedom and for the sake of religion. That is why the
people in the different parts of the country took part in it.
7. The message of this Revolt was conveyed with the help of lotus and chapati among
the Indian public and sepoys. Thus an effort was made to give it a united cause.
(b) Mutiny
John Seeley, John Lawrence and many other historians are of the opinion that this Revolt
was nothing more than 'an army rebellion.' They have given the following arguments in support
of their viewpoints.
1. Greased cartridges proved to be the immediate cause of the Revolt. If the British
Government had not given the greased cartridges to the Indian sepoys, the Revolt
might not have taken place.
 62

2. The Sepoys did not get the support of the people. Had the public wanted a revolt, it
would have sided with the sepoys and this might have made this Revolt a success.
But the public, remained indifferent towards it.
3. Indian soldiers had been fed up with the unjust and discriminative policy of the
British. They were considered to be of low origin; they were paid low salaries, no
respect was shown to their religious sentiments and were not given high ranks in the
army. Because of these reasons, Indian soldiers were forced to revolt.
4. It is believed that this Revolt was started by the soldiers everywhere. Having been
fed up with the British; the native rulers joined the rebels later on. Had the soldiers
not revolted, it can be said, the native rulers perhaps would not have had the
courage to take part in the Revolt.
All these factors reveal that the Revolt was nothing more than "An Army Rebellion a
Mutiny."
3.6 Summary
Students in this lesson you have studied about the causes that led to the uprising of
1857. There is no doubt that Uprising of 1857 is an important event in the history of India. There
were many political, social, religious, military and economic causes of this revolt. Had the
soldiers not become the immediate cause of this rebellion, it would have definitely taken place at
one time or the other. But unfortunately it failed. Had it been a success, the British rule in India
would have come to an end in 1857.
3.7 References
Bipan Chandra, History of Modern India, New Delhi: Orient Blackswan, 2009.
Sekhar Bandyopadhyay, From Plassey to Partition, New Delhi: Orient Blackswan, 2009.
3.8 Model Questions
1. Describe the causes of the uprising of 1857.
2. Examine the results of the uprising of 1857.
3. Analyse the causes and nature of the uprising.

*****
 63

Lesson-4

BRITISH AGRARIAN POLICIES AND COMMERCIALIZATION

OF AGRICULTURE; RURAL INDEBTEDNESS

Structure
4.0 Objectives
4.1 Introduction
4.2 British Agrarian Policies
4.3 Commercialisation of Agriculture
4.4 Rural Indebtedness Economic Changes
4.5 Economic Drain
4.6 Summary
4.7 References
4.8 Model Questions
4.0 Objectives
After reading this lesson you would be able to:
 understand British agrarian policies
 gain knowledge about Commercialisation of Agriculture
 analyse rural indebtedness
4.1 Introduction
Students, the British rule in India left deep impact on the economic life of the country. It
gave a rude shock to the traditional Indian economy by transporting Indian treasures to England
and by neglecting irrigation, agriculture and trade in India. We will examine the changes brought
about by the British in the field of agriculture and highlight its impact on society. The British
encouraged commercialization of agriculture as it suited their needs. This resulted in
indebtedness of Indian farmers, poverty and unemployment.
4.2 British Agrarian Policies
Students we will discuss the following two issues -- what was the policy of the British
towards the Indian agriculture? What was its impact?
Before you take this up, just keep in mind the features of the land relations on the eve of
the British conquest of India. These are:
 64

1. The peasant was the owner of the land.

2. The zamindar could not increase the rent beyond a customary level.
3. No peasant could be evicted from his land, unless he was forced to evacuate. In
such case, the land was given to another cultivator who enjoyed occupancy rights.
The land thus always remained with the cultivator.
4. The zamindar who looked after the land and paid tribute was like a petty ruler. He
was expected to perform all the traditional duties of a ruler in relation to the
development of agriculture.
Now we come to the British times. Three systems of land tenure under the Zamindari,
Ryotwari and Mahaiwari.
Zamindari System: The system was there during the times of the Mughals. Zamindar
was the holder of land or a feudal landlord. The emperor gave him land on the promise of fixed
revenue. When the Mughal Empire declined and the authority of the Mughal Emperor ceased to
be effective the Zamindar looked towards the Provincial governor or Subedar for his rights. The
actual cultivation was done by the cultivator.
The first change in the system came in 1697 when, the English acquired the Zamindari
over some estates in West Bengal. An Englishman was appointed the Zamindar. A foreigner was
being appointed for the first time and his main concern was money. This marked the beginning of
a new phase in the land relations in India i.e. overlordship of land shifted from the aristocratic
class to the monied class.
The second change came when they started the system of holding public auctions in
1759, whereby the estates were given to the highest bidders. Under this a new trend started,
most of the new zamindars came from the urban rich classes and were not interested in
agriculture, their main motive was to make money. They began to treat land as a commodity.
Another trend was that the English started the practice of collecting revenue directly from
the farmer; this was involution (intricate) of the earlier practice under which it was the zamihdars'
prerogative. If the farmer was unable to pay, then the Zamindar paid. Under this policy, most of
the old Zamindars were deprived of their estates and these passed into the hands of the new
Zamindars. They fully co-operated with the government in the tyranny. There were
families in Bengal, Benaras and Oudh.
In Bengal the toll of human life was heavy (35% of the population) and almost 1/3rd of
cultivable land lay waste.
Permanent Settlement 1793
This was introduced by Lord Cornwallis in Bengal, Orissa, Bihar, and North Madras with
three objectives:
 65

1. To stabilise the hitherto uncertain and fluctuating income. It would ensure minimum
revenue irrespective of the conditions prevailing in the country.
2. They wanted to create a loyal class of proprietors who would be interested in
continuance of the British Dominion and support it at the time of trial.
3. The company wanted to divert the money capital accumulated in the hands of the new
class of urban rich into agricultural channels.
Defects or Shortcomings of Zamindari System
(1) The landlord was assured of the revenue even if the crop failed. The landlord
continued to grow while the tenant was obliged to pay both the rent and the tax.
(2) The ryot was at the mercy of the landlord. The tenant suffered as he could be
evicted at any time at the smallest pretext. The court was there to help a tenant to
file a case against the Zamindar but most were poor to bear these expenses.
(3) The Zamindars began to employ middlemen to deal with the tenant for all their
works.
(4) The Company's income was fixed. However, it held no right in the Zamindar's ever
increasing income who continued to make fortunes.
(5) The government lost all contact with the ryot and hardly had any knowledge of the
local conditions and customs.
(6) The system, was largely responsible for the famines which visited the country
during the closing years of the 18th and 19th century. While the tiller was interested,
he had no money for land improvement, Zamindar had money but no interest.
(7) The system produced far-reaching social consequences. The ever increasing debts
of the tenants and their frequent evictions created tensions in social relations. The
ryots had nothing hut a feeling of hatred and revenge for the landlord. The landlord
feared the tenant.
This mutual distrust gave rise to tension and upset the peace and stability of the village
life.
Thus, the permanent settlement of Bengal altered the balance of rural society in Bengal.
Ryotwari System: The ryot was directly under the state, the revenue was assessed on
each separate holding and land revenue assessed thereon. The ryot was recognised as the
proprietor with rights to sublet, mortgage, gift or even sell his land. He could not be evicted from
land so long as he paid the stipulated revenue. The system was adopted in Southern Madras,
Bombay, East Punjab and portions of Assam and Coorg.
Merits
1. It would establish direct contact between the cultivator and the state.
 66

2. As the ryot was also the owner it was hoped that he would invest in land and its
improvement.
3. The system would establish self-confidence and self-reliance among the peasantry.
4. The government could reduce its demand for revenue under difficult times.
However, the merits claimed for the system proved a farce in actual practice. The
frequent upward revision of revenue by the state officials left very little scope for improvement of
land.
Mahalwari System: The system was introduced in 1833 by William Bentinck. Under this
system the ownership of the entire area was claimed by the body of co-sharers. The village was
the smallest unit and there was communal ownership of village property. The system was first
introduced in Agra and Oudh and later it was extended to Panjab also. There was no uniformity
in the procedure, the period of settlement and the assessment of land revenue, differed from
place to place.
The outstanding feature of all the 3 types of land tenure system was that none of them
arose out of historical development of the Indian society.
They were all in the nature of economic experiments by the government and completely
wiped out the remnants of the old village communities. The experiments created a chaos in land
relations and made the peasants paupers. They also created social tension in the countryside
and ruined the Indian agriculture.
Transport and Communication
Indians had a tradition for the promotion of public works well before the establishment of
the East India Company here. Different parts of the country were interconnected by road, water
transport for commercial and other purpose.
Railways: With the political and economic changes in the West as well as in India, there
was a demand for improved and extended means of communication about the middle of the 19th
century. The earliest proposal for the construction of railways in India was made in the middle of
the 19th century. The work was to be undertaken by companies incorporated in England; so
contracts were made with the East Indian Railway Company and the great Indian Peninsular
Railway Company formed in 1845, later this number was increased to eight.
There were four classes of the Indian lines e.g. guaranteed railways, state railways,
assisted railways and Native State railways.
Lord Dalhousie, who was Governor-General of India, launched important schemes of
railway construction. He advocated the construction of a system of trunk lines connecting the
interior parts of each Presidency with its chief part and several presidencies with one another.
The object for the introduction of railways in India, as he stated, was "to immensely increase the
striking over of his military forces at every point of the Indian Empire, to bring British Capital and
 67

enterprise to India", to "secure commercial and social advantages to India" and to bring into the
ports produce from the interior".
During the early years of the work; the railway lines were constructed under the
Guarantee System by joint stock companies: Government of India guaranteed free lands for a
term of 99 years, and an annual interest of 5 percent on all capital raised by them. The Company
was required to pay to the government, when it earned more than 5 percent, half the surplus in
every half year. The companies were to be under the general supervision and control of the
government, and after the first term of 25 years, or the second term of 50 years the government
had the right of purchasing these railways on payment of all shares or capital-stock in the
company concerned.
But the guarantee system had several demerits. It caused wastage and extravagance
and entailed a heavy drain on the country's resources. The defects were pointed out by several
persons of high rank and authority as witnesses before the Parliamentary committee meetings.
Its contents were referred to as hasty, careless, disgraceful, contradictory and worthless etc.
In the end in 1869, the Guarantee System was abandoned and the plan of State
Railways was introduced. The construction activity faced financial difficulties caused by the
famines between 1874 and 1879, the strain of the Second Afghan war and fall in the value of
gold and silver.
Both in India and in England, there was, once again, a wave in favour of handing over the
construction work to private parties. The Famine Commission urged the construction of new
railway lines to combat the evils of famines.
In view of these factors, the government took recourse to a new guarantee system with
some changes, rate of interest on the capital, provided by the companies was lowered; the
government could keep larger share of the profit.
The Indian Native States were also invited to construct railway lines in their own territory
at their own cost.
Another system adopted was the policy of granting subsidy, in the shape of rebates to
encourage construction, of feeder or branch lines. This system did not prove to be attractive.
For better administration of the Railways, special department of Public Works was formed
in the Government of India (GOI) with subordinate departments at Madras and Bombay. There
was to be a Secretary at GOI level. In 1879 a single Director of Railways was appointed with
powers over both the States and the Companies lines. A Railway Board was set up for efficient
administration in the year 1905; it was to have a chairman and two members. The Board was
placed directly under the newly created Department of Commerce and industry. Administrative
functions were delegated to the Board, while GOI reserved the right of decision with regard to the
programme, policy and finance of the railways.
 68

By the end of the 19th century a considerable part of the present railway lines had been
constructed; but these entailed enormous drain on the resources and the GOI incurred heavy
loss, a portion of it being due to the subsidies and rebates.
Railway lines: These included the Indus Valley, Punjab, Northern, Rajputana, Malwa,
North Bengal.
Roads
With the growth of railways, it became more necessary to construct feeder roads at right
angles to them. But the trunk roads running parallel to the railways were neglected. The
extension of local self-government during the regimes of Lord Mayo and Lord Ripon by investing
local authorities with the job of maintenance of roads, afforded stimulus development of roads.
By the beginning of present century, there were the following types of roads: metalled;
unmetalled; banked and surfaced, but not drained; banked but not surfaced; partially bridged and
drained; cleared and partially bridged and drained; and cleared, only.
Water Transport
India had a large volume of river traffic and inland navigation in the past. As a matter of
fact most of the great cities flourished on the banks of the rivers. The Ganga, the Bhagirathi,
Brahmaputra and the Sindhu were navigable all the year round or greater part of the year. In
Peninsular India, the large rivers like the Narmada/Narmade and the Tapti were not of use for
navigation except at their mouths. On the east coast, rivers like Mahanadi, Godavari and Krishna
were navigable for some distance above the heads of their deltas hut the traffic was not very
considerable. Besides their limited facilities for inland navigation, there were, many small rivers
creeks, nullahs affording facilities for water transport which was fully utilised by small native craft.
But beyond these zones inland navigation was practically confined to the deltas and to the
valleys of the great rivers which formed the natural waterways of the country.
4.3 Commercialisation of Agriculture
A new trend in Indian agriculture is noticeable after the middle of the 19th century when
the policy of commercialisation of agriculture was inaugurated. It was around 1833. The jute
cultivation was introduced in Bengal with a view to export it to foreign market. A little later, the
export of cotton was also started. However the volume of foreign trade was very limited up to
1850. For convenience we shall study commercialisation of agriculture into 6 periods in
chronological order:-1860-1880, 1880-1895, 1895-1914, 1914-1929, 1929-1934, 1935-1947.
(I) 1860-1880: In the sixties of the 19th century two events took place which left a
deep impact on the Indian economy: American civil war and opening of Suez canal. The civil war
in America resulted in stoppage of all cotton exports to England. The English machines came to
a stand still and they turned to India for cotton. This resulted in increase in export as well as price
of cotton. This gave incentive to greater cotton cultivation. Even those areas which were earlier
used for food crops were brought under cotton cultivation because of high profits. Unfortunately
 69

this state of affairs was shortlived; as once the civil war in America came to an end, Indian cotton
would not compete with American Cotton.
However, this temporary development was also an event of great significance in so far as
it clearly and dramatically revealed a break in the economic isolation of India.
Opening of the Suez Canal: This event also exercised influence on the economy.
Before the opening of this canal, India's trade with Europe was carried on through the long sea-
route via the Cape of Good Hope. So India exported only the monopoly goods. India could not
export goods like wheat, oil-seeds as these could be spoilt in the journey. With the Opening of
the suez canal the distance and time was considerably reduced. This led to sharp competition
among various shipping companies. As a result, the freight rates between India and Europe were
considerably reduced. This provided an impetus to India's commerce. Raw material began to be
exported not only to England put to other European markets as well.
This economic prosperity was short--lived as it was negated by certain events within the
country. There were six famines within a short period, which caused untold misery to the people.
It was observed that famines took place in areas where methods of cultivation were not updated.
Out of fear of famine, cultivators were reluctant to effect any improvements on land. There was a
slump in the cotton export. As soon as the American civil war ended, they resumed export to
England. The cultivator was fed up with the high revenue assessments during the peak of cotton
crop; even when the slump came the government was not ready to reduce the taxes as it needed
all that money.
All this led to the misery of the peasants and they were forced to revolt against the
government in different parts of the country.
(2) 1880-1895: During this period, Indian agriculture made tremendous progress.
Luckily there was good rainfall and famines were absent. The agriculture exports showed
considerable increase. Export of items like indigo, opium, raw cotton declined, but other items
like food grains, pulses, raw jute, tea, hides and skins were in great demand. This exercised
significant influence on the nature of crops. The various parts of the country acquired crop-
specialisation according to the nature of the soil and climate. Another feature was that agriculture
became more based on market demand rather than on domestic needs.
The period witnessed prosperity due to enormous rise in the price of industrial crops but
the benefit did not reach the cultivator, major beneficiaries being the large peasant proprietors or
land-owners. It was also a period of greater unemployment for the landless labourer.
(3) 1895-1914: During this period, agricultural progress was once again negated and
the progress of the previous period was also nullified. This period was witnessed by many
famines. This left a deep impact on agriculture. Instead of commercial crops, people once again
returned to food-crops, even though they were less paying.
 70

Several factors accounted for the slow progress. First was insufficieny of water.
Secondly, the farmer did not use manure. Thirdly, shortage of capital with the farmer; Fourthly,
the high rate of revenue charged by the government.
(4) 1914-1929: It was a period of mixed blessings. The first four years, the rain was
good. At the end of the four years, the crops failed for two years consecutively and the country
once again came in the grip of the famine. Export of food grains was stopped. Instead, food
grains had to be imported to meet the demand. Shortage also sent the price of wheat soaring
high. After 1920 onwards, the weather was good. By and large there was no scarcity of food
grains.
Several irrigation projects were lunched during the period. In 1926, the Royal
Commission on Agriculture was appointed to look into the condition of agriculture and rural
economy. It recommended the establishment of the Imperial Council of Agricultural Research
with a view to promote, guide and coordinate agricultural research throughout India and link it up
with agricultural research in other parts of the British Empire and in foreign countries. The council
was an advisory body and played an important role in providing necessary information about
soils, crops and animals and improved the produce in quantity and quality.
(5) Depression of 1929 and its impact: A great depression hit the world in 1929
which left in devastating effect on the economies world over.
Indian economy could not escape its effect which was two fold:
1. It resulted in sharp fall in the prices of agricultural commodities.
2. It gave rise to widespread discontent in the country.
The price of Indian foodstuffs and materials fell by 38 per cent, adversely affecting India's
trade balance with foreign countries. The prices of food items imported did not fall that sharply
and this resulted in wide disparity between the Indian imports and exports.
Agriculture thus became less remunerative. Reduced prices and fall in production of
agricultured items naturally reduced this profit. The agriculturist had two fixed liabilities, payment
of interest to the money lender on the borrowing and payment of revenue to the state. To
discharge this liability alone, he had to take further loan. This was bound to strain the relations
between the debtor, and creditors and landlord.
This government took no measures to check the evil effects of depression. It merely
made effort to balance the budget and maintain exchange rate. The government took no steps to
place a moratorium on debts as was done in the other countries. In India only two provincial
governments took steps in this direction which brought about automatic scaling in some areas.
The two provinces were U.P. and C.P.
(6) End of Depression and Congress Ministries: The depression came to an end
in 1936-37. Popular Congress Ministries had been formed in many Provinces under the Govt. of
 71

India Act of 1936. It was hoped that greater attention would be paid to agriculture. The ministries
passed laws relating to Moratoria and scaling down of debts. However it was too late by then and
these measures could not prove effective. The effect was further reduced due to lack of follow
up. The progress was stalled further due to India's entry into the 2nd World War and resignation
of the Congress ministries.
Second World War and Indian Agriculture: As the war broke out, the prices of the raw
materials and foodstuffs increased and there was a demand for raw-jute, oil seeds etc; This led
to a widespread feeling in India, that Indian exports would increase. But as the war progressed,
these hopes were dashed to the ground. This led to the problem of surpluses.
The demand of food greatly increased within India due to the presence of a large foreign
army, a large number of war evacuees and prisoners. Big landlords built huge stocks in the hope
of further rise in prices. The situation took an ugly turn after the fall of Burma in 1942. The
country was deprived of a rich source of rice supplies. The government took no action to de-
hoard the stocks or their equal distribution. The speculators fully exploited the situation.
This resulted in the Bengal famine in which nearly 15 lac people died. It was ernmen
more of man made famine. No doubt govt introduced rationing in selected areas and also
imported food grains, but it was too late. Inflation also set in. This trend continued throughout the
war.
At the end of the war, things did not show any improvement. The situation was further
aggravated in the wake of the partition of the country.
After 1947 : You will read about it in detail in the relevant section. Just to mention here
that scarcity of food grains continued after 1947.
Agriculture required top attention of the government of free India.
4.4 Rural Indebtedness
The phenomenon of rural indebtedness did not make its appearance with the coming of
the British. It had been there before also, but it required a new significance after the
establishment of the British rule.
Causes of Rural Indebtedness
There is no unanimity among scholars regarding this. Darlin and other economists trace
the origin of the debts to the social habits of spending large sums on occasion like marriages,
funeral and other conventional ceremonies and conclude that the habit of spending beyond the
means was one of the chief causes of rural indebtedness. According to S. Bose, the chief cause
of indebtedness was the general poverty of the cultivating class. The small and fragmented
holdings, the low productivity of the land, uncertain monsoon hardly gave enough to the peasant
to make both ends meet.
 72

This view is not acceptable to others who hold the British colonial system responsible for
it. They agree that the phenomenon was there but things were made miserable due to the
English policies. The moneylender encouraged by the English played a very important role in
this. He charged a very heavy rate of interest on the loans. The accumulation of the interest
further increased the rural debt. The exorbitant rate of interest made it difficult for the peasant to
pay off the interests, leave aside the principal amount.
The system of rigid and land revenue was also a contributory factor. The rate was very
high and it was collected before harvesting. The peasant had no ready money for this and he
had to resort to borrowing. In some cases the crop got destroyed after the payment was made.
The peasant could bank on the income from the cottage industry in case of failure of
agriculture. But the international effort of the English government to destroy the cottage industry
snatched this secondary source of income of the peasant.
The establishment of the British legal system was also partly responsible for the rural
indebtedness. Under the new system, all credit was given on a legal contract. If the cultivator
failed to pay as per the contract, the law courts came to the rescue of the creditors. The Indian
Contract Act and the Civil Procedure Code were clearly in favour of the money lending classes.
Through resource to the jaw, creditor could secure exorbitant interest and attach the debtor's
cattle, implements, etc. for the realisation of their dues.
What were the Consequences of the Growing Rural Indebtedness?
Rural indebtedness led to far reaching consequences
The heavy rate of interest added to the miseries of the cultivators. Many a time the
cultivator had to pledge his land with the creditor to pay off debts. The moneylender often
acquired ownership of the land and left the cultivation of the land with the old cultivator-owners
either as a tenant or as a shop cropper.
The indebtedness reduced the peasant to the position of a mere serf. It is a well known
fact that once in debt always in debt.
The balance of power in the village was greatly shaken and tension prevailed between
the creditor and debtors. Often this feeling of anger, revenge, hatred towards the creditors forced
the debtor to loot, plunder and even murder the money tender. The various present revolts like
the Santhal rebellion of 1855, the Deccan Riots of 1875, etc. prove this.
The indebtedness also led to moral degeneration on the part of the peasant. Having no
hope of escaping, the peasant turned into a dishonest debtor, an inefficient farmer, thriftless
head of the family and an irresponsible citizen.
Measures to check indebtedness: The government could not be a mere spectator to
the whole situation for too long. Perhaps it awoke and had to find ways and means to deal with
the threat of the peasantry. Let us have a look at these measures.
 73

1. Improvement in Law: The government decided to curb the unfair means adopted by the
moneylender to collect interest etc. The Acts were passed by the government assured:
(1) the debtors some relief in case they had entered into a senseless bargain with the
moneylender under pressure.
(2) the courts could reopen all transactions in which the rates of interest were very high;
the court could even relieve the debtor of excessive interest. For this the peasant
had to file a case in the court of law.
The Acts passed included: Deccan Agriculturist Relief Act 1875, the Indian Contract Act
1899 (Amendment), Usurper's Loans Act, 1918, etc.
2. Restrictions on transfer of land to non-agriculturists: The government passed two Acts
for this, The Punjab Land Alienation Act 1900 and Amendment of the Act in 1938-39. The
first Act restricted the non agriculturists to buy agricultural land and this was done when the
government did an exercise in identifying the agriculturist tribes in rural India. In the
process, many of the real agriculturist tribes had been put in the category of the non-
agriculturist list. However, even after the enactment of the Act, land could be transferred to
the agriculturist classes. This provision was exploited by the non-agriculturists and they
evolved the practice of Benami transfers, whereby land was in the name of some
agriculturists but it was actually owned by non-agriculturists. The government tried to plug
the loophole by the amendment of the Act under which certain restrictions were placed on
benami transfers and. acquisitions of land by non-agricultural money tenders.
3. Regulation of Money-lending Business: Despite the various efforts of the government to
improve the lot of the peasantry, their condition worsened in the wake of the great
desperation of the 1930s. Therefore the government thought of regulating the money-
lending business for which a number of laws were passed. Under these laws, the
government insisted on licensing and registration of money lenders, maintenance of
accounts in prescribed forms, furnishing of receipts, periodical statement of the accounts to
debtors, fixation of maximum rates of interest, protection of debtors’ from molestation and
intimidation, exemptions from attachment of debtors property, regulation of mortgages,
penalties for infringement of the above regulation of mortgages and provision of an
enforcement machinery. However the moneylenders were able to bypass these regulations
by resorting to unfair means.
For Example: They obtained promissory note for a larger amount than was actually lent.
They would compute the interest at higher rate than prescribed by law and charge the
excess interest before lending the principal amount.
At times they even prepared separate promissory note (other than the main) in the name
of relative or a servant of the moneylender to cover the extra interest.
 74

4. Debt Relief: Laws were passed by the different state governments which prevented
transfer of land and other assets from the debtor to creditor for a certain period which was
generally one year from the date of contract.
This gave more time to the debtor to clear his debt.
By some other laws, effort was made to persuade the creditor to reduce the debts
through the Debt Conciliation. Boards were specially set up for the purpose. The adverse impact
of this was that creditors became very cautious and insisted on mortgage of land etc. to secure
their debts. So even on this front the plight of the debtors did not change much for the small
debtors, though the big borrowers benefited from it.
Provisions of Alternative Sources of Finance
In 1883, the government passed Land Improvements Loan Act, and provided loans to the
peasants for effecting permanent improvements on land. Another Act was passed under which
loan could be taken for purchase of seed grain, cattle etc. This was called the Agriculturist Loans
Act 1884.
But the condition for the grant of these loans was quite stringent and involved a long
process, before the loans were actually given. The recoveries of these loans were also effected
in a mechanical manner without caring for the actual condition of those seeking loan. By another
Act Agricultural Co-operative Credit Societies were formed. The Act was passed in 1904. The
scheme was good, but as the funds available with them were limited, so only a small fraction of
agriculturists could benefit from it.
4.5 ECONOMIC DRAIN
After the fall of the Mughal Empire in the 18th Century, the Indian Economy was
disrupted due to continuous civil wars and mutual rivalries and conflicts for struggle for power
between the Indian Princes on one side and the European trading Companies on the other side.
The Companies created political confusion and made economic profits.
The pre-British Indian economy was based on agriculture and cottage industries. The
Villages were self-sufficient in agriculture although agriculture was carried on with primitive style.
The Indian villages were functioning in their own world, almost cut off from the outside world.
Except few commodities which were brought from outside, the villages were capable of
producing their own foodstuffs. Besides providing the food stuffs to their own people, the cottage
industries of the villages were another marked feature of their self-reliance and self-sufficiency.
Spinning and weaving was, of course a common feature in the villager's life and cloth required
for the family was woven by themselves. The other cottage industry was associated with the
goldsmith, blacksmith, carpenters, potters and oil presses who in return of their services had
their share in the production of agriculture. The village industry was carried on by means of
simple instruments. Raw material was secured within the villages, like the dead animal's
 75

carcasses was used by the cobbler, cotton for spinning and weaving of cloth was grown in the
villages except a few metals like iron and gold were imported from outside the villages.
For many years, the villages survived the shocks of political convulsions and remained in
their own limits. Politically, the villages were governed by the village committees under a Head
man.
On the other hand, the urban economy was much better. The Indian handicrafts were
prosperous. Bengal, Gujrat and Masaulipatam were famous centres for cotton manufacturers.
Lahore, Agra and Murshidabad for silken cloth, shawls and carpets of Agra, Lahore and Kashmir
were popular in India and outside. Banking system was also developed in the urban areas with
Mahajans at the lower level and at the higher level were Jagat Seths and Nagar Seths. For trade,
India was known for its 'sink of gold and silver'.
But due to the absence of scientific and geographical knowledge, the economy was at a
low stage in the 18th century.
Economic Changes
The advent of the Europeans certainly affected the economy of the country. The
Portuguese were the first settlers in India. In 1600, the British East India Company was
established for trade and commerce. They established their big commercial centres at Surat,
Calicut, Machhlipattam, Bombay, Casimbazar and Hooglee. With the establishment of the East
India Company began the economic exploitation of India.
R.P. Dutt, a Marxist scholar has divided the English rule in India into three broad phases
in view of the economic phases:
Period between 1757 to the end of the 18th century as a period of Mercantilism. In the
19th century free trade capitalism developed. During the closing decade of the 19th century to
1947 was a period of Finance Capital.
After the battle of Plassey in 1757, the British East India Company started the plunder of
Indian wealth. The English East India Company started ejecting her rivals from the Indian Trade.
In order to get political strength the East India Company fought many wars on Indian soil and as
a result it gained economic control. The internal and external trade of India also came under the
control of the English East India Company. The Indian Merchants were not allowed to buy the
goods directly from the producers. Rather, the agents of the company sold the goods to the
Indian merchants on higher rates. The commodities, production and the trade was monopolised
by the company only. The goods were purchased at lower rates and were sold at higher rates.
After the battle of Plassey the East India Company became a commercial as well as a political
body in Bengal. It started interfering in the Home affairs of Bengal. It thrice made conspiracies to
change the Nawabs of Bengal (in 1757, 1760 and in 1764). The ambitious persons paid heavily
for becoming Nawabs. The Company wanted higher dividends and the British government also
 76

wanted share in the gold mines. Thus began a period of 'open and unashamed plunder' of
Bengal. From 1757 to 1772 the period was of colonial plunder of Bengal. Even in the sale of
dastaks (pass-chits) the company's officials received bribes. The Company's agents also
compelled the weavers to sell the cloth at a low price.
Moreover, the company had monopoly over the raw material and sold it to the weavers at
a higher price.
Adam Smith referred to the economic exploitation of India by Britain as 'plunder' and in
context of the court of proprietors as the court for the appointment of plunderers of India. The
local artisans thought it unprofitable to continue with the traditional occupations. It led to the
disruption of the Indian trade and industry
During the time of Warren Hastings, various custom houses in the Zamindaries were
suppressed. The duties were lowered and payable by all merchants, Europeans and Indians
alike. He also checked the abuse free passes. Exploitation of weavers by the company's agents
was also checked.
The liberal trade policy of Wellesley in 1798 made the Indian trade 'unfettered'. In 1813 a
charter act was passed which is a landmark in the history of Indian economy. It abolished the
monopoly of East India Company over India's trade which had been controlling the Indo-British
commerce for two hundred years. The charter opened India for Free Trade to all merchants of
England. The merchants of this time were of different types than the earlier one. These
merchants came to India not to purchase goods, rather to sell raw materials for their industries
and to secure markets in India to sell their own British manufactured goods. In 1814 certain
measures were adopted to facilitate the English merchants. Raw material was made available for
their industries in England. Free trade was supported by the country traders in India. They
ignored several facts. British goods, left unsold in India were sent to Indies or China through the
channel of China trade. For harmonious Indo British trade the British involved a good investment
to secure raw material. They abolished transit duties in India and import duties in England. That it
was absolutely free trade. Between 1823 and 1833 the grievances of the free traders piled up, till
1833 commerce of Indo British was confined to Calcutta only. The Indo-British trade became
normal after 1870.
Destruction of Indigenous Industries
The conquest of India by the British East India Company resulted in the disappearance of
native rulers and an establishment of political domination. Disappearance of native rulers
obviously affected the town handicrafts and industries.
The East India Company carried trade in India from 1600 to 1757 as a trading corporation
and with the permission of the Indian Kings.
 77

During this period spices, textiles and other luxury articles were exported to British in
exchange of bullion or goods. Flow of Indian goods increased in England during this period
which perturbed the British Government and to restraint the export of Indian goods certain laws
were passed.
After the battle of Plassey in 1757 the Company became political sovereign and carved
certain facilities for their own trade and commerce and dictated own terms over the local artisans
and manufacturers to get the goods at a lower price. They established monopoly over
handicraftsmen and forced their goods on the Indian people and tried to oust their rivals during
this period. From 1757 to 1857 the English East India Company established its political
supremacy over more and more territories in India and it resulted in the disappearance of a
number of native states. An enormous wealth from India was also taken into British during this
period. The critics of the British East India Company called it a period of plunder.
The Industrial Revolution resulted in the appearance of a powerful manufacturing class in
England, which, also got control over trading capital in Britain. The Industrial Revolution also
resulted in the manufacture of surplus goods in the country. Indirectly the production of surplus,
goods in England gave a severe blow to the Indian exports. The government restricted the Indian
export to England in order to safeguard their own production.
B.D. Basu in his work "Ruin of Indian Trade and Industries" gives detail about the heavy
duties imposed over the imports in England from India which clearly showed that heavy duties
deliberately hit the export trade of India. For Indian handicrafts the foreign countries were minor
markets and only market for Indian goods were left in its own country market. The political
supremacy of the English East India Company destroyed the independence of native states
which were the patron of home industries.
Because of foreign goods the home industries lost royal patronage. Whatever help they
got from the native rulers it was under the direction of the East India Company. Because the
Company was a trading company, it wanted a production on lower price and to sell it on a higher
price in order to fetch good profit. For this purpose the Company monopolised the industries and
forced the artisans to produce goods at an agreed prices. The artisans were also forced to agree
on their terms. Virtually the artisans became slaves of the Company. They were not allowed to
sell their goods to other merchants and Indian merchants at a higher price. Customs and transit
measures also affected the internal trade of the Indian merchants. All these conditions led to the
decline of markets for Indian handicrafts product. The Charter of 1813 opened India for Free
Trade to all merchants of England, who came to India to secure markets for their own country
manufactured goods and to get raw material from India. From 1814 onwards certain measures
were adopted for the convenience of export of raw material from India to Britain required for their
industries. The government also created such type of officials moneylenders and businessmen
who did not patronised the Indian handicrafts.
 78

The Company's merchants also used harsh measures against the Indian handicraftsmen
to get goods as cheap as possible. It affected the artisans. Due to oppressive policies of the
Company many weavers left their profession. The new rulers made the handicraftsmen their
slaves and created hurdles in the way of free existence of the industries. Indian ships were
prohibited for trade. Only British ships were used for the purpose of the trade which disastrously
affected Indian shipping industry.
Heavy import of cotton stuffs from Britain to India also gave a setback to Indian Weaving
Industry. In 1834 the Government of William Bentinck noted that “The misery hardly finds a parallel in
the history of commerce. The bones of the Cotton Weavers are bleaching the plains of India."
Karl Marx also hold the British intruders responsible for the ruin of Indian handlooms and
for the decay of handicraft industry. The industrial revolution which affected the European
countries replaced their handicrafts with machine made goods. But in India nothing took the
place of Indian handicrafts. No indigenous machine industry took its place. Even after the world
War (in 1914-1918) the de-industrialisation continued.
The rural population only continued with the local handicrafts and work on cheaper Khadi
cloth woven on their looms and depended on their village made iron and wooden articles.
Gandhiji gave a slogan of Swadeshi and suggested people to use Khadder only. The Swadeshi
movement which began in the 20th century popularised indigenous goods on patriotic grounds.
The European Government gave preference to English made goods and granted special
privileges to the British manufacturers in India and compelled the Indian artisans to reveal
secrets of their trade. All these measures certainly affected the handicrafts of India and led to its
ruin. Industry after industry collapsed. The railways also helped the British manufacturers to
penetrate into remote areas, thus destroying every hope of the artisans to sell their goods in the
Indian market.
The highly organised handicraft industry met with a tragic fate. The handicrafts of India
which were once held in high esteem declined under oppressive government policies. The
machine-made goods of Britain were also responsible. Gandhiji encouraged the village industries
and opened a special cell to patronise village industries.
The de-industrialization hit the Indian economy. Repressive policies of the Company
forced the Indian artisans to leave their professions and adopt agriculture. It drifted the artisans
to villages for their livelihood.
In 1891, 61.1% of the total population in India depended on agriculture, while in 1911
about 72.2% of the total population depended on agriculture clearly shows an increase of
agricultural pursuits adopted by the Indians for their livelihood.
Another feature of Indian economy was the commercialisation of Agriculture. Before it the
crops grown in the field were for the consumption of the people. Agriculture was only for the way
 79

of life. It was never meant for any business purpose or commercial point of view. But under the
East India Company rule in India the agriculture was influenced. By commercial view point
certain crops were grown for sale in the international markets. Crops like cotton, jute,
groundnuts, oilseeds, sugarcane and tobacco were more profitable than food grains. Agriculture
of spices, fruits and condiments were more useful in the world market than simple crops.
Plantation of tea, coffee and rubber were the highest level of commercialisation of the agriculture
like competition and contract growth of internal and external trade and the emergence of unified
national market with the construction of railways and entry of British Finance Capital.
The commercialisation was production of agriculture for the purpose of sale only and
under this system the peasants produced mainly for the market. The lands of village were used
suitable to certain crops. It was a step forward and brought about a better distribution of the
crops and it increased profits of cultivation. Although it was a beneficial movement. But on the
other hand it was a diversion of the village agricultural production from serving the personal
needs of their own people, it was for the world market. It also disrupted the ancient unity of
agriculture and industry in the traditional Indian village.
The farmers started commercialisation of agriculture also to fetch more money in order to
pay heavy land revenue and to meet the debt claim. Earlier the peasants used to grow crops for
themselves and for the artisans in exchange of goods taken from them. But now the goods were
purchased from the open markets and there was no need of purchasing things from local
artisans. So the crops were grown with a commercial viewpoint. The commercial agriculture was
forced process for the Indian farmers. It hardly benefited the farmers.
 80

Self Assessment Questions

1. Give two agrarian policies of the British Government.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
2. Define commercialization of agriculture.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
3. What do you mean by Drain of Wealth?
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
4. What is Rural Indebtedness?
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Economic Drain
The word drain of wealth means to exhaust the country economically. Constant flow of
wealth from India to England during their rule in India has been described by the economists and
national leaders of India as "drain" of wealth from India or Economic Drain.
Due to adverse trade system in the mercantilist concept, gold and silver had constantly
been taken to England. It was an economic drain. Before the Battle of Plassey (1757) bullion was
imported in exchange of export from India. As a result it restricted the export from India to
England. But after the Battle of Plassey the British East India Company monopolised the Indian
economy and administered the revenues of India. It took control of surplus revenue. The
Company had benefited from oppressive land revenue policy and monopoly over markets,
exactions made by the company's officials. This surplus amount was used in purchase of
exportable items from India. But in this return India did not get anything. The Charter Act of 1813
ended this practice and separated the revenues of the Company.
From 1813 the economic drain was in the form of unrequired exports from India. The
national produces of India were taken to England without any adequate economic return, and
national products were not available for her own people's need. The British rulers used several
methods to drain the economy of India and to suck the Indian labour.
 81

Home charges which were 10% to 13% of revenue before the revolt of 1857 rose to 24%
after the revolt. These home charges increased sharply to 40% of the total revenue of Central
Government. The Charter Act of 1833 provided for an annual dividend of $ 630,000 to be paid to
the shareholders of the Company out of Indian revenues. It continued till 1874. The East India
Company also piled up Public debt of $ 70 million. It was due to wars waged against the Indian
rulers. By 1900 the public debt, had risen to 224 million. Some of the debt was raised for the
construction of railways, irrigation facilities and public works. Payments of British officers in the
civil and military and to the British War office was also solely from India's economy.
Civil and Marine Departments in the English market and stores for the military were met
from Indian economy. The foreign capitalists were not interested in the industrial development of
India, rather they exploited the resources of India. For banking, insurance and shipping services
India had to pay heavily. Also unrestricted activities of these foreign companies hurdled the
growth of Indian enterprise.
George Wingate says between the years 1835-1851 a total drain of wealth from India
was $ 71.67.387. William Digby estimated that from 1757 to 1815 economic drain was $50 to
1000 million. Professor Holden Furber says from 1783-93 annual drain at 1.9 million. While
Indian leaders and economists estimated Rs. 359 crores between the years 1883-92.
Dadabhai Naoroji described the drain of wealth as the "evil of all evils". He described it as
the cause of Indian poverty. He said Britain was "bleeding India white."
4.6 Summary
Students in this lesson we have studied the British agrarian policy. Its impact on the
agriculturists and the economy of India has also been examined to form an understanding of
general colonial attitude towards Indians. Another feature of introduced by the British was
commercialisation of Agriculture. Earlier crops were grown for self consumption. It was never for
any business purpose or commercial point of view. But the British insisted on cultivation of
certain commercial crops like indigo, jute and cotton resulting in commercialization of agriculture.
Now crops were grown for sale in the international markets. This resulted in rural indebtedness
and drain of wealth from India.
4.7 References
Bipan Chandra, History of Modern India, New Delhi: Orient Blackswan, 2009.
Sekhar Bandyopadhyay, From Plassey to Partition, New Delhi: Orient Blackswan, 2009.
Irfan Habib, Indian Economy 1858-1914, New Delhi: Tulika Books, 2006.
4.8 Model Questions
1. Describe the agrarian policies adopted by the British Government.
 82

2. What was the impact of economic policies of British Government?

3. What is commercialization of agriculture? What was its impact?
4. Analyse rural indebtedness of Indians.
5. What led to rural indebtedness of Indian farmers?
6. What led to drain of wealth from India?

_____
 83

Lesson-5

BRAHMO SAMAJ; ARYA SAMAJ; RAMAKRISHNA MISSION,

(SWAMI VIVEKANAND); ALIGARH MOVEMENT

Structure
5.0 Objectives
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Socio-Religious Revival
5.3 Brahmo Samaj
5.4 Aligarh Movement
5.5 Ramakrishna Mission
5.6 Arya Samaj
5.7 Summary
5.8 References
5.9 Model Questions
5.0 Objectives
After reading this lesson you would be able to:
 understand the Socio-religious reform movements in India
 gain knowledge of the role of Brahmo Samaj
 analyse the Aligarh Movement
 know about the contribution of Ramakrishna Mission and Arya Samaj.
5.1 Introduction
Students in this lesson we will study the socio-religious refom movements that emerged
in colonial India. With the gradual extension of British rule from Bengal westwards the Indian
intelligentsia came in direct contact with western civilization and culture. As a result of this
contact, many Indian thinkers had a chance of self-introspection. Some of them began to realise
that the main cause of their deplorable condition vis-a-vis the West was due to certain inherent
deficiencies in their religious attitude and social behaviour. The English education had opened to
the Indians the floodgate of the western thoughts and liberal ideas. Thus we see the birth of
socio-religious movements among the Hindus as well as Muslims in India. We will examine the
 84

chief features and activities of the Brahma Samaj, the Arya Samaj, the Ramakrishna Mission and
the Aligarh Movement in this lesson.
5.2 Socio-Religious Revival
Certainly under their influence when the rational Indian mind began to compare the east
with the west, it could not but admire the bright future of western civilization. Consequently, there
were remarkable developments in religious, social and political ideas of the Indian. Thus, the
most important factor that accounts for this great transformation was the impact of the west on
Indian mind, which in turn again was a natural consequence of the British rule.
This new spirit was first of all, manifested in the realms of religious reforms. In fact these
religious movements were endeavours to recast the old religion into new form suited to meet the
needs of new society coming up in the wake of the British rule.
Another characteristic of these movements was that their programme was not restricted
to the task of merely reforming religion but extended to that of the reconstruction of social
institutions and social relations. This was due to the fact that in India religion and social structure
were originally interwoven. Caste hierarchy, sex inequality, untouchability, and social taboos
nourished because of the sanction of religion, social reform movements. It was indispensable for
the religion reform movements to have an all embracing programme of religious, social and even
much as polytheism and idolatry. They attacked caste privilege as much as the monopoly of the
Brahmin in the sphere of religion.
The motive of these movements was nation's advancement. The first national awakening
of the Indian people took predominantly a religious form. This awakening deepened and
broadened in subsequent decades and found increasingly secular forms.
5.3 Brahmo Samaj
The Brahmo Samaj was the first important religio-reform movement which aimed at
liberating the individual from the dead weight of an authoritarian religion.
The Brahmo Samaj inaugurated a new era for the Indian people by proclaiming the
principles of individual freedom, national unity, solidarity and collaboration and the
democratization of all social institutions and social relations. It was the first organized expression
of their national awakening.
The founder of Brahmo Samaj was Raja Ram Mohan Roy who was born on May 22,
1772, in Radhanagar in the Burdwan district of Bengal. His father Rama Kanta Roy was a small
Brahmin farmer. After learning elements of Bengali, and Persian at home, he was sent to Patna
for a higher study of Persian and Arabic. There, he developed a violent prejudice against idol
worship and even wrote at the age of sixteen a pamphlet in Persian against idolatry. This
incensed his orthodox father who turned him out of the house. For the next four years, he was
just a wanderer and even went to Tibet where also he attacked the practice of idolatry. But to
 85

escape the wrath of the Lamas, he had to flee from there. Then he went to Banaras where he
applied himself, to the learning of Sanskrit and the Hindu Scriptures.
In 1803, while serving in the East India company, he wrote his first book in Persian with
preface in Arabic. At that time he was at Murshidabad. From there he went to Rangpur to act as
Diwan or the collector for a few months. He was also appointed the guardian of some minor
estates. From 1809 to 1815, Ram Mohan Roy made a careful study of the Vedanta, Tantric work
and Jain scriptures. Actually these were the years of preparation for future work. From 1796
onwards, he had also carried on a serious and diligent study of English language.
In 1815, he came to Calcutta and settled there. For the next few years he was busy in
publishing an abridgement of the Vedanta and translating the important Upanishads.
In 1811, Ram Mohan Roy witnessed a cruel tragedy which had tremendous effect on his
delicate and sensitive mind and the future reform movements in the country. When his brother
Jagmohan died in 1811, his orthodox parents and relations forced his widow to immolate herself
along with the dead body of her husband. Ram Mohan Roy took a solemn vow that he would
wage a relentless war against this evil practice in the Hindu society and would see it abolished.
As a result, he made strenuous efforts against Sati by pamphlets, arguments and organization of
vigilance committees, and carried on the agitation till the evil was abolished by the British
Government in 1829. When the orthodox submitted a petition against the law, Ram Mohan Roy
came forward with a counter people petition.
From 1820 to 1823 he remained engaged with Christian missionaries and bravely fought
the battles of Hinduism with them and published a pamphlet entitled ‘Appeals to the Christian
Public'.
His main interest was in the field of education and he threw himself whole-heartedly on
the side of scientific education for the country men in preference to religions and Sanskrit
education and naturally earned the displeasure of the orthodox who had already aligned
themselves against him due to his anti idolatory and anti-sati agitation. In 1816, he suggested to
the Chief Justice Sir Hyde East the desirability of establishing an institution for the education of
the Hindu children on modern lines. In this meeting, at the house of the Chief Justice, about fifty,
eminent Hindus subscribed half a lac of rupees, as a result of which the Hindu College came into
existence in 1817. Later it was renamed the Presidency College. As the Hindus had objected to
his name being associated with the college, Ram Mohan Roy resigned his connection with it and
founded the Anglo-Hindu School at his own expense.
When Alexander Duff opened a school in 1830, Ram Mohan encouraged Hindu students
to join and patronise it.
Ram Mohan Roy was also a champion of the freedom of press and started two journals,
Mirat-ai-Akbar, a "Persian weekly, and Samvad Kaumudi, a Bengali weekly. He fought vigorously
 86

the case of an English editor of Calcutta who had criticised the appointment of John Adam as
Governor-General.
The greatest object of his life was to wean his countrymen from the evils of the Puranic
Hinduism and draw their attention to the original purity of Vedanta. In 1821, he founded the
Unitarian Sabha with the Indians and' Englishmen as its members. Seven years later, he
founded a theistic organization called Brahmo Sabha. It was to be an assembly of all those
persons with a belief in the unity of God and a disbelief in the worship of idols. He built a house
and handed it over to a body of trustees with the direction that the building was to be used as
and for a place of public meeting of all sorts of people, with distinction. This is regarded by some
as founding of a new sect known as the Brahmo Samaj but then called as Brahmo Sabha. Ram
Mohan Roy never founded a new sector religion and remained till the end a Hindu. In the
Brahmo Sabha's weekly service, there used to be recitation of the Vedas by orthodox Brahmins
and the non-Brahmins were not allowed entry into the room.
When Roy left for England in 1830, he did not have the slightest inkling that he would
never return from there. After his death in 1833 the work of the organization founded by him was
taken up by Devendra Nath Tagore. He proclaimed the freedom of reason from the bondage of
ancient scriptural authority.
He had the zeal of an iconoclast. He declared that as ceremonies were mostly idolatrous
in character, no member of the Brahmo Samaj should take part in them. On his insistence,
Devendra Nath agreed to draw up a set of modified rites and ceremonies. The Brahmo Samaj
ministers of the first three castes were to give up the wearing of the scared thread and the old
thread-wearing ministers were removed. Keshab and his party insisted on more progressive
reforms. They advanced and openly celebrated inter caste marriages and widow remarriages.
The conservatives, however, pressed upon Tagore the necessity of keeping the old Hindu forms
and on their insistence he dismissed Keshab from the post of Secretary of the Samaj and the
minister of the Church. His followers were also dismissed from ail posts of trust and
responsibility. Keshab was not to be cowed down and he started a separate organization
regarding popular Hinduism to old-fashioned and discarding the use of Sanskrit and practice of
social customs and ceremonies. The main branch consisted of the conservatives believing in one
God, and discarding the worship of idols, but insisting on having all connection with the Hindu
society. This schism took place in 1865 and Devendra Nath continued following the monotheistic
form of Hinduism and refusing to advocate the case of social reforms; but his Adi Brahmo Samaj
soon went into oblivion.
Keshab, on the other hand, founded the Brahmo Samaj of India, which made a striking
progress under his inspiring leadership. There was an intensive propaganda inside and outside
of Bengal for the spread of the new faith and a number of local churches came into existence.
 87

The movement encouraged the inclusion of women in the organization and also of social reforms
as an important part of its work. The strength and the popularity of the movement even forced
the Government to pass the Act abolishing early marriages of girls and polygamy and also
sanctioning widow-marriages and intercaste marriages of some categories of persons. Although
discarding the old and worn out Hindu practices, the new movement of Keshab did adopt
Sanskrit as a part of the propaganda of the faith as it had been done by Chaitanya. Keshab had
earlier come under the influence of Christ, although he did not become a convert to Christianity.
Now there was tremendous influence of Chaitanya on him. He grew in eminence and status to
such an extent that he began to be regarded as a prophet. But this was a development which the
progressives and the rationalists could not stomach and even demanded a fresh and definite
constitution for the management and control of all the Brahmo churches. This led to conflict.
There were also divergent views on the female education. Keshab who did not advocate
university education for women and was against free mingling of men and women and also
against the total abolition of Purdah, was found a reactionary by the progressives among his
followers and when he married his fourteen-year old daughter to the Hindu Maharaja of Cooch
Bihar the schism could not be averted. The dissidents formed a separate organization called the
Sadharan Brahmo Samaj. Keshab's Church, like that of Devendranath, also lost its importance
and all the provincial Samajis, got affiliated to the Sadharan Brahmo Samaj,
The new Samaj wielded considerable influence upon the Hindu society and altered its
structure by constant emphasis on important social reforms. It was duel to untiring efforts of the
new movement that far--reaching changes in the society took place and important legislation was
introduced by the government from time to time. Purdah system was abolished, widow
remarriage introduced, polygamy and early marriage abolished and higher education provided
for. In the past it was considered an offence and loss of caste if a man travelled abroad, the new
Samaj tried its best to remove such old and rotten ideas and introduced a new outlook among
the people. It, however, failed to have any impact on the general body of Hindus regarding
monotheism and abolition of idol worship. Otherwise, the country in general and Bengal in
particular owe much to the Brahmo Samaj for the reforms it brought about and the new outlook it
imparted to the people.
5.4 ALIGARH MOVEMENT
The British thought that the Muslims were chiefly responsible for the out break of
Mutiny in 1857. As a consequence, the hands of repression fell more heavily upon the Muslims
than upon Hindus. The Muslims lost their political influence. Their future seemed gloomy.
At this critical juncture Sir Syed Ahmed Khan appeared as the saviour of the Muslim
community. He had been loyal to the British during the Mutiny, hence he earned the confidence
 88

of the British officials. Sir Syed Ahmed Khan utilized his newly earned reputation for the
upliftment of the community. On the one hand he tried to bring about an understanding between
the British Government and the Muslims and on the other introduced the modern type of
education among the Muslims who had been averse to it in the past.
Sir Syed Ahmed Khan gradually convinced the Muslims that their future interests
depended entirely on the favours of the British Government. These could be secured in full
measures only by loyal co-operation, and not by confrontation, with the British. At the same time
he persuaded the British to believe that the Muslims were at heart not disloyal to the British
crown; and that though the Muslims might have been carried away by emotion and erred in
1857, it was merely a passing phase. He propagated the view that a little tact and generous
forgiveness on the part of the government could easily change the Muslims into staunch
supporters of the British.
Sir Syed Ahmed Khan also devoted his heart and soul to the regeneration of the Muslim
community. He raised his voice against Muslim orthodoxy in order to prove that there is nothing
in the Quran which stands in the way of the Muslims taking to English education and adopting
rational and advanced ideas as well as scientific knowledge of the west. Though he incurred
violent opposition from the orthodox section, he was not deterred.
He established several institutions for the learning of English education and the Western
thought and culture. He published journals for spreading liberal ideas on social reforms. It was
with this very object that he founded the Muhammadan Anglo-oriental college at Aligarh in 1877.
The college helped a great deal in developing the mental outlook and personality of the young
Muslim students on liberal lines.
For spreading liberal ideas among the Muslims, he started Muhammadan educational
conference as a general forum. He thus inaugurated a new era in the life of Indian Muslims.
He gave a distinctly new turn to Muslim politics, which in due course of time became anti-
Hindu and anti-Congress, for he looked upon the Indian National Congress as a predominantly
Hindu organisation.
It is not difficult to understand Sir Syed Ahmad's opposition to the Congress. The
Congress stood for representative type of government on democratic lines that of the Britain.
This meant the rule of the majority. As the Muslims had begun to think on purely sectarian lines,
and they formed only one fourth of the total population in India, they could never hope to wield
any power in a democratic form of government. Sir Syed Ahmad depreciated the system of
representative institutions even for local government for fear that the majority community of
Hindus would totally override the interests of the smaller Muslim community.
Sir Syed Ahmad and his followers were never tired of emphasizing that India was, not
one nation but was inhabited by different nations with different social, political, religious and
 89

historical traditions. Sir Syed Ahmad even hinted that, if the Congress demand of representative
government was conceded the Muslim minority might take up sword to prevent the tyranny of the
majority.
The movement, thus started by Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, is known as the Aligarh
movement. It was rested on the solid basis of the two nations theory, if not the multi-nation.
The four fundamental principles of the movement may be summarised as follows
1. The Hindus and Muslims form two separate nations with separate outlook and
conflicting interests.
2. The grant of representative institution based on democratic lines would be
detrimental to Muslims. Hindu domination would be far worse than British rule.
3. Muslim interests were safe in British hands.. So the Muslims should keep aloof from
the political agitation of the Congress against the Government.
4. Muslims should take part in politics only when it is necessary to counter balance
mischief of Hindu agitators.
The Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental college of Aligarh became the chief centre of the
propaganda against the Congress. The Principal of the college, an English man Mr. Beck
became the right hand man of Sir Syed Ahmad. It was under his direction that this propaganda
was unleashed through a literary journal, the Institute Gazette. Time and again he published
articles that India contained two or more nations and that Parliamentary government was
unsuited to India.
Principal Beck was also instrumental in founding a purely Muslim organisation called
"Muhammadan Anglo-oriental Defence Association of Upper India". The main objects of
Association were :
1. To place before British Government the Muslim opinion and to protect their political
rights.
2. To prevent political agitation among Muslims.
3. To strengthen the sense of loyality of British rule among Muslims.
In this way, a systematic effort was made by the English and Syed's followers to alienate
the Muslims from the main stream of Indian nationality. They pleaded for the loyality to the British
Government and Anglo-Muslims co-operation in checking the Congress struggle. An open
hostility against the Indian National Congress formed the basic political creed of the Aligarh
Movement.
Sir Syed Ahmad Khan looked upon the Congress as a machinery devised by the Hindus
to further their own interests at the cost of the Muslims.
 90

The Aligarh Movement gradually made a great impact on Muslim mind. When Congress
was started in 1835, there were many prominent Muslims in the organisation, who regarded
themselves as Indians first and Muslims afterwards. But with the passage of time, and in face of
Syed's mounting propaganda against Congress ideology, the number of Muslim leaders in
Congress started falling down considerably. The number of eminent Muslim leaders who took an
effective part in the Congress during the period 1885 to 1905, may be counted on one's fingers.
The Muslims, by and large, under the leadership of Sir Syed Ahmad, held themselves
aloof from the Congress. Even Ahmad’s co-religionists who differed from his progressive views
and opposed him vehemently, followed him meekly in politics. There is no doubt that Sir Syed
Ahmad Khan succeeded in keeping back the bulk of Muslims from the Congress.
To check the rising popularity of the Congress, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan laid the foundation
of the Annual Muslim Educational Conference in 1886. The conference was held each year at
different places in India exactly at the time when the Congress held its sessions. Although its
main object was the discussion of the educational condition of the Indian Muslims, it became a
powerful forum for the dissemination of Muslim political opinions.
The Aligarh Movement raised the Muslim community from the slough of despondency in
which it had sunk after the Mutiny and transformed it from the Medieval into the Modern age. He
did for the Muslim Community something like what Raja Ram Mohan Roy had done for the
Hindus. For the healthly growth of the Muslim society he favoured learning of the English
language and thoughts.
The movement succeeded in incurring favour of the British. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan was of
the opinion that Muslims could make an all-round advance only with the help of the Government.
So long they did not make sufficient progress, it was not wise to join in the political movement
and unnecessarily incur the displeasure of the Government. Hence he preferred exhibiting loyalty
to British rather than loyalty to the Indian nationalism. As the attitude of the sponsors of the
Aligarh Movement was quite beneficial to the British rule in India, the Britishers were very
pleased with the movement. The British gave all out support to the movement in order to check
the Congress designs.
There is hardly any doubt that the net result of the Aligarh Movement was to widen the
cleavage between the two great communities in India. In the long run it led to the weakening of
India's nationalism and ultimately culminated in the foundation of Pakistan.
5.5. RAMAKRISHNA MISSION AND SWAMI VIVEKANAND'S CONTRIBUTION
It is a unique phenomenon in the history of Hinduism that there had been spontaneous
inner movements for spiritual regeneration within the Hindu world almost at regular intervals.
Such movements were based on the true traditions of Indian spirituality and were not directly
influenced by external sources. In nineteenth century India with such an inward quest for spiritual
 91

awakening was represented by Sri Ramkrishna Paramahansa. If the Brahmo movement of Raja
Rammohan Roy was an outcome of external influences emanating from the enlightenment and
rationalism of the modern west, the movement represented by Ramakrishna and his disciples
was the result of an inner resurgence of the Hindu spirit to recover and reassert itself.
Ramakrishna was born in 1836 in the Hoogly district of Bengal. His life, as is ordinarily
understood, was as ordinary as that of Kabir or Nanak. But it was a life of extraordinary mystic
experience as in the case of great saints and seers. His message, too, was great. His was a life
that defies description in any usual sense.
Ramakrishna was born in a Brahmin family. The religious atmosphere in which the family
lived provided the boy with sufficient knowledge in Hindu religious doctrines and the contents of
scriptures. From a tender age the boy showed an unusual zeal for devotional practices and at
times lost himself in ecstasy. His mystic experiences ultimately opened for him an uncommon life
of extreme devotional fervor, a life dedicated to spiritual quests.
At about the age of twenty, Ramakrishna became the priest of the temple of Kali at
Dakshineswar near Calcutta. In his intense devotion to the Goddess he saw the Supreme Divine
Mother representing the Absolute Force which brought into existence the universe and creation.
It was not the Kali of the ordinary mind, associated with superstitions and cruel rites, but the
omnipotent and all pervading divine energy on which rested the world of physical and
metaphysical realities. Kali became avenue for Ramakrishna to attain further realisations. He
deluded into Tantric experiences as well as into Vedantic asceticism. Through yogic disciplines
and meditation, through unbounded faith and devotion, through substantive truth of the scriptures
as well as by acquired wisdom of experiences, Ramakrishna finally attained the supreme
realization.
That realization can be summed up as follows. Devotion to God was the supreme goal of
the mind. The devotion could be expressed through unbounded love. Here he was at one with
the medieval saints of the Bhakti school. The God to be attained through love could be very
personal, and conceived in any image. Yet he was beyond any perception, conception, form,
quality or character. Thus God could be formless or in forms. It was for man to realize Him in any
manner he liked. Such being his conception of God, Ramakrishna conceived the widest sphere
for any religion. True religion accommodated any amount of freedom in the true love of God.
Religion was just a path towards the supreme goal. It was by genuine liberalism, Ramakrishna
aimed to remove all kinds of dogmatism which the orthodox blindly upheld. 'Those who believe,
he said, that God is without form, attain Him just as well as those who believe that He has form.
‘The only two essentials are faith and self-surrender. His views introduced a synthesizing and
assimilating force into Hinduism. Dognatism was taken into account. It was the aim for the
ultimate, the Absolute, the Eternal. The Vedas, the Upanishads, the Sutras and the Shastras, the
faiths and doctrines of the worshippers of Siva, Shakti or Vishnu everything merely the eternal
 92

quest of that Eternal Being. Ramakrishna broke down the barriers which separated various
Hindu cults and took them together towards an inward search for the Reality, Hinduism thus
received from his teaching a new vigour, and a spirit of unity. It was a trend described at times as
neo-Hinduism. Under it, reforms were possible inside Hinduism and there was no need to leave
the fold in order to think of reform. Here was the difference between the Brahmos and the
disciples of Ramakrishna. If the former partially left the Hindu fold because Hinduism practised
idolatry, the liberalism of the latter showed that one could remain a perfect Hindu without
worshipping idols. And those who did not worship idols did not know that in their praise of the
qualities of the formless God, they were indirectly subscribing to the faith of the idolaters.
Ramakrishna pointed out: 'God is with form and without form. Images and other symbols are just
as valid as your attributes. And these attributes are not different from idolatry, but are merely
hard and petrified forms of it,' Hinduism stood well defended before the Hindu reformers
themselves.
Ramakrishna searched for a universal synthesis of all religions. If diverse faiths in
Hinduism had one common meeting ground, the different religions of the world could also be
regarded as veritable rivers merging in the ultimate seal. Remarkrishna's study of Islam, and
Christianity inspired him to appreciate the inner spirit of these religions being the realization of
God, paths to the goal varied because of external conditions, different destinations.
Instead, they all culminated at one and the same point. The universality of Truth, oneness
of God, and the real values of virtue were the essential fundamentals of all creeds and faiths.
Religions ultimately, therefore, possessed the potentiality of uniting all mankind if only
men realized and followed the inner meaning of true religion. In nineteenth century,
Ramakrishna's spiritual cosmopolitanism brought to the Indian mind a new vision of the spiritual
unity of mankind.
SWAMI VIVEKANANDA
Many were attracted to Ramakrishna from all ranks and positions. He symbolized all that
was godly in man and personified humility and virtue. Among who became his disciples, the most
celebrated was Narendra Nath Dutta, famous in history as Swami Vivekananda. Vivekananda
was born in 1863 in Calcutta. educated, progressive, intellectually gifted and modern in his
outlook, his attachment towards Ramakrishna appears paradoxical. But he was the master's
choicest disciple. With Ramakrishna's death in 1886, his mantle fell on Vivekananda's shoulders.
The Hindu spiritual concepts were interpreted by Vivekananda in the light of modern
nationality and progressivism. Side by side he aimed to associate spiritual attainments with the
vigour of mind and the body. He was a dynamic personality with boundless physical energy and
mental stamina. He became a missionary of spiritual awakening in an era of mental stagnation.
In 1888 Vivekananda traversed India with a message of hope. In 1890 he proceeded to America
 93

to attend the Parliament of Religions at Chicago where he propounded the true meaning of
Hinduism. It was a robust enunciation of the underlying philosophy of the world's most ancient
religion. He succeeded in carrying conviction to the mind of many that Hinduism was hot really
what the Westerners saw in its outward form, but something more vital and more real, the
reservoir of inner truths and sound rational conclusions.
While interpreting Hinduism to outside world, Vivekananda brought to the Indian mind
from the materially advanced West the merit of worldly optimism. The physical and metaphysical,
the spiritual and the material; all required a balance and a harmony in human life. The East and
the West, with their respective traditional achievements in spiritual and material spheres,
required an exchange of values for the good of mankind.
One of the most remarkable endeavours of Swami Vivekananda was to bring spirituality
from its philosophical and intelligible scriptural seclusion to the mind and heart of common
people toiling in their worldly existence. The message of religion was for the regeneration of
man. Spiritual vitality was necessary even in ordinary walks of life. Even in the darkest areas of
human thought and action, the spiritual and ethical rays of religion were considered essential.
Vivekananda lived at the dawn of the nationalist era. The message of spiritual hope which he
gave India proved a powerful force in the course of Indian awakening.
He emphasized the upliftment of the individual as well as the collective march of the
people towards progress and prosperity. From the individual and-national mind, he wanted to
remove the complex of inferiority, fear, lethargy and inertia. Doubts regarding man's own
capability to achieve higher objectives and the feeling of helplessness in the people as a whole
for a purposeful role were the grave defects in Indian national life in those morbid days of poverty
and slavery. Vivekananda's tenets were like antidotes to national ills.
In the preachings of Vivekananda one finds a strange but unique combination of modern
rationalism and ancient mysticism, of the doctrines of Vedas and Upanishads and the knowledge
of the age of science, of the highest spiritual value and hard worldly realities, of religious
expositions and secular attainments. He represented the ancient wisdom, the medieval devotion
and the modern intellect. Religion was a personal matter, yet universal in character. It was 'the
manifestation of the Divinity that is already in man'. 'Religion', he said, 'is neither in books, nor in
intellectual consent, nor in reason. Reason, theories, documents, doctrines, books, religious
ceremonies are all help to mankind, religion itself consists in realization.’
From scriptures and mysteries, from unattainable heights and impossible concepts,
Vivekananda brought to the individual the key to religion. It was far from prejudices but near to
the natural instincts of all men of all denominational distinctions. Such as individual realization
left no scope for hatred or of denial of others. It breathed neither pantheist, monist, polytheist,
 94

egoistic nor atheist, the only condition of being disciple is modelling a character at once the
broadest and the most intense... We believe that every being is divine, is God.'
In the Hindu Vedanta, Vivekananda discovered the most rationalistic and scientific
interpretation of God and the Universe. This Universe has not been created by any extracosmic
God, nor is it the work of any outside genius. It is self creating, self-dissolving, self-manifesting.
One Infinite Existence, the Brahma. Before such Vedantic ideals, the individual man was a part
of Nature's great rhythm, a realization of God within himself.
Vivekananda condemned religious externalities in the most vehement manner. 'Our
religion', he sarcastically pointed out is in the kitchen. One God' is the cooking pot and our
religion is 'don't touch me, I am holy.' Again, 'I would rather see everyone of you rank atheists
than superstitious fellows, for the atheist is alive and you can make something of him. But if
superstition enters, the brain is gone, the brain is softening, degradation has seized upon the life.
Vivekananda was an exponent of an ethical-spiritual internationalism. He declared I
accept all religions that were in the past and worship them all, I worship God with everyone of
them, in whatever form they worship him. I shall go to the mosque of a Mohammadan. I shall
enter the Christian's church and kneel before the Crucifix; I shall enter the Buddhist temple
where I shall take refuge in Buddha and His Law. I shall go into the forest and sit down in
meditation with the Hindu, who is trying to see the light which enlightens the heart of everyone.
Not only shall I do all these, but I shall keep my heart open for all that may come in the future.
The Bible, the Vedas, the Koran, and all other sacred books full of so many pages, and an
infinite number of pages remain yet to be unfolded. I would leave it (my heart) open for all of
them.
A spirited missionary, Vivekananda organized the disciples of Ramakrishna into an order
and founded the Ramakrishna Mission in 1897. The Mission was given threefold activities,
namely, to spread the meaning of Vedantic spiritualism far and wide to strive for a synthesis and
harmony among various faiths and cults, and to regard the service of mankind as service to God.
In 1899, Vivekananda established the Belur Math near Calcutta which became the centre of the
Mission's activities.
On a spiritual platform, Vivekananda was a link between India and the modern West to
preach his message. He travelled extensively over the United States, established Vedanta
centres and collected devoted disciples. From America he came to Europe and in 1900 attended
the Congress of the History of Religions in Paris. From there he proceeded to other European
countries. His messages left a lasting impression on the minds of men wherever he preached.
From the West he brought to India spirit of a material culture. 'From the great dynamo of Europe',
he said, the electric flow of that tremendous power, vilifying the whole world we want that energy,
that love of independence; that spirit of self-reliance, that immovable fortitude, that dexterity in
 95

action, the bond of unity of purpose, that thirst for improvement. The hope of Vivekananda was to
make a European Society with India's religion.'
Vivekananda died in 1902 at the age of 39. He left an enduring mark on his time and
greater impact on the future. In every sense he was the need of his time. He personified the
awakened spirit of a new India. He recreated an ethical nationalism, revived the lost spiritualism,
and indirectly paved the way to political patriotism. For twentieth century India,' he remained a
veritable source of inspiration of courage, confidence and of national pride.
5.6 ARYA SAMAJ
A more militant type of religious reform movement among the Hindus in the nineteenth
century was represented by the Arya Samaj. It did not look to other religions for inspiration. It
would not leave the Hindu fold for a separate identity. Instead it wanted to revive Hinduism from,
within. It aimed to recover the lost values of Aryanism, to reestablish the original Aryan ‘vigour,'
and to reassert itself against internal and external dangers.
Indirectly it represented a reaction against the rapid invasions of Western ideas and
Christianity. Inwardly, therefore, it resembled a Hindu revival. The founder of the Arya movement
was Swami Dayananda Saraswati.
Dayananda was born in 1824 in an orthodox Hindu family. His father was a Shaivite.
Young Dayananda studied Sanskrit, learnt the Vedas by heart and. became an erudite scholar.
While being required to assist his father in the worship of Shiva and to practise all kinds of rituals,
doubts began to crop up in his mind from an early age, if all this really had any meaning; Is it
possible ? He asked himself, that this idol I see bestriding his bull before me and who according
to all accounts, walks about, eats, sleeps, drinks, holds a trident in his hand, beats the drum and
can pronounce curses on men, can be the great deity, the Mahadeva, the Supreme being ? It
became difficult for him to accept any idol as the great God of the scriptures and to identify him
with an omnipotent living God. At the age of twenty one, disregarding his father's instruction to
marry, he left home, and after pilgrimage to many places in India, he became a sanyasi.
The more Dayananda assimilated the Vedas, the greater grew his conviction that the
Veda were the fountain source of all truth and of supreme knowledge. All other sacred scriptures
of the Hindus of the later ages appear untrue or mixed with pretensions. The Vedas were the
primeval scriptures of humanity containing religion in its purest form the most ancient revelation
of God in Nature and their religion constituted the real Divine Knowledge. Like the Vedic religion,
Vedic society too was a natural society without the social evils of subsequent ages. The Vedas
had advocated only the fourfold natural division of the society in accordance with the character,
capability and preference of the individuals for their profession. Thus there was neither the caste
system nor untouchability in the Vedic age. Similarly, the status of women in Vedic society was
one of honour, privilege, and freedom. Marriage was sacrament, while the woman was a divine
 96

helpmate of man. The late abuses and evils which degraded the position of Hindu women were
unknown to Vedic Aryans. Dayananda raised the cry, 'Back to the Vedas.'

Self Assessment Questions

1. What is the role of Raja Ram Mohan Roy in Brahmo Samaj ?
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

2. What was the achievements of Arya Samaj in the field of education ?

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

3. Write the views of Swami Vivekananda on religion.

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

In 1875, Dayananda founded the Arya Smaj at Bombay and 1877 at Lahore. The Samaj
was required to lay absolute faith in the God and in the Vedas. God, as Dayananda described to
his followers, is existent intelligent, and blissful. He is formless, omnipotent, just, merciful,
unborn, endless, unchangeable, beginningless, unequalled, the support of all, the master of all
omnipresent, immanent, unaging, immortal, fearless, eternal, and holy, and the master of air.
The Vedas are the scripture of true knowledge. It is the first duty of the Aryas to read them, teach
them, recite them, and hear them being read. Dayananda defined the duties of the Arya Samaj in
much wider term than as merely religious. Its members were required to devote themselves to
the physical, social and spiritual welfare of their fellowmen.
Side by side, the spread of proper education and a campaign against ignorance or
illusion were regarded as the other objectives of the Samaj.
The movement had a profound effect on the people of western and northern India.
Vedic rationalism and ideals had an appeal to progressive intellectuals. Aryan doctrines,
too, infused into men's mind a sense of pride and of possessions. The Hindu could look to their
own religion for keeping pace with the modern world.
The programme of activities which the Arya Samaj upheld was at once forceful and far-
reaching. In an attempt to re-introduce and encourage the ancient Aryan type of education, the
 97

Samaj started establishing the gurukulas or educational institutions on the Vedic pattern. The
most notable of such gurukulas was the one at Kangri in the vicinity of Haridwar which developed
into a famous centre of Vedic studies. Sanskrit and Hindi became the medium of instruction even
at the highest stage, and in those languages the modern subjects of sciences and humanity were
taught, besides Vedic Studies. The Gurukulas emphasized character building, and a spirit of
service and dedication on the part of youth, side by side with studies. Philanthropic activities
were a part of the Arya programme. The Samaj established homes for orphans, widows,
destitutes and the distressed.
"On a more militant platform, the Arya Samaj condemned the Brahmanic rites and rituals,
idol worship and superstitious practices. It strove to bring to the untouchables the status of the
Hindus belonging to the upper castes. On the external side the Samaj threw open the doors of
"Hindu society” to the non-Hindus. Dayananda himself initiated the Shuddhi movement by which
the non-Hindus could be converted to Hinduism. It was a new method in Hinduism which was
known to the world as a non-missionary religion. But the Arya Samaj embraced various non-
Hindu races, such as, the Greeks, Scythians, Kushans, Lakas and Hunas who got identity in the
Hindu society by becoming Hindus. Thus, Hinduism was a missionary religion in its heyday, with
an all absorbing dynamism. It became static and closed its doors in an age of decay. The Arya
Samaj aimed at reviving the all absorbing spirit of Hinduism. Its more specific aim was to bring
back to Hindu society all those people who at some time or the other had left their original
religion and had embraced either Islam or Christianity. It was this attempt as reconversion which
alarmed the other religions as well as the British Government.
5.7 Summary
Students, we have learnt about socio-religious reform organizations in this lesson. These
movements were born as a rection to the activities of the Christian issionaries as well as a result
of interaction between two different cultures, one western and dominant and the other indigenous
and dominated. The Brahmo Samaj, the Arya Samaj and the Ramakrishna Mission were started
among the Hindus of India. Whereas the Aligarh movement emerged from among the Indian
Muslims. These movements introduced reform in religious beliefs and practices as well as
society. Great emphasis was laid on introduction of modern western education and improving the
position of women.
5.8 References
Bipan Chandra, History of Modern India, New Delhi: Orient Blackswan, 2009.
Sekhar Bandyopadhyay, From Plassey to Partition, New Delhi: Orient Blackswan, 2009.
5.9 Model Questions
1. Describe the achievements of the Arya Samaj.
 98

2. What do you know about the origin and activities of Brahmo Samaj?
3. Write a note on the Aligarh Movement.
4. Write about Ramakrishna Mission.
 99

Lesson-6

DEPRESSED CLASSES MOVEMENT

Structure
6.0 Objectives
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Socio-Religious Reform Movement
6.3 Role of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar
6.4 Jyotiba Phule
6.5 Mahatama Gandhi
6.6 Summary
6.7 Further Readings
6.8 Model Questions
6.0 Objectives
After reading this lesson you would be able to learn about:
 the role of socio-religious reform movements in uplifting the low castes
 Role of Ambedkar in the upliftment of the dalits.
 Efforts of Jyotiba Phule
 Role of Gandhi in the upliftment of depressed classes.
6.1 Introduction
Students, in this lesson we will learn about the role played by three eminent leaders of
India in uplifting the low castes. The origin of the social stratification is a controversial problem in
the Indian History. Social differentiation with its demarcation of groups and status or individual is
a very wide feature of Indian society. In the 19th century the socio-religious reform movements
condemned the Caste system and untouchability. But these challenges, though conceived, in the
spirit of enlightened social regeneration achieved marginal success.
A number of circumstances in the 19th and 20th centuries created class consciousness
among the lower castes who look upon themselves to struggle for caste equality. Leaders like
B.R. Ambedkar, Mahatma Gandhi and Jyotiba Phule made efforts to improve the position of the
depressedclasses.
6.2 Socio-religious Reform Movements
In the middle of the 19th century again socio-religious reform movements laid a crusade
against caste system.
 100

The Brahmo Samaj movement started by Raja Ram Mohan Rai in 1828 and the
Prarthana Samaj founded in 1867 by Justice Mahadev Govind Ranade (1842-1901) in Bombay,
Maharashtra, worked for the abolition of caste system. A depressed class mission was formed
for their welfare. Likewise other socio-religious reform movements too worked for the upliftment
of the depressed classes.
In Maharashtra, Jyotiba Phule (1827-96) opened a Satya Shodhak Samaj in 1873. The
Samaj proclaimed the need to save the lower castes from the hypocricy of Brahmins and their
opportunist scriptures. The Samaj gained importance in South India and Maharashtra. Jyotiba
Phule opened a number of schools and orphanages. His main aim was to secure social justice
for the weaker sections of the society.
In Kerala, Narayan Guni (1854-1928) established Shri Narayan Dharma Paripalana
Yogam in Kerala and tried to get rid of untouchability and built temples for all castes. He gave a
slogan of "one religion, one caste and one god for mankind.''
Similarly the Arya Samaj started by Swami Dayanand Saraswati (1824-83) in 1875 at
Bombay, too, criticised the caste distinctions. Not only this, simultaneously the Samaj began
shudhi movement and worked for the upliftment of the depressed classes.
Mohan Dass Karam Chand Gandhi went a step further to uplift the depressed classes.
He called them Harijan i.e. People of God. Gandhiji, who started a novel technique of non-
violence, non co-operation movement, to liberate India from the Britishers, wanted to make his
movement a movement of the masses. His call for masses including women and common
people had a great impact on society. He launched a special eighteen point constructive
programme for the reconstruction of a better society in India. Removal of untouchability was one
of his constructive programmes. He started three weeklies to educate and build public opinion in
favour of removal of untouchability. He asked the higher caste Hindus to help their low caste
brothers for a better life. He himself kept fast unto death in September 1932 to protest against
separate electorate. For the emancipation of the Harijans, Gandhiji organised the masses
through the Harijan Sewak Sangh. In 1932 Anti untouchability League was established. It had
several branches all over the country. He made several efforts to drive away the ghost of
untouchability till his death in 1948.
6.3 Dr. B. R. Ambedkar
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar was another crusader in the cause or upliftment of the depressed
classes. Bhim Rao Ambedkar was born in Mahar community of Maharashtra on 14th April 1891
in Mhow in India. Mahar was a Hindu untouchable community of Maharashtra. His father's name
was Ram Jisak Pal and mother's name was Bhima Bai. Bhim Rao was the fourteenth child and
humourously used to call himself Chaudahvan Ratna, His grandfather's family was an influential
one. His mother died when he was only six. He married in 1905 with Rambai of his own caste.
 101

She died in 1935. In 1948 he again married Dr. Sharada Kabir who was Saraswat Brahmin of
Bombay.
Bhim Rao started his Primary School education at Satara where he experienced
separatist and inhuman treatment which hurt him. In 1907 he did his matriculation securing 282
marks out of 750 Marks. His success was celebrated being extraordinary, for a depressed class
student in those days. His teacher K.A. Keluskar praised him, presented him book on Gautama
Buddha and also he was instrumental in arranging an interview between Ambedkar and the
Maharaja of Baroda. The Maharaja was influenced by him and sanctioned Rs. 25/- per mensem
for his higher education. In 1912, he graduated, from Elphinstone College Bombay arid later he
did his M. A. and Ph.D. from Colombia University. In 1923 he was called to the Bar.
In Bombay he started practicing as a barrister, joined the Appellate side of the Bombay
Bar. He faced difficulties in getting cases being an untouchable but he continued his efforts.
Bhim Rao Ambedkar utilised his time in writing papers, too. He got published his paper
Castes in India and small Holding in India and their Remedies.
In 1918, he was appointed Lecturer of Political Economy in the Sydenham College
Bombay with a handsome salary. As a lecturer he earned popularity amongst students. Here
also he meted out an indifferent treatment from some Gujrati Professors.
In 1918, he was called upon to give evidence, before the Southborough Committee
where he demanded separate electorate and reserved seats in proportion to the untouchable
population. To propagate the cause of the untouchables he also started a paper 'Mook Nayak'
meaning leader of the dumb from 31st Jan 1920. Although he worked behind the scene being a
government. official, yet the paper was a mouth piece of Ambedkar. Mook Nayak raised voice
against untouchability.
In 1924 Ambedkar started an oganisation, Bahishkrit Hitkari Sabha in Bombay. It was to
"Educate, Agitate and Organise" for the moral and material progress of the untouchables. He
resorted to methods of agitation and launched Satyagraha to establish civic rights of the
untouchables to enter the Hindu temples and draw water from public wells.
In 1930 Ambedkar entered national politics. He demanded separate electorate for the
untouchables, He was nominated as a delegate of the three Round Table Conferences in
London (1930-32). The Communal Award announced by the British Prime Minister on 17th
August, 1932 provided for separate electorates for the Depressed classes.
This upset Gandhiji who went on fast unto death. Ultimately a compromised formula,
popularly known as Poona Pact (24th Sept. 1932) was signed. According to it seats were
reserved for the Depressed classes in the general constituencies.
 102

In April 1942, B. R, Ambedkar founded the Scheduled Caste Federation as an all India
party. On the eve of independence, Ambedkar was nominated by Congress Party as a member
of the Constituent Assembly. His contribution in framing and piloting the Indian Constitution and
the Hindu Code Bill are well recognised. Today, Ambedkar is remembered as the emancipator of
the lower castes. Ambedkar toured Maharashtra for mobilising public opinion for future reforms
and organising the Depressed classes to awake and educate themselves. In 1925, he presided
the Provincial Depressed classes conference at Nipani in Bombay. Here, he openly said that
Gandhi had priority of Khadi and Hindu Muslim unity more than the upliftment of untouchables. In
1925 he also started hostel for the untouchable High School boys. Apart from Hostel facility they
were also helped with clothes, books and required stationery. A reading room was also provided.
In 1927, Dr. Ambedkar presided over another conference of depressed classes in
Kolaba. They drank water from Chowdar's Tank and planned to enter the temple. All Orthodox
became rebellious to save this temple. Some of the untouchables were beaten by the high caste
Hindus. Ambedkar handled the situation. He resorted to agitation and launched Satyagrahas to
secure equal, rights for the untouchables.
In 1930, Ambedkar demanded separate electorate. He was nominated delegate for Third
Round Table Conference in London. His efforts succeeded and a separate electorate was
announced in August 1932. This was opposed by Gandhi with his fast unto death in Sept. 1932.
Ultimately Poona Pact was signed in Sept. 1932 which provided reservation of seats for the
Depressed classes in the general constituencies.
Ambedkar favoured British rule to safeguard the interest of the Depressed classes. In
1942, a Scheduled caste Federation was started by him. He announced to leave Hindu fold
alltogether, many of his followers along with Ambedkar embraced Buddhism.
He was appointed member of Constituent Assembly on the eve of independence. His
contribution in framing the Indian constitution and getting principle of Equality for all Indian
citizens and abolishing of untouchability is his well marked achievement. The Untouchability Act
of 1955 awards punishment for any offence of untouchability.
Dr. Ambedkar was a great scholar, writer and a parliamentarian, too. As a man he had
impressive personality. Though, be belonged to a poor family but he worked so hard to rise to the
occasion. As a leader of the Depressed classes his main aim was to lead the Depressed classes
towards a higher social, political and economic status and to free them from the stigma of
untouchability. He wanted equality on par with the Hindus. He had unbounded love for his people
He was an eminent educationist, a dynamic personality and a champion of the downtrodden.
Till his death in 1956 he remained associated for the upliftment of the Depressed classes.
6.4 JYOTIBA PHULE
 103

Jyotirao Phule: (1827-1890): In western India Jyotirao Govindrao Phule popularly known
as, Jyotiba Phule struggled for the lower Castes. Jyotiba was born at Poona in 1827 in a Mali
Caste. (His family members supplied flowers and garlands etc. to the Peshwa family and hence
they came to be called Phule).
Some incidents of Brahamanical arrogance changed outlook of Jyotiba. Once Jyotiba
was scolded and insulted by Brahamins for his audacity in joining a Brahmin marriage
procession. The Brahamins also opposed Jyotiba in running a school for the lower caste and
women. Under the pressure of upper class people his father Gobindrao turned out Jyotiba and
his wife from his family house.
Jyotiba believed that the Brahmins, under the pretext of religion, tyrannized over other
castes and turned them into their slaves. Jyotiba was ever critical of the Indian National
Congress leaders for their neglect of the interests of weaker sections.
He maintained that the Congress could not be called truly National unless it showed
general interest in the welfare of the lower and backward castes.
In 1873 Jyotiba started a Satya Shodhak Samaj (Truth Seeking Society) with the aim of
securing social justice for the weaker sections of society. He opened a number of schools and
orphanages for the children and women belonging to all castes. He was elected as a member of
the Poona Municipal Corporation in 1876. In 1888, Jyotiba was honoured with the title of
Mahatama. Jyotiba publication include Dharma Tritiya Ratna (Exposure of the Puranas), Ishara
(A Warning) and Life of Shivaji etc.
6.5 Mahatma Gandhi (1869-1948)
Popularly known as the father of the Nation was born on 2nd October 1869 at Porbandar
in Kathiawar, Gujarat. He went to England to study for the Bar. He was engaged by an Indian
firm to fight a complicated property case in South Africa. He stayed in South Africa for twenty
years. This period of Gandhiji's career was very significant. In 1914 Gandhiji returned to India
and began to take part in the constructive activities of the Congress. He sought not only political
freedom for India but also material, social and moral welfare of the masses.
Gandhiji had a great sense of social justice and could not tolerate injustice to any section
of the society. He was particularly concerned about the deplorable condition of the depressed
classes and did his level best to improve their condition.
To uplift the depressed classes already some work had been done by Arya Samaj,
Ramakrishna Mission, Brahmo Samaj and Theosophical Society to uplift the depressed classes.
In 1906 the Depressed Classes Society of India was founded for the improvement of the social
and spiritual condition of members of the depressed classes. The society tried to remedy the
social disabilities and advocate the principles of liberal religion. It made efforts to provide work to
the members of the depressed classes.
 104

Mahatma Gandhi believed that untouchability was a great sin and strongly protested
against the age old practice of not letting the untouchables enter the temples.
6.6 Summary
Students in this lesson we have dealt with role played by three important leaders who
worked for the upliftment of the depressed classes. Each undertook different means to illustrate
their views. Mahatma Gandhi started the weekly paper entitled The Harijan. He identified himself
with the depressed class and often lived in Harijan colonies. Dr Ambedkar and Jtoyiba Phule too
made effforts by starting various institutions. As a result of these efforts they were able to create
a sense of social justice amongst the depressed classes.
6.7 References
Bipan Chandra, History of Modern India, New Delhi: Orient Blackswan, 2009.
Sekhar Bandyopadhyay, From Plassey to Partition, New Delhi: Orient Blackswan, 2009.
6.8 Model Questions
1. What do you understand by the Depressed class Movements?
2. Examine the contribution of Dr. Ambedkar in the upliftment of depressed classes.
3. Analyse the contribution of Gandhi in the upliftment of low castes.
4. What was Jyotiba Phule’s role in improving the condition of the depressed classes?

_____
 105

Lesson – 7

FOUNDATION AND GROWTH OF THE INDIAN NATIONAL

CONGRESS 1885-1905, GROWTH OF NATIONALISM
1905-1919

Structure
7.0 Objectives
7.1 Introduction
7.2 Early Political Associations
7.3 Foundation and Growth of The Indian National Congress 1885-1905
7.4 Growth of Nationalism 1905-1919
7.5 Revolutionary Movement in Maharashtra, Bengal and the Punjab
7.6 Summary
7.7 References
7.8 Model Questions
7.0 Objectives
After reading this lesson you would be able to learn:
 How political consciousness grew and developed in colonial India
 About early political associations
 Aims and achievements of Indian National Congress from 1885 to 1919.
7.1 Introduction
Students, with the growth of education in India, people became conscious of subjugation
to the British and the feeling of nationalism grew among them. As a result initially several early
political associations were formed by these educated Indians to create awareness among the
Indians. In 1885, the first political party, the Indian National Congress was formed. Students this
political party was responsible for the early participation of Indians in politics in colonial Indian.
The Indian National Congress played a key role in the growth of Nationalism in the firsy two
decades of the twentieth century in India.
7.2 EARLY POLITICAL ASSOCIATIONS
 106

Several organizations were formed by the Indian to protect their i nterests even prior to
the formation of the Indian National Congress. Most had limited objectives and were
formed by the Zamindars of rich people who wielded influence in the society. Their efforts
remained limited to their respective regions. Therefore, much could not be done by them.
The Presidency Associations were founded first of all. It was natural that political
education should begin in 'the Presidency capitals where the commerce and
administration of the Company had first unsettled the traditional order’ and English
education had produced men who had learnt the language and the political idiom of their
rulers.
1. Landholder’s Society : Landholder’s Society was established at Calcutta in
1838. The permanent settlement established in 1793 originated a class of land
holders in BengaL Their sons got Western education and their outlook became
broad. They formed a Society to protect the interests of landholders. Their
efforts remained limited to their respective reasons, therefore, much could not
be done by them.
2. Bengal British India Society : Was established at Calcutta in 1843 under the
influence of George Thompson, the other important leaders of this society were
Gopal Ghosh and Pyare Chandra Mitra. S.R. Mehrotra says, “Bengal, British
India Society was more a study circle than an association of agitators.” The
landholders did not support this Society so it failed in 1846.
3. British Indian Association : It was established in 1851. Its first President was
Radha Kant Dev and first Secretary was Devinder Nath Tagore. It worked
under the guidance of certain eminent persons like Rajindera Lal Mitra, Rom
Gopal Ghosh, Pyare Chandra Mitra and Harish Chandra Mukherjee. It sent a
letter to the British Parliament in 1852 and appealed that the Indians should be
associated in framing laws concerning India and examination for Indian Civil
Services should be held in India as well. It, thus, represented the desire of the
Indians before the British Parliament in a most modest form. Anil Seal writes,
“In 1870 it seemed the only political body in the country respected in Bengal.”
The attention of association was concentrated on issues connected with land,
and its views were shaped primarily to safeguard the interests of the zimindars.
Its spokesman in the Governor General’s Legislative Council, Kistodas Pal,
editor of the Hindoo Patriot, championed the cause of the zimindars in the
debate on the Bengal Tenancy Bill (1883). It opposed the imposition of income
tax, the Factory Bill passed by Ripon, Lytton’s Arms Act and sup ported the
Ilbert Bill. Its influence decreased by 1876 as more significant Indian
Association came into being.
 107

4. Bombay Association: Next to Bengal, Bombay was the most politically

conscious province in India. Bombay Association was formed in August, 185 2.
The first President of Association was Jagannath Shankar Seth and first two
joint Secretaries were Bhaudaji and Vinayak Rao Jagannath. In 1852 the
Association sent a petition to the British Parliament to introduce administrative
reforms in India and in 1859, it sent a memorial to the Legislative Council
against the License Bill. The Bombay Association showed signs of rapid decay
in post ‘Mutiny’ years. It was revived in 1867. Although primarily interested in
local issues, it submitted memorials on question like recruitment to the Indian
Civil Services and participation of the Legislative Councils in financial matters.
By 1879 its activities practically ceased. A new political association called the
Bombay Presidency Association was established in Bombay in January 1885. It
was practically the mouthpiece of the Parsi, Gujarati and Muslim leaders of
Bombay city who did not like to associate themselves with Marathi Brahmin
leaders of the Poona Sarvajanik Sabha. It was guided by a ‘triumvirate’:
Pherozeshah Mehta, K.T. Telang and Badruddin Tyabji. It was quite active in
its early years, but it was gradually overshadowed by the Indian National
Congress. Mehta and Tyabji became President of the Congress; the former
was one of the front-rank leaders for many years.
5. Poona Sarvajanik Sabha : Poona had lost its political importance with the fall
of the Peshwa in 1818, but not its appeal to Maratha emotion. While Bombay
was the administrative capital, Poona remained the cultural and social centre of
the Marathas. It is not surprising that Maratha patriotism and Brahminical
influence should have ascendancy at the former capital of the Marathas. Sir
Richard Temple, Governor of Bombay, wrote in 1879: ‘...never have I known in
India a national and political ambition, so continuous, so enduring so far-
reaching, so utterly impossible for us to satisfy, than that of the Brahmins of
Western India’. The Deccan Association, founded at Poona in 1852, and the
Poona Association, founded in 1867, did not show any sign of much activ ity.
The Poona Sarvajanik Sabha was founded in 1870. Although the Brahmins had
a predominant share of membership, there were Hindus of other castes as also
Parsis, Muslims and Christians. Mahadev Gobind Ranade–scholar,
educationist, jurist, religious and social reformer, economist polítician-provided
for the Sabha a type of leadership which no other political association could
claim. In 1875 the Association submitted a petition to the House of Commons
demanding India’s direct representation in Parliament. In 1878 it started, under
Ranade’s guidance, a quarterly journal which became ‘the intellectual guide of
 108

new India particularly on economic question’. It had to discontinue its

publication in 1897. By that time the Sabha, then under the leadership of Bal
Gangadhar Tilak, had been crippled by the hostility of the Government.
6. Madras Native Association : Was established in 1852. Its President was C.Y.
Mudlyar and Secretary Ramanujcharya. Its Adviser was Malcolm Lewin. The
Association was active from 1854-60 but later it faded. It had a premature
death in 1862. No new political association showing any real sign of activity
grew up during the next two decades. In the early eighties the need of a strong
central organization, which could claim to speak on behalf of the entire
Presidency, was seriously felt. The result was the establishment of Madras
Mahajan Sabha. It was different from similar association in other parts of the
country in one respect; it tried to bring about an inter change of views between
the Presidency town and the mufussil. In 1885 it had nearly 56 affiliated
associations. It worked on close co-operation with the Indian National
Congress.
7. East India Association : Even before 1858 it had been recognized that the
battle for India’s political rights should be fought not only in India but also in
England. The preliminary work had been done by Raja Rammohan Roy and
Dwarkanath Tagore. The India Reform Society was founded in London in 1853
by English ‘friends of India’ for the purpose of ‘bringing public opinion to bear
on the Imperial Parliament in the case of India’. The East India Association was
founded in London in 1866 with a view to discussing the Indian question and
influencing British public men to promote India’s welfare. Among its organi zers
was Dadabhai Naoroji who served the national cause with unabated zeal for
many decades, was thrice elected President of the Indian National Congress,
and was acclaimed in later years as the ‘Grand Old Man of India’. ‘He was also
India’s first economic thinker. In his writings on economics he showed that the
basic cause of India’s poverty lay in the British exploitation of India and the
drain of wealth’.
8. Andian Association (Calcutta) : The British Indian Association lost its appeal to
the younger generation because its program was conservative and its
membership was confined to a narrow circle. A group of new leaders holding
progressive views, led by Sisir Kumar Ghosh, founder-editor of the Amrita Bazar
Patrika, established in 1875 a new association called the India League. But it
was weakened by internal differences and replaced in 1876 by another political
body called the Indian Association. Its principal sponsor was Surendra Nath
Banerjee, and his chief associate was Ananda Mohan Bose. Its first me eting was
 109

organized in the Ilbert Hall at Calcutta where more than seven hundred people
from all walks of life gathered. Its aims were elaborated by S.N. Banerjee as
follows :
a) To form a strong public opinion.
b) To organize people of all castes and creeds on the basis of similarity of
political interest and desires.
c) To bring Hindus and Muslims closer to one another, and
d) To enlist the cooperation of the common people in public agitations.
This association opposed the Arms Act and the Vernacular Press Act when Lord
Lytton passed them in 1878. It also opposed the reduction of the age from twenty -one
years to nineteen years as the qualifying age for the candidates appearing in the Indian
Civil Services examination. S.N. Banerjee toured all over Ind ia for creating consciousness
against this injustice among the Indian candidates. Between 1883-85, it organized several
demonstrations of peasants and demanded reduced rate of revenue. In 1883 it set up an
All-India National Conference with a view to bringing representatives from all over India to
a common platform. In 1885 it held the meeting of the National Conference at Calcutta for
the second time. Thus, the Indian Association was the most active organization among all
organizations formed before the All-India Congress. It not only attempted at awakening
and developing national consciousness but also at organizing it on an all -India basis.
Thus, we find that Indian national consciousness got its expression through formation of
several associations even prior to the establishment of the Indian National Congress.
Some of these associations did some useful work and helped in building up personalities
of many individuals who later on became national leaders.
7.3 FOUNDATION AND GROWTH OF THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS 1885-1905
(MODERATES)
The Indian National Congress played a significant role in the Freedom Struggle of India. It
was not just a political party but a movement. It included within its fold, individuals and
groups which subscribed to widely divergent political and ideological perspectives. As a
movement, the Congress incorporated different political trends and social classes so long
as the commitment to democratic and secular nationalism was there. From the outset, it
included in the ranks of its leadership persons with diverse political thinking, widely
disparate levels of political military and varying economic approaches.
By 1885, the formation of an all-India political organization had become a
necessity, and the necessity was being recognized by nationalists all over the country. It
is difficult to say as to how the idea of establishing the Congress originated. According to
some people, the Delhi Durbar held in 1877 gave birth to this idea. But, most probably,
 110

the Delhi Durbar suggested the idea of National Conference and not that of the Congress
to Surender Nath Banerjee. Another view that seventeen Indians who attended the
Theosophical Convention at Madras explored the idea of the Congress as has been
discussed in Mrs. Annie Besant’s book, How India Wrought for Freedom.
Role of A.O. Hume in establishing of Indian National Congress: The generally
accepted view is that the Indian National Association formed by Allan Octavian Hume
(A.O. Hume) was instrumental in convening the Congress. The fact is th at the idea of
having an all-India organization had struck the minds of several Indians but it was given a
concrete shape by a British retired civil servant, Mr. A.O. Hume. Allan Octavian Hume
was born in 1829, son of a radical British leader Joseph Home, he inherited his father’s
political views and interested himself in early youth in European revolutionary
association. He joined the Company’s Civil Service in 1849, served in the North -Western
Provinces, became a Secretary to the Government of India in 1870, incurred Lytton’s
displeasure and suffered demotion in 1879, and retired in 1882. Instead of returning
home like his fellow Civilians he settled at Simla in 1883-84 the hermit of Simla’ entered
the Indian political stage.
On March 1, 1883 he wrote an open letter to the students of Calcutta University
asking at least fifty among them to come forward to make every sacrifice in the service of
their motherland. Initially, he desired that important people from all over India should
meet once a year to discuss social affairs with a view to improving them. Later he met
Lord Dufferin, the then governor-general of India who, probably, advised him to form an
association which might function on the model of opposition party in Britain so that
improvement could be made in the administration. He then went to Britain and discussed
the matter with several British leaders. He also organized the Indian Parliamentary
Committee there which aimed at developing interest of the members of the British
Parliament in Indian affairs. After his return from Britain, he made efforts to establish an
all-India organization and eminent Indians from different places were invited to meet at
Poona from 25th to 28th December 1885. However, as Poona became infected with
cholera, the venue was shifted to Bombay. There the first session of the All-India
Congress began on 28th December 1885 at Gokul Das Tej Pal Sanskrit College. It was
presided over by an eminent barrister of Calcutta, Mr. Womesh Chandra Banerjee. The
first session of the Congress was attended by 72 delegates; the largest number (about
38) came from the Bombay Presidency, and Bengal sent only 3, Surender Nath Banerjee
and Ananda Mohan Bose not being among them. At the second session in Calcutta
(1886) in which Surender Nath Banerjee and Anand Mohan Bose played an important
role–there were 434 delegates, at the third session in Madras (1887) there were 607, and
at the fourth session at Allahabad there were 1248.
 111

All the Indian leaders of that time knew it very well that had they in itiated to form a
national organization, the British would have opposed it. Being retired British civil servant
he was not suspected and the British government did not oppose the formation of the
Congress. Gokhale, with his characteristic modesty and polit ical wisdom stated this
explicitly in 1913: ‘No Indian could have started the Indian National Congress....if an
Indian had ...come forward to start such a movement embracing all India, the officials in
India would not have allowed the movement to come into existence. If the founder of the
Congress had not been a great Englishman and a distinguished ex-official, such was the
distrust of political agitation in those days that the authorities would have at once found
some way or the other to suppress the movement.”
What was the Safety Valve Theory ? why The British Interest in Creating
Indian National Congress?:
1. Some controversy prevails about the object which promoted Hume to
organize All India Congress. It is said that the Indian National Congress was
started by Hume and others under the official direction, guidance and advice
of no less a person than Lord Dufferin, the Viceroy, to provide a safe, mild
peaceful, and constitutional outlet or safety valve for the rising discontent
among the masses, which was inevitably leading towards a popular and
violent revolution. Consequently, the revolutionary potential was nipped in
the bud.
2. It is again said that a violent revolution was on the cards at the time and was
avoided only by the foundation of the Congress. Hume himself accepted it.
He observed a safety valve for the escape of great and growing forces
generated by our own action was urgently needed.
3. Lala Lajpat Rai also wrote in his book, Young India that “the main reason for
founding the Indian National Congress was the anxiety of the progenitors to
prevent the disruption of the Empire.
4. The first President of Congress, W.C. Banerjee and the biographer of Hume,
W. Wedderburn claimed that the final form of the Congress had resulted frorn
the discussion between Mr. Hume and the Viceroy, Lord Dufferin. They
expressed the view that Lord Dufferin advised Hume to organize a political
body which would act in the same way as the opposition party did in Britain,
otherwise Hume simply desired to establish an all-India body to discuss
matters of social reform.
5. R.P. Dutt commented that ‘the Congress was the result of presettled and
secret plan of the British government.’ It is observed that Mr. Hume as well as
many other English officials felt that in the absence of an all-India
organization, the Indian national movement, probably, would, grow in violence
 112

and therefore, desired to provide a constitutional outlet to the discontent of

the Indians, particularly the educated among them, by founding the All -India
Congress.
6. The theory of ‘a safety valve’ does not consist of the complete truth. The base
for the theory is considered the fear of Hume of disruption of British Empire
by coming revolutions which he came to know from the Mahatmas.
7. Bipan Chandra Pal has elaborately discussed the matter and found the fear
of Hume baseless. There was no pre-plan to organize any national
organization in India by the British administration. The criticism of the
Congress by the British officials proved that there was no love f or the
Congress in the Government circles. The supporters of this theory like Lala
Lajpatrai, R.P. Dutt and M.S. Golwalkar had their own views about the
Congress by which they wanted to show that the foundation of the Congress
had British support. Their aim was only to criticise the liberal leadership of
early era.
First Session of Congress Only of English Educated Indians : Dufferin described the
All-India Congress as the body representing only a ‘microscopic minority of India’s vast
population’. He maintained that it represented only the English-educated class of the
Indians. It is not true. No doubt, in the first session of the Congress in 1885 seventy -two
representatives met, belonged exclusively to the English/educated class. But its pattern
changed the very next year, four hundred seventy four representatives who attended the
session in 1886 belonged to different classes of people. Dr. A.R. Desai, in his book,
Social Background of Indian Nationalism has accepted the national character of Indian
National Congress.
Objectives :
1. To promote the process of becoming India a nation. Many leaders accepted
that India was a nation in the making so the process must be completed.
2. To create a common political platform around which political workers in
different parts of the country could gather and conduct their political
activities, educating and mobilizing people on an all-India basis.
3. To prepare the Indian people to participate in the popular politics and
agitation.
4. To give Indian a National leadership.
5. To make the Indian people to know about the political democracy and
democratic institutions.
 113

PROGRAMME AND POLICIES OF INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS (MODERATES):

1885-1905 the moderate nationalist held leadership of the Congress and determined its
programme and course of action. Through their leadership they moulded the public opinion of the
country. The eminent moderate leaders of this period were Dadabhai Naoroji, Surendranath
Banerjee, Ferozshah Mehta; Gopal Krishan Gokhale, M.G. Ranade and Pt. Madan Mohan
Malaviya. These moderates were essentially friendly to the British and held the view that the
stability of the British rule was essential for Indian progress. They looked upon the railways, the
postal system, the law courts etc. as some of the blessings of the British administration. The
Moderates urged the British Government to introduce a number of reforms in the existing
system. Yet the moderates had great faith in peaceful and constitutional agitation. They carried
on their propaganda work through the press, the platform and its annual sessions. The press
was their very powerful agency because many Congress leaders were themselves the editors of
various newspapers, which appealed in English or Indian languages, the Congress leaders like
Dadabhai Naoroji. Wedderburn and Hume laid much emphasis on the need of propaganda in
English or Indian languages. They held that, if the British nation and Parliament were properly
informed of the Indian affairs they would be able to succeed in their efforts. The Congress also
sent delegates to England from time to time. Their first official deputation consisting of
Surendernath Banerjee, R.N. Madholakar, W .C. Bannerjee and A O. Hume visited England in
1890. The members delivered many lectures on Indian affairs. They also pleaded the cause of
Indians successfully. Thus, the moderates during their period of twenty years carried on their
work smoothly and steadfastly and did their best to keep the interests of the Indians in England.
The Moderates adopted the methods of propaganda, petitions and platforms. They
tried to arouse public opinion through newspapers and annual sessions. They tried to
influence British public in England in favour of Indian demands.
Congress Programme and Policies : Constitutional reforms : The Congress claimed a
share in the government of the country, not freedom from British rule. Loyalty to the
British Crown was loudly and repeatedly declared. As President of the second session
Dadabhai Naoroji described the Congress as ‘another stone in the foundation’ of the
British Government, not a nursery for sedition and rebellion’. In his speech at the first
session he had claimed ‘Britain’s best institutions’ because Indians were British subjects.
As President of the third session Badruddin Tyabji urged avoidance of the ‘sin of illegal
and anarchical proceedings’ and advocated the method of demanding redress of
grievances through ‘unanimous’ and ‘temperate’ presentation of ‘views and wishes’ to the
Government. Progress was to be slow and gradual. Georg e Yule, President of the fourth
session, said: ‘We don’t want the strong meat of full age, but we want to be weaned’.
Presiding over the thirteenth session Sankaran Nair said: ‘The only condition requisite for
the fruition of our political aspirations is the continuance of the British rule’. Surrendra
 114

Nath Banerjee, speaking as President in 1902, declared that Congress had a ‘divine
mission’ : ‘the unification of our peoples and the permanence of British rule in India’.
A new note was introduced by G.K. Gokhale as President in 1905. He defined the
‘goal of the Congress’ as the attainment ‘in course of time (of) a form of government ...
similar to what exists in the self-governing colonies of the British Empire’. Dadabhai
Naoroji, presiding for the third time in 1906, used the expression ‘self-government or
Swaraj like that of the United Kingdom.’ The word Swaraj, used by B.G. Tilak in the
nineties, was used from the Congress platform for the first time in 1906, and it became
‘the war cry of India for the next forty years’
The Congress pursued moderate aims through constitutional methods. It was
anxious to rally all shades of political opinion under its banner. It was careful not to
alienate the Government lest its activities should be suppressed. It had enough faith... in
the stern sense of British justice’, as D.E. Wacha said as President in 1901.
In concrete terms the Congress programme centred round the Legislative
Councils.
1. The Congress demanded expansion of their size.
2. Introduction of an elected element into their composition.
3. Enlargement of their functions.
4. Introduction of representative institutions.
5. The demands had some influence on the making of the Indian Councils Act of
1892. It was accepted by the Congress in a ‘loyal spirit’; but its provisions,
particularly the absence of any provision for direct election, were criticized.
6. Leaders of the early phase of the Congress were genuine patriots; they
sincerely desired their country's progress along lines laid down by the
political thought and the political experience of the West. But they were
realists; they felt that a direct challenge to British rule was out of the
question.
7. In those days Britain was the mightiest imperial power in the world. A direct
challenge – the ‘Quit India’ movement-failed in 1942 when Britain was
passing through the greatest crisis in her history. The early leaders of the
Congress believed that slow, gradual and moderate pressure on the British
Government would, sooner or later, bring to the people of India the s ubstance
of self-government.
8. As revolution was not possible they concentrated on reform.
 115

9. They tried ‘to build up a strong public opinion in India, to arouse the political
consciousness and national spirit of the people, and to educate and unite
them on political questions’.
10. In this programme their success was considerable. They laid the basis of a
national demand which became wider, more exacting and more aggressive
during the Gandhian era.
11. They did not appeal directly to the masses and organize them for direct
action.
12. The time was not yet ripe for democratizing the nationalist movement to that
extent.
13. It was still a movement of the educated classes, but its influence infiltrated
slowly into the villages.
Congress Programme
Administrative Reforms : Administrative reforms touched the people at all levels.
Naturally the pre- ‘Mutiny’ political leaders, from Rammohan Roy onwards, pleaded for
administrative reforms. That tradition was continued by the Presidency Political
Associations, the Indian Association, and the Congress.
Appointment of Indians in Higher Posts : The most important administrative reform
demanded by the political leaders during the last three decades of the nineteenth century
was appointment of Indians in the higher grades of administrative services. Special stress
was laid on the Indian Civil Service; removal of special difficulties which handicapped
Indian candidates–such as fixation of a low age-limit–was demanded, and introduction of
simultaneous examinations in London and India was urged.
Appointment of Europeans made Indians Feel Inferior : Appointment of Europeans
was economically and morally injurious for India. They were paid high salaries and
pensions, and a considerable part of their income was spent in England. Morally,
submission to their control compelled Indians to live in ‘an atmosphere of inferiority’ and
crushed their ‘administrative and military talents’
Separation of Judiciary from Executive : Because the combination of the functions of
the thief-catcher (the Magistrate sitting as a criminal judge) was opposed to the principle
of impartial administration of justice. The Congress opposed the curtailment of the
powers of the juries.
Civil Liberities : Congress programme in defence of civil rights, included resistance to all
official attempts to curtail the freedom of speech and freedom of the press. In 1897 B.G. Tilak
and several other leaders in Maharashtra were sentenced to long terms of imprisonment on
 116

the charge of spreading disaffection against the Government through their speeches and
writings. At the same time the Natu brothers of Poona were deported without trial. These
attacks on the civil liberties of the people provoked a country-wide protest.
Economic Reforms : it has been alleged that Congress had ‘no popular programme to
rally the peasantry’ although ‘the poverty of India gave rise to some academic speculation
inside Congress’. This is not correct.
1. The nationalists blamed the British for the destruction of India’s indigenous
industries and proposed the rapid development of modern industries in the
country.
2. They suggested tariff protection and direct Government aid for Indian
industries.
3. Even before the Swadeshi Movement following the Partition of Bengal (1905)
they encouraged the use of Indian goods and the boycott of British goods for
promoting Indian industries.
4. Foreign clothes were burnt at Poona in 1896.
5. For the benefit of the peasantry the nationalists demanded reduction of land -
revenue, extension of irrigation and development of agricultural banks which
would free them from the clutches of the money-lenders.
6. Agitated for improvement of the condition of workers in the plantations. They
demanded abolition of the salt tax.
7. Protested against the heavy military expenditure of the Government of India
and pleaded for its reduction.
8. Urged consideration for the sufferings of Indian workers whom poverty
compelled to migrate to foreign countries such as South Africa, Mauritius, the
West Indies and British Guiana in search of employment.
9. Carried on a continuous agitation for stoppage of drain of wealth from India to
England. ‘Under the British Indian despot’, Dadabhai Naoroji said, the
Indian’s ‘substance is drained away, unseen, peacefully and subtly–he
starves in peace and perishes in peace’
National Unity : The Congress leaders laid great stress on its role as a ‘mighty
nationalizer’. Speaking as Congress President in 1891, P. Ananda Charlu said that the
equivalent of the English term ‘nation’ as the Sanskrit word praja which meant the
‘aggregate’ of ‘citizens of one country, subordinate to one power, subject to one supreme
Legislature, taxed by one authority, influenced for weal or woe by one system of
administration, urged burdens’ He attached greater importance to ‘one-ness of rule and
 117

same-ness of political experience’ than to factors like racial origin, religion and language.
In this sense the Congress was promoting a national spirit. Sir Henry Cotton, speaking as
Congress President in 1904, said: ‘The growth of an Indian nation is the great political
revolution that is working before our eyes’. Many years later Surender Nath Banerjee
chose for his autobiography a significant title: A Nation in Making.
7.4 GROWH OF NATIONALISM 1905-1919
The policy and programmes of the Moderate Nationalists were not popular with the younger
generation. Their methods were ridiculed and they were dubbed as political mendicants. But
despite this criticism it cannot be denied that the Congressmen made a notable contribution
towards the growth of nationalism. It was under their leadership that the Congress regularly held
its annual sessions, passed resolutions, sent deputations and thus focussed the attention of the
people and the government on the Indian grievances. The moderate nationalists were too
passive. Their method of constitutional pressure was very ineffective. The attitude of the
government towards the Congress movement was first of sympathy, then of disparagement and
lastly of active hostility. Initially the birth of the Indian National Congress was looked upon with
favour by the British authorities in India. The Congress had hardly held a few sessions, when the
attitude of the British authorities in India began to change. Even Lord Dufferin became its critic
and he ridiculed the Congress demand of Parliamentary system and called it a representative of
a small minority of India. Two years later the Government of India issued a circular forbidding the
attendance of the government servants to the meetings of the Congress.
The authorities also adopted some measures to weaken the fast growing influence of the
movement. They persuaded the Muslims of the North West Provinces to keep themselves aloof
from the Congress. They attempted to create division among the educated Hindus. The only
result of these repressive measures was that the Moderates lost their influence, and the
Extremist Nationalists, with their new ideology and methods came to the forefront and dominated
the Indian National Congress from 1905.
While the main support for the moderate leaders had come from the elite the new leaders
appealed to the majority of students, workers and peasant. It must be remembered that the
experience gained during the early phase of the national movement had given stature and
maturity to the leaders. They had grown in self-respect and, self-confidence, Moreover, the
events happening all over the world during this period helped to generate among the natives a
militant nationalism. The emergence of Japan as a powerful and modern country revived the
hope of the Indians. It showed that any backward country could become strong without the
assistance of any developed country.
The most outstanding leader among the extremists was Bal Gangadhar Tilak, later he
came to be known as Lokmanya Tilak. Born in 1866 in the family of Chitpavan Brahaman in
 118

Maharashtra, he had to fight his way to eminence. He graduated from Bombay University.
Considerably influenced by the writings of Dadabhai Naoroji and Vishnu Shastri Chiplankar,
Tilak and his friend Agarkar decided to dedicate their lives to the cause of education as it was the
best medium of awakening the minds of the people. Together they instituted two papers
'Maratha' and 'Kesari' in English and Marathi, respectively. Tilak's method of writing was direct,
penetrating and precise. He wrote and spoke, asking the people to be unafraid and selfness,
proud and self-confident. Tilak's utilization of the religious and historical traditions for the sake of
the motherland, proved more effective.
Lala Lajpat Rai and Bipin Chandra Pal rallied round Tilak as his leading
lieutenants, also worked for the spread of new nationalism. Lala Lajpat Rai (1865-1928) was
closely associated with the new radical politics and became their chief spokesman in the Punjab.
He belonged to the first generation of English educated Punjabis and in his youth became an
ardent supporter of the Arya Samaj, when he attended the fourth session of the Congress at the
age of 24, he was already well known for his political writings in the Urdu weekly, 'Kohi-i-Noor' of
Lahore. His writings in Punjabi and his short biographics in Urdu, especially of Mazzini, Garibaldi
and Shivaji did much to help in the national awakening. Bipin Chandra Pal was the most
eloquent mouth piece of the militant temper of Bengal and his magnificent oratory influenced all
Indians from Punjab to Madras. He preached a relentless boycott of British goods, schools and
administration. He started a weekly, 'New India' which discussed the burning issues of the day,
India's impoverishment under British rule, and the anti-national character of English education. In
1906 he started the daily paper 'Bande Mataram' which, however, had to close down two years
later when the government brought a prosecution against it. A change came to Bipin Chandra's
thinking after 1910 when he turned towards a moderate approach. In addition to these,
Aurobindo Ghosh was also an exponent of militant nationalism but later on after going through
spiritual transformation, he retired from politics and founded an Ashram in Pondicherry to
become one of India's great spiritual leader.
These extremists formed their own group within the Congress because the Congress did
not support violent measures. The main body of the Congress consisted of the moderates and its
ablest leader was Gokhale. The moderates and the extremists both wanted self-government but
they differed in their approach. The moderates still believed in constitutional measures. The
extremists wanted more decisive action. Both began to drift further in outlook and in the
Congress session held in Calcutta in 1906, its president Dadabhai Naoroji prevented a split with
difficulty by declaring that Swaraj was the goal of the Congress. But the split could not be
avoided for long and the following year at the Surat Session (1907) the Extremists left the
Congress.
Factors for the Rise of Extremists
 119

The early years of the 20th century witnessed the emergence of a new and younger
group. It was sharply critical of ideology and methods of the old leadership. These angry
youngmen known as Extremists advocated 'Swaraj' (complete independence) as their goal. Their
leaders were Bal Ganga Dhar Tilak, Bipin Chander Pal and Lala Lajpat Rai popularly known as
Bal, Pal, Lal. They clashed with the Moderates over the question of Social Reform. Bal Ganga
Dhar Tilak was made of a different stuff than most of the Congress leaders. He was forthright in
his criticism of the Government and its policies. While the Moderates were shown all the favours
the Extremists were roughly handled by the Government. Their leaders like Lala Lajpat Rai,
Sardar Ajit Singh and many leaders of Bengal were deported. Many factors were responsible for
the rise of extremists:
(1) Failure of the Moderates: The younger element amongst the
Congressmen were greatly disappointed with the attitude of the British Government
towards their demands. The younger leaders also known as Extremists or
Revolutionaries felt that the policy of prayers and petitions would not lead them
anywhere. Even the Indian Councils Act of 1892 did not concede anything substantial.
(2) Reaction to Increasing Westernization: As a result of the social religious reform
movements of the 19th century the young leaders like Ba1, Pal, Lal were convinced of
the glorious culture of ancient India. They realized that the materialistic and
individualistic Western Civilization was eroding the values of Indian culture and
civilization. They aroused a feeling of patriotism among the people. They also
advocated to have pride of their own religion and self-government.
(3) Deteriorating Economic Condition of India: The economic miseries provided a
congenial atmosphere for the growth of extremists in India. The Indian leaders
conclusively proved that the British rule and its policies were responsible for the
economic ruin of India.
(4) Ill-treatment of Indians Abroad: The ill-treatment meted out to Indians abroad gave
a fillip to extremist movement. The British Government did not exert any pressure on
the South African Government for enacting a number of discriminatory laws against
the Indians. This convinced the Indians that they were being subjected to humiliating
treatment.
(5) Lord Curzon's Reactionary Policies: In 1899 Lord Curzon became the Governor-
General and Viceroy of India. He enacted a number of measures which evoked strong
resentment among the Indians and helped the Extremist leaders to exploit the
situation.
(6) Contemporary International Events: Certain events which occurred outside India
greatly influenced the younger generation. In 1896 Abyssinia (an African Kingdom)
 120

succeeded in defeating country like Italy. Similarly, in 1905 Japan scored a thumping
victory over Russia. These victories in India were interpreted as an indication of the
rise of East against the West. It demolished the myth that West was invincible. The
nationalist movements in Egypt, Turkey and Persia also encouraged the Indians to
wage more vigorous struggle.
(7) The Partition of Bengal : The partition of Bengal in 1905 by Lord Curzon also
contributed to the growth of extremism. It was a measure intended to break the
solidarity of Bengalee intelligentia and to divide the people on the basis of religion. It
was an attempt to put the Muslim against the Hindus. As a result of the partition of
Bengal, a wave of indignation swept over the whole province. Anti-partition meetings
were organised in almost all towns. At this stage, the Extremists came to the fore and
gave a call for passive resistance. The Extremists called upon the people to offer
sacrifice at the altar of Motherland. The response of the people was speedy and
spontaneous. The students showed the greatest enthusiasm. They started the
picketing of shops and made bonfires of foreign goods. In 1907 Lala Lajpat Rai and
Sardar Ajit Singh were deported (to Mandlay). Bal Ganga Dhar Tilak was arrested
and sentenced to 6 years imprisonment. The Swadeshi Movement as it was called,
became the symbol of resistance. It fostered a spirit of self-help. The streets of towns
and cities rang with the cries of Bande Matram, the immortal hymn to Motherland
composed by Bankim Chander.
(8) Impact of Revolutions in European Countries: Finally, as a result of Western
Education, the Indians learnt that even countries like America, France, Italy and
Germany had to resort to revolutionary activities to gain independence. The young
turk movement in Turkey had its effect on the Revolutionaries in India. If these
methods could be used in Western countries, why could the Indians also not resort to
revolutionary methods to attain their goal. This feeling greatly helped in the rise of
Extremism and Revolutionary Movement in the beginning of the 20th Century.
7.5 Revolutionary Movement in Maharashtra, Bengal and the Punjab
Although Revolutionary movement was an all India movement, we will examine the most
active regions in India, mainly Punjab, Maharashtra and Bengal.
In Maharashtra: Bal Ganga Dhar Tilak played an important part in furthering the cause of
Revolutionary Movement in Maharashtra. He is often described as the 'Father of Indian Unrest'.
He dedicated himself to the service of his motherland right from the youth. He entered in public
life and started papers like 'The Kesri' (in Marathi) and 'The Maratha' (in English). After
graduating he began his career as a Professor in the Ferguson College, Poona. His opposition to
the 'Age of Consent Bill' converted him into a politician. In 1893, he re-organised the Ganpati
 121

festival and in 1895 the Shivaji Festival. By organising these festivals, he gave a religious
sanction to the movement against British government. During the Deccan famine of 1896 Tilak
started a no-rent campaign. He called upon the peasants not to pay land-revenue to the
government. Once again during the outbreak of plague in 1897 he organised young volunteers to
help the suffering people.
Bal Ganga Dhar Tilak joined the Congress in 1889, but could not pull on with the
moderate leaders. He finally left the Congress in 1907. He organised lathi clubs, Anti-Cow-killing
societies and Akharas to inspire the Indian youth. The Ganpati and the Shivaji festivals were
organised to develop religious and patriotic fervour among the people. On account of these
activities Tilak was sentenced to eighteen months rigorous imprisonment.
Bal Gangadhar Tilak came to forefront of Indian scene as a result of his agitation against
the partition of Bengal in 1905 by Lord Curzon. His policy and programmes were warmly
received by the people and he became national hero.
During the first World war Tilak co-operated with the British Government in the hope that
the Government would concede self-government to the Indians. But when he found that the
government was not willing to give any concession, he started home rule movement in
collaboration with Annie Besant, an Irish lady who was settled in India. Bal Ganga Dhar Tilak
died soon after in 1920.
Savarkar Brothers G. D. Savarkar: At Nasik, Ganesh Damodar Savarkar was the head
of revolutionary activities. He founded 'Abhinav Bharat Society'. In one of his poems he said,
“Take up the sword and destroy the Government because it is foreign and aggressive". In
another poem he said, “who obtained independence without a battle.” He printed the Marathi ver-
sion of the autobiography of Mazzini an Italian revolutionary. G.D. Savarkar was prosecuted and
sentenced to transportation for life.
V.D. Savarkar : Vinayak Damodar Savarkar was an eminent Indian patriot, who played a
very prominent part in India's struggle for freedom. He was born in 1883 in a Chitpavan
Brahamin family. About him it can be said that he was a born revolutionary and defender of the
Hindu faith. When he was only ten years old, there were Hindu-Muslim riots in Bombay
(Maharashtra). Savarkar along with a few schoolmates attacked the village mosque. This led to
fight with Muslim school boys. In 1899 he along with his brother G.D. Savarkar founded a society
called 'Mitra Mela'. Later on it was renamed as 'Abhinav Bharat Society'. It was organised after
Mazzini's 'Young Italy'. He studied the lives of Mazzini and Garibaldi (two Revolutionaries of Italy.
They played an important role in the Unification of Italy). V.D. Savarkar had close contacts with
Indian Revolutionaries abroad. He wrote famous book on the Revolt of 1857 known as the
'Indian War of Independence'. He died in 1966.
 122

Bengal: Bengal played an important part in the Revolutionary

Movement of India. The initial and natural form of expression of revolutionary movement was
through literature. Bengal in the second half of the 19th Century produced a large number of
poems and songs bemoaning the plight of the country. The greatest single influence was of
Bankim Chandra Chatterjee with his historical novel Anandmath with its hymn Bande Matram.
Secret societies existed in Calcutta, during the last decade of the 19th Century. Pramathanath
Mitra, a barrister by profession, organised an association known as the 'Anushilan Samiti'. The
member of the Anushilan Samiti mostly young students, were trained in military drills, boxing,
sword-play and other kind of exercise. They were also given moral and patriotic training by
eminent men like B.C.Pal.
B.C. Pal: Bipin Chandra Pal was powerful orator and important revolutionary leader. He
was a follower of B. G. Tilak and completed the famous trio-Bal-Pal-Lal. After completing his
education, he took the profession of a teacher. He was a brilliant writer and became the editor of
the New India. He took prominent part in the anti-partition agitation of Bengal. He distinguished
himself as a powerful supporter of the Extremists. He put up a strong fight for the candidature of
Tilak for the Presidentship of the Congress party at the Surat session in 1907. In view of his
radical views, he could not stay in the Congress for a long time. He retired from active politics.
National Education and Boycott were among his favourite subjects. He played a great part in the
development of Revolutionary Movement in Bengal. He died m 1932.
Punjab: The Punjab played an important part in the Revolutionary Movement.
The Punjabis protested against the treatment given to them in various parts of the British empire
and the failure the British Government to protect their rights. In the Punjab Swadeshi Movement
began way back in the last quarter of the 19th Century. It began in the field of banking,
insurance, education and boycott of foreign goods. In the beginning, however, the Punjab
revolutionary movement was much milder than that of Bengal. But in the beginning of the 20th
Century situation changed in the Punjab owing to a series of provocations from the British
Government.
Ajit Singh
Sardar Ajit Singh, uncle of Shaheed Bhagat Singh, took an active part against the
'Colonisation Act'. He addressed many meetings which began with the songs of Banke Dayal
popularly known as 'Pagri Sambhal Oh ! Jatta '(Oh Peasant. Take care of the turban i.e. self-
respect). There were disturbances in Rawalpindi in May 1907 and many Arya Samaj leaders
were arrested and prosecuted. In 1907 he took part in the agitation against the increase of water-
rates in Punjab. Ajit Singh along with Lala Lajpat Rai was deported to Mandalay (Burma). Sardar
Ajit Singh organized the Extremist 'Anjuman-e-Mohibban-e-Watan' in Lahore with its journal
Bharat Mata. Like many Bengal Samitis Ajit Singh's group later turned to terrorism.
 123

Lala Lajpat Rai

Another personality who took active part in the Revolutionary Movement in the Punjab
was Lala Lajpat Rai popularly known as the Sher-e-Punjab or Lion of the Punjab. He was a
philanthropist, a social reformer and a true nationalist. He was the standard-bearer of the revolt
against the ‘mendicant policy' of the moderates. He was born at Jagraon in district Ludhiana in
1865. His father Shri Radha Krishan was a teacher in government school. Lajpat Rai was lucky
in having parents of high character and intellectual habit. They left a very good impression upon their
son. Lajpat Rai admitted once that all 'that I am, I owe to my father and mother'.
After taking his degree in Law, he started his practice at Hissar. Soon after he shifted to
Lahore and was drawn in the whirlwind of politics. At Labore he came under the influence of
Mahatma Hans Raj; a man of austerity and devotion in Life. He developed attachment for the
D.A.V. section of the Arya Samaj. He took leading part in the establishment of D.A.V. college at
Lahore. He was a fearless journalist. He founded and edited "The Punjabee', 'The Bande
Matram' and the english weekly magazine 'The People'.
Lala Lajpat Rai was attracted to politics and joined the Congress party in 1888. In politics
he was inclined towards 'Extremism'. He was one of the trio-Bal, Pal, Lal -- who organised
Extremist group in the Congress. In 1905 he went to England to educate the English people
about the problems and aspirations of the Indians. He returned home a greatly disappointed
man. He told his countrymen that the British Government was too busy with its own affairs to do
anything for India. Lala Lajpat Rai did commendable job in organizing the necessary relief for the
people of Kangra during the earthquake of 1905. In 1907, he took active part in the agitation
against the increase of water-rates in the Punjab. He along with Sardar Ajit Singh was deported
to Mandalay. It was during his imprisonment at Mandalay that he wrote, 'Story of My
Deportation'.
During the First World War Lata Lajpat Rai was practically in exile. In the U. S.A. he
founded two societies viz, 'Indian Home Rule' and 'Indian Information Bureau'. His famous books,
Young India, The Arya Samaj, and England's debt to India were written during this time. Through
his writings he aroused strong feelings against the British Government. He was opposed to
Gandhiji's programme of Non-Co-operation and did not extend any support to this movement. On
the other hand Lala Lajpat Rai joined the Swaraj Party founded by Moti Lal Nehru and C.R. Das.
He was elected deputy leader. In 1923 he was elected as member of Indian Legislative
Assembly as a Swarajist, Lajpat Rai was not only a great orator but also a vigorous writer and
journalist. He was a true nationa1ist. He was a staunch believer in Hindu–Muslim unity, but was
not prepared to Sacrifice Hindu interests in any policy of undue appeasement of other minorities.
He, therefore, along with Madan Mohan Malviya, organized the "Hindu Sangathan Movement".
 124

On 20th October, 1928 Lajpat Rai led a procession to protest against the arrival of the
Simon Commission in Lahore. While leading the procession, he was violently assaulted in the
'Lathi Charge'. He succumbed to the injuries received on that procession. He died as a martyr
on 27th November, 1928.
Lala Lajpat Rai wanted an all-round uplift of the masses–educational, social, economic
and political. He was a man of true vision. Mahatma Gandhi described Lajpat Rai's death as the
setting of great planet from India's Solar System'.
Revolutionary activity Abroad
India House at London: In 1905 Shyamji Krishan Verma set up the India Home Rule
Society popularly known as the India House. Soon it became a Centre of Indian activities in
London. A group of Indian revolutionaries including V.D. Savarkar, Lata Hardyal, and Madan Lal
Dhingra became members of this society. In 1909 Madan Lal Dhingra shot dead Col. William
Curzon Wyllie, a political A.D.C to the India Office,
Revolutionary activities began in 1906 when robberies were planned to finance the plan
of revolutionaries. In 1907 unsuccessful attempts were made to kill Lt. Governor of Eastern
Bengal and Bengal.
The educated classes in the Punjab were affected by revolutionary ideas. Sardar Ajit
Singh and Lala Lajpat Rai were deported for taking part in the agitation against the increase of
water-rates in the Punjab. Lal Chand Falak and Bhai Parma Nand were arrested and sentenced
to various terms of imprisonment. In December 1912 a bomb was thrown at Lord Harding on his
entry in Chandni Chowk in Delhi. It killed his attendants.
Lata Hardyal, an intellectual giant and a fire-brand revolutionary from the Punjab founded
the Ghadar party in the USA. He was assisted by revolutionaries like Ram Chandra and
Barkatulla. With the outbreak of the first World War, Lala Hardyal and many Indian
revolutionaries moved to Germany. They set up the Indian Independence Committee at Berlin in
Germany. They sent volunteers to India to incite rebellion among the troops. Large scale political
dacoities were committed in various districts of the Punjab.
The government of India took repressive measures to meet the revolutionary activities.
Several Acts like Seditiuns Meetings Act, Explosive Substance Act, Indian Press Act etc. were
revised to check the activities of the revolutionaries.
A temporary respite in revolutionary activities came with the close of First World War.
Moreover, the emergence of Mahatma Gandhi on the national scene who believed in the non-
violent methods, halted the pace of revolutionary activities.
Self-Assessment Questions
1. Name two early political associations.
 125

2. When and where was the Indian National Congress formed?

____________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
3. Who was Lala Lajpat Rai?
______________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________
4. Who were the moderates?
______________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________
5. Who was B.C.Pal?
_________________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________________
7.6 Summary
Students, in this lesson we have studied about the formation of early political associations
in colonial India. The foundation, aims and activities of the Indian National Congress have also
been examined to understand the emerging wave of nationalism in India. The Congress was
soon split into Moderates and Extremists, each group following their distinct methodology to
achieve freedom. The actions of the revolutionaries’ active in Maharastra, Bengal and Punjab too
have been dealth with in this lesson.
7.7 References
Bipan Chandra, History of Modern India, New Delhi: Orient Blackswan, 2009.
Sekhar Bandyopadhyay, From Plassey to Partition, New Delhi: Orient Blackswan, 2009.
7.8 Model Questions
1. Examine the early poilitical associations formed in India.
2. Describe the formation and work of Indian National Congress
3. What do you know about the aims and activities of the Moderates and Extremists?
4. Highlight the role of revolutionaries in the first two decades of the twentieth
centuries.

++++++
 126

Lesson-8

CIRCUMSTANCES LEADING TO THE NON-

COOPERATION MOVEMENT 1920-1922; THE CIVIL
DISOBEDIENCE MOVEMENT

Structure
8.0. Objectives
8.1. Introduction
8.2. Circumstances leading to the Non-Cooperation Movement 1920-1922
8.3. Khilafat Issue: Towards the Non-Cooperation
8.4. Launch of the Non-Cooperation Movement and its Programmes and Spread
8.5. Phase I: Launch of the Civil Disobedience Movement
8.6. Phase II of Civil Disobedience Movement (1932-34)
8.7. Summary
8.8. References
8.9. Further Readings
8.10. Model Questions
8.0. OBJECTIVES
Students, after reading this chapter you will be able to:
 Learn about the pivotal role played by Gandhiji in the freedom struggle of India.
 Learn about the circumstances which supported Gandhiji in building Indian
freedom struggle.
 Learn in detail about the Khilafat and Non-Cooperation Movement.
 Learn in detail about the Civil Disobedience Movement.
8.1. INTRODUCTION
Students, after reading this lesson you will be able to understand the significant role played by
Gandhiji in unifying the national freedom struggle against the foreign rule by organizing the mass
movements in India, i.e. the Khilafat and the Non-Cooperation Movement and the Civil
Disobedience Movement. The lesson will also familiarize you with the reasons, course of action,
 127

the methods adopted in the movement and the role and response of the Indian people towards
the movement.

8.2. CIRCUMSTANCES LEADING TO THE NON-COOPERATION MOVEMENT 1920-

1922
The emergence of Gandhiji played a pivotal role in the history of Indian nationalism. The twenty
years that Gandhiji spent in South Africa (1893-1914) had a decisive influence in his later life. It
was in South Africa that he evolved the technique of Satyagraha based on the principles of truth
and non-violence, which he believed could be put into practice against the British in India. The
concept of non-cooperation found in the works of Ruskin, Tolstoy and Thoreau influenced him
significantly. These three illustrious writers advocated non-cooperation as an effective tool in the
hands of the civilians against a tyrannical and oppressive government. It was Gandhiji, however,
who gave action to these valuable words through his Satyagrahaagitations first in South Africa
and later in India, in its struggle for freedom.
Gandhiji returned to India in 1915 at the age of 46. He spent an entire year travelling all
over India, understanding Indian conditions and the Indian people and then, in 1916, founded the
Sabarmati Ashram at Ahmedabad where his friends and followers were to learn and practice the
ideas of truth and non-violence. He also set out to experiment with his new method of struggle in
India. Gandhiji’s first great experiment in Satyagrahacame in 1917 in Champaran (his first civil
disobedience movement), a district in Bihar. Second experiment in Ahmedabad Mill Strike (his
first hunger strike) and third one at Kheda (his first non-cooperation). It was this reservoir of
goodwill, and successful experience of Champaran, Ahmedabad and Kheda, that encouraged
Gandhiji, in February 1919, to call for a nation-wide protest against the unpopular legislation that
the British were threatening to introduce as by this time Gandhiji had lost all his faith in the
constitutional methods and turned from cooperator of British rule to non-cooperator. In response,
Gandhiji decided to formally launch the Non-Cooperation Movement on 1 August 1920, the day
on which Lokmanya Tilak breathed his last. In his Young India, under the title Swaraj In One
Year, Gandhiji, suggested to wage a struggle against the mighty British Empire based on
discipline, non-cooperation and self-sacrifice.
The background to the movement was provided by multifarious reasons discussed as below:
1. The Lucknow Pact of 1916 not only united the two wings of the Congress, i.e. the
Moderates and the Extremists but also led Congress and the All India Muslim
League to dissolve their differences. They both agreed to put up common political
demands before the government. This Hindu-Muslim cooperation made the
situation ripe for struggle against the mightiest British rule in India.
 128

2. Economic situation in the country worsened in the aftermath of the First World
War. There was first a rise in prices and then a depression in economic activity.
Indian industries, which had prospered during the War because of increased
foreign imports of manufactured goods had ceased, faced losses and closure
after the end of the First World War. Moreover, foreign capital now began to be
invested in India on a large scale. The Indian industrialists wanted protection of
their industries through imposition of high custom duties and grant of government
aid. They realized that a strong nationalist movement and an independent Indian
government alone could secure these. The workers, urban educated Indians and
artisans, facing unemployment and high prices, also turned actively towards the
nationalist movement. The peasantry, groaning under deepening poverty and high
taxation, was also waiting for a lead. Thus, all the sections of Indian society were
suffering from economic hardships, compounded by droughts, high prices and
epidemics.
3. The international situation was also favourable to the resurgence of nationalism.
The First World War gave a tremendous impetus to nationalism all over Asia and
Africa. In order to win popular support for their war effort, the Allied nations:
Britain, United States, France, Italy and Japan, promised a new era of democracy
and national self-determination to all the peoples of the world. The nationalists in
India were expecting that India would be given Swarajand othermajor political
gains after the end of the war. But after their victory, all the wartime promises
were forgotten and, in fact, betrayed.
4. The British government had no intention of conceding to the demands of the
Indian people and made only a half-hearted attempt at constitutional reforms.
Changes were introduced in the administrative system as a result of the Montagu-
Chelmsford Reforms, also known as the Government of India Act 1919, which
further disillusioned the nationalist. The Act of 1919 had three major defects from
the nationalist point of view: (a) absence of responsible government at the centre
or the reform proposals failed to satisfy the rising demand of the Indians for self-
government, (b) separate electorates for different communities, (c) introduction of
dyarchy in the province was too complicated to be worked out smoothly. Under
dyarchy, the provincial list was divided into ‘reserved’ and ‘transferred’ subjects.
The interaction between Reserved and Transferred subjects was difficult and in
practice a distinction between the two sections was faulty. For example,
 129

agriculture was a Transferred subject while irrigation was a Reserved subject.

Therefore, the majority of the nationalist leaders condemned it as ‘disappointing
and unsatisfactory’.
5. The next important landmark of this period was the enactment of the Anarchical
and Revolutionary Crimes Act of 1919, which was popularly called the Rowlatt Act
by the government. Despite opposition from every single Indian member of the
Central Legislative Council, it was passed on 18 March 1919. It was termed as the
‘Black Act’ in Indian history. Rowlatt Act authorized the government to imprison
any person suspected of terrorism for a maximum period of two years, without trial
(Na Appeal, Na Vakil, Na Dalil). It aimed at severely curtailing the civil liberties of
the Indians in the name of curbing terrorist violence. This Act was treated by the
whole of political India as a grievous insult, especially as it came at the end of the
war when substantial constitutional concessions were expected.
6. The same period witnessed the naked brutality of the British imperialists at
Jallianwala Bagh, in Amritsar. An unarmed but large crowd had gathered on
13April 1919 at Jallianwala Bagh to protest against the arrest of their popular
leaders Dr. Saifuddin Kitchlew and Dr. Satyapal. General Dyer, the military
commander of Amritsar, entered the garden with his troops, blocked the main
entrance, and ordered his troops to open fire without warning on the unarmed
crowd including women and children. They were fired upon mercilessly with rifles
and machine guns for some 10 minutes, discharging 1,650 bullets at the peaceful
protestors. They stopped only when the ammunition supply almost got exhausted.
Thousands were killed and wounded. This shocked the whole world. Gandhiji
gave up the Kaiser-i-Hind title bestowed upon him by the British government in
protest. The famous poet Rabindranath Tagore also renounced his Knighthood in
protest. After this massacre, martial law was proclaimed throughout Punjab and
the people were submitted to the most uncivilized atrocities. The massacre
became the most infamous event of the British rule in India. For Gandhiji this
Jallianwala Bagh incident though atrocious was the cleanest demonstration of the
government intentions and it gave all the needed shock.
7. Some developments further fuelled the frustrations of the Indians like the Hunter
Committee appointed by the government to inquire into the Punjab disturbances
was an eye wash. The report and the government refused to punish any official
for the murderous repression that had been unleashed in April 1919 and also the
House of Lords had voted in favour of General Dyer’s action. British public also
 130

demonstrated its support by helping the Morning Post, a conservative British

newspaper, collect 50,000 pounds for General Dyer. All these developments
prepared the ground for a popular upsurge against the British government.
8. The Indian Muslims were also incensed when they discovered that their loyalty
had been purchased during the war by assurances of generous treatment to
Turkey after the war-a promise British statesman had no intention of fulfilling. The
Muslims regarded Calipha as their spiritual and temporal head and were naturally
upset when they found that he would retain no control over the holy places which
was his duty as a Calipha to protect.
Therefore, the cruelties practiced and defended by the government from the Rowlatt Acts
to the Khilafat question had made Gandhiji change his political point of view from being 29 years
loyalist to an anti-imperialist. This transformation made him revise his understanding of the
British rule in India, which had made India more helpless than ever before. Gandhiji now felt the
need to launch a more broad-based movement in India. As the Rowlatt Satyagraha, despite
being a widespread movement, remained limited mostly to the cities and few towns. Therefore,
he was certain that no such movement could be organized without bringing the Hindus and
Muslims closer together. One way of doing this, he felt, was to take up the Khilafat issue.
Therefore, more ingeniously, Gandhiji changed the goal post by tethering the Indian freedom
movement to the pan-Islamic movement that demanded restoration of Calipha on the throne of
Turkey. The result was an unprecedented mobilization cutting across religious lines. By
conflating the Indian cause with the cause of Islam, Gandhiji had radically changed the tenor of
the freedom movement and became its unquestioned leader.
8.3. KHILAFAT ISSUE: TOWARDS THE NON-COOPERATION
Until 1914 the Ottoman Empire (1299-1922) in Turkey was the only Islamic Empire. This Islamic-
run Ottoman Empire controlled a large part of west Asia, including the territories of the present-
day regions of Turkey, Hungary, Syria, Lebanon, Greece, Egypt, Palestine, Jordan, Iran and
Hejaz (western Saudi Arabia). These territories contained the holiest sites of Islam, viz. Mecca,
Medina, Najaf and Jerusalem. It was the symbol of Islam’s worldly power. The Muslims in India,
as the Muslims all over the world, regarded the Sultan of Turkey as their spiritual leader, Calipha.
The Calipha in Islamic tradition was considered as the successor to the Prophet Muhammad, the
commander of the believers and the custodian and protector of the Muslim holy places. He stood
for the unity of the Islamic people. During the First World War, Turkey had allied with Germany
and Austria against Britain, France, Russia and Italy (Entente powers). Therefore, younger
generation of Muslims and a section of traditional Muslim scholars were becoming increasingly
critical of the British rule in India.
 131

The First World War had ended with the defeat of the Ottoman Turkey. And there were
rumours that a harsh peace treaty was going to be imposed on the Ottoman Emperor, the
spiritual and temporal head of the Islamic world (the Calipha). To defend the Calipha’s temporal
powers, soon a Khilafat Committee was formed in Bombay in March 1919 under the leadership
of the Ali Brothers (Mohammad Ali and Shaukat Ali), Abdul Kalam Azad, Hakim Ajmal Khan and
Hasrat Mohani. Its main objective was to retain Calipha’s control over the Muslims sacred places
and in territorial adjustments after the war, the Calipha should be left with sufficient territories.
The young brigade of the Muslim intellectuals like Mohammad Ali, Abdul Kalam Azad, Hakim
Ajmal Khan and Hasan Imam, looked for the support of the entire community behind them,
therefore, began discussing with Gandhiji about the possibility of a united mass action on the
issue. After the withdrawal of the Rowlatt Satyagraha, Gandhiji also thought it prudent to involve
himself in the Khilafat movement. Gandhiji looked upon the Khilafat agitation as “an opportunity
of uniting the Hindus and the Mohammedans as would not arise in a hundred years”. Thus, the
ground for a country-wide agitation was prepared. For some time, the Khilafat leaders limited
their actions to meetings, petitions, deputations in favour of the Khilafat.
In the meantime, the conference of Muslims leaders held at Lucknow on 21 September
1919, called upon the people to observe 17 October as the Khilafat Day, a day of fasting and
prayer. Gandhiji advised Hindus to join with Muslims in observing it so as to give proof of their
solidarity with them as ‘the surest and simplest method of bringing about the Hindu-Muslim unity’.
The Day was widely observed and may be said to mark the beginning of the Khilafat movement
and of the short-lived period of political collaboration between Hindus and Muslims.
After this, an All India Khilafat Conference was held at Delhi on 23-24 November 1919 in
which both Gandhiji and Madan Mohan Malviya participated. Gandhiji had conducted himself so
masterfully and with such manifest sincerity over the Khilafat question that as soon as the
agitation began to take organized form he emerged as its leader. From the Muslim point of view,
it was advantageous to have a Hindu leader, especially one of Gandhiji’s stature who was so
firmly committed to Hindu-Muslim unity that he adopted the Muslim grievance over Turkey and
the Califate as his own and who at the same time could ensure the support of the Hindu
community for the cause. The esteem in which the Muslim leaders held Gandhiji can be seen
from the fact he was made President of the first All-India Khilafat Conference held in Delhi on 23-
24 November 1919.
As the year 1920 rolled on, the Allied assault upon Turkey reached its final stage, following
the British occupation of Constantinople (Istanbul), the capital of the Caliphate, thereby obtaining
control over the person and court of the Calipha. Peace terms offered to Turkey were announced
on 15 May 1920. Britain and France published the terms of the Treaty of Sevres, which the
docile Ottoman government at Constantinople signed on 10 August 1920. By this treaty, the
Ottoman territories in west Asia were mainly divided between Britain and France.
 132

The treaty ceded large parts of Ottoman territories to France, Britain, Greece and Italy and
created large occupation zones within the Ottoman Empire.The harsh treatment meted out to
Turkey created increasing alarm in India, especially among the Muslims who felt that now not
only Islam’s holiest places, but also the Calipha himself, has fallen into the Christian hands.

A Khilafat delegation from India to England and Europe (February-September 1920)

found it hard to get even a simple hearing in high quarters. A militant trend emerged amongst the
Muslims, demanding an active agitation such as stopping all cooperation with the British. At the
Khilafat Conference in Allahabad early in June 1920 with Gandhiji as the decisive figure, it was
decided that non-cooperation over the issue of the Khilafat should begin on 1 August 1920 but
left it on Gandhiji to set it out. It must be borne in mind that by this time, the Hunter Committee’s
report had been published in Punjab in 1919 whitewashing the terror unleashed in Punjab in
1919, and in July General Dyer, responsible for mass murder, was widely acclaimed in England,
within Parliament as well as outside. The programmes of non-cooperation by including the
ratification of ‘Punjab wrongs’ as an additional objective naturally made the appeal of the struggle
much wider.
8.4. LAUNCH OF THE NON-COOPERATION MOVEMENT AND ITS PROGRAMMES
AND SPREAD
The resolution of the Non-Cooperation was passed by the Congress in the special session held
in Calcutta in September 1920 under the presidency of Lala Lajpat Rai. The Congress as well as
the Khilafat Committee had agreed upon the triple purpose of non-cooperation: to redress the
grievances of Punjab, rectification of the Khilafat wrongs and the establishment of Swaraj. The
adoption of the Non-Cooperation Movement (initiated earlier by the Khilafat conference) by the
Congress gave it a new energy. Through the summer of 1920 Gandhiji along with Ali Brothers
undertook a nation-wide tour during which he addressed hundreds of meetings, mobilizing
popular support for the movement.
Gandhiji proposed that the movement should unfold itself in a four-stage plan of non-
cooperation. It should begin with the surrender of titles that the government awarded; boycott of
government civil services, courts and legislative councils, schools, and foreign goods; and
resignation from army and police. Then, in case the government used repression, a full civil
disobedience campaign (refusal to pay taxes) would be launched. Through these negative
programmes, Gandhiji sought to refuse to cooperate with the British government.
The positive programmes of the Non-Cooperation Movement included: establishment of
national schools and colleges, setting up of Panchayats, popularization of Swadeshi, Charkha
and Khadi, development of Hindu-Muslim unity, removal of untouchability, etc.
 133

The Calcutta decision was endorsed at the Nagpur Session of the Congress (December
1920). In this session, Congress proclaimed for the first time, that its object is “The attainment of
Swaraj by all legitimate and peaceful means”. In this Nagpur session changes were made in the
constitution of the Congress for the better organization of the party. At the organizational level,
the Congress was now to have a Working Committee of fifteen members to look after its day to
day affairs. Provincial Committees were established based on regional languages criterion so
that they could keep in touch with the people by the formation of village and Mohalla committees.
Congress membership was thrown open to all adult men and women on the payment of an
annual fee, which was reduced to 4 Annas per year to enable the poor to become its members.
This facilitated the Congress to widen its social base and financial assets. Thus, the
organizational structure was both streamlined and democratized. Congress volunteer corps
emerged as the parallel police. In the Nagpur session it was also decided to organize the
collections for a Tilak Memorial Swaraj Fund to be used for carrying out constructive activities.
By 30 June 1921, as much as Rs. 1.05 crores had been collected for the fund- a remarkable
achievement and shows the enthusiasm towards the movement by the people.
About 90,000 students left the government schools and colleges and joined around 800
national schools and colleges, which cropped up during this time. These educational institutions
were organized under the leadership of Acharya Narendra Dev, Lala Lajpat Rai, C.R. Das, Zakir
Hussain, Subhash Chandra Bose (who became the principal of National College at Calcutta) and
included Jamia Millia University at Aligarh, Kashi Vidyapeeth, Gujrat Vidyapeeth, and Bihar
Vidyapeeth.
Around 1,500 lawyers also gave up their practice, some of whom were Motilal Nehru,
Jawaharlal Nehru, Asaf Ali, T. Prakasham, Saifuddin Kitchlew, Vallabhai Patel, Asaf Ali, and
Rajendra Prasad.
While the struggle began, the government organized Council elections under the Act of
1919, in November 1920. The council elections reflected the strength of the boycott in most
provinces of the country. In cities, only 8 percent of the registered voters voted in Bombay and as
few as 5 percent in Lahore. Though there was a low turnout at the council election almost
everywhere but Madras remained an exception, where the Justice Party, the party of the non-
Brahmins, felt that entering the council was one way of gaining some power– something that
usually only Brahmans had access to.
During the ‘Satyagraha Week’ (6-13 April 1921) Gandhiji in order to expand the movement
beyond the middle-class constituencies, launched a fresh Swadeshi campaign with twin aims of
boycotting the foreign cloth and the promotion of Charkha (spinning wheel) in every home. He
also again emphasized on temperance and abandonment of untouchability, a necessary step for
entry of the lower castes and outcastes into the movement.
 134

The effects of non-cooperation on the economic front were more dramatic and successful.
Foreign goods were boycotted, liquor shops picketed, and foreign cloth was burnt in huge
bonfires. The value of imports of foreign cloth fell from Rs. 102 crores in 1920-21 to 57 crores in
1921-22. The import of the British cotton piece goods also declined from 1,292 million to 955
million yards during the same period. Partly responsible for this success was trader participation,
as the businessmen pledged not to indent foreign cloth for specific periods. As the boycott
movement spread, and people began discarding imported clothes and wearing only Indian ones,
production of Indian textile mills and handlooms went up. During the period 1918-22, while the
large industrialists did not support non-cooperation programmes and remained pro-government,
the Marwari and Gujarati merchants, aggrieved by the falling exchange rates and the taxation
policy of the government, remained ‘fairly consistently pro-nationalist’. However, their refusal to
import foreign cloth might have also been due to a sudden fall in rupee-sterling exchange rates
that made import extremely unprofitable. Production of handloom, on the other hand, also
increased, but no definite statistics are available for that.
Together with non-cooperation there were also other associated Gandhian social
movements, which also achieved some success. Temperance or anti-liquor campaign resulted in
significant drop in liquor excise revenue in Punjab, Madras, Bihar, and Orissa. Hindu-Muslim
alliance remained unshaken throughout the period, except in the Malabar region. The anti-
untouchability campaign, however, remained a secondary concern for the Congressmen, though
for the first time Gandhiji had brought this issue to the forefront of nationalist politics by inserting
in the historic 1920 resolution an appeal “to rid Hinduism of the reproach of untouchability”. The
emphasis of the movement was always on the unifying issues and on trying to cut across or
reconcile class and communal disjunctions.
Women also came to the forefront and played a significant role. They freely offered their
jewellery for the support of the movement with great zeal. Women volunteers were enlisted. In
Bengal, Basanti Devi and Urmila Devi, wife and sister respectively of C.R. Das, Nellie Sengupta,
wife of J.M. Sengupta, along with others like Mohini Devi, Labanya Prabha Chanda played a
prominent role in this movement. Picketing of foreign wine and cloth shops and selling of
Khaddar on the streets happened to be the main areas of their activities.
It should also be noted that this movement in the cities gradually slowed down for a variety
of reasons. Khadicloth was often more expensive than mass-produced mill cloth and poor people
could not afford to buy it. How then could they boycott mill cloth for too long? Similarly, the
boycott of British institutions posed a problem. For the movement to be successful, alternative
Indian institutions had to be set up so that they could be used in place of the British ones. These
were slow to come up. So, students and teachers began going back to government schools and
lawyers joined back work in government courts.
 135

In July 1921, Mohammad Ali along with other leaders was arrested by the British
government for holding the view that “It was religiously unlawful for the Muslims to continue in
the British army, which will be sent to the battlefields of Turkey on Britain’s behalf”. Gandhiji as
well as the Congress supported Mohammad Ali and issued a manifesto on 4 October appealing
not only to the civilians, but also to the soldiers to abandon their government services. Therefore,
it posed a new challenge to the British government in India as it was just not possible now to
raise troops for any campaign in Turkey. In retaliation, the government came down heavily on the
protestors. Volunteer corps were declared illegal, public meetings were banned; the press was
gagged.
The next dramatic event was the visit of the Prince of Wales on 17 November 1921. The
day the Prince landed in Bombay was observed as a day of Hartal all over India. He was greeted
with empty streets and downed shutters wherever he went. Emboldened by their successful
defiance of the government, non-cooperators became more and more aggressive.
Under the growing pressure from the Congress, on 1 February 1922, Gandhiji served an
ultimatum to Lord Reading, the Governor-General and Viceroy of India to withdraw within one
week all repressive laws failing which he would launch another ‘Satyagraha’ or the civil
disobedience movement from Bardoli (Gujrat) if (i) the political prisoners were not released, and
(ii) press controls were not removed.
However, before Gandhiji could launch the proposed civil disobedience movement, a
violent incident happened on 5 February 1922 at Chauri Chaura in the district of Gorakhpur in
Uttar Pradesh, in which the infuriated mob attacked and burnt down the police station causing
the death of twenty-two policemen. The news of this incident disturbed Gandhiji. Gandhiji was
afraid that the movement might take a violent turn and at his insistence the Congress Working
Committee met at Bardoli in Gujarat on 12 February and abruptly called off the movement. He
felt that the people were not yet ready for a non-violent movement. He also realized that it would
be quite easy for the government to repress violent movements as people would not be able to
fight against an all-powerful government. The withdrawal of the movement, though unpopular at
that stage, was a master stroke of Gandhiji by which he saved the nascent mass organizational
base of the Indian National Congress from brutal suppression by the police forces of the colonial
state. As Mridula Mukherjee argues, “The retreat that was ordered on 12 February 1922 was
only a temporary one. The battle was over, but the war would continue”.
It also urged the Congressmen to donate their time to the constructive programmes like
popularization of the Charkha, national schools, temperance, removal of untouchability and
promotion of Hindu-Muslim unity. The Khilafat question also lost its relevance when in November
1922, the Turkish National Assembly abolished the Ottoman Sultanate and separated the
spiritual powers of the Khilafat from the temporal power of the state. On 1 March 1924, the
 136

Turkish National Assembly voted to depose the Calipha and abolish the Caliphate. Thus, the first
mass scale non-cooperation and civil disobedience movement virtually came to an end.
SELF ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
a. What was the Rowlatt Act?
Answer.______________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________________________
b. Name two leaders of the Khilafat Movement.
Answer.______________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________________
c. Why did Gandhiji withdraw the Non-Cooperation Movement?
Answer.______________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________________________
d. What was the Bardoli Resolution?
Answer.______________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________________________
8.5. PHASE I: LAUNCH OF THE CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MOVEMENT
The Civil Disobedience Movement also known as ‘Salt Satyagraha’ was the second mass
movement launched by Gandhiji in the course of India’s freedom struggle. Gandhiji came back to
active politics and attended the Calcutta session of the Congress in December 1928. When the
Nehru Report came after the annual session of the Congress in Calcutta in December 1928, not
only the Muslim League, the Hindu Mahasabha and the Sikh communalists were unhappy about
the Nehru Report, but younger section led by Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhash Chandra Bose also
regarded the idea of dominion status in the report as a step backward. In April 1928, the
Independence of India League was formed with Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhash Chandra Bose
at Calcutta, which marked an almost split among the leaders who wanted dominion status and
who wanted complete independence. Ultimately it was resolved that if the British government
accepted the Nehru Report by 31 December 1929, Congress would adopt the report as it is. If
the report is not accepted by the British parliament, Congress would insist on complete
independence and would organize a non-violent, non-cooperation movement. The one-year
deadline passed, and no positive reply came from the government.
 137

This was followed by the Lahore Session of the Congress, which was presided by
Jawaharlal Nehru in 1929. The Lahore session of the Congress gave voice to the new militant
spirit. It passed a resolution declaring Poorna Swaraj (complete independence) to be the sole
aim of the Congress. On 31December 1929, a newly adopted tricolour flag of freedom was
hoisted for the first time on the banks of river Ravi. 26 January 1930 was fixed as the first
Independence Day, which was to be celebrated every year with the people taking the pledge that
“It was a crime against man and God to submit any longer to British rule”. It was also decided to
employ civil disobedience methods to achieve the desired goal. The Lahore Congress of 1929
had authorized the Working Committee to launch a programme of civil disobedience including
non-payment of taxes. The committee also invested Gandhiji with full powers to plan, launch and
organize the movement.
On 31January 1930 soon after the demand for Poorna Swaraj was made, Gandhiji sent a
letter to the Viceroy Irwin stating eleven demands (11 points). In his letter to the Viceroy he
stated that “The British rule has impoverished the ‘dumb millions’ by a system of progressive
exploitation, reducing us to political serfdom and sapped us culturally, degraded us spiritually”. In
his eleven points he made diverse demands, so that all classes within the Indian society could
identify with them and everyone could be brought together in a united campaign. This included:
For Peasants:
1. Reduce the land revenue by 50%.
2. Abolish the unjust salt tax and change the monopoly of salt by British.
For Middle Classes:
3. Reduce the exchange ratio of rupees and sterling.
4. Impose custom duty on foreign clothes and import.
5. Reserve coastal shipping for Indians.
6. Accept Postal Reservation Bill.
General Demands:
7. Reduce the expenditure of civil servants and military expenditures.
8. Abolish the CID Department.
9. Release all the political prisoners.
10. Change in Arms Act so that Indian can keep arms for self-defence.
11. Prohibition of liquor and intoxication.
 138

If the Congress demands were not fulfilled by 11 March, the letter stated, the Congress
would launch a civil disobedience campaign. This proposal of Gandhiji was ignored by the British
Government, therefore, it made Gandhiji to launch the Civil Disobedience Movement.
Gandhiji chose to break the salt tax in defiance of the government because tax on salt, in
his opinion, was the most oppressive form of tax which humankind could devise since salt was a
basic necessity of human existence, just like air and water. Some members of the Congress
were sceptical of the choice. But Gandhiji’s choice of using salt was nothing short of brilliance
because it touched a chord with every Indian. It was a commodity required by all and the poor
were hurt the most because of the salt tax. Indians had been making salt from sea water free of
cost until the passing of the 1882 Salt Act that gave the British monopoly over the production of
salt and authority to impose a salt tax. It was a criminal offence to violate the Salt Act. Further,
Salt Satyagraha had a potential of mass appeal and mass-involvement as through this Gandhiji
also hoped to unite the Hindus and the Muslims as the cause was common to both the groups.
The salt tax accounted for 8.2% of the British Raj revenue from tax and Gandhiji knew that the
government could not ignore this.
It began with the famous Dandi March of Gandhiji. On 12 March 1930, Gandhiji left the
Sabarmati Ashram at Ahmedabad on foot with 78 other members (which also included Sarojini
Naidu) of the Ashram for Dandi, a village on the western sea-coast of India, at a distance of
about 385 km from Ahmedabad. On 6 April 1930, Gandhiji reached Dandi. There, Gandhiji broke
the salt law. It was illegal for anyone to make salt as it was a government monopoly. Gandhiji
defied the government by picking up a handful of salt which had been formed by the evaporation
of sea. Though the British officials had reportedly grounded the salt into the sand in the hope of
frustrating Gandhiji’s efforts, but Gandhiji easily found a lump of salt-rich mud and held it aloft in
triumph. With this, he announced, “I am shaking the foundations of the British Empire”.
The defiance of the salt law was followed by the spread of Civil Disobedience all over the
country. Making salt spread throughout the country in the first phase of the civil disobedience
movement. It became a symbol of the people’s defiance of the government. Though the
movement was started with the Dandi March by breaking the salt law but as the salt production
had geographical limitations, so in other parts of the country the movement included picketing of
liquor shops, no revenue campaigns in Bardoli, forest Satyagraha, large scale resignations of
rural officials, refusal of Chowkidari tax. Mobilization of masses was also carried out through new
innovative methods of Prabhat Pheris-singing of national songs, boys were organized into
VanarSena (monkeys’ squads), and girls into ManjariSena (cats’ squads), distribution of illegal
pamphlets (secretly) and magic lantern shows etc. The movement now spread rapidly.
Everywhere in the country, the people joined Hartals, and demonstrations.
Once the way was cleared by Gandhiji’s ritual at Dandi, defiance of salt laws started all
over the country. Nehru’s arrest in April 1930 for defiance of the salt law evoked huge
 139

demonstrations in Madras, Calcutta and Karachi. Gandhiji’s arrest came on 4 May 1930, when
he had announced that he would lead a raid on Dharasana Salt Works on the west coast.
Gandhiji’s arrest was followed by massive protests in Bombay, Delhi, Calcutta and in Sholapur,
where the response was most fierce.
After Gandhiji’s arrest Congress Working Committee sanctioned:
a. Non-payment of revenues in Ryotwari areas;
b. No Chowkidari tax campaign in Zamindari areas; and
c. Violation of forest laws in the Central Provinces.
In April 1930, in Tamil Nadu, C. Rajagopalchari led a march- similar to the Dandi march-
from Trichinopoly to Vedaranyam on the Tanjore coast to break the salt law. The event was
followed by widespread picketing of foreign cloth shops, the anti-liquor campaign etc. Although
Rajaji tried to keep the movement non-violent, violent eruptions of masses and the violent
repressions of the police began.
On 21 May 1930, in Dharasana in Gujrat, Sarojini Naidu along with Imam Sahib, and
Manilal (Gandhiji’s son), took up the unfinished task of Gandhiji and led non-violent Satyagrahis
in a march to the salt depots owned by the government at Dharasana Salt Works, some 150
miles north of Bombay. Over 300 Satyagrahis were severely injured and two killed in the brutal
Lathi charge by the police. There were demonstrations, Hartals, boycotts of foreign goods, and
later refusal to pay taxes.
The movement reached the extreme north-western corner of India and stirred the brave
and hardy Pathans under the leadership of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, popularly known as
‘Frontier Gandhi’. Under him, the Pathans organized the society of KhudaiKhidmatgars (or
Servants of God) known popularly as Red Shirts. They were pledged to non-violence and the
freedom struggle.
In the north-east, in Nagaland, Rani Gaidilieu, at the age of 13 responded to the call of
Gandhiji and Congress and raised the banner of rebellion against foreign rule. “We are free
people, the white men should not rule over us”, she declared. She urged the people not to pay
the taxes or work for the British. The government resorted to ruthless repression by doing Lathi
charge and firing. The young Rani was captured in 1932 and sentenced to life imprisonment. It
was the Interim Government of India set up in 1946 that finally ordered her release from Tura
jail.
In Malabar, K. Kellapan led a march from Calicut to Poyannur. In Assam, Satyagrahis
walked from Sylhet to Noakhali (Bengal) to make salt. In Andhra, a number of camps came up in
different districts as headquarters of salt Satyagraha. Lakhs of people participated in the
movement, including a large number of women.
 140

In Bihar, anti-Chowkidari tax campaign was initiated where villages refused to pay
protection money to the local guards (Chowkidars) who supplemented the meagre police forces
in the rural areas. Rajendra Prasad took part in the anti-Chowkidari tax campaigns in Bihar.
In Gujrat, a no tax movement took place against the payment of land revenue. This was
most visible in Khera, Surat and Broach districts. Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel led a no-tax
campaign in the Kheda district.
Defiance of forest laws took place on a large scale in Maharashtra, Karnataka and the
Central Provinces, especially in areas with large tribal populations. People went to the ‘reserved
forests’ to collect wood and graze cattle.
In Assam, a powerful agitation led by the students was launched against the ‘Cunningham
Circular’, which forced students and their guardians to furnish assurances of good behaviour.
In U.P., a no-revenue, no rent campaign was organized against the government which
soon turned into a no-rent campaign against the Zamindars.
A notable feature of the movement was the wide participation of women for the first time.
Women played an important role in the picketing of liquor shops and opium dens and stores
selling foreign cloth. They used non-violent and persuasive means to convince the buyers and
sellers to change their ways. They were supported by the students and youth in the boycott of
foreign cloth and liquor. Women like Kamla (wife of Nehru), Swarup Rani (Mother of Nehru),
Kasturba Gandhi, Kamladevi Chattopadhyay, Avantikabai Gokhale, Lilavati Munshi, Hansaben
Mehta led the popular Satyagraha movement.
In November 1930, the British government summoned in London, the First Round Table
Conference of Indian leaders and spokesmen of the British government to discuss the reforms
proposed by the Simon Commission Report. The Congress party, which was fighting for the
independence of the country, boycotted it. But it was attended by the representatives of Indian
princes, Muslim league, Hindu Mahasabha and some others. But nothing came out of it. The
British government knew that without the participation of the Congress, no decision on
constitutional changes in India would be acceptable to the Indian people.
In January 1931, Gandhiji was released from prison and efforts were made by Viceroy
Irwin to persuade the Congress to join the Second Round Table Conference to be held at
London. Gandhi-lrwin Pact was signed in March 1931 due to the efforts of Sir Tej Bahadur
Sapru, Dr.Jayakar and others to bring about a compromise between the government and the
Congress. The government agreed to withdraw all the ordinances and end prosecutions, release
all the political prisoners against whom there were no charges of violence, restore the
confiscated property of the Satyagrahis and permitted the collection or manufacture of salt free of
duty by persons residing within a specific distance of the sea shore. In turn, the Congress agreed
to call off the Satyagraha in exchange for an equal negotiating role in a Second Round Table
 141

Conference at London on India’s future. Many nationalist or radical leaders were unhappy with
this agreement as many criticized Gandhiji for not extracting definite gains from the government
as Congress failed on three major issues of the time: (a) to persuade the government to demand
that the death sentence on Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev and Rajguru be commuted to life
imprisonment. (b)This pact also did not accept the demand of immediate return of peasants’
lands confiscated during the movement (c) Congress demand for a police enquiry into arrests
and atrocities made during the Civil Disobedience was rejected. Therefore, it was termed as
“bourgeoise agreement”, which ignored the common masses. Gandhiji was greeted by black
flowers by the angry protestors.
However, at its Karachi session which was held in March 1931 and was presided over by
Vallabhbhai Patel, Congress decided to approve the agreement and participate in the Second
Round Table Conference. Gandhiji was chosen to represent the Congress at the conference
which was to be held in September 1931. At the Karachi session of the Congress, another
important resolution of fundamental rights and economic policy was passed for the first time. It
laid down the policy of the nationalist movement on social and economic problems faced by the
country. It mentioned the fundamental rights which would be guaranteed to the people
irrespective of their caste and religion, it favoured nationalization of certain industries, promotion
of Indian industries, and schemes for the welfare of workers and peasants. This resolution
showed the growing influence of the ideals of socialism on the nationalist movement.
Significance of this session also lies in the fact that it remained the basic essence of political and
economic programmes of Congress in later years.
Besides Gandhiji, who was the sole representative of the Congress, there were other
non-Congress parties which participated in this conference. This included Dr. Ambedkar, Indian
princes, Hindu, Muslim and Sikh communal leaders etc. These leaders played into the hands of
the British. They claimed to be the representatives of their respective communities and not of the
country. Neither the princes nor the communal leaders were interested in India’s independence.
Dr. Ambedkar raised the issue of separate electorates for the Dalits, Jinnah demanded more
safeguards for the Muslims and the princes were mainly interested in preserving their position as
rulers. Gandhiji alone as the representative of the Congress raised the demand for the
immediate grant of dominion status to India.
In spite of Gandhiji’s powerful advocacy, negotiations broke down on the minority issue and
British government also refused to concede the basic nationalist demand of dominion status for
India. Therefore, no agreement could be reached, and the Second Round Table Conference
ended in a failure, but British leaders had acknowledged him as a force they could not suppress
or ignore.
Even during the period of truce (March-December 1931), some activities kept alive the
spirit of defiance in 1931, when India continued to be hit hard by the world-wide depression. The
 142

province of U.P. was especially hard hit. And the Provincial Congress organization under
Jawaharlal Nehru’s leadership took up the peasant’s cause for reduction of rent and against
large scale eviction of farmers. Though in U.P., the government remitted large amounts in both
revenue and legally enforceable rent but combined these concessions with harsh measures
against the Congress by arresting Jawahar Lal Nehru along with Tassadaq Sherwani, U.P.
Congress President on 26 December 1931. In NWFP, as many as three ordinances were
promulgated and Abdul Ghaffar Khan and a number of KhudaiKhidmatgar (Congress) workers
were arrested on 24 December only because they had been active in picketing liquor and foreign
cloth shops. When the arrest brought out a protesting crowd, police opened fire, and many were
killed. In Bengal, draconian ordinances and mass detentions had been used in the name of
fighting terrorism. Also, the press was gagged, and Congress was still facing a ban.
It can be concluded from here that the new Viceroy Willingdon and Secretary of State had
adopted a tough stance against Gandhiji and they decided not to negotiate any further like the
former Viceroy Lord Irwin. Therefore, even before Gandhiji left for conference there were
complaints regarding the non-release of prisoners, repression of KhudaiKhidmadgars in NWFP
etc. So, the activities of the Congress and severe repression of the government continued
between the period.
8.6. PHASE II OF CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MOVEMENT (1932-34)
After the failure of talks at the Second Round Table Conference, Gandhiji returned to India.
Gandhiji resumed the Civil Disobedience in January 1932 with great apprehensions. The
repression of government continued even while the conference was going on and afterwards it
was intensified. Within fifteen months (January 1932 to March 1933) 1,20,000 persons were sent
to the jail including Gandhiji. But gradually movement started fading off as can be noted from the
declining number of convicted cases. If in January 1932 the number of people convicted in one
month was 74,302, then this figure sharply declined to 17,817 in February, 6,908 in March and
9,764 in April. The monthly figure never exceeded 4,000 thereafter. Congress and all its popular
methods of peaceful picketing of foreign shops, secret meetings, symbolic hoisting of Congress
flag, salt Satyagraha, non-payment of Chowkidari taxes, forest law violations, no revenue and no
rent campaigns, were declared illegal by the government.
Despite declining enthusiasm of people and repressive actions by the government, there
were some signs of revival of agitation, which kept the movement going for about a year and
half. Certain new methods also surfaced in cities like Bihar, Monghyr, which included mass
attacks on the police, release of arrested Satyagrahis, recapturing of the Congress Ashrams,
attempts at attacking colonial symbols, destruction of post offices, communication and
telegraphic lines etc. The two cities of Bombay and Bengal were referred as the ‘two black spots’
by the British because Congress strongest hold was in Bombay and Bengal remained a
 143

nightmare for the British because of terrorism. The number of terrorist cases recorded highest of
104 cases in 1932 before declining to 33 in 1933 and 17 in 1934.
The second phase of the movement mainly remained limited to the cities. The
participation of peasants during the second phase declined as they felt betrayed with the
withdrawal of the movement. Muslims participation remained weak. People of high caste also
alienated themselves from the movement because of Gandhi’s crusade against the
untouchability.
During the first phase of the Civil Disobedience Movement capitalists like G.D. Birla (who
donated five lakh rupees), Jamunalal Bajaj (who served as the AICC treasurer for several years
and represented Gandhian leadership in Bombay), HomiMody, WalchandHirachand, Lalji
Naranji, PurushottamdasThakurdas, Lala Sri Ram etc. supported the movement. However, in the
second phase of the movement, the paucity of funds with the Congress was a clear indication
that the business support was not forthcoming. Business groups pushed towards the
collaboration between the government and the Congress. HomiMody, in his presidential speech
to Bombay Mill-owners' Association in March 1931 said that “Though the Swadeshi Movement
had helped the Indian industry, frequent strikes had dislocated trade and industry”. To protect the
cotton industry, HomiMody signed the Lees-Mody Pact (October 1933), by which the Bombay
textiles group agreed to further preferences for British textiles in place of Japanese imports in
return for a Lancashire promise to buy more Indian raw cotton. Also, Tata Birla and other
capitalists wanted to strike a good bargain on the question of financial autonomy in exchange for
their cooperation with the British. Later the suspension of the Civil Disobedience Movement was
welcomed by the capitalist class. In a letter to Birla, Thakurdas wrote, “I think Gandhiji has done
absolutely the right thing”, and further added “after three years of feverish activity, the country
now, I expect, will settle down to constitutional agitation”. G.D. Birla worked hard for a
compromise leading to the Congress accepting office in 1937.
In the wake of inconclusive Second Round Table talks, British government had declared
that if a consensus was not reached on separate representation of minorities, a unilateral
communal award will be made. Therefore, keeping its promise, the Communal Award or
‘MacDonald Award’ was announced on 16 August 1932, by the British Prime Minister Ramsay
Mac Donald. This was yet another expression of British policy of ‘Divide and Rule’. The Muslims,
Sikhs, Christians had already been recognized as minorities. And now the Communal Award
declared the depressed classes also to be minorities and entitled them to separate electorates.
Gandhiji protested against the Communal Award and went on a fast unto death in the Yerawada
jail on 20 September 1932.
Gandhiji saw this as an attack on Indian unity and nationalism. He argued, “Once we start
treating the depressed classes as a separate political entity, the question of abolishing
untouchability would get undermined. The separate electorates would ensure that the
 144

untouchables remain untouchables in perpetuity. What is required is not the protection of the so-
called interests of the depressed classes but the total eradication of the roots of untouchability
from the country”.
Finally, an agreement was reached between Dr. Ambedkar and Gandhiji by the efforts of
Madan Mohan Malviya. This agreement came to be called the Poona Pact, which was signed on
24 September 1932. According to this pact, the idea of having separate electorates for the
depressed classes was abandoned and 148 seats in different Provincial Legislatures were
reserved for the depressed classes in place of 71 as provided in the Communal Award.
By now, Gandhiji sensed that public response to the movement was fading slowly and if it
was allowed to continue further then it would turn into a failure. In addition, he knew that the
public cannot sacrifice for such a long time and they need time to recover and rebuild. The
Congress officially suspended the movement in May 1933 and withdrew it in May 1934. The
Congress passed an important resolution in 1934. It demanded that a constituent assembly,
elected by the people on the basis of adult franchise, be convened. It declared that only such an
assembly could frame a constitution for India. It thus asserted that only the people had the right
to decide the form of government under which they would live. Though the Congress had failed
to achieve its objective, it had succeeded in mobilizing vast sections of the people in the second
great mass struggle in the country.
Gandhiji once again withdrew from active politics and to undo the divisive intentions of
the government’s ‘Divide and Rule’ policy, Gandhiji launched a campaign against untouchability-
first from the jail and after his release in August 1933 from the outside. An All-India Anti-
Untouchability League was formed in September, which was later renamed as Harijan Sewak
Sangh.
SELF ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
a. What was Salt Satyagraha?
Answer.______________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
b. Explain the historic importance of Karachi session of the Congress.
Answer.______________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
c. What was the ‘Communal Award’?
Answer.______________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
d. What was Poona Pact?
 145

Answer.______________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
8.7. SUMMARY
Students, in this lesson we learnt how with the passage of the Rowlatt Act, Jallianwala Bagh
massacre and imposition of martial law in Punjab, Khilafat issue, high prices, droughts and the
unsatisfactory Government of India Act 1919, prepared the ground for the emergence of Gandhiji
in the Indian national movement. He launched his first mass movement in India, i.e. the Non-
Cooperation Movement, which was launched formally on 1 August 1920. By offering a new
programme of action based on non-violence, truth, promotion of Swadeshi goods, Gandhiji
instilled new faith and hope in the mind of the people. The movement was started with the aim of
getting the Punjab and Khilafat’s wrongs undone and to establish ‘Swaraj’. Swaraj, Charkha,
and Khadi became symbols of freedom. Nationalist sentiments and the national movement had
now reached the remotest corners of the land and politicized every strata of population. The
incidence of Chauri Chaura led to the abrupt suspension of Non-Cooperation Movement. This
movement did brought the urban Muslims into the national movement but at the same time it
communalised the national politics. The national leaders failed to raise the religious political
consciousness of the Muslims to a level of secular political consciousness.
The non-action of government over Nehru Report seeking dominion status; resolution of
‘Poorna Swaraj’ passed in the Lahore Congress session of 1929, and failure of government to
agree upon Gandhiji’s Eleven Point Ultimatum, compelled Gandhiji to start his second major
mass movement, i.e., the Salt Satyagraha or his second Civil Disobedience Movement. The
historic Dandi march (12 March-6 April 1930), marked the launch of the Civil Disobedience
Movement. It soon spread all over the country under the leaders like C. Rajagopalchari (Tamil
Nadu), Sarojini Naidu (Gujrat), Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan (NWFP), Rani Gaidilieu (North-East),
Kellapan (Bengal) etc. A notable feature of the movement was the wide participation of women
for the first time. However, the movement was called off in accordance with the Gandhi-Irwin
Pact signed in March 1931. After the failure of the Second Round Table Conference in 1932,
movement was resumed. Congress officially suspended the movement in May 1933 and finally
withdrew it in May 1934 to concentrate on constructive programmes, which aimed to end
untouchability.
8.8. REFERENCES
Irfan Habib, A People’s History of India: The National Movement Part 2: The Struggle for
Freedom 1919-1947, vol. 31, New Delhi: Tulika Books, 2019.
Sumit Sarkar, Modern India: 1885-1947, Gurgaon: Macmillan, 1983.
8.9. FURTHER READINGS
 146

Ishita Banerjee Dube, A History of Modern India, Delhi: Cambridge University Press,
2014.
Sekar Bandyopadhyay, From Plassey to Partition: A History of Modern India, New Delhi:
Orient Black Swan, 2004.
8.10. MODEL QUESTIONS
1. The role of Gandhiji was supported by the circumstances surrounding the Indian
freedom struggle. Critically Examine.
2. In the history of nationalism, Gandhiji is often identified with the making of a nation.
Describe his role in the freedom struggle of India.
3. Discuss the nature of the Khilafat movement and its role in formation of the Non-
Cooperation movement.
4. The Salt Satyagraha was more than just a symbolic act of breaking the salt law that
shook an Empire. Examine.
 147

Lesson - 9

RISE OF COMMUNAL POLITICS:

GROWTH OF COMMUNAL POLITICS
PAKISTAN RESOLUTION OF THE MUSLIM LEAGUE

Structure
9.0 Objectives
9.1 Introduction
9.2 Muslim League
9.3 League and Congress
9.4 Lahore Resolution
9.5 Summary
9.6 Further Readings
9.7 Model Questions
9.0 Objectives
After reading this lesson you would be able to understand :
 What is the meaning of communal politics,
 Causes of Muslim League,
 Differences between Muslim League and Congress,
 Lahore Resolution passed by Muslim League.
9.1 Introduction
The dictum that ‘The administrators have neither permanent friends nor permanent
enemies’ rightly applies to the relations of the British Imperialists with the Hindus and Muslims
living in India. Their safer policy was to ‘divide and rule’. With their imperialistic interests always
in sight, the British were favouring one community and ignoring the other, and sometimes
counterpoising one group of people against another group of people. Before the advent of the
British, the relations between the Hindus and the Muslims, except during brief periods of war,
were on the whole, cordial and satisfactory. But with the colonization of India by the British a new
element was introduced in the relations of these two major communities in India by them. This
element has very rightly been called communalism. The assimilative power of Hinduism had with
the passage of centuries blunted and this great religion which had assimilated the Huns, the
 148

Kushanas, the Greeks and the Parthians, failed to absorb the Muslims. Thus the Muslims,
retaining their separate identity even after their stay for seven or eight centuries in India gave a
new dimension to this problem of diversity when the British established their authority in India.
The great uprising of 1857 was regarded by the British people as a conspiracy of the
Hindus and the Muslims of India to throw away the British yoke. Herein they thought, the
Muslims had taken a greater role and that everything should be done to see that similar things do
not reoccur in future. By the land acquisition scheme the Muslim nobles, who were not able to
show their old ‘deeds’ were deprived of their lands. In the recruitment the various posts in the
civil and military administration also the claims of the Muslims were ignored and the Hindus,
especially of Bengal were getting the lion’s share in the higher administrative services. Sir Sayed
Ahmad Khan was pained to find the Muslims were not getting western education, and thus were
lagging considerably behind in the race for getting posts in administration. He called upon his
religionists to learn the western science and English Language. He initiated reformation within
Islam and established Anglo-Oriental schools at various places in U.P. The Mohammandan
Anglo Oriental College at Aligarh, established in 1875 by him developed, in due course of time,
as a main vehicle of Muslim education. He was also critical of the objectives of the Indian
National Congress. He was against the introduction of a democratic form of government in India
because he feared that in such a case the Muslims in India shall be, subjected to a perpetual
servitude of the majority community the Hindu. He did not regard the Indian National Congress a
secular organization, but as an organization of the Hindus. He was, however pained to see some
prominent Muslims enlisting themselves as members of the Indian National Congress and
actively and prominently participating in its deliberations. The various revivalist and reformatory
movements within Hinduism like the Brahmo Samaj and the Arya Samaj were also regarded by
Sir Sayed Ahmad Khan as less reformatory within Hinduism and more anti Islamic in their
character. On the apex of all this came the partition of Bengal in 1905. Not only that Bengal was
the most populated province but that it was wide and extensive and incapable of being effectively
and conveniently administered. But the motive behind this division of Bengal as stated by Lord
Curzon himself was, “give to the People of these districts by reason of their numerical strength
and their superior culture the prepondering voice in the province so created which would invest
the Mohammadans in Eastem Bengal with a unity which they have not enioyed since the days of
the old Mussalman Viceroys and Kings.”
9.2 Birth of Muslim League
The Muslim leaders were also not sitting idle. On 1st Oct. 1906 Lord Minto received a
delegation of over seventy Muslim leaders led by His Highness Sir Syed Agha Khan. They
submitted a memorandum in which they requested for the introduction of separate electorates for
the Muslims and also for giving them weightage in representation i.e. more seats than their
 149

population warranted. The draft of the memorandum was prepared by Mr. Archibald, the principal
of the M.A.O. College, Aligarh. The Viceroy assured the Muslim delegates that their demand for
separate electorates and weightage would be conceded. The British viewpoint was that the
Parliamentary Institutions of the West cannot be implanted on the Indian soil without any
modification. India being a land of diversities and of several heterogeneous element can not put
smoothly in practice the system of representative government,
In December of the same year was established the All India Muslim League in which a
large number of prominent Muslim leaders participated. The main objectives of the League were:
1. To foster a sense of loyalty to the British government among the Muslims of India;
2. To look after the political interests of the Indian Muslims.
3. To bring about better understanding between the Muslims and other communities.
Due to the repeated demands of the League for the introduction of separate electorates
for the Muslims of India, and the weightage in representation, and the favourable attitude of the
British authorities, both in India and England, the idea of separate electorates, with weightage for
the Muslim community began to gain momentum. This was really a very shrewd attempt on the
part of the British authorities to win over permanently the Muslims of India. The work started with
the partition of Bengal in 1905, was thus furthered and appeared to be consolidated by the Act of
1909.
Introduction of separate Electorate: The Act of 1909 introduced the Communal
electorate for the Muslims. It expanded the control of legislative council by enlarging its
membership to 69 out of which 37 were to be officials while the remaining 32 were to be non
officials, 5 were to be nominated by the Governor General, while the remaining 27 were to be
elected. For the elected members it was declared that the territorial representation did not suit
India and that Representation by classes and interests was the only practicable method. Hence,
27 members were to be elected from three separate electorates viz. General Electorate, Class
Electorate and Special Electorate. The Class Electorate was further bifurcated into two
constituencies--landholders constituencies and separate Muslim constituencies, each Class
returning 6 members. For voters in Class constituencies, it was essential to be a member of that
very class i.e. only Muslims could vote in Muslim constituency and only lambardar, could be a
voter in a lambardar constituency. Only adults could become voters. The Act not only provided
separate communal representation to the Muslims but also representation, much in excess of
their population on account of their services to the Empire. “Moreover, their right to vote in the
General Electorates was left intact. This method of double voting weightage enabled the Muslims
to secure an excessive and undue representation at the cost of other communities.
 150

The introduction of separate communal Electorate for the Muslims was criticised by the
Congressmen. In the words of Madan Mohan Malaviya, “The Regulations which have been
published, however, not only provide that they shall elect the number of representatives, which
has been fixed for them on a consideration not only of their proportion to the total population but
also of their alleged political importance by special electorate created for the purpose but also
permit them to take part in elections by mixed electorates, and there by enable them to secure
an excessive and over representation of their particular community to the exclusion to a
corresponding extend, of the representatives of other communities”. Since the Muslims had no
need to depend on Hindu votes for their elections to the councils, they adopted very
uncompromising attitude.
The granting of separate representation to the Muslims ushered an era of cross
communalism in Indian politics. It gave a clue to other minority communities viz., the Sikhs,
Harijans, Anglo-Indian and the Indian Christians to claim for themselves similar privileges. The
Act of 1909 thus gave a serious setback to the cause of national unity. “The Morley Minto
reforms have been our undoing” said Mahatma Gandhi in the words of S.N. Dass, “The Viceroy
had divided Indian nationalism by communal electorate and had achieved there by the greatest
victory for the British Empire in the twentieth century. The bitter seeds of strife and communal
hatred sown by the Act of 1909 germinated and ultimately led to the partition of India in 1947”.
But the Indian National Congress had been continuously striving against these separatist
tendencies and the shrewd British attempts to thin and dilute the rising sense of nationalism in
the country. Their agitation ultimately compelled the British authorities to annul the partition of
Bengal in Dec.1911. To the Muslims of India the undoing of the partition of Bengal was the
violation of the solemn promise on the part of the British authorities, who had succumbed to the
agitational approach of the Indian National Congress in general and the extremists of Bengal in
particular. Consequently, some prominent Muslim leaders became cautious and were hesitant in
extending unstinted support and loyalty to the British masters. This also resulted in the rethinking
on the part of Muslim leaders to bring about a raprochement with the majority community. The
educated Muslim elite was also advocating that Hindus and Muslims should come forward to
form a common nationality and should present joint representation regarding the introduction of
political reforms in the country. Maulana Shibli, in a series of article criticised the Muslim politics
which was based on the teachings of Sir Sayed Ahmad Khan’s unstinted loyalty towards the
British and aloofness from the Indian National Congress. The newly educated Muslim class
including Mohammad Ali Jinnah, supported the thesis of Maulana Shibli. To such a feeling was
added the detestable attitude of the allied powers including the Great Britain towards the Balkan
countries in the pre-war period and towards Turkey during and after the First World War, this led
to coming nearer of the two major communities of India. Mohammad A1i Jinnah who presided
over the All India Muslim League session at Lucknow in 1916 outlined the relations between the
 151

Hindus and the Muslims in India in these words: “Towards the Hindus our attitude should be of
goodwill and brotherly feeling. Co-operation in the cause of our motherland be our guiding
principle. India’s real progress can only be achieved by a true understanding, harmonious
relations between the two great sister communities.”
Such cordiality between the Hindus and the Muslims led to the signing of agreement
between the League and the Congress popularly known as the Lucknow Pact. By this agreement
the Indian National Congress conceded the League’s demand of separate e1ecorates which had
already been introduced in the Indian politics by the India Councils Act of 1909. In addition, the
Congress also conceded their introduction in provinces where they had not been introduced
according to the Act of 1919. Most of the provisions of the Lucknow Pact were later on
incorporated in the Govt. of India Act, 1919.
The Hindu Muslim unity established by the signing of the Lucknow Pact and the
presentation of the joint demands for the constitutional progress of the country, the pressure of
the Home Rule Movement of Annie Besant, the support of the Indian National Congress to the
Allied powers in sending men and materials during the 1st World War, and the depressing
course of the War, compelled Montague, the Secretary of State for India to make historic
declaration on 20th August, 1917. It promised the progressive realisation of a responsible
government in British India, as an integral part of the British Empire. This declaration of 20
August 1917 and its implementation in the Govt. of India Act. 1919 may rightly be attributed to
Hindu Muslim unity initiated by the signing of the Lucknow Pact.
The Khilafat Movement
The anti-Turkish attitude of the Victorious Allied powers after the conclusion of the 1st
World War was a factor which could not be ignored by the Muslims of India. The Turkish Sultan
was the Khalifa of the Muslims and humiliation of the Khalifa could only be resented by the
Muslims of India. The British had assured that they had no intention of breaking up the Turkish
Empire. But after the conclusion of the War it was becoming increasingly clear that they had no
clear intention to fulfil their war time promises. This enraged the Muslims and brought them
nearer to the Nationalists in India who were also not satisfied by the provision of the Government
of India Act of 1919. Peaceful agitation against the Rowlatt Act had resulted in the massive mas-
sacre on 13th April, 1919, at Jallianwala Bagh, Amritsar and ultimately the Indian National
Congress led by Mahatma Gandhi decided to launch non-co-operation movement against the
British. The Muslims too were seething with discontent and, therefore, a non-co-operation
movement in concert with the Khilafat was ultimately started in India. Thus a purely political
movement of progressive non-violent, non-co-operation was intermixed with a purely-religious
movement of the restoration of the rights of the Khalifa. The Non- Co-operation movement
consisted in the surrender of the official title, refusal to attend government offices, gradual
withdrawal of student from government schools and colleges, gradual boycott of the British
 152

Court, refusal to participate in elections, and not to enlist as recruits for the army; whereas the
Khilafat Movement consisted in declaring that the Muslims owe allegiance to the Sultan of
Turkey, that the Muslims declaring that “so long as the demands of the Indian Muslims regarding
the integrity of Khilafat and the preservation of the sanctity of Jazirat-ul-Arab and other holy
places which are based upon their religious canons are not fulfilled, neither shall they rest in
peace nor shall they leave it to the enemies of the Islam.” Some Nationalist leaders like Pt.
Madan Mohan Malviya and Swami Shradhanand had doubt about the Muslim intentions, and to
some extent their fears were not unfounded. But Mahatma Gandhi ignored such warnings and
the two movements progressed side by side.
Both the movements (Non-Co-operation as well as Khilafat) were bound to be failures,
though for different reasons. The sudden eruption of violence in Feb., 1922 in the Non-Co-
operation movement led Mahatma Gandhi to suspend the movement against the British, though
there was a sharp reaction from a majority of the Congressmen against this unilateral step of the
Mahatma. This also weakened the base of the Khilafat Movement. On the diplomatic field of the
harsh terms of the Treaty of the Serves with Turkey were sought to be revised and negotiations
took place at Lausanna to this effect. In these negotiations it was dear that “The Turks were not
so much interested in claiming their Sultan’s suzerainty over the Holy places, as they were in
obtaining possession of the Vilayet of Mosul for its strategic and oil value.” Also on March 3,
1924 Abdul Majid, the Khalifa was exiled by Mustafa Kamal Pasha and the Khilafat was
abolished. This had rendered a deadly blow to the Khilafat Movement.
“The Khilafat Movement was” according to K.B.Sayeed, “the first and the only movement
in which both the Hindus and the Muslims had played a joint role on a mass scale.” But this
Hindu-Muslim Unity was not based on sound foundation. This factor is made amply clear by the
eruption of the communal riots in August, 1921 in Malabar. The Moplahs had killed the Hindus,
set their houses on fire and thousands of them were forcibly converted to Islam. When the case
of forcible conversion of the Hindus were being discussed in the subject committee of the Indian
National Congress, Maulana Hasrat Mohani justified the Moplah atrocities perpetuated on the
Hindus. B.R. Ambedkar quotes, “the Moplahs were right in presenting the Quoran or sword to the
Hindu. And if the Hindus became Musalmans to save themselves from death, it was a voluntary
change of faith and not forcible conversion.” This shows that the Hindu-Muslim unity presented
during the course of the Non-Co-operation movement was not a real natural one. It was born of
the common feelings of hatred against the English and therefore; short-lived. The consequences
of the Khilafat movement were both disappointing and depressing for the Muslims of India. They
had boycotted the British courts, government schools and colleges, did not enlist themselves in
the army and thus did lag behind in their share of the recruitment to various government
services. This was injurious for the community which as a general rule, due to their general
backwardness, had already been less represented in such posts.
 153

The Simon Commission set up in November 1927 came to India to study on the spot the
constitutional problem of the country. It was boycotted by the Indian National Congress and a
section of the all India Muslim league headed by Mohammad Ali Jinnah. The league at its
Calcutta session, therefore, formed a sub-committee to negotiate with the working committee of
the Indian National Congress, and for guidance, they suggested that a separate province of
Sindh be made, political reforms be introduced in Baluchistan and N.W.F. Province on a basis
similar to other provinces, and until these two suggestions are implemented, the Muslims of India
cannot think of to end the separate electorate system or separate councils for electorates.
However, the League also suggested that the Hindus in Sindh, N.W.F. Province and Baluchistan
should be accorded the same concessions which the Muslim were to get in the Hindu majority
provinces. In order to ensure religious freedom it was suggested further, that no communal bill or
resolution may be considered or passed unless 3/4th members of the concerned community
approved it. It also suggested that the Muslim representation in the Central Legislature should
not be less than one third. The first meeting of the All Parties Conference to draft an agreed
constitution for India, was held in Feb. 1928, and later Moti Lal Nehru was appointed as a
chairman to the sub-committee, which was to consider the principles for the constitution of India.
In August 1928, the report was submitted by this committee, which is popularly known as the
Nehru Report.
“The Nehru Report was an answer to the challenge thrown to the Indians by Lord
Birkenhead that the composition of the Simon Commission had to be purely British because the
Indians were incapable of arriving at an agreed solution as regards the constitutional problem of
India”. Some of the provisions of the Nehru Report which had bearing on the relations of the
Hindus and the Muslims were that it provided for a unitary government, joint electorates with
reservation of seats only for the Muslims in provinces where they were in a minority and for the
Hindus in N.W.F. Province, the reservation of seats being only for a period of ten years.
The Fourteen Points
A meeting of the all parties was held at Calcutta in December, 1928 to consider the
Nehru Report. The Report was not acceptable to the minorities especially to the Muslim leaders,
and Mohd. Ali Jinnah, the then President of the All India Muslim League moved three major
amendments to this Report. These were that 1/3rd of the seats were to be reserved for the
Muslims in the Central Legislature, the residuary power were to rest with provinces and not with
the Centre and that the Muslims be represented in Punjab and Bengal on the basis of their
numerical strength for a period of ten years. These amendments were not acceptable to the
Indian National Congress and thus these fell through. The attitude of the Muslim leaders there
upon became uncompromising. Jinnah moved a resolution containing his points at the meeting
of All India Muslim League in Dec. 1929. It meant that any solution of the constitutional problems
 154

of the country which did not incorporate these 14 points of Jinnah, shall not be acceptable to the
Muslim leaders. These 14 points were:
1. India should be federation (and not a unitary government as suggested by a Nehru
Report) with residuary powers with the provinces.
2. Uniform measure of freedom to be ensured to all the provinces.
3. Effective and adequate representation of minorities in various elective bodies in the
country.
4. Muslim representation in the central legislature should be 33.3 percent.
5. Separate and Communal electorates to continue.
6. Muslim majority in Punjab, Bengal and N.W.F. Province to continue. Provinces not to
be affected by any territorial redistribution in future.
7. Religious liberty to all to be ensured.
8. No communal legislation will be passed if 3/4th members of the community in the
legislative body oppose it.
9. Sindh to be separated from the Bombay Presidency.
10. Reforms similar to those in other province to be introduced in N.W.F. province and
Baluchistan.
11. Adequate share to the Muslim in state services.
12. Adequate constitutional safeguards for the protection and promotion of Muslim
culture.
13. No Cabinet to have less than 33.3% Muslim representation.
14. Amendment to the constitution by the Central Legislature only with the concurrence of
the states constituting the Federation.
Whereas the Nehru Report was based on the democratic ideology of the West, the
modifications suggested by Jinnah were based on a communal ideology. Neither was the Indian
National Congress going to submit to the communal reservations of the League nor was the
latter going to adhere to the unadulterated western political doctrines in India. As a matter of fact
the three amendments moved by Jinnah in the Nehru Report, were not accepted by the Indian -
National Congress, and made the League and its leaders uncompromising in their attitude and
thus their demands went on increasing”: Jinnah’s fourteen points can be explained in this
perspective.
Since the Simon Commission was boycotted both by the League and the Congress, the
British Prime Minister announced the holding of a Round Table Conference in which the
 155

representation of British Indian states, Indian Political parties and the various political groups in
the political life of India were to be invited. The Indian National Congress did not attend the First
Round Table Conference since the British government had failed to assure the Congress leaders
of intention to draft and implement a constitution for India as a Dominion status. Instead, they
celebrated 26th January, 1930 as the Independence Day and not Dominion Status. In March,
1930 Mahatma Gandhi started the Civil Disobedience Movement. Gandhiji and his associates
were arrested. In 1931 Gandhiji solemnizised a pact with the British Government which is
popularly known as Gandhi-Irwin Pact. Mahatma Gandhi called off the Civil Disobedience
Movement and decided to attend to Second Round Table Conference on the invitation of the
British Government. ‘The Second Conference mainly veered round the communal problem and
after wasting a lot of time and energy could not reach an agreed solution. It met with a dismal
failure. The issue was referred to various committees to prepare detailed reports.
Communal Award: As was expected by the government, the Indians could not arrive at
an agreed solution of the communal problem. Therefore, the British Prime Minister announced
his “Award” in August 1932. The award confined to the representation of the different
communities in provinces only. Consideration of representation in the Central Legislature was
deferred as involvement inter alia, the question of representation of the Indian states also which
still required further discussion. It was hoped that once a pronouncement was made upon
questions of the method and proportion of representation, the communities themselves may find
it possible to arrive at a solution of the communal problem. If before the passing of the new
Government of India Act, the government was satisfied that the communities concerned were
mutually agreed upon an alternative scheme they would be prepared to recommend to
Parliament the substitution of the alternative scheme for the Communal award.
The Award was given on the expected lines. Instead of encouraging cohesion among
different communities by creating a joint electorate, efforts were made to widen the gap among
them. Communal electorates were made more complex and elaborate covering almost every
section of the Indian society. The most disgusting feature of the Award was that reservation of
seats was made for the depressed classes who comprised almost one-third of the Hindu
population. Those seats were to be filled by election from special constituencies in which only the
members of the depressed classes were entitled to vote. These constituencies were to be
formed in those selected areas where the depressed classes were most numerous. Similarly the
Indian Christians and Anglo-Indians were to vote on communal lines. Women were also given
special representation on communal lines. The voters of particular community were to elect their
own quota. Special seats were also allotted to Commerce and Industry, Mining and Planning.
Seats allotted to big landholders were to be filled by their own constituencies. Thus, the
communal electorate, which covered only Muslims in 1909 and was extended to Sikhs in 1919,
now took almost every community in its fold.
 156

Criticism of Communal Award: The communal award had been criticised for more than
one reasons. It had been pointed out that the award was unjust to the Hindus and the Sikhs. It
maintained the weightage to Muslims in provinces where they were in minority instead of
following the same logic and giving Hindus weightage in Bengal where they were in minority,
they were given only 32% seats when they constituted almost 45% of the total population. It gave
10% seats to the Europeans who were merely 0.01 % of the population. In the Punjab also
instead of giving weightage to the representation of the Hindus it was cut down to favour the
Sikhs. The Sikhs also failed to get the weightage that the Muslims got in other provinces. If we
look as a whole, the Award was weighted in favour of the Muslims and against the Hindus. The
Hindus were further weakened by giving separate representation to the depressed classes. How
highly the Award was resented by the Hindus can be guessed from the remarks of a great Hindu
Nationalist Leader, Madan Mohan Malviya. He said, “At present we are living under one
government, of course a foreign government, but what shall we get by means of this communal
electorate ? Not a government by the people, for the people and of the people, but a government
of one community over another. In the Punjab, it will be government of Muslims. It will not be a
democracy. It will be a special kind of despotic government. It will be tyranny of the one commu-
nity over another and it is this despotism which the Communal Award seeks to install.”
The Award as a matter of fact, was unjust to the Hindus in matters of franchise and
qualifications of candidates. Communal electorate divided allegiance between the state and
community and therefore, ran counter to the spirit of nationalism. It retarded the growth of the
citizen spirit and perpetuated differences of castes and creeds. It was viewed in political circles
as a Machiavellian device intended to widen existing lines of cleavage and to check the sense of
nationality. In no civilized country of the world, the communal representation was in existence
because of divisive tendency cutting at the very roots of nationalism. Then why the British in
India were employing this novel system ? This was the big question in the mind of every
nationalist leader. And he knew its answer as well.
Poona Pact: The Award created a stir in Hindu community. They saw a grand design of
the British in dividing and weakening their community, thereby reducing the bargaining power of
the Hindus in general and of the Congress in particular. Gandhi protested to British Prime
Minister against the creation of separate communal electorate for the depressed classes but all
in vain. He therefore, started his fast upto death. When his condition became critical, the Indian
leaders realised the gravity of the situation and rose to the occasion. They made up their minds
to get the Award modified by mutual agreement so that the precious life of Gandhi might be
saved. After all how could the Prime Minister rectify his own award without taking into confidence
the parties ‘affected or in the absence of mutually agreed solutions which could have been done
only by the Indian leaders themselves Hence the Indian leaders got into action, made
negotiations and signed the Poona Pact in September 1932. It was accepted by the government.
 157

According to the Poona Pact, no doubt, seats ere reserved for the depressed classes
but on the basis of joint elector. The depressed classes were to be given fair representation in
the local bodies and the public services. In provincial budgets, an adequate sum was to be
earmarked for the education of their children.
After the Poona Pact, the Third Round Table Conference was called by the British
Government. It lasted from 17th November to 24th December 1932. The Labour Party did not co-
operate with it. The Congress was under represented. There was no one to oppose. The
delegates merely discussed the reports of the various committees appointed by the Second
Round Table Conference and decided other points too.
White Paper : The whole scheme regarding future constitutional set-up of India was
prepared on the basis of the decisions thrashed out in the Third Round Table Conference. It was
published in a consolidated form in March 1933 and it is known as the White Paper. It provided
the working basis of the new constitution with Dyarchy at the Centre and responsible government
in the provinces. A joint Select Committee under the chairmanship of Lord Linlithgow was
appointed to examine and report on the proposals contained in the White Paper. The committee
had members from both houses of Parliament. The committee invited representatives from
British India and the Indian states to put forth their points of view. After examining many
witnesses and memoranda received from various associations, the committee submitted its
report on 12 November 1934. In its report, although it did not alter the fundamentals given in the
white paper it recommended many changes in the structure of provincial and federal legislature
and some other matters also.
A bill was then drafted on the lines suggested by Select Committee Report. The bill was
introduced in the commons on 5 February, 1935. It was criticised by the members of the Labour
Party for its limited scope. They pleaded for granting dominion status to India. But on the other
hand the diehard Conservative like Winston Churchill alleged that government has gone too far
to appease the Indian opinion. The government, however, steered smoothly through those
divergent viewpoints and got the bill passed by the Commons in June 1935 and by the Lords the
next month. It received the Royal assent in August 1935 and became known as government of
India Act 1935.
The Act of 1935 provided for a dyarchy at the centre, autonomy in the British provinces,
extraordinary powers to the governor-general and the provincial governors and it proposed All
India Federation. Under this Act when the provincial elections were held divergent party stands
of the Congress and the League could be easily discernible where Jinnah was trying to project
the image of the All India Muslim League as the sole representative organisation of the Muslims
of India. He regarded the Indian National Congress as a representative of the Hindus. He
declared, “I warn my Hindu friends and the Congress to leave the Muslims alone. We are not
going to be the camp followers of any party or organization. Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru is
 158

reported to have said in Calcutta that there are only two parties in the country, namely the Govt.
and the Congress and the others must line up”. “I refuse to line up with the Congress. There is a
third party in the country and that is the Muslims. We are not going to be dictated by any body
said Jinnah". Jinnah was thus preparing the ground for the enunciation of the two-nation theory
to which he stuck firmly and thus became the Father to Pakistan.
The results of the provincial election held according to the provisions of the Government
of India Act 1935 were quite encouraging for the congress and correspondingly depressing for
the League. The Indian National Congress secured absolute majority in five British Indian
provinces and in other three, they came out as the single largest political party. The league on
the other hand secured only about 5% of the Muslim votes and did not secure majority in anyone
out of the eleven British Indian provinces. This was most disappointing for the League and its
leaders seriously thought of giving impetus to the League and invigorate it.
9.3 The League and the Congress
The first opportunity that widened the gulf between the Congress and the League was at
the time of the formation of ministry in U.P. after the election in 1937. According to the pre-
election understanding the Congress was to offer some ministries to the League. The League,
therefore, demanded ministership for two of its provincial leaders. But the Congress was willing
to give only one ministry to the League, as they had already one Muslim Congressman, R.A.
Kidwai, in the provincial cabinet. It may be stated that the inclusion of a League member in the
provincial cabinet was, in a way, against the principle of homogeneity needed for the smooth
working of the cabinet. To compensate this, the members of the League as members of the
provincial legislature were expected to cease work as a separate group and to submit to the
discipline of the Congress. Such a position was not acceptable to the League and therefore, the
non-inclusion of the members of League in the U.P. cabinet was a strong factor that embittered
the relations of the two organisations. Maulana Azad criticized his colleague, the Congress
leader, Jawahar Lal Nehru for his uncompromising attitude and attributed this factor as the
potent cause that took the League away from the Congress and sowed the seeds of Pakistan.
The mass contact campaign with the Muslims launched by Congress after the formation
of its ministry in 1937 had the most disappointing results for the Congress. The Congressmen
wanted to bring home to the rural and the poorer sections of the Muslims that they were going to
be amply benefitted in the Congress Raj since they advocated that the League was represented
by Muslim landlords who would stand in the way of the amelioration of the economic position of
the poor Muslim peasants. But the League counteracted such a campaign by propagating that
the Hindu congressmen were unduly interfering in the religious affairs of the Muslim and that the
latter in order to save their faith should join the League.
Self Assessment Questions
 159

1. Write a note on Lahore Resolution.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
2. What was the main abjectives of Muslim League ?
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
3. Define separate Electorate.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The working of the Congress ministers in general and that of the U.P. in particular
became the subject of acute criticism with the League. The League saw in the formation and
working of the Congress ministers in various provinces as the fulfillment of aggressive Hindu
nationalism. The League appointed a committee under the chairmanship of the Nawab of Mirpur
to go into the excesses of the Congress ministries. The Mirpur Committee recorded that the most
inhuman treatment was meted out to the Muslims in the provinces under the Congress rule. The
singing of the ‘Vande Mataram’ a song in the novel ‘Anand Math’, as the National Anthem at
various government functions was strongly objected to by the Muslims because they said that
the novel ‘Anand Math’ had depicted the decadent Muslim power in Bengal in a most
contemptuous way. The Congress ministries were also unnecessarily and undeservedly
criticized on the question of language since the official policy of the Indian National Congress
was to use the world Hindustani and not Hindi; and it was to be written in both the Devnagari and
the Arabic scripts. It is absolutely clear from the following extract from the circular letter of
Maulana Azad addressed to the Chief Ministers of the Congress ruled provinces :- “The
Congress has decided that, for the ‘national and inter-provincial language the name Hindustani
should be adopted, which has been used for this language since the seventeenth century; that is
Devnagari and Urdu.” But the attitude of the League on the language question was
uncompromising. The educational policy of the Congress ministry in Central Provinces also
came up for severe criticism by the League leaders. They projected the view that the educational
scheme in the province was ‘Hindu in name and form. It was the Vidya Mandir as a Place of
Worship of the Hindus where idols are worshipped. They said that it was an affront to the
Muslims who are known for their hatred against idol worship. The injustice to the Muslims in
giving them an inadequate share in the State services was made yet another point of criticism
against the Congress Ministries. The local Congress Committees and the leaders were alleged
 160

to have unduly interfered in the administration of the provinces. The criticism of the Congress
ministries was the severest by the Bengal Premier, Fazal-UI-Huq. “In Congress provinces riots
have laid waste the countryside Muslim life, has become limp and property have been lost…..the
Mosques are being defiled and culprits never found nor is Muslim worshipper unmolested. The
Muslim officers have been unjustly treated and deprived of their legitimate right.” Thus the
Mirpur Committee Report incorporated stories of injustices, atrocities and discrimination against
the Muslims of Bihar and U.P. To these allegations the Indian National Congress offered to
institute an impartial enquiry but the League leader did not accept it. Probably they knew the
hollowness of their allegation. Maulana Azad, the prominent Muslim Congressman who was
intimately concerned with the working of the Congress ministries dismissed the League
allegations as merely fabrications. He writes, “From personal knowledge and with full sense of
responsibility I can, therefore, say that the charges levelled by Jinnah and the Muslim League
were absolutely false. If there had been an iota of truth in any of these charges, I would have
seen to it that the injustice was rectified. I was even prepared to resign if necessary, on an issue
like this.”
These allegations, whether true or not, had a very favourable impact on the membership
of the League. Like the Congress, the League began to grow as an organization and secured
more and more financial support from various sources. K.B. Sayeed writes, “Muslim students
from Aligarh and other urban areas gravitated towards the Muslim League, partly attracted by
Jinnah’s dynamic personality and partly the fears aroused by the Congress rules as regards
their future material interests in the service and commercial life.” More and more people were
enlisted members of the All India Muslim League. “Soon after the League session at Lucknow in
October 1937, as many as 90 branches of the League were established in the United Provinces
and 40 in the Punjab. Nearly 1,00,000 new members were enrolled in the United Provinces.”
After making its base strong the League really became a mass organisation. M.A. Jinnah started
correspondence with prominent national leaders including Jawahar Lal Nehru. Among other
points, Jinnah wanted to convince Nehru that all India Muslim League was the sole
representative of the Indian Muslims, but such a viewpoint was not acceptable to Nehru and the
Congress, it would reduce the Indian National Congress to merely an organization representative
of the Hindus. The Indian National Congress believed in secularism and many prominent
Muslims like R.A. Kidwai, M.A.K Azad were the recognised leaders of the Indian National
Congress.
On 3rd September, 1939 Britain declared war against Germany and immediately
thereafter the Governor-General Lord Linlithgow also declared war against Germany. Against
this dictatorial declaration of the Viceroy the Indian National Congress took an uncompromising
stand. The Congress advocated that the vital question of war and peace should be decided by
the Indian people themselves, and since the Governor-General did not apologise for his act, the
 161

Congress ministries resigned in protest. M.A. Jinnah and the League leaders became jubilant at
this relinquishing of office by the Congress, and the 22nd of December, 1939 was celebrated by
the League as a Day of Deliverance. The resignation by the Congress was an unwise and hasty
step because it elevated Jinnah to the status of a Muslim Gandhi, and the British Indian
Government henceforth, not only almost always consulted him on every national problem, but
also empowered him with a veto in the process of the constitutional progress of the country. Also
there was a Shift of the British policy towards the Indian National Congress. Certifying this
contention V.P. Menon Writes, “When the Congress resigned provincial office, Lord Linlithgow’s
attitude automatically changed. He began to lean more on the support of the Muslim League, for
all practical purposes. Jinnah was given a veto on further constitutional progress. Had the Indian
National Congress not resigned and formed a national government in coalition with the League
and thus worked during the period of the Second World War, they would have possibly repaired
the embittered relations with the League during 2 years of their tenure of government. Not only
did the Congress lose this chance, the Congress instead further strained the relations with the
League.”
The idea of having a separate independent state for Muslims of India was the subject
discussion within the League at least since October 1938, although the word Pakistan for such a
state was coined and made known through a four paged leaflet “Now or Never” issued by
Chaudhri Rehamat A1i in January 1933. As the time passed the idea of a separate nation gained
greater support. By 1940 it was accepted as its goal by the Muslim League. Even Mohammad
A1i Jinnah, who had earlier considered the idea of Pakistan as impracticable became a staunch
advocate of two-nation theory.
9.4 Lahore Resolution
Soon after the outbreak of the Second World War, the Congress ministries in the
provinces resigned. This greatly strengthened the position of the Muslim League and
Mohammad Ali Jinnah. In its annual session at Lahore in March, 1940, the Muslim League
passed the famous Pakistan Resolution. According to it, the areas in which the Muslims are
numerically in a majority, as in the north western and eastern zones of India, should be grouped
to constitute “independent states” in which the constituent units shall be autonomous and
sovereign.” This resolution did not specify the areas in the proposed state of Pakistan.
Mohammad Ali Jinnah during the Lahore session of the Muslim League stated that the Hindus
and Muslims constituted two separate homeland for each. He also cleared that ‘no power on
earth can prevent Pakistan’.
9.5 Summary
 162

The Lahore Resolution was followed by a vigorous propagation in favour of Pakistan. In

August, 1940 Lord Linlithgow offered the plan of setting up a constitution making body after the
war. The Muslim League welcomed the August offer and passed the Resolution, “the partition of
India is the only solution of the most difficult problem of India’s future constitution”. The Muslims
all over the country were told that Pakistan would be prosperous Muslim state where Muslims
would be supreme in every respect.
9.6 Further Readings
1. Bipan Chandra – India’s Struggle for Independence.
2. B.L. Grover -- Modern India.
9.7 Model Questions
1. Write the note on Communal Politics.
2. Write a role of Muslim League.

_____
 163

Lesson-10

QUIT INDIA MOVEMENT; BRITISH PROPOSALS FOR

INDEPENDENCE; INDIAN INDEPENDENCE ACT OF 1947

Structure
10.1 Objectives
10.2. Introduction
10.3. Quit India Movement
10.4. British Proposals for Independence
10.5. The Indian Independence Act of 1947
10.6. Summary
10.7. References
10.8. Further readings
10.9. Model questions
10.0. OBJECTIVES
Students, after reading this chapter you will be able to:
 Learn about the Quit India Movement.
 Learn about the different British proposals for India’s independence.
 Learn about Indian Independence Act of 1947.
10.1. INTRODUCTION
Students, the outbreak of World War II and British unilateral declaration that India is party to war,
without consultation with Indian leaders in particular and its people in general, made the
Congress to demand for the self-government or Swaraj. International situation was getting worse
for the Allied powers, therefore, the British had to offer a number of constitutional proposals to
enlist Indian support in its war efforts leading India towards its freedom. So, in this chapter you
will learn about the Gandhiji’s third and final mass movement, i.e., the Quit India Movement and
different constitutional proposals offered by the British to pacify Indians and to seek their support
during the World War II like August Offer (1940), Cripps Mission (1942), Wavell Plan (1945),
Cabinet Mission Plan (1946), and Mountbatten Plan (1947). This lesson also discusses the
Indian Independence Act of 1947.
 164

10.2. QUIT INDIA MOVEMENT

In 1939, with the outbreak of war between Germany and Britain, Lord Linlithgow had declared
India to be at war with Germany without consulting India. Indian soldiers were sent to fight for the
British against the German troops. Following this declaration, the Congress Working Committee
at its meeting on 10 October 1939, passed a resolution stating that Indian soldiers should not be
sent to the war unless it was consulted first. Further, it stated that India could not be the party to
a war being fought for democratic freedom, when that very same freedom was being denied to
her in her own land. If Britain is fighting for democracy and freedom, it should prove it by ending
imperialism in its own colonies and establishing full democracy in India. The government should
declare its war aims soon and also as to how the principles of democracy were to be applied to
India.
Responding to this declaration, the Viceroy issued a statement on 17 October wherein he
claimed that Britain is waging a war driven with the intention of strengthening peace in the world.
He also stated that after the war, the government would initiate modifications in the Act of 1935,
in accordance with the desires of the Indians.
Gandhiji's reaction to this statement was, “The old policy of divide and rule is to continue.
Congress has asked for bread and it has got stone”. On 22 October 1939, Congress directed all
its ministers to resign immediately. Accordingly, Congress ministers resigned from eight
provinces.
Meanwhile, the war situation worsened for the Allies power (France, Britain, China,
America, Soviet Russia). France had fallen to the Axis Powers (Japan, Italy and Germany) and
Britain was also in danger of being occupied by the Nazis. There was also a change of
government in Britain and Conservative Party’s Winston Churchill became the British Prime
Minister in 1940. Congress said that support for the war would be provided if power would be
transferred to an interim government in India. The Conservatives did not have a sympathetic
stance towards the claims made by the Congress. But in order to pacify the Indians in the
circumstances of worsening war situation and Britain’s keenness to get full Indian support for the
war, the Conservatives were forced to concede some of the demands made by the Indians.
Though the Conservatives failed to consider the main demand put forth by the Congress,
they did concede to introduce some political reforms seeing the worsening war situation for
Allies. On 8 August 1940, the Viceroy of India issued a statement, requesting full cooperation
from the Indians during Britain’s campaign in the ongoing Second World War. In return, the
Viceroy promised to give dominion status to India, add more Indian members in the Viceroy’s
Executive Council, formation of an advisory war council, and the right to form their own
constitution. As expected, this ‘August Offer’ was rejected by the Congress at its meeting at
 165

Wardha in August 1940 as it demanded complete freedom from the colonial rule and not the
dominion status. Jawaharlal Nehru remarked that “The dominion status concept was as dead as
a doornail”. Muslim League too did not accept the proposal as the Viceroy had failed to mention
about the creation of a separate Muslim state called Pakistan.
In the context of widespread dissatisfaction that prevailed over the rejection of the
demands made by the Congress and dissatisfaction with the Viceroy’s ‘August Offer’, at the
meeting of the Congress Working Committee in Wardha, Gandhiji revealed his plan to launch
Individual Civil Disobedience to affirm the right to free speech. Once again, the weapon of
Satyagraha found popular acceptance as the best means to wage a crusade against the
unwavering stance assumed by British. Vinoba Bhave, a follower of Gandhiji, was selected to
initiate the movement. Sardar Vallabhai Patel, Jawaharlal Nehru, and Brahma Dutta also
participated in Gandhiji’s call for Individual Civil Disobedience. It encouraged many to initiate
fiery protests all over the country. Anti-war speeches reached in all corners of the country. The
Satyagrahis, who were requesting their fellow Indians not to support Britain in its war campaign,
were arrested. Around 23,000 Satyagrahis were arrested. On 3December 1941, the Viceroy
ordered the release of all Satyagrahis, who were arrested in connection with the protests. The
acquittal order was passed with a hope of gaining Indian support in the war as the situation in
Europe had become critical after Japan's attack on Pearl Harbour.
In 1942, the Axis powers seemed on the brink of victory over the major Allied powers. By
the end of March 1942, Japan had seized the whole of Southeast Asia, occupied Burma and
raided Akyab twenty-five times, the region bordering Chittagong in East Bengal. The defeat of
Britain by an Asian power in Southeast Asia totally shattered the ‘white prestige’. The British
navy did not seem strong enough to counter the Japanese in the Indian Ocean. Japanese air
and naval superiority over the Bay of Bengal during 1942 made the east coast ports of Calcutta,
Chittagong, Madras and Vizag largely unusable. Thus, India faced an imminent threat on her
eastern land frontier. British abandoned their territories in Southeast Asia and left their population
in lurch. Their fears were reinforced by reports on how the British had favoured ‘white’ over
‘coloured’ people during evacuation. The Europeans in Malaya, Singapore, and Burma ordered
all forms of transport for their escape. At the same time, they left the Indian immigrants there to
make their own way by trekking in atrocious conditions through the dense forests and dangerous
mountain ranges. Also, two roads were provided: Black Road for the Indian refugees and White
Road exclusively for the European refugees. This revealed that British are not concerned with
Indian’s safety and also highlighted the gross racialism of the rulers of India.
The victory of the Japanese in Southeast Asia left Britain discouraged and now to check
the Japanese growing threat near Bengal led them to adopt two policies, i.e. the ‘demolition’
policy and ‘denial’ policy in Bengal. The Demolition policy involved the destruction of power
stations, oil installations and wireless cable and telegraph stations. The military authorities also
 166

planned to destroy the ports of Calcutta and Chittagong and carry out the sinking of river craft
and removal of railway stock as part of the Demolition policy. Denial policy involved removal of
rice, wheat, oil and other essential items and boats and bicycles from the inland areas in order to
prevent Japanese intrusion into India. Such war preparations by the British army raised the
anxiety amongst the Indians.
The fears that the food reserves of the country were being depleted to feed the army were
found everywhere. This encouraged widespread hoarding of essential goods such as matches,
salt, kerosene, mustard oil, sugar, rice, and holding of precious metals etc., leading to inflation,
especially in the coastal regions. The authorities neglected the signs of distress and permitted
the export of items from these areas resulting in the disappearance of rice from the village
markets. Grievances springing from an acute economic crisis and the lack of any political or
administrative mediation to conciliate the affected population while enforcing military imperatives
such as the denial policy provided a renewed lease of life to anti-state activities.
The educated Indians including Gandhiji, also feared Britain following a ‘scorched earth’
policy in Assam, Bengal and Orissa against the possible Japanese advance as they did in Burma
and Malaya. This act did not garner much faith among the Indian population who had doubts
about the British ability to defend India against the Axis aggression. Gandhiji also believed that if
the British left India, Japan would not have enough reasons to invade India.
This Japanese aggression in Southeast Asia, eagerness of British government to secure
the full participation of India in the war, mounting pressure from China and the United States, led
British Prime Minister Winston Churchill to send ‘Cripps Mission’ to India on 22 March 1942.
Under Stafford Cripps, the mission was sent to resolve the Indian question of a new constitution
and self-government with the Indian political parties and secure their support in Britain's war
efforts. Main terms of the mission were: establishment of a dominion state, establishment of a
Constituent Assembly, and right of the provinces to make separate constitutions (designed to
appease the Muslim League’s call for Pakistan). According to the Congress, this declaration
offered India a promise that was to be fulfilled in future only after the end of the Second World
War. Commenting on this Gandhiji said, “It is a post-dated cheque on a crashing bank”. Thus,
the Cripps Mission failed to solve the constitutional deadlock and exposed Britain's unchanged
attitude on constitutional advance. It also made clear that any more silence would be tantamount
to accepting the British right to decide the fate of Indians without consulting them.
The failure of Cripps's proposal to end political deadlock in India and the fast-moving
Japanese aggression against Allies, made the political scene in India quite threatened. Also, now
the nationalist leaders realized the incapacity of the British to defend India against the threat of
Japanese invasion of India. Therefore, the problem of India's defence became vitally important.
Launch of the Movement
 167

After the failure of the Cripps Mission, all hopes of understanding and cooperation between the
British and Congress also disappeared. Gandhiji now began to inaugurate his systematic
campaign for ‘orderly and timely British withdrawal from India’. The summer of 1942 found
Gandhiji in a strange and unique militant mood in the reflection of which he wrote in Harijan on
10 May 1942, “The presence of the British in India is an invitation to Japan to invade India. Their
withdrawal removes that bait”. He repeatedly urged the British, “This orderly disciplined anarchy
should go and if as a result there is complete lawlessness, I would risk it”.
On 14 July 1942, the Congress Working Committee passed ‘Quit India Resolution’ during
the Wardha conference. On 8 August 1942, the annual session of All India Congress Committee
was held at the historical tank ground Gowalia under the presidentship of Abul Kalam Azad and
the Wardha proposal was accepted. From here Gandhiji gave a clarion call to end the British rule
and launched the Quit India Movement also known as India’s ‘August Movement’ or ‘Bharat
ChhodoAndolan’. This was followed by a call for ‘mass struggle on non-violent lines on the
widest possible scale’. The phrase ‘Quit India’ in a spirit of ‘Do or Die’ came into vogue. He said,
“Here is a mantra, a short one, that I give you. Imprint it on your hearts, so that in every breath
you give expression to it. The mantra is ‘Do or Die’. We shall either free India or die trying, we
shall not live to see the perpetuation of our slavery”.
This time the emphasis in the struggle was not on the traditional Satyagraha but on ‘fight to
the finish’. It therefore meant that now Gandhiji was also prepared for the riots and violence. He
now conceded that the masses could take up arms in self-defence. In March 1942, in his articles
in the Harijan he wrote,“Armed resistance against a stronger and well-equipped aggressor is to
be considered a non-violent act”.
Quit India Movement Resolution was approved which demanded an immediate end to the
British rule in India, declaration of commitment of free India to defend itself against all types of
fascism and imperialism, and formation of a provisional government after the withdrawal of the
British rule. Gandhiji was chosen as the leader of the struggle. Gandhiji did not issue the
following instructions but he did spell out specific instructions to various groups in the Bombay
ground, which were as follows:
a. Government Servants: Don’t resign but declare your allegiance to the Congress.
b. Soldiers: Don’t leave the army but don’t fire on your compatriots.
c. Students: if confident, leave the studies.
d. Peasants: if Zamindars are pro-government, don’t pay the rent. If they are anti-
government then pay.
e. Princes: support the masses and accept the sovereignty of people.
 168

f. People of the princely states: support the ruler only if he is anti-government,

declare themselves as part of the Indian nation.
The British already alarmed by the advance of the Japanese army to the India-Burma
border, responded the very next morning, i.e. on 9 August, by arresting Gandhiji and the entire
Indian National Congress leadership, under the ‘Operation Thunderbolt’ launched by the
government to arrest its leaders. They were all kept in different jails on the charges of sedition till
the end of the Second World War in 1945 without trial.
Due to the arrest of major leaders, a young and till then relatively unknown Aruna Asaf Ali
(later popularly known as the 'Grand Old Lady' of the Independence Movement) presided over
the All India Congress Committee session on 9 August and is known for hoisting the Indian flag
at the Gowalia Tank Maidan in Mumbai. This new leader, Aruna Asaf Ali, emerged out of the
vacuum of leadership. Later, the Indian National Congress was declared an unlawful association,
all public meetings were prohibited, its offices were raided across the country, and all its funds
were frozen.
The masses were left without any guidance or course of action after the arrest of all top
leadership on 9 August. As soon as the news of the arrest of Gandhiji broke, public reactions
were immediate, spontaneous and all pervasive. To everyone's surprise angry and desperate
Indians entrusted the responsibility on themselves to spearhead the movement. Gandhiji’s ‘DO
or Die’ call for the people, triggered violence, riots, and protests across the country. Every region,
city and town of the country in the following days witnessed mass upsurge. The merchants
closed their shops, artisans and workers downed their tools, the students left their schools and
colleges, and large crowds flocked the streets, Satyagrahis offered themselves for arrest, bridges
were blown up, railway tracks were removed, and telegraph lines were cut. Schools were closed,
business was suspended, operations in factories were stopped, labour strikes paralyzed the
supply chains and offices got deserted for no one to manage it. Similar stories were found from
almost all the regions across the country.
Though Gandhiji lost the opportunity to lead the August Movement, it remained alive, took
on a national character and became people's unique spontaneous upsurge against imperial
power in all forms and expressions. The quick spread and the intensity of the movement took the
British Indian government by surprise. Almost every city and town, in every nook and corner of
the country, witnessed violent activities. Linlithgow privately described on 31 August as “By far
the most serious rebellion since that of 1857”.
The rebellions were spontaneous. There were outbursts of anger but without leadership,
guidance and any viable action plan. The second rank of leadership like Jaiprakash Narayan,
Ram Manohar Lohia, Achyut Patwardhan, Biju Patnaik, Sucheta Kripalani, Aruna Asaf Ali, Usha
Mehta, ChhotubhaiPuranik, and others who went underground in time, made attempts to redirect
 169

the movement in tune with the Quit India resolutions. In spite of severe risks and challenges,
Aruna Asaf Ali managed to establish a fairly efficient information network at Bombay, from where
a mobile ‘Congress Radio’ under Usha Mehta functioned from different locations of Bombay for
some nearly three months during the Quit India Movement. Through this radio they
disseminated information about the movement to the people to upkeep their hope and morale
and also to provide a line of command and guidance to distribute arms and ammunition.
Underground publications, such as the Bombay Provincial Bulletin, Free India, War of India
Bulletin, Do or Die News-Sheet, Free State of India Gazette and the Congress Gazette, also
flourished after the official Congress leadership had been imprisoned and their offices, assets
and printing presses were seized.
The effectiveness of underground workers depended on the support of thousands of
ordinary people continuing in ordinary occupations. Social, political and economic networks of
common people played exemplary roles by securing supplies, raising funds, keeping
surveillance and giving shelter to rebels. Yet the revolt disappeared as quickly as they had
emerged. Unarmed crowds could not withstand police repressions, arrests and military firing for
long. State repression knew no bounds. Demonstrators were also targeted from aircrafts.
Under the title 'Operation Thunderbolt' the British left no means to bring the movement to its
end. Terror was let loose on every public demonstration. By the time the revolt lost its
momentum over one lakh people got arrested, over ten thousand people had died in police and
military firings and thousands of others suffered injuries.
Apart from mass protests and violent agitations at some places during the Quit India
Movement, people in various states managed to establish its temporary control over a number of
towns, cities and villages. In some places they successfully established autonomous
governments like in Ballia (U.P.), in Tamluk (Midnapore), at Talcher (Orissa) and longest one in
Satara (Maharashtra). Though these governments failed to survive for long, it showcased the
capability of the Indians to manage government and administration on their own. They
demonstrated that the people of India are prepared to carry forward the fight for independence.
In the absence of leadership, there were stray incidences of violence and damage to
government property. Many buildings were set on fire, electricity lines were cut, and
communication and transport lines were broken. According to John F. Riddick, a renowned
British author, stated that throughout India, there were 2,500 instances of telegraph wires
sabotage by the protestors. By the end of 1943, official figures indicated that 208 police stations,
945 post offices and 312 railway stations had been attacked and much damaged, and 63
policemen were reported killed.
The government resorted to violence in order to quell the agitation. There were mass
floggings and Lathi charges. The same official figures also tell about the British repressive
 170

measures: 91,836 persons had been arrested and jailed, three-fifth of them in the provinces of
Bombay, U.P. and Bihar. Those killed in police and army firing were officially computed at 1,062,
though according to Jawaharlal Nehru the actual figures were approximately 5,000. Women in
the affected villages also suffered sexual harassment including rape. In Bihar alone, 57
battalions of British troops had to be deployed to restore order in the region. Many people lost
their lives when machine-gunned from the air (as happened in Bihar). Heavy collective fines
were imposed on rebellious towns and villages, amounting to Rs. 90 lakh- a big amount in those
days. A letter by Ram Manohar Lohia to Viceroy Linlithgow documents the strength of the
movement at its peak and also gives a glimpse into the British actions to suppress the
movement. Lohia had written that the British government had killed 50,000 people and injured
several more during the movement. According to Lohia, while the Russian Revolution saw barely
one percent of the country's population participating, in India no less than 20 percent people took
part. He said that the real strength of the Quit India Movement lay in the masses who had
participated in it.
During the Second World War most of the Congress leaders were detained in jails
including Gandhiji at Aga Khan Palace in Pune. During his imprisonment in Aga Khan Palace,
both his personal secretary Mahadev Desai and his wife Kasturba Bai Gandhiji, died. The British
excused Gandhiji for accepting violence and insisted Gandhiji to condemn violence committed by
people. In response to British, Gandhiji despite his deteriorating health announced his 21 day
fast on 10 February 1943 at Aga Khan Palace. Instead of condemning the violence, Gandhiji
fasted on it. It raised public anger many a fold. The popular response to the news of the fast was
immediate and overwhelming. Protests were organized at home and abroad through Hartals, and
demonstrations. M.S. Ane, M.R. Sarkar and H.P. Modi resigned from the Viceroy's executive
committee demanding release of Gandhiji.
Gandhiji’s fast was an important political intervention on his part, but popular protests
began to weaken soon, and normalcy returned to most areas. Famine conditions, which made
their appearance in Bengal from early months of 1943, also began to affect political activity of a
mass character in eastern India.
Although the British released Gandhiji on account of his deteriorating health in 1944,
Gandhiji kept up the resistance, demanding the release of all the Congress leaders. Most
freedom fighters were kept in prison till 1945.
While the Congress leaders were languishing in jails, the Muslim League was
consolidating its position and establishing itself as a major force. The reorganization of the
League reached fruition during this period. The League like Congress introduced two Anna
memberships and began to build up bases in villages. It promised not only an Islamic state but
also a peasant utopia where Muslims peasants will be as prosperous as Hindu moneylenders,
 171

landlords or Zamindars. On the whole, this process made the demand for Pakistan seem
realistic.
Self-Assessment Questions
A. Name two leaders who ran underground activities during the Quit India Movement.
Answer.______________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
B. Why is the Quit India Movement called the ‘Spontaneous Movement’?
Answer.______________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
C. Name some places where the parallel governments were formed during the Quit India
Movement.
Answer.______________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
D. Who was Aruna Asaf Ali?
Answer.______________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
10.4. BRITISH PROPOSALS FOR INDEPENDENCE
The Indian independence struggle had become more extensive during the period of the Second
World War. The demand for the independence of India was gaining strength. The British rulers
realized that it was necessary to take serious cognizance of this situation. Accordingly, the British
government began preparing various plans for granting independence to India. Students, let us
discuss them.
In 1940, Lord Linlithgow was very eager to gain the support of Indians for the war, so he
promised that the British government would transfer the power to the interim government
established by the responsible Indian hands. This proposal is known as ‘August Offer’.It was for
the first time that the British government promised to give Indians the right to frame their
constitution. Proposals by the British government were as follows:
 A representative Constituent Assembly would be framed to frame the constitution
of India after the conclusion of war.
 Dominion status would be granted to India.
 The Viceroy’s Council would be expanded quickly to incorporate more Indians
than British.
 172

 However, defence, finance, home affairs, minority rights, treaties with states, all
republic of India services etc. will remain in the hands of British government.
 An Advisory War Council was to be established.
 The government assured the minorities that the power would not be transferred to
any system of government whose authority is directly denied by large and
powerful elements in Indian national life.
The IndianNational Congress rejected this proposal at its meeting held at Wardha in
August 1940. It demanded complete freedom from colonial rule. Jawaharlal Nehru said that
“The dominion status concept is as dead as a doornail”. On the other hand, the
MuslimLeague favoured the veto assurance given to it and the leaders of League also reiterated
that partition was the only solution to the deadlock between them and Congress.
In March-April 1942, a mission headed by StaffordCripps was sent to India
with constitutional proposals similar to August Offer to seek Indian support for the World
War II because of the reverses suffered by Britain in South-East Asia, the Japanese
threat to invade India seemed real now and Indian support became crucial. There was
also mounting pressure on Britain from the Allies (USA, USSR and China) to sort out
Indian problems on priority basis to seek Indian cooperation. Indian nationalists had
agreed to support the Allied on a condition that substantial power was transferred
immediately and complete independence would be given after the war. Main proposals
of the mission were as following:
 An IndianUnion with a dominion status would be set up.
 It would be free to decide its relations with the commonwealth and free to
participate in the united nations and other international bodies.
 After the end of the war, a Constituent Assembly would be convened to frame a
new constitution. Members of this assembly would be partly elected by the
provincial assemblies through proportional representation and partly nominated by
the princes. Hence, all members would be Indians.
 The British government would accept the new constitution subject to two
conditions: (i) any province not willing to join the Union could have a separate
constitution and form a separate union, and (ii) the new constitution-making body
and the British government would negotiate a treaty to effect the transfer of power
and to safeguard racial and religious minorities. In the meantime, defence of India
would remain in British hands and the Governor-General’s powers would remain
intact.
 173

However, the Congress objected to: the offer of dominion status instead of a provision for
complete independence, representation of the princely states by nominees and not by elected
representatives, right to provinces to secede as this went against the principle of national
unityand this gave tacit recognition to MuslimLeague's Pakistan demand,absence of any plan for
immediate transfer of power, absence of any real share in defence, the Governor-General’s
supremacy had been retained, and the demand that the Governor-General be only the
constitutional head had not been accepted.
The MuslimLeague rejected the proposals because it had given the greatest
importance and priority to the creation of single IndianUnion. It did not like the machinery
for the creation of a Constituent Assembly and the procedure to decide on the accession
of provinces to the union; and stated that the proposals denied the Muslims the right to
self-determination and the creation of Pakistan. The League reaffirmed its conviction that
“The only solution of India’s constitutional problem is the partition of India into
independent zones”.
Cripps could not persuade them, as he did not get either the cooperation of the
Viceroy or the support of his Prime Minister. It is also argued that Churchill did not
sincerely wish the mission to succeed; he merely wanted to show the world and more
particularly, his allies that something was being done to resolve the Indian political
problem. Further, the incapacity of Cripps to go beyond the draft declaration and the
adoption of a rigid “take it or leave it” attitude added to the deadlock. The procedure of
accession was not well-defined. It was not clear as to who would implement and interpret
the treaty affecting the transfer of power. Talks broke down on the question of the
Viceroy’s veto. The failure of the mission, as we have noted earlier, prepared the ground
for a total confrontation between the Raj and the Congress.Gandhiji seized upon the
failure of the mission and called for voluntary British withdrawal from India. It resulted in
the Quit IndiaMovement. But although a failure, the mission signified an important shift in
British policy. It announced Indian independence after the war, within or outside the
empire, to be the ultimate goal of British policy; and that unity would no longer be a
precondition for independence.It was on these two essential conceptual pillars that post-
war British policy of decolonisation was to evolve, although in 1942 there was not yet any
political consensus on them.
The Second World War had caused many socio-economic problems in the
BritishEmpire, especially when it came to maintaining their overseas colonies. Thus, the
British government saw it fit to grant India the freedom it had been demanding for so
long. In addition, the Quit IndiaMovement and an increase in revolutionary activity only
made the British position in India tenuous at best.
 174

Lord Wavell, who became the Viceroy in 1943, was charged with presenting a
formula for the future government of India that would be acceptable to both the
IndianNational Congress and the all-IndiaMuslimLeague, allowing for a smooth
transition of power. Lord Wavell was considered an apt person for this task as previously
he had been the Commander-in-Chief of the Indian army and thus had a better
understanding of the Indian situation. In March 1945, Wavell visited London and
discussed his ideas with the British government and finally convinced Churchill of the
desirability of a Congress-League coalition government in India as a pre-emptive
measure to forestall the political crisis he predicted after the war. He, therefore,
convened a conference at Shimlaand invited 21 political leaders including Gandhiji and
Jinnah to Shimla, the summer capital of BritishIndia to discuss the WavellPlan on 25
June 1945. The WavellPlan proposed the following:
 The Viceroy’s executive council was to have all Indian members except the Viceroy
himself and the Commander-in-Chief.
 The council was to have a ‘balanced representation’ of all Indians including ‘caste-
Hindus’, Muslims, depressed classes, Sikhs, etc. Muslims were given 6 out of 14
members which accounted for more than their share of the population (25%).
 The Viceroy/Governor-General would still have the power of veto but its use would be
minimal.
 The foreign affairs portfolio would be transferred from the Governor-General to an
Indian member.
 The defence would be handled by a British general until the full transfer of power was
made.
The conference was a failure because the League and the Congress could not
settle their differences. Jinnah insisted that only League members could be the Muslim
representatives in the council, and opposed to the Congress nominating Muslim
members. This was because Jinnah wanted the League to be the sole representative of
Muslims in India. Congress refused to accept it, for that would amount to an admission
that Congress was a party only of the caste Hindus. Ironically, at that time, Maulana Abul
Kalam Azad was the Congress President! Wavell called off the meeting, as a coalition
government without the League would not work.
The failure of the WavellPlan and the Shimla conference was a watershed
moment for the Indian independence struggle. All steps taken to prevent partition had
been met with failure, meaning that it was inevitable.
After the failure of the Wavell plan, the British government made another attempt
to solve the constitutional problem of the country. After the war was over, general
 175

elections were held in England and the Labour government was elected in Britain. This
new government was intent on giving independence to India without much delay and
sent the Cabinet Mission with that purpose. The Labour ministry sent a three-member
mission, the Cabinet Mission, to India in March 1946 to negotiate the terms of transfer
of power. The Cabinet Mission was headed by Sir PethickLawrence, the Secretary of
State for India, and included Sir StaffordCripps, the President of the Board of Trade, and
first Lord Admiralty A.V. Alexander. The mission had two main tasks— to discuss the
principles and procedures of framing a new constitution in order to grant independence
to India and to form an interim government on the widest possible agreement among
political parties to facilitate the transfer of power.
The mission spent some 3 weeks to discuss with the leaders of various political
parties, but could not arrive at any agreed solution. So, finally it announced its own
recommendations on 16 May 1946.
 The Cabinet Mission Plan of 1946 proposed that there shall be a union of India which
was to be empowered to deal with thedefense, foreign affairs and communications.
 It recommended an undivided India and turned down the MuslimLeague’s demand for
a separate Pakistan. The Cabinet Mission restricted the communal representation.
 It provided that all the members of the interim cabinet would be Indians and there would
be minimum interference by the Viceroy.
 It also provided for formation of the Constituent Assembly on democratic principle of
population.
 An interim government would be formed at the centre with 14 members. For the time
being, the Viceroy would reconstitute his executive council consisting of
representatives of all communities.
 It recognized Indian right to cede from the Commonwealth.
 The Union would have its own executive and legislature composed of members elected by all
provinces.
 The Union government and its legislature were to have limited powers, dealing with
finance, foreign affairs and communications. The Union would have powers necessary to
raise the finances to manage the above mentioned subjects. Thus, the Cabinet Mission
Plan proposed a weak centre.
 The provinces would enjoy full autonomy for all subjects other than the Union subjects.
 The princely states would retain all subjects and all residuary powers.
 A Constituent Assembly was to be elected by provincial assemblies by proportional
representation (voting in three groups- General, Muslims, Sikhs). This Constituent
 176

Assembly would be a 389 member body with provincial assemblies sending 292, Chief
Commissioner’s provinces sending 4, and princely states sending 93 members. Each
province was allotted a total number of seats in proportion to its population.
 The representation of the provincial legislatures was to be break up into 3 sections.
However, a province could leave any group and join another by a majority of votes.
 Section A: madras, up, central provinces, Bombay, Bihar and Orissa (Hindu
majority provinces).
 Section B: Punjab, Sind, NWFP, Baluchistan (Muslim majority provinces).
 Section C: Assam and Bengal. (Muslim majority provinces).
The Cabinet Mission Plan rejected the idea of separate Pakistan for the following reasons:
i) The establishment of Pakistan would not solve the problem of communal minorities.
ii) There was no justification for including within Pakistan the non-Muslim districts.
iii) The princely states would find it difficult to decide which Union to join.
iv) The armed forces, transportation, telegraph and other services were built for the whole
country and partition would just increase problems.
The Congress accepted the proposals related to the Constituent Assembly. But
since, the MuslimLeague had been given disproportionate representation; it rejected the
idea of the interim government. Congress also rejected the idea of a weak centre and
division of India in small states. Congress was against decentralization and the idea was
to have a strong centre. The MuslimLeague approved the plan on 6 June 1946 because it
felt that the grouping of Muslim majority provinces in a way meant the formation of Pakistan.
In the election of July 1946, the Congress won with an overwhelming majority (212
seats out of296 seats) in elections to the Constituent Assembly. The Congress success
disappointed the MuslimLeague. On 27 July, the MuslimLeague council met at Bombay
where Jinnah reiterated the demand for Pakistan as the only course left open to the
MuslimLeague. On 29 July, it rejected the Cabinet Mission Plan and called on the
Muslims to resort to ‘direct action’ to achieve the land of their dream Pakistan and to
prepare the Muslims to face dangers in future. 16 August 1946 was fixed as ‘direct
action’ day. From 16 August 1946, the Indian scene was rapidly transformed. There
were communal riots on an unprecedented scale, which left around several thousands
dead. The worst hit areas were Calcutta, Bombay, Noakhali, Bihar and Garhmukteshwar
(united provinces).
At the invitation of Lord Wavell, Jawaharlal Nehru formed the Interim Government
on 2September 1946. In October 1946 League agreed to join the government and
nominated its 5 members. League’s purpose behind it was to fail the government. Liaqat
 177

Ali Khan refused to accept the leadership of Jawaharlal Nehru. Soon after again
communal riots broke out in different parts of the country such as Bihar, U.P., Amritsar,
Lahore, Multan and Peshawar etc. Communal situation deteriorated day by day and the
interim government failed to control the situation. Now, there was no other alternative
than to accept the partition.
Therefore,Clement Attlee, the BritishPrime Minister made an announcement on
20 February 1947 declaring the British intention of leaving the Indian subcontinent. It
said: a deadline of 30 June 1948 has been fixed for transfer of power even if the Indian
politicians had not agreed by that time on the constitution. The British would relinquish
power either to some form of central government or in some areas to the existing
provincial governments if the Constituent Assembly was not fully representative, i.e., if
the Muslim majority provinces did not join. British powers and obligations vis-a-vis the
princely states would lapse with transfer of power, but these would not be transferred to
any successor government in BritishIndia. Mountbatten would replace Wavell as the
Viceroy. The statement contained clear hints of partition and even balkanization of the
country into numerous states and was, in essence, a reversion of the Cripps offer.
In March 1947, Lord Mountbatten replaced Lord Wavell as the Viceroy of India.
The riots were rampant and chaos prevailed all over the country. All the efforts by the
government to ensure peace had failed. In May 1947, Mountbatten came up with a
BalkanPlan in which he advocated the division of Punjab and Bengal and the handover
of power to provinces and sub-provinces, free to join one or more of the group
constituent assemblies on the basis of self-determination. The Interim Government was
to remain in force till June 1948 to oversee the arrangements. This plan was called the
‘dickie bird plan’.Jawaharlal Nehru and the Congress when apprised of the plan,
vehemently rejected the plan because, in their view, a weak centre and autonomous
provinces would indeed lead to ‘balkanisation’ of India, promoting ‘disruptive tendencies’
and chaos and disorder everywhere. Jinnah, for his part, was not satisfied with just two
Muslim-majority provinces that would constitute a “truncated or mutilated, a moth-eaten
Pakistan”.
Then after having long discussions with the leaders of the Congress and the
MuslimLeague, the Viceroy came up with another plan called the 3rdJune plan. This plan was
the last plan for India’s independence. It is also called the MountbattenPlan. According to the
plan:
 The country was to be free but not united. India was to be partitioned and a new
state of Pakistan was to be created along with a free India.
 The plan provided for the partition of Bengal and Punjab.
 178

 The Hindu majority provinces which had already accepted the existing Constituent
Assembly would be given no choice; while the Muslim majority provinces, i.e.,
Bengal, Punjab, Sind, North-West Frontier Province and Baluchistan would decide
whether to join the existing or a new and separate Constituent Assembly for
Pakistan; this was to be decided by the provincial assemblies.
 There would be a referendum in the NorthWest Frontier Provinces, and in case of
Baluchistan, the Querta municipality and the tribal representatives would be
consulted.
 The princely states were given a choice to either join India or Pakistan.
 After the dominions were created, the British Parliament could not enact any law in the
territories of the new dominions.
 The British monarch would no longer use the title ‘Emperor of India’.
 The date for the transfer of power was fixed on 15 August 1947.
 To fix the international boundaries between the two countries, the Boundary
Commission was established chaired by Sir Cyril Radcliffe. The Commission was
to demarcate Bengal and Punjab into the two new countries.
The nationalist leaders agreed to the partition of India in order to avoid the large-scale
blood-bath that communal riots threatened. On the midnights of 14 and 15 August 1947, the
dominions of Pakistan and India respectively came into existence. Lord Mountbatten was
appointed the first Governor-General of independent India and Jinnah became the Governor-
General of Pakistan.Both the Congress and the League accepted this plan and accordingly the
British Parliament passed the Indian Independence Act.
10.5. THE INDIAN INDEPENDENCE ACT OF 1947
Once the whole partition scheme was agreed by major political parties, the stage was set
for India’s independence. The Mountbatten proposals were embodied in the Indian
Independence Act of 1947. The Indian Independence Bill was introduced in the House of
Commons by Prime Minister Atlee on 4 July 1947. It was passed by the House of
Commons on 15 July 1947 and by the House of Lords on the following day. It received
the royal assent on 18 July 1947. This was the culmination of India’s struggle against
colonialism and imperialism. It was also the victory of communal forces in our national
struggle because the Act provided for the partition of India and formation of an
independent and sovereign state of Pakistan. It was also the victory of forces which
followed the policy of ‘divide and rule’ on the one hand and ‘divide and quit’ on the other.
The Act of 1947 was not a constitution in any manner or even did not provide for any
 179

constitution on a broad basis. On the other hand, it was an Act which enabled the British
government to withdraw from India.
The following were its chief provisions:
1. On 15 August 1947, India would be divided into two dominions of India and
Pakistan.
2. It was laid that the British government would transfer all their powers to the
assemblies of India and Pakistan by 15August 1947 and thereafter the British
government would have no control over them.
3. The constituent assemblies in both the dominions would be free to form their
respective constitutions and would have the authority to decide whether to stay
with the British Commonwealth or not.
4. The office of the Viceroy was to end therewith and was replaced by a separate
Governor-General for each dominion.
5. The new constitution was framed and the constituent assemblies in both the
dominion were to act as the dominion legislature in their respective areas.
6. Till the new constitution was framed, the administration in both the dominion was
to function in accordance with the Government of India Act 1935. Each dominion
was authorized to make modifications in that Act.
7. The treaties or agreements concluded by the King of England with the rulers of
the native states would lapse from 15 August 1947.
8. The state would have the choice to join with either of the two dominions of India
and Pakistan or to retain their independence.
9. Agreements with the tribes of the NWFP were to be negotiated by the dominion
concerned.
10. The office of the Secretary of the State for India was to be abolished and his work
was to be taken by the Secretary of State for the Commonwealth affairs.
11. Indian armed forces would be under the supervision of the British officers till the
finalisation of partition.
12. The title of the ‘Emperor of India’ was abolished from the titles of the ‘Emperor of
England’.
13. The Governor-General was given the powers to modify or accept the Government
of India Act 1935 by 31 March 1948. After that day, it was open for the respective
constituent assemblies to modify or accept the Government of India Act 1935.
 180

Thus, India got her independence on 15 August 1947. Sardar Patel with his great skills,
masterful diplomacy and by using both persuasion and pressure, succeeded in integrating
hundreds of princely states with the Indian Union. By the 15 Aug 1947, all states except
Hyderabad, Junagarh and Kashmir were acceded to Indian Union. Kashmir had a Muslim
majority population and a Hindu ruler while Junagarh and Hyderabad had Hindu majority citizens
and Muslim rulers. Junagarh was annexed by plebiscite. After a scuffle Hyderabad was also
annexed into the Indian Union but the Kashmir problem became very complex and acute.
Kashmir was plagued with repeated invasions by the Pathan tribesmen (incited by Pakistan)
after Indian independence in August 1947. Hence, Maharaja Hari Singh wrote to Lord
Mountbatten expressing his desire to join the Indian union and demanded military help from
India. Indian forces were sent to Kashmir to expel the invaders, who were forced to retreat. At
the intervention of the U.N.O. a ceasefire was imposed. A large area of Kashmir remained with
India while a small part was occupied by Pakistan. Indian government declared Kashmir as an
integral part of India but Pakistan has not accepted it. The Constituent Assembly, however,
prepared the new constitution on 26 November 1949. This new constitution came into force on
26 January 1950.
Self-Assessment Questions
a. Name the three members of the Cripps Mission.
Answer.______________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
B. Why did Congress reject the Cabinet Mission Plan?
Answer.______________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
C. What was the 3rdJune Plan?
Answer.______________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
D. Write two provisions of India’s Independence Act of 1947.
Answer.______________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
10.6. SUMMARY
Students, in this lesson we learnt that during the last years of World War II and immediately after
it the global political situation as well as the objective conditions in India changed so drastically
that they gravitated almost inevitably towards India’s independence. “Whatever pre-war
tendencies may have existed”, argues John Darwin, “the pattern of post-war decolonization was
profoundly influenced by the course and impact of the war”. In India, the Quit IndiaMovement and
 181

its brutal repression ruptured the relationship between the Raj and the Congress and destroyed
whatever goodwill the former might have had among the majority of Indian population. The
Bengal famine and the wartime food scarcity in other regions further damaged the moral founda-
tions of the Raj. Though the Quit IndiaMovement failed to achieve its final goal but it did set in
motion a series of events forcing the British to leave India in 1947. Also, after the war, worldwide
anti-imperialist sentiments, generated by the very struggle against NaziGermany and enshrined
in the United Nations charter and its strict trusteeship rules, made BritishEmpire morally
indefensible and finally India was granted freedom but this freedom came at a heavy price of
partition of India into two parts: India and Pakistan.
10.7. REFERENCES
Sekhar Bandyopadhyay, From Plassey to Partition, New Delhi: Orient Blackswan, 2010.
Sumit Sarkar, Modern India: 1885-1947, New Delhi: Macmillan, 1983.

10.8. FURTHER READINGS

Ishita Banerjee Dube, A History of Modern India, Delhi: Cambridge University Press,
2014.
Irfan Habib, A People’s History of India: The National Movement Part 2: The
Struggle for freedom 1919-1947, New Delhi: Tulika Books, 2019.
10.9. MODEL QUESTIONS
1. What were the immediate factors which prompted the launch of the Quit India
Movement?
2. What was Cripps mission? Discuss the reasons to why the proposal of the Cripps mission
were rejected by the Congress and the MuslimLeague.
3. Why did the British change their attitude towards India after 1945?
4. Why was the Cabinet Mission sent to India? What were its main proposals and
why was this plan rejected by the Congress, MuslimLeague and other groups,
which led to failure of the mission.
5. What were the main features of IndianIndependence Act of 1947?

******
 182

Lesson-11

MAKING OF THE CONSTITUTION, INTEGRATION

OF PRINCELY STATES, THE REORGANIZATION
OF STATES

Structure
11.0 Objectives
11.1 Introduction
11.2 Making of the Constitution
11.3 Integration of Princely States
11.4 Reorganisation of States
11.5 Summary
11.6 References
11.7 Model Questions
11.0 Objectives
After reading this lesson you would be able to learn :
 The making of the constitution after independence,
 How the independent pricely States of India were united,
 On the basis of language various small states were united.
11.1 Introduction
Students, the constitution of India was adopted on 26 January 1950. The Indian
Constitution is the basic law of the land.In 1946 Constituent Assembly was elected to frame the
Constitution of India. The Constituent Assembly consisted of 389 members. It took two years
eleven months and seventeen days to complete the historic task of framing constitution of
independent India.
11.2 Making of the Constitution
The Constituent Assembly formed a Drafting Committee to draft the constitution. Dr. B.R.
Ambedkar was the Chairman of the Drafting Committee.
Besides the Drafting Committee there were other important committees. Committee on
the Rules of Procedure under the Chairmanship of Dr. Rajendra Prasad, Steering Committee,
 183

Finance and Staff Committee, House Committee, States Committee, Advisory Committee on
Fundamental Rights, Minorities and Tribal and Excluded Areas, Union Powers Committee and
Union Constitution Committee, both under Jawaharlal Nehru, the First Prime Minister of
Independent India.
Some of the prominent members of the Constituent Assembly were Dr. B.R. Ambedkar,
Dr. Rajandra Prasad. Jawaharlal Nehru, the first PM of India, Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel, Deputy
P.M. and Home Minister of India,
C. Rajagopalachari, Sarat Chandra Bose, N.G. Ranga, Asaf Ali, Rafi Ahmed Kidwai, Galib Sahib.
Women also were elected members, the Constituent Assembly, Rajkumari Amrit Kaur, daughter
of Raja Harnam Singh of Kapurthala. She became Minister for Health after independence. Hansa
Mehta, who was President of All India Women's Conference, also took part in the making of
Indian Constitution, Sarvpalli Radhakrishanan, Sarojini Naidu, Vizay Laxmi Pandit, Partap Singh
Kairon, the Chief Minister of Punjab. Frank Anthony was Anglo Indian representative. K.M.
Munshi, Durgabai Deshmukh, all took part in the Constituent Assembly. The Constituent
Assembly consisted of all representatives of various communities.
Every effort was made to take care of minorities, tribals, poor, backwards and people of
all corners of India.
In making of the Constitution, eleven sessions were convened and a total of 165 days
were taken. Of these 114 days were spent on the consideration of the Draft Constitution.
The Constituent Assembly was under the Chairmanship of Dr. Rajendra Prasad. The
Assembly moved and discussed as many as 7635 amendments which were placed before it. Out
of these 2473 amendments were disposed.
Under the Chairmanship of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar the Drafting Committee drafted the
Constitution of Independent India. The Constituent Assembly met for the First time on 9
December 1946.
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar is known as the chief architect of the Indian Constitution. The
Constituent Assembly worked as a team to frame the Constitution.
The Constitution was adopted by the Indian Constituent Assembly on 26 Nov. 1949 and
came into force on 26 January 1950. The date of 26 January was chosen to commemorate the
day of Puran Swaraj declaration by the All India Congress Committee under the Presidentship of
Pt. Jawahar Lai Nehru at Lahore on 31 December 1929 and declaration of celebration of
Independence Day on 26 January 1930. On 26 January 1930, all over India the people
celebrated Independence Day and illuminated their houses at night with great enthusiasm. That
is why the day 26 January in 1950 was chosen for the constitution.
The Indian Constitution has its salient features. The Constitution begins with a Preamble.
 184

Preamble is an introductory statement. The Preamble to the Indian Constitution spells out
the central thrust and the basic philosophy which is contained in the body of the Indian
Constitution. The preamble highlights the dominant features and the basic objectives of the
whole Constitution. The Preamble of the Constitution is a very well worked and logically drafted
essence of the principles of the Constitution.
Preamble is the part of the Constitution. It says -
We, the people of India, having solemnly resolved to constitute India into a sovereign,
socialist, secular, democratic, republic and to secure to all its citizens justice, social, economic
and political. liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship.
Equality of status and of opportunity and to promote among all;
Fraternity, assuring the dignity of the individual and the unity and integrity of the nation.
In our Constituent Assembly the twenty sixth day of Nov. 1949 do hereby adopt, enact
and give to ourselves this constitution.
The Constitution has various features:-
(1) The Constitution is Declaratory as it says we the people of India.
(2) It is obligatory.
(3) The Indian Constitution is the World's longest Constitution. It has 395 articles in
22 parts and 8 schedules.
It consists of almost 80,000 words and took two years, eleven months and eighteen days
in making. Document of the Constitution was signed by 284 members. The Assembly which met
in Sessions was open to the public.
Before adopting the Constitution 308 members of the Constituent Assembly signed two
copies of the document. One copy was in Hindi and English. The original copy of the Constitution
is hand-written with beautiful calligraphy.
The Constitution of India is written and one of the bulkiest constitution of the world. It is
the largest and the most detailed in the world. It contains various polices regarding the
administration of the country. It is a comprehensive document, has elaborate provisions for the
centre and state organizations.
The Constitution is the Supreme Law of the land.
The Constitution is a rigid as well as a flexible document. It is not easily changeable, for
any change in the provisions a proper procedure is to be followed that is called amendment. That
is why it is known as rigid and flexible both.
The Constitution of India grants equality to all its citizens. Right to vote to ail its citizens
who are above 18 (earlier adult franchise age was 21). The Constitution of India provided for
 185

Parliamentary form of Government both in Centre and the states. It is modelled on the British
pattern of Parliamentary form of Government.
India is a land of diversity. There are many religions, languages and cultures in India. The
Constitution establishes a purely secular state. There is no place of communal electorate and
India has no state religion. It is a secular country on the basis of caste, creed and religion, there
would be no discrimination with the citizens of India.
The Constitution of India grants Fundamental rights to all its citizens and in return the
citizens of India have to fulfill certain Fundamental duties.
The Constitution of India is a unique document drawn from various sources. It is a
product of our own great leaders. The Constitution grants special provisions to deprived,
backward, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
11.3 Integration of Princely States : The Reorganisation of States
Besides British Indian Empire there were 562 Princely states in India which covered an
area of 712508 sq. miles of territory in various regions of India. The British permitted these
princely states to exist whereas colonial domination was exercised indirectly through Indian
rulers who were totally subservient to the British rulers. After the suppression of the upheaval of
1857 the British Queen Victoria made a historic Proclamation by which she assumed the Princes
of Indian States that the Britain Crown would honor the treaties with the Indian States earlier
entered into by the East India Company.
Queen's proclamation declared "We desire no extension of our present territorial
possessions and while we will permit no aggression upon our domination or our rights to be
attempted......"
In view of Queen Victoria's proclamation the British Indian Government. gave Sanads to
the rulers of Mewar, Baroda, Hyderabad and the princes of other Indian States. The Sanads
assured the rulers of the Indian states the right to adopt successors in the event of a natural heir.
The Sanads given to the Indian States' rulers were not unconditional. They were subject to the
princes remaining loyal to the British Crown. Yet it was expected that British Government. would
not interfere in the internal affairs of the Indian States except in the case of disloyalty or rebellion
in the State.
But state of affairs were not the same as mentioned earlier. The Nawab of Tonk Mohammad
Ali Khan was compelled to resign in 1867. The ruler of Alwar was deposed.
The Gaekwad of Baroda was arrested and deposed in 1875. The Maharaja of Kashmir
was forced to submit resignation. The intervention of British Government. in the affairs of
Princely states was not liked. British Residents were stationed in Princely States.
 186

As the national movement developed in British India, the people of Princely states were
also influenced. All India states people conference came into existence in 1927 to coordinate
political activities in the states. People began organizing themselves in states like Kashmir,
Jaipur, Rajkot, Hyderabad, Bhopal, Faridkot, Bilaspur, Nabha and Travancore, etc. Praja
Mandals were organized in these states and the people of these states also wanted to be
independent and merge with the Indian Union.
Ultimately the Indian Independence Act 1947 was passed. It accorded legal recognition to
the earlier statements of British Government. Accordingly, the British Paramountcy was to lapse,
the states were to become independent to join among themselves or with any dominion they
liked. Earlier agreements with the Princely States were to continue.
The end of British Paramountcy left the country in a difficult situation. Instead of free
united India, India was left with parcelled over five hundred small and big states mutually warring
with each other.
With great diplomacy and power of persuasion Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel Succeeded in
integrating the hundreds of princely states with Indian Union. Some states showed wisdom and
joined the Constituent Assembly in April 1947. But Princely states like Travancore, Bhopal and
Hyderabad publicly announced their desire to be independent from the Indian Union.
Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel took additional charge of newly created states department in
June 1947. V.P.Menon was appointed its Secretary. Sardar Patel took first step and made an
appeal to the Princes to join the Indian Union. Side by side he made them aware of the rising tide
of the people of their states. Some of the states were too small when they were asked to merge.
They merged with the neighboring states. While some were combined to form one state, like
Kolhapur joined the neighboring state. A number of states of Punjab were combined to form PEPSU.
Pepsu means Patiala and East Punjab States Union. These states formed a category
called B states.
The Junagadh state was a small state on the coast of Saurashtra. It had no geographical
link with Pakistan. Yet, the Nawab showed accession of his state to Pakistan. Although the
people of his state, mostly Hindu wanted to join India Pakistan accepted Junagarh's accession.
But the people of the state organized a movement and forced the Nawab to flee and established
a provisional Government. The Dewan of Junagadh Shah Nawaz Bhutto invited the Indian
Government to intervene. In Feb 1948 a plebiscite was held in the State of Junagadh. The
people of the state wholeheartedly supported Indian Union.
In the State of Kashmir Hari Singh was a Hindu ruler while 75% of the population was
Muslim. Hari Singh did not want to join Indian Union nor Pakistan. He wanted to stay
independent. But in Oct. 1947 when Kashmir was attacked by Pathan tribesmen the rulers of
Kashmir asked for assistance from India and come to the side of Indian Union.
 187

Hyderabad was the largest state in India. The Nizam of Hyderabad refused to join Indian
Union and claimed independence. The state was surrounded by Indian territory. The Nizam
encouraged by Pakistan expanded his armed forces. At the intervention of Lord Mountbatten
Hyderabad Nizam refused to join Pakistan. Patel Made it clear that India would not tolerate his
isolation and wanted complete Indian union for which they had shed their blood. On 7 August 1947
the state Congress organized a powerful Satyagraha which the Nizam tried to suppress. Finally on 13
Sept. 1948, Indian Army moved into Hyderabad. The Nizam surrended after three days.
In 1954 French authorities, after prolonged negotiations handed over Pondicherry and
other Indian territories under their possession. In 1961 the Indian army marched into Goa.
Ultimately the Portuguese surrended and Goa was united with Indian union.
Self Assessment Questions
1. Who was the chairman of the Drafting Committee ?
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
2. Who worked for the integration of the States ?
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
11.4 Reorganizations of the States
The reorganization of the states was made on the basis of language. It was a major
aspect of the national consolidation after Independence. Even before independence there was a
demand for reorganization of the states on the basis of language. This demand was supported
by the Indian National Congress. After independence it gained strength.
The linguistic reorganization of India was raised in the Constituent Assembly. In 1948
linguistic Provinces commission was appointed, headed by Justice S.K. Dar. The case for linguistic
states was very strong as language is closely related to culture and customs of the people.
The States Reorganisation Act 1956 was passed by the Parliament (in Nov. 1956). It was
applied for fourteen states and six centrally administered territories. The Telangana area of
Hyderabad state was transferred to Andhra. Kerala was created by merging the Malabar districts of
the old Madras Presidency with Travancore Cochin. Bombay state was enlarged by merging the
states of Kutch and Saurashtra and the Marathi Speaking areas of Hyderabad with it.
In 1956 the states of PEPSU was merged with Punjab. In 1948 full areas of Punjab were
already united to carve Himachal Pradesh. Punjab remained a trilingual state with Punjabi, Hindi
and Pahari within its borders. In the Punjabi speaking state there was a strong demand for
carving out of a separate Punjabi Speaking State. The Sikh communities by the Akali Dal and the
Hindu communities by the Jan Sangh used linguistic issue to promote communal politics.
 188

11.5 Summary
Students in this lesson we have studied about the making of India’s constitution. We have
also learnt abut the integration of princely states. The reorganization of states in the Indian union
has also been dealt with. States reorganization did not resolve all problems relating to linguistic
conflicts. Other issues and disputes such as sharing of water and power and surplus food
continued.
11.6 Reference
Bipan Chandra, Mridula Mukherjee, Aditya Mukherjee, India after Independence 1947-
2000.
11.7 Model Questions
1. Describe the making of the Indian Constitution.
2. Describe the process of Integration of Princely States.
3. Write a note on reorganization of states in the Indian union.

******
 189

Lesson -12

TRIBAL REBELLIONS: SANTHAL, BHILS AND MUNDAS

Structure
1.0 Objectives
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Causes of the Tribal Rebellion
1.3 Santhals
1.4 Bhils
1.5 Mundas
1.6 Summary
1.7 References
1.8 Further Reading
1.9 Model Questions
1.0 Objectives
After reading this lesson you would be able to:
 Understand the nature of tribal rebellions
 Analyse the causes that les to various tribal rebellions like the Santhals, Bhils and
Mundas.
 Examine the consequences of tribal rebellion
1.1 Introduction
Students, the most direct and brutal form of colonial violence was unleashed in the tribal
territories by the British. The British established the Forest Department in 1864 and
passed the Forest Acts in 1865 that limited the customary rights of the tribal people and
opened up the forests’ for commercial use.The British needed Oak and timber wood for
the Royal Navy and for railway sleepers this resulted in making of some forest land as
reserved. Shifting cultivation was an essential means of subsistence for tribal people.
This was banned or restricted in the reserved forests in 1867. Right to the use of timber
and grazing facilities were curbed and hunting was prohibited.The opening of roads and
commercial use of forest wood encouraged the penetration of moneylenders, traders,
contractors and land-grabbers. The colonial government’s insistence on written records
as proof of private property disposed the tribals’ of joint ownership of land.The tribal way
of life was disrupted, their religion,daily routine was affected due to colonial policies. The
 190

tribal people organized hundreds of militant outbreaks and insurrections during the 19 th
century. These uprisings were marked by immense courage and sacrifice on their part
and brutal suppression on the part of the rulers.
1.2 Causes of Tribal Movements
1. End of Tribal isolation by the British : The British Administration ended the
relative isolation of the tribes and brought them fully within the ambit of
colonialism. It recognizes the tribal chiefs as Zamindars and introduced a new
system of land revenue and taxation of tribal products.
2. Spread of Christianity in the Tribal areas : The British rule encouraged the
spread of Christian missionaries into the tribal areas to convert the tribalsto
Christianity. This was disliked by the tribals.
3. Appointment of Middle Men among the Tribal : The British introduced a
large number of money-lenders, traders and revenue farmers as middlemen
among the tribals. They were chief instruments for bringing the tribals within
the vortex of the colonial economy and exploitation. The middlemen were
outsiders who took possession of tribal lands and entrapped them in a web of
debt. In time, the tribal people increasingly lost their land and were reduced
to the position of agricultural labourer, share-croppers and rack-rented
tenants.
4. Transformation of Tribal relationship with the forest : The British also
transformed tribesmen relationship with the forest on which they had
depended for food, fuel and cattle-feed. They practiced shifting cultivation
(jhum, podu, etc.), taking recourse to fresh forest lands when their existing
lands showed signs of exhaustion. The colonial government changed all this.
It usurped the forest lands and placed restrictions on access to forest
products, forest lands and village common lands. It refused to let cultivation
shift to new areas.
5. Oppression and extortion by Policemen and Govt. officials: Oppression
and extortion by policemen and other petty officials further aggravated
distress among the tribal. The revenue farmers and government agents also
intensified and expanded the system of begar - making the tribal perform
unpaid labour.
Let us examine revolt of some of the tribal uprisings like Santhals, Mundas and
Bhils.
1.3 SANTHALS
 191

The most effective tribal movement was the Santhalhool (rebellion) of 1855-56. The Santhals
lived scattered in various districts of Cuttack, Dhalbham, Manbhum, Barabhum, Choto Nagpur,
Palamau, Hazaribagh, Midnapur, Bankura and Birbhum in eastern India. Driven from their
homeland, they cleared the area around the Rajmahal Hills and called it Damin-i-koh. They were
gradually driven to a desperate situation as tribal lands were leased out to non-
SanthalZamindars and moneylenders. To this was added the oppression of the local police and
the European officers engaged in railroad construction. This penetration of outsiders - called
Dikus by the Santhals – completely destroyed their familiar world and forced them into action to
take possession of their lost territory.
In July 1855, when their ultimatum to the Zamindars and the government went unheeded,
several thousand Santhals, armed with bows and arrows, started an rebellion against their
oppressors – the Zamindars, the Mahajans (moneylenders) and the British government. The
revolt spread rapidly and in a wide region between Bhagalpur and Rajmahal the company’s rule
virtually collapsed, spreading panic among the British rulers. At this stage the Santhal rebels
were also being actively helped by the low caste non-tribal peasants. The British suppressed the
rebellion brutally. The army was mobilized and Santhal villages were burnt one after another with
vengeance. Santhal leaders Sido and Kanhu were arrested. According to one calculation, out of
thirty to fifty thousand rebels, fifteen to twenty thousand were killed before the revolt was finally
suppressed. Henceforth, the British government became more cautious about them and the
Santhal inhabited areas were constituted into a separated administrative unit, called the
SanthalParganas, which recognized the distinctiveness of their tribal culture and identity.
1.4 BHILS
The Bhils were situated in the hills of Khandesh that was previously in the Maratha
territory. The British occupied this territory in 1818 and brought in outsiders and disturbed
the everyday life, economy and culture of the Bhils. This resulted in a Bhil rebellion in
1819 which was crushed by the British military forces. The situation continued to be
unsettled and volatile as the Bhils were not satisfied with whatever little the British did to
pacify them. There continued to be clashes between the British and Bhils.Again in 1831
Ramoshi leader UmajiRaje of Purandhar led a rebellion of the Bhils. He was executed.
There were three more Bhil rebellions between 1907 and 1914.In southern
Rajasthan the Bhils of Banswara, Sunth and Dungarpur states, influenced by a reform
movement under Govind Guru, started an uprising. This began as a purification
movement but in 1913 developed as an effort to set up Bhil raj. 4000 Bhils assembled on
Mangad hill and the British were able to disperse them only after a violent clash in which
12 tribals were killed and 900 were taken prisoner.
1.5 MUNDAS
 192

The revolt of Birsa Munda in the Chota-Nagpur region is well-known. Through the
nineteenth century the Mundas were slowly being disposed of their joint holdings by
Zamindars coming from the north. They were being recruited as labour by
contractors.Mundas were aggrieved by the encroachment on their lands by the merchants
and moneylenders. These outsiders grabbed their lands and imposed forced labour on
them. The request of the Munda leaders for help from the government and to Christian
missionaries had not provided them with any relief. Hope was provided by the
appearance of a savior in the form of Birsa.
Birsa was the son of a share-cropper, he had received some education from the
missionaries and had come under Vaishnav influence. During 1894-95, he participated in
a movement to stop the acquisition of village lands by the forest department. In 1895,
Birsa had a vision which turned him into a Prophet with miraculous healing powers. He
was arrested by the British for two years that increased his militancy and his fame. In a
series of secret meetings held in 1899, when Birsa took his Munda followers on a
pilgrimage to holy places, he talked about Kaljug, the time of evil, in which the Mundas
had come under the rule of Mandodari, the wife of Ravana, and their lands had been
taken over by outsiders. For the golden era of truth, Satjug to return, foreigners and
outsiders had to be driven out of Munda territory and the unjust rule of the Queen
replaced by the just rule and faith of Birsa. This inspired the Mundas to rise in open
rebellion on Christmas day in 1899. Churches, temples, police -men,Thekedars and
Jagirdars, Rajas and Hakims – all symbols of unjust power became targets of attacks.
The uprisings were brutally suppressed by British forces and Birsa and many
others were caught and jailed. The revolt, however, caused the colonial government to
inquire into the causes and this gave the Mundas a degree of legal protection with regard
to their land rights. Importantly, the memory of Birsa lived on in popular imagination,
resulting in repeated acts of resistance that sought to undo existing imbalance in
relations.
1.6 SUMMARY
Students in this lesson you have learnt about the tribal rebellions that took place during the
colonial period in India. The most important rebellions that we have discussed in this lesson are
the Santhal, the Bhil and the Munda. These uprisings took place when the rights of the tribals
were encroached upon by the British who set up new laws and administrative structure. The
tribals felt that the colonial government was disrupting their everyday community life. Their
economy too was suffering as restrictions were imposed on shifting cultivation and grazing rights
of the tribals. This resulted in armed rebellion by these tribal communities against the British.
However, all rebellions were crushed by the superior military might of the British rulers.
 193

1.7 REFERENCES
SekharBandyopadhyay, From Plassey to Partition: A Historyof Modern India, Delhi:
Orient Blackswan, 2011.
Ishita Banerjee-Dube, A History of Modern India, New Delhi: Cambridge University Press,
2015
1.8 FURTHER READING
Sumit Sarkar, Modern India 1885-1947, Delhi: Macmillan, 1983.
1.9 MODEL QUESTIONS
1. What were the causes that resulted in the tribal rebellions?
2. Examine the Santhal, Bhil and Munda rebellions.
3. How far were the Rebellions of the Santhal, Bhil and Munda successful?

******
 194

Lesson -13

MAPS

(1) India in 1856: Extent of British Empire in 1856

Earl of Dalhousie was appointed the Governor-General of India in 1848 at the age of
thirty six and he remained till 1856. His tenure is full of important events, like administrative
reforms, conquests and above all, his policy of annexation popularly known as ‘Doctrine of
lapse’. It meant that whenever a ruler of a princely state died without leaving a natural heir, a
dispute of succession had always been there. If the ruler, during his life time adopted a son as
his successor; after his death the adopted heir was to get recognition from the British
government being the Paramount power. It was up to the British to grant or not to grant the
recognition. Before Dalhousie it was a general practice to recognise the adopted son as a
successor. But Dalhousie departed from this practice. Dalhousie recognised the right of the
adopted son to succeed to the private property of the chieftain, but drew a distinction between
succession to the royal gaddi. In the latter case he was of the opinion that the sanction of the
Paramount power must be obtained. At his behest the Paramount power started refusing states
having passed back or ‘lapsed’ to the British, the supreme authority. The ‘right of adoption’ given to
the Hindu rulers, was thus taken away by Dalhousie. This regulation is known as ‘Doctrine of lapse’.
Some of the states which were annexed by the application of the Doctrine of lapse by
Dalhousie were (i) Satara 1848, (ii) Jaitpur and Sambalpur 1849, (iii) Baghat 1850, (iv) Jhansi
1853, (v) Nagpur 1854 etc.
Besides it, by following the policy of conquest, Punjab, Lower Burma, and Sikkim were
annexed during his governor-generalship. Not only this, Dalhousie snatched Oudh from the
Nawab Wajid Ali Shah, on grounds of misrule. He also compelled the Nizam of Hyderabad to
cede Berar on account of non-payment of 7,80,000 due to the contingent forces.
Thus Dalhousie sufficiently increased the boundaries of the British empire in India. By
1856 it comprised almost the whole of India minus few states like Jammu and Kashmir,
Hyderabad, Rajputana, Mysore, Bhopal, Gwalior, Travancore etc.
(2) Important Historical Places 1707-1964
1. Amritsar
The city of Amritsar (pool of nectar) was founded in 1577 by Guru Ram Das. The famous
Golden Temple was built here by Guru Arjun Dev, the fifth Sikh Guru. In 1761 Ahmad Shah
Abdali attacked the town and destroyed the temple. It was rebuilt in 1764. In 1802 it was roofed
over with copper-golded plates by Ranjit Singh and it came to be known as Golden temple.
 195

Another famous place in Amritsar is Jallian Wala Bagh. It is situated very close to the
Golden Temple. It commemorates the hundreds of Indians who were killed or wounded at this
site during the indiscriminate firing by the British on 13th April, 1919. Bullet marks and the well,
into which many people jumped to escape, can still be seen.
2. Bombay
Bombay is one of the fastest moving cities of India. It is a part of the Arabian sea situated
on the west of India. It has a magnificent natural harbour. The site of the present city and port
along with adjacent territories were occupied by the Portuguese. In 1661 it was ceded by the
portuguese to the English as part of the dowry of the Portuguese princess married to British
Prince.
In 1668 King Charles II transferred it to the East India Company. The regulating Act of 1773
placed the Bombay Presidency under the general control of the Governor-General of Bengal and
his Council. Bombay, therefore, could never become the seat of central government in India. But
its importance grew with the expansion of British dominions and the Presidency of Bombay
came to include the upper part of the whole of the western coast of India including Sindh and
Gujrat. The first session of the Indian National Congress was held in Bombay in 1885. Bombay
played an important part in the Indian National Struggle for independence. In 1942, Mahatma
Gandhi called upon his famous Quit India Movement from Bombay.
3. Calcutta
Calcutta was founded by Job Charrock, an English agent of the East India Company in
1690. He established an English factory at Sutanuti on the bank of river Hugil. In 1698, the
English acquired Zamindari rights ‘over adjacent villages Kalik and Govindpur. The three
Sutanuti. Kalikata and Govindpur formed one unit which later on came to be known as Calcutta.
It is not an ancient city with long history and many impressive relics of its past. In fact Calcutta is
a British invention.
In 1700, it became the seat of a Presidency under the name of Fort William in Bengal. In
1717, the Company got the right of free trade in Bengal from Emperor Farrukhsiyar. This greatly
prompted the trade of the Company is Bengal and increased the prosperity of Calcutta.
In 1756, Nawab Siraj-ud-Daula attacked the town. Most of the British habitants escaped
but some of them packed into an underground celler, died owing to suffocation. After only a few
days siege the British retook Calcutta and made peace with the Nawab. In 1757 the famous
battle of Plassey took place in which Nawab Siraj-ud-Daula sided with the French. The Nawab
was killed and the English installed Mir Jafar as the Nawab of Bengal in Murshidabad. This
enhanced the prestige of the Company and Calcutta became the real centre of administration in
Bengal instead of Murshidabad.
 196

By the Regulating Act, the Governor of Bengal was made the Governor-General over the
British possessions in India. Calcutta thus became the official capital of the British Empire in
India. It continued to enjoy this distinction until 1912, when the head quarters of the government
of India were transferred to Delhi.
Calcutta, like other two Presidency towns Madras and Bombay, has enjoyed some
special rights of local-self government. In 1857, during the administration of Lord Curzon,
Calcutta University was established.
4. Delhi
Delhi, now called New Delhi is the capital of modern India. It is believed by many it was
the capital of the Pandwas, the heroes of the Mahabharata. Historically, the earliest builder of
Delhi was Anangpal, the Tomar king who ruled in the eleventh century. He built a red fort where
the Qutab Minar now stands.
Mohammad Ghori defeated the last Chauhan King, Prithivi Raj Chauhan and thus ended
the Hindu rule in Delhi. Since then most of the times Delhi remained capital of India till 1857
when last Mughal emperor Bahadur Shah was defeated by the British. During the various
Mohammadan rulers, many buildings were constructed here. Some of them are Old Fort; Jama
Masjid; Red Fort; Lahori Gate; Diwani-e-am; Diwan-e-Khas; Moti Masjid; etc.
On the outbreak of sepoy mutiny, the English captured Delhi in September, 1857. From
that time till 1912 it lost all its imperial glamour. but the city again rose from its ashes and in 1912
it again became the capital of India under the British crown. Lord Hardinge was the first viceroy
to live in Delhi. The British built for themselves, a new city a few miles away from the old city,
called New Delhi, which continues to be the capital of Independent India. During the British rule,
three imperial Durbars were held in Delhi. The first was held in 1877 by Lord Lytton to announce
publicly the assumption by Queen Victoria of the title of Empress of India. The second was held
by Lord Curzon, the viceroy in 1903 to proclaim the coronation of king Edwards VII. The third
was held during the administration of Lord Hardinge. King-emperor George V and his queen
came on a royal visit to India in 1912 and held a Durbar in Delhi to celebrate their coronation. On
this occasion, the capital of India was transferred from Calcutta to Delhi.
5. Goa
Goa is an important island and port on the western coast of India, about 200 miles South
of Bombay. It has always been an important centre of trade between India and the western
world. Goa has a long history. In 3rd Century B.C. it formed a part of the Maurya Empire. Later
on it passed to the Chalukyas who controlled it from 580 to 750 A.D.
But Hari Har of Vijay Nagar Empire captured Goa and compelled the Muslim rulers to
vacate it. In 1464 however, Goa was conquered by Bahamani Sultans of Gulbarga and later on
passed to the Adil Shah of Bijapur.
 197

The Portuguese arrived and occupied Goa in 1510 under the command of Albuquerque.
The efforts of Mughal emperors to recover Goa from the Portuguese failed. But in 1809 in the
midst of Napoleonic Wars the British in India occupied Goa. However, it was restored to the
Portuguese under the treaty of Vienna after the Napoleonic Wars. The Portuguese finally
disappeared from Goa in 1961 when the Indian army compelled the Portuguese in a near
bloodless operation to vacate it. It merged with India after more than four centuries of foreign
domination.
6. Gwalior
It is the name of a city as well as of a former princely state in central India. It is situated in
the extreme north-east of modern Madhya Pradesh. The city centres round the fort of Gwalior.
The wall round the fort is very high and was long believed to be impregnable. In the ninth century
it belonged to Gurjara-Pratihara King Bhoj of Kanauj. It was first taken by Muhammadans under
Kutub-ud-din Aibak. But the Rajputs ruled here till 1518 when it was captured by Ibrahim Lodhi.
Babar occupied it in 1526. In 1751 the Marathas conquered it from the Mughals and in 1771 the
Sindhia family made it their capital.
At the time of Indian Mutiny in 1857 the Sindhia remained loyal to the British but his
forces joined mutiny and Sindhia’s rule was ended for the time being. It was near here that the
British army finally defeated Tantia Tope. Gwalior remained in British possession till 1886 when it
was returned to Sindhia in exchange of Jhansi District. It remained in Sindhia’s possession till
1947 when the state was merged in the Union of India Republic. The city and state contain
several historical monuments.
7. Hyderabad
Hyderabad is the capital of modern state known as Andhra Pradesh. It was also the
capital of former state of the Nizam. The city was founded in 1589 by Mohammad Kuli of the
Kutub Shahi Sultans. On the death of Asaf Jah in 1748 his dominion fell prey to a succession of
troubles in which the English and the French in India tried to fish. The Nizam’s hold was much
weakened, and faced with the hostility of Haider Ali in the South and the Marathas in the west
and the north. The Nizam was the first Indian prince to enter in 1798 into the system of
subsidiary alliance. After India attained independence, the state was merged in the Indian
Republic in 1948.
8. Jhansi
It is located in modern Indian State Uttar Pradesh. Jhansi, a state in Bundelkhand was a
dependency of the Peshwa Baji Rao II. He was defeated in the Third Maratha war and the state
passed in 1819, under .the protection of the British Government. In 1853 it was annexed to the
British Indian Empire by Lord Dalhousie under the doctrine of lapse.
 198

The Rani of Jhansi Lakshmi Bai was unhappy about this act of the British Government
and when the Indian Mutiny burst into flame she was in the forefront of the rebellion at Jhansi.
The British retook Jhansi and the Rani was killed fighting the British forces. Since then Lakshmi
Bai, Rani of Jhansi is remembered as a heroine of Indian Independence movement.
9. Lucknow
The capital of modern Uttar Pradesh is situated on the banks of river Gomati. It rose to
prominence as the capital of the Nawabs of Oudh, who built here many beautiful places and
mosques. It played a prominent role in the Sepoy Mutiny and occupied for a time by the
mutinous sepoys. But the British forces under Campbell recovered it in November 1857. Nawab
Wajid Ali Shah was pensioned off for incompetence.
In 1916 as agreement was signed here between the Indian National Congress and the
Muslim League known as the Lucknow Pact or the Congress-League Pact of 1916. By it, the
League agreed to work with the Indian National Congress for securing self government for India
on the basis of separate electorates and an equitable distribution of offices between the two
communities.
10. Madras
Madras is a city created by the English in India. It is the capital of modern Indian state
Tamil Nadu. In 1640 Francis Dey of the English East India Company procured from Raja
Chandragiri the site of the present city of Madras, with a permission to build a fort there which
was named Fort St. George.
During the 18th and early 19th centuries when the British and the French rivalled for
supremacy in India, the city’s fortunes waxed and waned, being briefly occupied by the French
on one occasion i.e. in 1746. But it was restored to the British in 1748 by the treaty of Aix-la-
Chapelle. In 1773 the Regulating Act placed Madras territories under the control of the Bengal
Government. A university was established in Madras in 1857. Madras also played an important
role in the history of the Indian National Congress. Madras gave independent India her first
Indian Governor-General namely, Chakravarii Rajagopalachari.
11. Aligarh
Aligarh is a city in modern Uttar Pradesh. It played important part in the modern Indian
History. During the Second Anglo-Maratha war the fort of Aligarh was captured by General Lake
in August,1803. The fall of Aligarh facilitated the conquest of Delhi by the English.
Aligarh was a prominent centre of revolt during the Sepoy Mutiny. Later on Aligarh
became the centre of Muslim Culture in India when the Anglo-Oriental college was founded there
by the efforts of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan. Soon it became a centre of Western education for the
 199

Indian Muslims. In 1920 the Aligarh colIege was raised to the status of a University. It rendered
immense services for the promotion of higher education.
One of the principals of the Aligarh college was Archibold. He secretly inspired the
Muslims to put forward a demand for separate electorates. In 1906 some graduates of Aligarh
organised the Muslim League to voice the aspirations of the Indian Muslim Community.
12. Surat
Surat is a port city in modern Indian State namely Gujarat. It has been a great trade centre
since medieval age. Here in 1573 Akbar received the Portuguese viceroy Antonio de Noronha and
concluded a treaty which ensured a safe passage across the Indian Ocean for pilgrims to Mecca.
Gujarati ports like Surat had always driven active trade with the Red Sea, which Portuguese were
always eager to control. They made every effort to prevent the English from being allowed to settle
at Surat.
In 1668 a factory was founded at Surat by Caron, a Dutchman, in the French services. In
March 1775 the Bombay authorities pledged themselves by the treaty of Surat to support a
pretender to the Peshwaship in return for the session to themselves of Bessein and island of
Salsette. At the National Congress session held at Surat in December 1907 under the
Presidentship of Rasbehari Ghosh, the Moderates and the Radicals came to an open clash and
the session ended in disorder.
13. Plassey
Plassey is a small village 23 miles south of Murshidabad in modern West Bengal. Here
was fought the famous Battle of Plassey between the forces of East India Company led by
Robert Clive and the army of Nawab Siraj-ud-Daulah, the grandson of A1ivardi Khan.
The East India Company established a factory at Hugli in 1651, it marked the beginning
of British ascendancy in Bengal. It was in Bengal that the Company transplanted its foot for a
vast Empire in India.
After the death of Aurangzeb in 1707, various governors under the designation of Nawab
became the virtual rulers. When Alivardi Khan became the ruler of Bengal he kept the Britishers
under firm grip. But his successor Siraj-ud-Daulah was a head-strong Nawab. His coming to the
throne brought direct clashes with the English. No doubt the English were equally responsible for
such a dispute, they instigated the Nawab’s political opponents. They provoked the Nawab to
take action for violating the trade privileges. The Governor Drake and several Englishmen fled
away and the Fort William fell to the hands of Nawab. It was followed by what is known as the
‘Black Hole Tragedy’ in which 123 Englishmen were killed.
Now the Englishmen gave their full attention to Siraj-ud-Daulah. "Robert Clive was sent
along with a strong army. He succeeded in capturing Calcutta from the Nawab. But Clive was not
 200

satisfied with it only. He wanted political power in Bengal and his eyes fell upon Mir Jafar who
was ambitious and wanted to be the Nawab of Bengal. He played into the hands of Clive. In this
way, a conspiracy was hatched between Clive and the opponents of Siraj-ud-Daulah.
The result was the Battle of Plassey which was fought on June 23, 1757. The Nawab’s
force were completely routed. Siraj-ud-Daulah was captured and put to death. Mir Jafar got the
throne of Bengal. He was naturally a puppet in the hands of the Company. The Battle of Plassey
is one of the most important battles in the history of India. It laid the foundation of the British
sovereignty in India. It paved the way of the British supremacy over Bengal and ultimately the
whole of India.
14. Buxar
Buxar is a small village in modern Bihar. Here was fought the famous battle in 1764
known as the Battle of Buxar. According to James Stephen, "Buxar deserves far more than
Plassey to be considered as the origin of the British power in India".
After the Battle of Plassey Mir Jafar was made the ruler of Bengal but the real power was
enjoyed by the English without any responsibility. Mir Jafar’s treasury was empty and he was
unable to pay large sums of money to the Company’s officer. Finding him in a hopeless condition
the Company deposed him and raised his son-in-law, Mir Kasim to the post of Nawab of Bengal.
Mir Kasim was an able administrator and he resolved to set matter right and tried to
strengthen his position. He shifted his capital from Murshidabad to Mungher and tried to make
himself independent of the English.
The English could not tolerate it and Mir Kasim was deposed. Mir Jafar was once again
made the Nawab. Mir Kasim now allied himself with the Mughal emperor Shah Alam II and
Nawab Shuja-ud-Daulah of Oudh against the English.
The combined forces reached Buxar. The Company’s army was led by major Munro.
Although Mir Kasim fought with great courage, the combined forces were defeated on 22nd
October, 1764 at Buxar. Shah Alam came into English camp while Mir Kasim and the Nawab of
Oudh fled from the field.
The victory of the Company at Buxar greatly increased its prestige in India. It
consolidated the Company’s supremacy in Bengal. It led to an arrangement between the
Company and the Mughal Emperor according to which the Emperor granted to Company the
Diwani of Bengal, Bihar and Orisa in return for the Districts of Allahabad and Kara taken from the
Nawab of Oudh. The Battte of Buxar completed the work of Plassey and laid the foundation of
the British power in India.
15. Lahore
 201

Lahore is situated on the left bank of the Ravi. It is an ancient city. Under the Mughal
emperors it rose in importance because it became a place of royal residence during their stay in
the Punjab. It developed in magnificent city with its palaces, forts, mosques and above all
gardens. From 1734 to 1768 it suffered repeated invasions. It was conquered by Nadir Shah and
Ahmad Shah Abdali.
In 1768 it became possession of the Sikhs. In 1799 it was captured by Ranjit Singh who
made it capital of his kingdom. In 1849 at the end of the Second Anglo-Sikh War it was annexed
to the British Indian Empire. In 1882 the Panjab University was established at Lahore.
In 1929, session of the Indian National Congress was held at Lahore under the
Presidentship of Jawahar Lal Nehru. In this session it was declared that the attainment of
complete independence was the goal of the Indian National Congress.
Lahore continued to be the capital of the Punjab till 1947 when it was transferred to
Pakistan under the Independence Act of 1947.
16. Sabarmati
Sabarmati is a small village of Ahmedabad district in Modern Gujarat State. It is situated
on the west bank of the Sabarmati river, five miles north of Ahmedabad. This place is well known
for Mahatma Gandhi’s Ashram. It was Gandhi’s headquarter during his long struggle for Indian
independence. The Sabarmati Ashram was founded in 1918. In 1930 Gandhi launched a new-
movement known as Civil Disobedience Movement. Accordingly in April, 1930 Gandhiji along
with his selected followers marched all the way from Sabarmati Ashram to the sea at Dandi, a
village on the sea coast about 322 km. from the Sabarmati Ashram. Here Gandhiji and his
followers made salt from the sea water which under the existing laws, was illegal. This march
from Sabarmati to Dandi amounted to an active step of disobedience, defiance and revolution.
This march caught the imagination of the common man and woman in India. Thousands joined in
breaking such laws and the country once again plunged into great agitation.
The Sabarmati Ashram has a well-equipped library containing books and journals on
modern Indian History and Gandhiji’s Satyagraha movement. It also contains many documents
relating to Gandhiji’s activities in South Africa.
Republic in India in 1950
India got independence on 15th August, 1947. At that time more than five hundred states
were being ruled by the princes. According to the Act of Independence, these states were to join
either India or Pakistan according to their geographical position. As most of these states were
geographically in the Indian Territory they acceded to India. Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel, popularly
known as the Iron man of India, managed this problem with great tact and wisdom. He
persuaded these princely states to join India and introduce popular government.
 202

The Constituent Assembly which was established under the Indian Independence Act
gave shape to the Constitution. This Constitution came into force on 26th January, 1950. The
Indian Union became a Federation of States. The Constitution classified the States into four
parts e.g. A, B, C, D. Falling Out side these territories were foreign territories namely the French
possessions and the Portuguese possessions. This arrangement was purely temporary. In 1953
a commission was established to rearrange the boundaries of different states and on the
recommendations of its report many changes were brought into effect from 1st November, 1956.
Twenty-Nine Indian States in 1950 which were classified in four parts were as follows:
Part A (Nine States) Assam, Bihar, Bombay, Madhya Pradesh, Madras, Orissa, Punjab,
The United Provinces, West Bengal.
Part B (Nine States) Hyderabad, Jammu & Kashmir, Madhya Bharat, Mysore, Patiala
and East Punjab States Union, Rajasthan, Saurashtra, Tranvancore, Cochin, Vindhya Pradesh.
Part C (Ten States) Ajmer, Bhopal, Bilaspur, Cooch Bihar, Coorg, Delhi, Himachal
Pradesh, Kutchh, Manipur, Tripura.
Part D (One State) Anadaman and Nicobar Islands.
 203

SHORT NOTES

1. Why and by whom Bengal Asiatic Society was founded ?

Indian Nationalism is to a large extent the fosterchild of Western Education. Educated
youngmen of Bengal showed their zeal for westernism by crying down the civilization of their own
country. But this attitude was gradually corrected by the recovery of India's past history and
culture.
In this recovery the name of Sir William James, who held a high post under the
company, occupies an honored place.
He founded the Asiatic Society Bengal for carrying on researches into the past history
and antiquities of this country. The result was that lost story of India's greatness began to be
reconstructed. (Raja Ram Mohan Roy also played a significant role).
European appreciation of India literature turned the minds of Indians to their rich cultural
heritage, which they had so long neglected. Thus was started the cultural renaissance of India
which gave an impetus to the dawning of Nationalism.
2. Who was Mangal Pande ? (19 July, 1827- 8th April, 1857)
Mangal Pandey was a Brahman soldier in the British army. In January, 1857 a story got
currency that greased cartridges contained the fat of a pig and cow and were deliberately
introduced to defile the religion of the Hindus as well as the Muslims.
On 29th March, 1857 Mangal Pandey not only refused to use the gresed cartridges but
also killed the British Adjutant (Officer).
Before the other soldiers of that Regiment could revolt, General Hearsay dismissed that
segment and the defaulters were punished on 8th April, 1857. Mangal Pandey was hanged.
3. By Whom and Where the First Arya Samaj was Established in Punjab
Swami Dayanand was the Premier among the Religious reformers of the 19th century. He
was born in 1824 at Maulvi in Kathiawar. His childhood name was Mulshankar. During his life
time, Swami Dayanand had established the first Arya Samaj at Bombay on 10th April, 1875. In
1877 Arya Samaj was established at Lahore. The doctrines of Arya Samaj had taken their final
shape or form at Lahore. The Arya Samaj movement gave 'proud' self-confidence and self-
reliance to the Hindus and undermined the belief in the superiority of the White Rose and Western
Culture. Some of the leaders of Arya Samaj were Lala Hans Raj, Pandit Guru Dutt and Lala Lajpat
Rai.
4. Where and who founded the Indian National Congress?
 204

The year 1885 marks the beginning of a new epoch in Indian history. In that year an all
India political organization was set on foot under the name of the Indian National Congress.
Perceiving the increasing intensity of the Indian feeling, A.O. Hume, a retired I.C.S officer
wanted to divert the Indians into a constitutional channel.
Accordingly A.O. Hume's plan was taken up by some prominent Indians and the Indian
National Congress was ushered into existence in December 1885 (Session from 28th December
to 31st December 1885). It met at Bombay (at Gokul Das Tejpal Sanskrit College) under the
presidency of W.C. Bannerjee, a prominent Bengali Barrister. It was attended by 72 delegates.
Some of the prominent persons who participated were A.O. Hume, Dada Bhai Naoroji, M.G.
Ranadey, Badrudin Tayab Ji etc.
5. What do you mean by Bal, Pal, Lal ?
Bal : Bal Gangadhar Tilak (1856 - 1920)
Pal : Bipin Chander Pal (1858 - 1932)
Lal :Lala Lajpat Rai (1865-1928)
Bal : Bal Gangadhar Tilak, often described as the father of Indian Unrest, was born in a
Brahman family of Maharashtra on 23rd July, 1856. He started two papers: The Kesri (in
Marathi) and Maratha (in English). Through his writings he earned a notorious reputation with
the authorities. The Governor of Bombay described him "as the chief conspirator against the
existence of the British government. Tilak joined the Congress in 1889. He came to the forefront
of Indian scene following the partition of Bengal by Lord Curzon.
The chief contribution of Tilak to Indian's struggle for independence was that he taught
the people the philosophy of defiance. Paying Tribute to his qualities Mahatma Gandhi
observed, "His patriotism was a passion with him. He knew no religion, but love of his country."
Pal : Bipin Chander Pal was a prominent extremist leader. He was born on 7th November,
1858. He entered public life through Brahmo Samaj. He aroused patriotism through his writings in
New India. He was a strong advocate of Boycott and Swadeshi movement. He came into political
lime light in the wake of partition of Bengal in 1905. His speeches were considered seditious by the
authorities, therefore, he was forced to leave the Madras Presidency. In view of his radical views,
he could not stay in the congress for long. He died on May, 20, 1932.
Lal : Lala Lajpat Rai popularly known as "Lion of Punjab" was born on January 28, 1865
at Dhudike in Jagraon district Ludhiana in 1865. He came under the influence of Mahatama
Hans Raj and developed attachment for D.A.V. section of the Arya Samaj. He joined the
Congress in 1888. In 1907 when a split took place in the congress he joined the Extremists
group and worked in collaboration with Lok Manya Bal Gangadhar Tilak.
 205

In 1928, when Simon Commission visited Lahore, Lala Lajpat Rai organised the boycott
demonstration. However, while leading the demonstration he was violently assaulted in the Lathi
Charge and died a martyer on 17th November, 1928.
He was not only a great orator and a fierce speaker but also a vigorous writer and
journalist. He wrote many books and edited news papers like Bande Matram. On his death
Mahatma Gandhi said, "Man like Lalaji cannot die so long as moon shines in the Indian sky."
6. When and By whom All India Muslim League was formed?
In 1906, the Muslims, in order to protect their rights, established an institution which they
called 'The Muslim League'. The British government in India also patronized the Muslim League
and provoked them to demand for "separate electorate" for the Muslims.
In 1906 a group of Muslims under the leadership of Sir Aga Khan met the then Viceroy of India,
Lord Minto and demanded separate electorate for the Muslims in India. Their demand was fulfilled and
in 1909 Morley-Minto Reforms Act was passed. It is also known as Indian Council act of 1909. It laid
the seed of partition of India.
7. Which Movement was started by Mahatma Gandhi by the Dandi March?
In February, 1930 the Indian National Congress gave the right to Mahatma Gandhi to
launch a movement for the achievement of Independence. Mahatma Gandhi asked the then
viceroy to remove the tax on salt but did not get any reply from the government. Therefore,
Mahatma Gandhi was obliged to break the salt law. On 12th March, 1930 Mahatma Gandhi
along with 79 companions, started a march from Sabarmati Ashram to Dandi. They covered the
distance of 200 miles in 24 days. Mahatma Gandhi propagated the doctrine of non-violence and
self-sacrifice among the people. Every Indian was filled with the feelings of the patriotism and
they were ready to sacrifice everything for the sake of independence of their country. Thus
started a movement which later on came to be known as civil-disobedience movement.
8. Who were the First Governor-Generals of India and Pakistan after Independence.
India got Independence on 15th August, 1947. Lord Mountbatten, who was the Governor-
General and Viceroy of India an the eve of independence was made the first governor-general of
independent India.
Mohammad Ali Jinnah, leader of the Muslim League was made the first governor-general
of Pakistan.
9. When did the Constituent Assembly pass the Constitution ? When it was
implemented ?
In July, 1946, the elections for the Constituent Assembly were held and political parties in
India had taken part in the elections. After the independence in August, 1947 the constituent
 206

Assembly became a sovereign institution. Apart from the functions of making the constitution of
India, the constituent Assembly had to make laws for Independent India.
On 26th November, 1949 the Constituent Assembly completed its task of constituting the
constitution. On that day it was signed by the president of constituent Assembly. During the final
session of the constituent Assembly, Dr. Rajendera Prasad was elected as the President of India
unanimously. All the members of the constituent Assembly signed the constitution of India.
The prepared and passed constitution of India was applied on 26th January, 1950 and on
that day India became a Sovereign Democratic Republic.
10. Which Newspaper was published by Sardar Dyal Singh Majithia during British Rule
Sardar Dyal Singh Majithia was born in 1849 at Kashi (Banaras). His father Sardar
Lehna Singh was an eminent Sikh who was appointed as governor of Amritsar by Maharaja
Ranjit Singh.
Sardar Dyal Singh Majithia developed an admiration for Western systems of education
and the freedom of press. He started a weekly Tribune on February 2, 1881. It became a
triweekly in 1898 and a daily in 1906.
MIR JAFAR
Mir Jafar was brother-in-law of Alivardi Khan, the Deputy governor of Bengal. Ali vardi Khan
was succeeded by Siraj-ud-Daula. His rule was not popular and disaffected nobles of the court
headed by Mir Jafar, commander—in--chief of Siraj-ud-Daula. He engaged in a secret plot to
overthrow him (Siraj-ud-Daula). Mir Jafar opened negotiations with clive. When the conspiracy
was ripe, Clive picked up a quarrel with Siraj-ud-Daula and entrenched Nawab's army of Plassey in
1757. Mir Jafar who was Commander—in--Chief of the Nawab's army remained inactive. Siraj-ud-
daula was defeated in the Battle of Plassey in 1857. Mir Jafar arcaded the throne as the Nawab of
Bengal. He remained puppet in the hands of Lord Clive. He had to pay an enormous sum of
money to the English.
Dual System of Government
The dual government system in Bengal was established by Lord Clive during his second
governorship of Bengal from 1765 to 1768. According to this system Bengal's administration was
run by two masters (i) The English and (ii) the Nawab of Bengal. The East India Company got
Nizamat (Criminal) and Diwani (Revenue) powers from the Nawab of Bengal and Mughal emperor
Shah Alam in 1762 and 1765, respectively. The company, however, was neither able nor willing to
collect revenue. Therefore, the company appointed two Deputy Diwans. Thus the whole
administration was carried through the Indians, though the actual power rested with the Company.
This is known as Dual system of government.
 207

This system was not popular and it made the life of peasants miserable. It brought more
corruption and confusion. Therefore, it was abolished by Lord Warren Hastings in 1772.
Permanent Settlement
Permanent Settlement in Bengal was one of the most important reforms introduced by
Lord Cornwallis in 1792. Its basic principles were : (i) The Zamidar was given the proprietary
rights and was made owner of the land.
(ii) The revenue to be collected was made on the basis of the actual collection of the year 1790-
91 which was put at two crore eighty six lacs. (iii) The settlement was made permanent.
The state demand was fixed at 89% of the rental. 11% was left with the Zamindars for
their trouble and responsibility. The Zamidars and their legal heirs were to hold their estate at
assessed rate forever.
Woods Despatch
The credit for introducing a regular system of education in India goes to the British. In
1835 education through English medium was introduced. Another landmark in the development
of modern education system in India was the Woods Despatch of 1854. He drafted a despatch
on the future scheme of education in India. Its main recommendations were:
(i) To safeguard the educational interests of the Indians.
(ii) To educate people so that trustworthy men could be produced.
(iii) The study of Indian language should be encouraged.
(iv) It favoured the introduction of the system of grants-in-aid to encourage the private
enterprises.
(v) It emphasized on vocational and technical instructions in the field of medicine, agriculture
and teaching in schools.
(vi) It also recommended scholarship for brilliant students.
Although the Despatch was criticized on the ground of Slavish imitation, yet Wood's
Despatch laid the foundation of Western education in India.
Theory of Economic Drain
The Indian economy mainly consisted of two parts i.e. rural and urban. The British victory in
the battle of Plassey saw the change in Indian economy. Now began the special phase of
company's Trade-cum-plunder of Bengal.
The constant flow of wealth from India to England for which India did not get an adequate
economic, commercial or material return has been described by Indian nationalist leaders like
Dada Bhai Naorji as 'Drain' of wealth from India. According to this theory the national product of
 208

India was not available for the consumption of her own people, but it was being drained away to
England.
The theory of economic drain highlighted the foreign and exploitative character of British
rule in India.
Raja Ram Mohan Roy - Name of Parents :
He is popularly known as the father of "Indian Renaissance". He was born in a Bengali
Brahmin family at Radha Nagar in 1774. His father's name was Rama Kant Roy and mother's
name Tarni Devi. Raja Ram Mohan Roy was very fond of learning. He opposed idol worship and
many other false traditions in Hindu religion. He eradicated the custom of Sati. In 1828 Brahmo
Samaj was founded by Raja Ram Mohan Roy. He also brought many reforms in the field of
education, religion and political system. In 1833 he died at Bristol in England.
Place of Parliament of Religion (Swami Vivekanand)
Parliament of Religions was held at Chicago in 1893. It was represented by Swami
Vivekanand (Narendra Nath Dutt 1862-1902). He was a disciple of Swami Ramakrishna
Paramhans (1834-86). The Ramakrishna Mission was conceived and formed by
Swamivivekanand in 1897. He gave an interpretation to the teachings of Ramakrishna and
render them in an easily understandable language to the modern man.
Vivekanand emerged as the preacher of Neo-Hinduism. In the parliament of Religions held at
Chicago in 1893, he made great impression by his learned interpretations. The key note of his opening
address was the need for a healthy balance between spiritualism and materialism. He envisaged a
new culture for the whole world where the materialism of the west and spiritualism of the East would be
blended into a new harmony to produce happiness for mankind.
Satya Shodhak Samaj Truth Seeking Society
It was established by Jyotiba Phule on 1873 for the upliftment of the depressed classes. It
was established to save the people of the lower classes from the cruelty and exploitation from
the Brahmins. Its aim was of securing social justice for the weaker sections of the society. This
society believed that all the human beings are the children of the same God. Everybody can
worship the God without the help of Brahamins or priests. Anybody could be member of this
society without any discrimination of caste, creed, sex, religion or colour etc.
Who organised Swaraya Party and What was its programme?
In 1922 a new ideology came into existence in the politics of India. Due to the suspension
of the Non-co-operation Movement by Mahatma Gandhi certain leaders like Hakim Ajmal Khan,
Moti Lal Nehru, C.R. Dass and Lala Lajpat Rai did not like it and they developed differences with
Mahatma Gandhi. They established a party known as Swaraj Party. The followers of this party
were called Swarajists.
 209

The Swarajists believed in wrecking the reforms of 1919 from within by entering the councils in
the ensuing elections. They opposed the congress policy of boycotting the elections and pleaded that
entry must be gained into the legislature with a view to offer "Uniform, continuous and consistent
obstruction" to the government.
In 1923 Moti Lal Nehru, as leader of the Swarajya Party in the Central Assembly, was
able to muster the support of the Indian members against the government and inflicted defeat on
it on several occasions.
When and Where complete Independence Resolution was passed.
In order to make the independence movement of India more active, the historical session
of Indian National Congress was held at Lahore from 29th December to 31st December 1929.
Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru was elected to preside over the session of Indian National Congress.
On 31st December 1929 J.L. Nehru hoisted the Tricolour flag and in his presidential speech he
said, "For the achievement of higher objectives, one has to face many difficulties and
dangers......we have a desire to get rid of foreign rule and to be independent......we will have to
endure many difficulties and hardships for the fulfillment of our objectives.....From today, our
objective is to achieve absolute freedom or complete independence". It was decided to celebrate
26th January as an independence day and decision was made to celebrate the day of 26th
January every year as the Independence Day. Thus 26th January became an important day in
the history of India.
When Gandhi started Quit India Movement and why?
After the failure of the Cripps Mission, the Indian Leaders started pressing on the British
to make an orderly withdrawal from India. In August, 1942 the Indian National Congress
Committee at its meeting in Bombay proposed the famous 'Quit India' resolution which called for
immediate ending of the Brtish rule. According to it the British were asked to vacate or Quit India
so that India might be independent absolutely. It was also decided to start a peaceful or non-
violent movement in the whole country.
Name the Prime Minister of England and his Party on the Eve of Independence.
On 15th August, 1947 India got independence. At that time the Prime Minister of
England was Lord Attlee. He was member of Labour Party of England. The Labour Party of
England had sympathy for the independence of India. He declared that the British government
would set India free in June 1948. He sent Lord Mountbatten to India as Governor-General of
India to solve the Indian Problem. In June, 1947 Lord Mountbatten published his plan according
to which India was to be divided into two independent states (India and Pakistan). This plan was
accepted by the British Parliament and on 15th August, 1947 British government transferred the
political power of India into the hands of the people of India.
 210

Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel

He is popularly known as the Iron man of India. He was born on 31st October, 1875 in
Gujarat. As a district pleader, he started practice at Godhara. Later on he went to England and
qualified as Barrister-at-Law in 1913. In 1923 he was elected as chairman of the Ahmedabad
Municipality. He shot into all India preominence after the Bardoli Satyagrah.
After India gained independence, Sardar Patel was appointed as Deputy Prime Minister.
He successfully tackled the problem of Indian state and successfully checked the separatist
tendencies. Through persuasion he succeeded in roping in most of the princely states in the
Indian Union. He took action against the pricely states of Hyderabad and Junagarh to
accomplish his objective.

*****

PTD. AT: M/S DAVINDRA GRAPHICS , IND. AREA-II, CHANDIGARH.

________________________________________________________________
U.S.O.L. (241) COPIES -315, DATED 13-01-2021