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    7 views14 pages

    Untitled

    Uploaded by

    Lovelyn Cantollas Eugenio

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    © All Rights Reserved
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    of 14
    T™ tumultuous years between 1970 and 1972 led into a surprising turn of events that induced fear among Filipinos. This was the period of Martial law. What the Filipinos had a horrible experience before was dark years of Japanese occupation from 1941 to 1945. The year 1945 was the period of liberation when the Japanese surrendered and there was the revival of hope among Filipinos that democracy had returned. What was pressing at that time was the growing threat of insurgency perpetrated by the Huks in Central Luzon who fought against the Japanese but were subsequently fighting for the ownership of land in defense of the peasants. As they were previously called Hukbong Bayang Lumalaban sa Hapon the term Huks eventually evolved into a subversive group with socialist leanings, Since firearms proliferated after the Second World War, guns and goons became the capital of politicians. Firearms and ideology became a crucible mix which when blended with desperation and hopelessness made it all the more erucible. At the end of this chapter, you would have: a. differentiated the claims of Ferdinand Marcos's “Tenth State of the Nation Speech” and Pete Lacaba’s “Lying Down In Air”; and b. recognized the factors that led to the frailties of our society into accepting and tolerating Martial Law in its first few years. Analyze the following verses from the Holy Bible. “Like a roaring lion or a charging bear is a wicked man ruling over a helpless people.” Proverbs 26:15) “When the wicked rise to power, people go into hiding; but when the wicked perish, the righteous thrive.” Proverbs 28:28) 1. These Bible verses tell of wicked rulers. Why did the writer compare a wicked ruler to a charging lion? 2, Why, do you think, did the writer declare that when the wicked rise to power the people go into hiding? Rendtnn fe Philinmine Hiatorw | 928 Historical Context of the Documents After the Second World War, the Philippines was ushered into the third Republic, a new chapter in the history of the nation. While Filipino politicians were insinuating the Americans to leave the country and grant us our independence quickly in the 1920s and 1930s, after the war, Filipinos as a whole were singing a different tune: “Americans don’t leave us” in the midst of devastation and lack of provisions left by the war. Manuel Roxas, a contemporary of Manuel Quezon and Sergio Osmefia during the American period, became president after the war in 1946. He only had two years as president for he died of heart attack in 1948. Elpidio Quirino, his vice-president, took over and won the presidency in 1949. The charismatic Ramon Magsaysay beat him on his re-election bid in 1953 and became president only to meet a tragic death ina plane crash in 1956, a year before his term expires, where he was sure to win a re-election. Carlos Garcia, his vice-president, replaced him and won the presidency in 1957. He lost the re-election in 1961 to Diosdado Macapagal who would be besieged by an emerging president in the making. Ferdinand Mareos’s political ‘career spanned a long time from Dbeing a congressman to being a senator. In 1960, while Diosdado Macapagal was serving as vice- president under President Carlos Garcia, Marcos crossed Jpaths with Macapagal as both stalwarts of the Liberal Party iwanted to run for the presidency. [Macapagal convinced Marcos to withdraw on the promise that 78 Ferdinand Marcos (ot) alles tft bt vals ate. pen eee Macapagal abandoned their gentleman's agreement and planned to run for re-election. Marcos, on the other hand, having secured his political capital as President of the Senate was wooed by the Nacionalista Party as their stan- dard bearer. (Agoncillo and Mangahas, 2010, p. 249). Marcos, however, had strategetized his plan for the presidency on a series of public relations stunts. In time for the presidential campaign, a biographical book For Every Tear a Victory: The Story of Ferdinand B. Marcos written by Hartzell Spence went out of the market in 1964. The book showed the war campaign of the Marharlika. Division which zeroed in on the war exploits of Lt. Ferdinand Marcos during World War Il. It had a companion movie, Iginuhit ng Tadnana, which also showed the young lieutenant in action in the battlefield. It was starred by the matinee idols at that time, Luis Gonzales and Gloria Romero and produced by 777 productions, a film outfit of Ernesto Maceda, Marcos's political operator. Marcos's biography was countered by Macapagal with his book Macapagal the Incorruptible starred authored by Quentin Reynolds who died in an Italian villa in March 1961 while writing the book. The book was finished by Geoffrey Bocca and published in 1965 (Seagrave, 1988, pp. 176-177). 220 | Salavsay at Savsay: Macapagal, however, had lost his ve “THE MOTION PICTURE luster since he was involved in several SESINEDAORG controversies, one devastating 0 which was the Stonehill scandal} in 1962. Harry Stonehill was aj businessman engaged in the import! | and export of tobacco which he got! @ monopoly through legislators who! provided him the permit to trade; ‘but were under his paycheck. He also exchanged his profit in dollars throug the black market and deposited thes: money in Switzerland. When the: scandal was about to explode during | the Senate investigation though aj blue book that contained the names of his benefactors, Macapagal deported: Stonehill on the pretext that he was a danger to Philippine society. (Seagrave, 1988, pp. 166-169). Macapagal also} lost popularity with the perennial rice? problem despite the land reform code, z that was enacted during his term. In” 14 ne acverserent othe movie Tat etured the stor 1965, Marcas swent Macapagal off [Stars nrs ung 165 estes Malacanang. campaign. Between 1965 and 1969, the first term of Marcos, the government attained considerable success in addressing the rice shortage. Marcos also embarked on building infrastructure projects. The success of his administration easily Son him a second term in 1969 which no president before him had done. At his Second term, constitutional change continued as a carryover of the previous ‘fdministrations, an aspiration, politicians were dreaming at that time. They were arguing that the 1935 Constitution was designed during the colonial days of the American period. It was a charter intended for a strong president who had to be balanced by an equally powerful legislature after the colonial period. They were opting for a parliamentary government. By a sweep of luck, Sen. “Arturo Tolentino who was urging for constitutional changes had now become Mareos’s party mate and ally. With Marcos's second term, charter change in 1970 got off the ground. The constitutional change also gave an advantage to Mareos to propel his political ambition of perpetuating himself to power. In the 1970 constitutional convention, Marcos and his allies were able to win considerable seats to influence the debates into abolishing the presidential ‘and adopting a parliamentary one. If this change pushes through, ‘ould run for a seat in parliament in Hocos and still end up being the Prime Minister. Unfortunately, interest groups had already been pressing that Marcos should be driven out of power. A group of young campus journalists Jed by Edgar Jopson asked for an audience with Mareos. In the course of the Ralogue, the young journalist shoved a piece of paper which he dared Marcos system then he Readings in Philippine History | 221 to sign as a promise that he will not run for another term as the transitory provision of the constitution would permit him to (Robles, 2016, pp. 22-23).By half the second term of Marcos, several sectors had already wanted him out of office. On August 21, 1971, at Plaza Miranda in Quiapo, Manila during the miting de avance of the Liberal Party in time for senatorial midterm election, a grenade was lobbed during the rally. Two persons were killed, including a journalist and injuring Liberal Party stalwarts, among them were Jovito Salonga, Eva Estrada Kalaw, Eddie Iarde, and Sergio Osmeiia. This time, as well, the communists as a disenchanted sector of the society had re-organized under the leadership of Jose Ma. Sison and co-founded its military arm, the New People’s Amny under Bernabe Buscayno, During the first quarter of 1972, when the constitutional convention was almost done with the charter, several riotous student demonstrations were mounted demanding the resignation of Marcos. This was called the First Quarter Storm. With the communist insurgency escalating in the countryside, with the secessionist movement in Mindanao headed by Nur Misuari of the Moro National Liberation Front, and with the disruptive demonstrations only meters away from Malacafiang at Mendiola, the opportunity aligned for Marcos to take advantage of perpetuating himself in power. On September 21, 1972, Marcos issued Proclamation 1081, placing the entire archipelago under martial law and suspending the writ of habeas corpus. Arrests were effected among suspected communists, including his crities and members of the Liberal Party as the main opposition group against him. His nemesis that had bluntly criticized him on the senate floor and exposed the anomalies in his television program was Sen. Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino. With the work of the constitutional convention done, the new charter was finally ratified in 1973 under the authoritarian grip of the dictator and with which a parliamentary system now in place. This constitution would not be fully implemented since elections were suspended. Thus there was no need to embark on Marcos’splan to run for a seat in parliament and become Prime Minster, for at this time, in his calculation, he would be president for life. Aside from massive arrests, media institutions were taken over by government forces and turned over to government control. The takeover of these institutions went too far, including those of private companies that either belonged to Marcos’s enemies or simply his family’s desire to make themselves rich, Examples were Meralco, ABS-CBN, RPN 9, IBC 13, National Shipyard Company and many more which ended up under the ownership either the dummies of the presidential family or their cronies. For a time, Marcos had succeeded on his grim plan to perpetuate himself in power and stifle the democratic processes, He introduced the New Society with its jingle Bagong Lipunan, its slogan “Sa Tkawunlad ng Bayan Disiplina ang Kailangan,” and its supposed ideology, The Revolution from the Center. The people obeyed at first, not for the reason that it was good for them, but. because of outright fear. But years of experience under this regime proved to be a lic of the promises it hoped to attain. The two readings are a testament. At this time after World War II, the Philippines again entered into its dark years. 222 | Salaysay at Saysay: President Marcos was born in Sarrat, Hocos Norte on September 11, 1917. He took up law at the University of the Philippines where he graduated cum laude. He Was also a member of the U.P. Reserved Officer Training Corps (UP Vanguard). He topped the bar examinations in 1939. During World War II, he served as a lieutenant in the Bataan. campaign. He was also implicated and convicted for the murder of Congressman Julio Nalundasan, an arch political rival of his father but was exonerated by the Supreme Court upon the persuasion of Supreme Court Chief Justice Jose Laurel Sr. who saw in him a bright political future. He ran for Congress after the World War II and won three times. He ran for Senate in 1959 and later became Senate president in 1963. He ran for president in 1965 and won his reelection in 1969 until he declared martial law in 1972. He was deposed in a People Power revolution in 1986. Pete Lacaba is a journalist, pocty and screen writer. He was an activist) who opposed the manipulation of Marcos to stay in power after 1973) where he gave a vivid account off, the First Quarter Storm which he, himself was an active participant. He fought against the declaration off martial law, but was later arrested} and imprisoned. He lived on until his release in 1975 upon the request of his friend Nick Joaquin who receive the National Artist award in thel same year. He survived martial lawl] until the post 1986 People Power} Revolution to tell his horrid tale of Marcos’s dictatorship. Message of Ferdinand E. Marcos President of the Philip) On the Tenth State of the Nation (Delivered a the Quine Grandstand, Manila, on September 19, 1875] ‘The President's Report to the Nation’ With or without the anniversary that we mark today, the time has come once more for the Filipino people to look across the years and assess the stole of the notion. wo days from today, we enter the fourth yeor of the New Society, our program of notional transformation. This is bound to be a decisive phose of that program, She that will require the ulmost resiliency and fortitude of both our government and ur people. ‘Readings in Philippine History | 223 But before we can even begin fo think of leading our people into a new period of that struggle, we must answer some questions. 1. Hove we, in government, kept our covenant by serving foithfully the genuine hopes of our people? 2. Have we matched their sacrifices with dedication, their expectations with competence and virtue, their trust with a zeal for high ideals, honest labor, and genuine achievement? 3. Have we earned the right to continue to demand from them continued confidence and trust in us, harder work, and possibly more sacrifice? Unless we can confidently answer these questions, we dare not proceed. {mn less than four months, we shall pass into the second holf of this turbulent decade, and already we know that this will be an even more critical period for the world at large. This, too, will be crucial for us. For, as with the other nations of the world, none of our problems are completely behind us. They have been transmuted, but not definitively solved, and they will continue fo be with us, in various forms and degrees. In three years, we have demonstrated a capacity for recovery and growth, but gs in other countries the gains—however dramatic—have not brought us complete fulfillment. We are no longer the paralyzed nation, of course, which we were ot the start of our program in September 1972, but sii, if we ask ourselves frankly, have we become the nation we wanted to be, after brecking with our past? We know that our goals must extend beyond mere recovery, but we also know that crisis awaits each step we take. The nature of the problems we face—whether they originate from within our sociely or from conditions abroad continues to challenge fundamental assumptions in politics, in the economy, and in sociely itself The world has not known so searching a challenge since the crisis years of the Depression and the Second Werld Wer. And no nations ate so severely challenged as the nations of the Third World, which like us must take up the burden of modern- ization under conditions of tension and flux throughout the world. In our own country, the accumulated experience of the past three years prom- ises more challenges rather than relief. For once we set our program of reform in motion, there is no alternative but to prosecute it to its legitimate end. It would be dangerous for us to ride the crest of illusion or false hopes. We are wont fo hear that we, the Philippines, ore o notion that has made a dramatic comeback from disaster, and begun a strong surge towards growth. Even the most critical foreign experts soy so. The national economy, for mony years a deficit spender of resources, exhibits both vigor and resiliency in the face of crisis. Economic activity ofall kinds is never more pronounced than at any other time in our history. International investors, 224 | Salaysay at Saysay: and no | Panel ioe the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, continue to faith in our economy. There is order i where there used to be none; anarchy is only a memory of thi : 7 onl ry of the Posti and growth and changes seem to be everywhere around us. re when we look at the individual citizen, there is reason to feel hat rights Interenties are on the whole much better secured today than they were before the ‘ervention of constitutional authoritarianism... Overall, economic performances during the third yeor of the program of the ew Society has been creditable. However, we must acknowledge serious problems overshadowing our economic life. We cannot escape the feeling here of being Perpetually engaged in a race with problems and crises, regardless of our response at any given p The constriction of trade markets is a sobering experience for our export-orient- ed economy. This is neither the time nor the place to look into the trade policies of the big countries. Adjustments will be needed in the entire economic program, but these will in no way divert the fundamental direction of the program. We greet the prognosis of an economic turnaround with hope, but without illusions. Should the industrialized economies successfully weather the recession, ‘our export position will surely improve. But the lasting solution to the worldwide economic crisis remains fo be found perhaps in a new pattern of economic relations among the nations, and this is the difficult agenda before the nations today. Now underneath these surface impressions of vitality and stability, there are profound problems that embattle our New Society. The general signs of national sirength and progress somehow do not yel completely translate into realities suffi- ciently relevant to the ordinary individual. We must translate our growth into a state of high morale among people. Growth is rendered in statistics and changes in the landscape, changes in the cities, in the roads, in the infrastructures. But more than this, we need a new vigorous climate of confidence and hope, « passionate renewal of foith and devotion, which sustains armies and populations even in the midst of siege. ‘And while our policies decree sweeping changes in our institutions and pro- grams, we have logged behind in the fundamental change on which the New Society ig truly to be forged. This is the chonge within us, in our hears, in our minds, in our

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