Introducing Constructivism in International Relations Theory

Written by Sarina Theys

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Introducing Constructivism in International Relations

Theory
https://www.e-ir.info/2018/02/23/introducing-constructivism-in-international-relations-theory/

SARINA THEYS, FEB 23 2018

This is an excerpt from International Relations Theory – an E-IR Foundations beginner’s textbook.
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建构主义在国际关系中的出现往往与冷战的结束有关，而传统的理论，如现实主义和自由主义都未能解释这一事件。这种失败与
他们的一些核心信条有关，比如坚信国家是为权力而竞争的利己行为者，以及国家之间不平等的权力分配，这决定了它们之间的
Constructivism’s arrival in IR is often associated with the end of the Cold War, an event that the traditional theories
权力平衡。
such as realism and liberalism failed to account for. This failure can be linked to some of their core tenets, such as
the conviction that states are self-interested actors who compete for power and the unequal power distribution
among states which defines the balance of power between them. By having a dominant focus on the state, traditional
theories have not opened much space to observe the agency of individuals. After all, it was the actions of ordinary
people that ensured the end of the Cold War, not those of states or international organisations. Constructivism
accounts for this issue by arguing that the social world is of our making (Onuf 1989). Actors (usually powerful ones,
建构主义对这个问题的解释是，社会世界是由我们创造的（Ｏｎｕｆ　１９８９）
like leaders and influential citizens) continually shape – and sometimes reshape – the very nature of international
relations through their actions and interactions.
行为者（通常是强大的行为者，如领导人和有影响力的公民）通过他们的行动和互动不断地塑造－－有时甚至重塑－－国际关系
的本质。
The basics of constructivism
建构主义的基本原理 建构主义认为世界，以及我们对世界的认识，是由社会建构的。
Constructivism sees the world, and what we can know about the world, as socially constructed. This view refers to
the nature of reality and the nature of knowledge that are also called ontology and epistemology in research
这种观点指的是现实的性质和知识的性质，在研究语言中也称为本体论和认识论。
language. Alexander Wendt (1995) offers an excellent example that illustrates the social construction of reality when
he explains that 500 British nuclear weapons are less threatening to the United States than five North Korean nuclear
weapons. These identifications are not caused by the nuclear weapons (the material structure) but rather by the
这些认同不是由核武器（物质结构）引起的，而是由赋予物质结构的意义（意识形态结构）引起的
meaning given to the material structure (the ideational structure). It is important to understand that the social
relationship between the United States and Britain and the United States and North Korea is perceived in a similar
way by these states, as this shared understanding (or intersubjectivity) forms the basis of their interactions. The
因为这种共同的理解（或主体间性）构成了他们互动的基础。
example also shows that nuclear weapons by themselves do not have any meaning unless we understand the social
context. It further demonstrates that constructivists go beyond the material reality by including the effect of ideas and
建构主义者超越了物质现实，将思想和信仰对世界政治的影响纳入其中。
beliefs on world politics. This also entails that reality is always under construction, which opens the prospect for
change. In other words, meanings are not fixed but can change over time depending on the ideas and beliefs that
actors hold. 换句话说，意义不是固定的，而是可以随着时间的推移而改变，这取决于行为者所持有的观念和信仰。
建构主义者认为，机构和结构是相互构成的，这意味着结构影响机构，机构影响结构。
Constructivists argue that agency and structure are mutually constituted, which implies that structures influence
agency and that agency influences structures. Agency can be understood as the ability of someone to act, whereas
structure refers to the international system that consists of material and ideational elements. Returning to Wendt’s
example discussed above, this means that the social relation of enmity between the United States and North Korea
represents the intersubjective structure (that is, the shared ideas and beliefs among both states), whereas the United
States and North Korea are the actors who have the capacity (that is, agency) to change or reinforce the existing
structure or social relationship of enmity. This change or reinforcement ultimately depends on the beliefs and ideas
held by both states. If these beliefs and ideas change, the social relationship can change to one of friendship. This
如果这些信念和观念发生了变化，社会关系就可以改变为友谊关系。
stance differs considerably from that of realists, who argue that the anarchic structure of the international system
determines the behaviour of states. Constructivists, on the other hand, argue that ‘anarchy is what states make of it’
建构主义者认为，机构和结构是相互构成的，这意味着结构影响机构，机构影响结构。机构可以被理解为某人的行动能力，而结构
则是指由物质和意识形态要素组成的国际体系。回到上文讨论的温特的例子，这意味着美国和朝鲜之间的敌对社会关系代表了主体
间的结构（即两个国家之间的共同想法和信念），而美国和朝鲜是有能力（即机构）改变或加强现有结构或敌对社会关系的行为者。
这种改变或强化最终取决于两国持有的信念和观念。如果这些信念和观念发生了变化，社会关系就可以改变为友谊关系。这一立场
与现实主义者的立场大相径庭，后者认为国际体系的无政府结构决定了国家的行为。另一方面，建构主义者认为，＂无政府状态是
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国家对它的理解＂（Ｗｅｎｄｔ　１９９２）。这意味着无政府状态可以有不同的解释，这取决于行为者对它所赋予的意义。
 Introducing Constructivism in International Relations Theory
Written by Sarina Theys

(Wendt 1992). This means that anarchy can be interpreted in different ways depending on the meaning that actors
assign to it.
建构主义的另一个核心问题是身份和利益。
Another central issue to constructivism is identities and interests. Constructivists argue that states can have multiple
identities that are socially constructed through interaction with other actors. Identities are representations of an
建构主义者认为，国家可以有多种身份，这些身份是通过与其他行为者的互动而在社会上构建的。
actor’s understanding of who they are, which in turn signals their interests. They are important to constructivists as
身份是行为者对自己是谁的理解的表述，而这又是他们利益的信号。
they argue that identities constitute interests and actions. For example, the identity of a small state implies a set of
interests that are身份构成了利益和行动。
different from those implied by the identity of a large state. The small state is arguably more focused
on its survival, whereas the large state is concerned with dominating global political, economic and military affairs. It
should be noted, though, that the actions of a state should be aligned with its identity. A state can thus not act
一个国家的行动应该与它的身份相一致。
contrary to its identity because this will call into question the validity of the identity, including its preferences. This
因此，一个国家不能采取与其身份相悖的行动，因为这将使人们对其身份的正确性，包括其偏好产生质疑。
issue might explain why Germany, despite being a great power with a leading global economy, did not become a
military power in the second half of the twentieth century. Following the atrocities of Adolf Hitler’s Nazi regime during
the Second World War, German political identity shifted from one of militarism to pacifism due to unique historical
circumstances.
建构主义的另一个核心问题是身份和利益。建构主义者认为，国家可以有多种身份，这些身份是通过与其他行为者的互动而在社会
Social norms are also central to constructivism. These are generally defined as ‘a standard of appropriate behaviour
社会规范也是建构主义的核心。
for actors with a given identity’ (Katzenstein 1996, 5). States that conform to a certain identity are expected to comply
with the norms that are associated with that identity. This idea comes with an expectation that some kinds of
behaviour and action are more acceptable than others. This process is also known as ‘the logic of appropriateness’,
where actors behave in certain ways because they believe that this behaviour is appropriate (March and Olsen 1998,
951–952). To better understand norms, we can identify three types: regulative norms, constitutive norms and
prescriptive norms. Regulative norms order and constrain behaviour; constitutive norms create new actors, interests
or categories of action; and prescriptive norms prescribe certain norms, meaning there are no bad norms from the
perspective of those who promote them (Finnemore and Sikkink 1998). It is also important to note that norms go
through a ‘lifecycle of norms’ before they can get accepted. A norm only becomes an expected behaviour when a
critical mass of relevant state actors adopt it and internalise it in their own practices. For example, constructivists
would argue that the bulk of states have come together to develop climate change mitigation policies because it is the
right thing to do for the survival of humanity. This has, over decades of diplomacy and advocacy, become an
appropriate behaviour that the bulk of citizens expect their leaders to adhere to. Liberals, on the other hand, might
reject the notion of climate change politics in favour of continued economic growth and pursuing innovative scientific
solutions, while realists might reject it due to the damage that climate policies may do to shorter-term national
interests. 社会规范也是建构主义的核心。这些规范通常被定义为　＂具有特定身份的行为者的适当行为标准＂（Ｋａｔｚｅｎｓｔｅｉｎ　１９９

Although all constructivists share the above-mentioned views and concepts, there is considerable variety within
constructivism. Conventional constructivists ask ‘what’-type questions – such as what causes an actor to act . They
believe that it is possible to explain the world in causal terms and are interested in discovering the relationships
他们认为有可能用因果关系来解释世界，并对发现行为者、社会规范、利益和身份之间的关系感兴趣。
between actors, social norms, interests and identities. Conventional constructivists assume, for instance, that actors
act according to their identity and that it is possible to predict when this identity becomes visible or not. When an
行为者根据他们的身份行事，并且有可能预测这种身份何时变得明显或不明显。
identity is seen to be under- going changes, conventional constructivists investigate what factors caused which
当一个身份被认为正在发生变化时，传统建构主义者会调查是什么因素导致了一个国家身份的哪些方面发生变化。
aspects of a state’s identity to change. Critical constructivists, on the other hand, ask ‘how’-type questions such as
how do actors come to believe in a certain identity . Contrary to conventional constructivists, they are not interested
in the effect that this identity has. Instead, critical constructivists want to reconstruct an identity – that is, find out what
are its component parts – which they believe are created through written or spoken communication among and
between peoples. Language plays a key role for critical constructivists because it constructs, and has the ability to
change, social reality. 尽管所有建构主义者都有上述观点和概念，但建构主义内部也有相当大的差异。传统的建构主义者提出了

Most constructivists, however, position themselves between these two more extreme ends of the spectrum.
然而，大多数建构主义者将自己定位在这两个更极端的两端之间
Constructivism and Bhutan’s national interests

Bhutan is a Buddhist kingdom located in the Himalayas. The material structural conditions are reflected in its
population of approximately 745,000, a territory that amounts to 38,394 square kilometres, a weak economy and a
不丹是一个位于喜马拉雅山脉的佛教王国。物质结构条件反映在其人口约为７４５，０００，领土面积为３８，３９４平方公里，经济薄弱，军
队规模很小。除此之外，不丹与亚洲的两个主要大国共享国家边界。北边是中国，南边是印度。不丹的位置在地理上很敏感，因为
该国是这些大国之间的一个缓冲国，这些大国认为对方是对手而不是朋友。除此之外，中国领导人在２０世纪５０年代吞并西藏后声称，
不丹的领土也是其大陆的一部分。迄今为止，不丹和中国之间仍有持续的边界争端，有报道称中国军队曾多次入侵不丹。同样地，
印度也对不丹的外交政策有所影响。印度－不丹友好条约》（１９４９年）第２条指出，＂不丹同意在对外关系方面接受印度的建议＂。
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虽然该条款在２００７年被修订，但评论家们称，印度对不丹仍有一定程度的影响。
 Introducing Constructivism in International Relations Theory
Written by Sarina Theys

very small military. On top of this, Bhutan shares a national border with the two major powers in Asia: China in the
north and India in the south. Bhutan’s location is geographically sensitive as the country serves as a buffer state
between these major powers, which perceive each other as rivals rather than friends. In addition to this, the Chinese
leadership claimed, after it annexed Tibet in the 1950s, that Bhutan’s territory was also part of its mainland. To date
there remains an ongoing border dispute between Bhutan and China and there have been reports that the Chinese
army has made several incursions into Bhutan. Likewise, India has had a hand in Bhutan’s foreign policy. Article 2 of
the India-Bhutan Friendship Treaty (1949) notes that ‘Bhutan agrees to be guided by the advice of India in regard to
its external relations.’ Although this Article was revised in 2007, commentators have reported that India still holds a
degree of influence over Bhutan.

From a realist perspective, one would argue that Bhutan is in an unfavourable position as it is hindered by its
geographical location and cannot compete for power with its neighbours. The preservation of its national sovereignty
would likely depend on the outcome of the greater competition between China and India. A constructivist view, on the
other hand, would argue that these structural conditions do not necessarily constrain Bhutan’s ability to pursue its
national interests since they are not the only conditions that influence state behaviour: the meaning given to these
影响国家行为
structural conditions also matters. For example, when Tibet was annexed by China, Bhutan felt threatened. As a
result, it closed its border in the north and turned to India, its neighbour in the south. From that moment onward,
Bhutan perceived China as a potential threat and India as a friend. To date, Bhutan and India perceive each other as
friends whereas Bhutan has no official relations with China. These social relationships represent the ideational
structure that originated from the meaning given to the material 这些社会关系代表着意识形态结构，
structure. It is important to note, however, that the
它源于对物质结构赋予的意义。
social relationships are subject to change depending on the ideas, beliefs and actions of Bhutan, India and China.
社会关系会根据不丹、印度和中国的想法、信仰和行动而发生变化。
For example, an agreement on the border dispute between China and Bhutan could change how both countries
perceive each other. This change might lead to the establishment of an official relationship, the nature of which is
friendship rather than enmity. A constructivist is well placed to detect and understand these changes since their
object of enquiry focuses on the social relationships between states. 从现实主义的角度来看，人们会认为不丹处于一个不利的地
建构主义者能够很好地发现和理解这些变化，因为他们的研究对象集中在国家之间的社会关系上。
Bhutan has also developed a distinctive national identity that differentiates it from its larger neighbours. This identity
projects Bhutan as ‘the last surviving independent Mahayana Buddhist Kingdom in the world’ (Bhutan Vision 2020,
24–25). The usage of the word ‘independent’ refers directly to Bhutan’s national interest – the preservation of its
national sovereignty. Bhutan’s national identity is socially constructed through a Bhutanisation process that started in
the 1980s, when the fourth king of Bhutan introduced the ‘One Nation, One People’ policy. This policy demanded the
observance of a code of conduct known as Driglam Namzhag. This code of conduct is built upon strict observance of
vows – such as strong kinship loyalty, respect for one’s parents, elders and superiors, and mutual cooperation
between rulers and ruled. It also reinforced the rules for wearing a national dress – the gho for men and the kira for
women. In addition to this, Dzongkha was selected as the national language of Bhutan. The Driglam Namzhag can
be thought of as a regulative norm because the aim of the policy is to direct and constrain behaviour. For example,
although Bhutan’s national identity suggests that the Bhutanese comprise one homogeneous group, Bhutan is
actually a multi- ethnic, multi-religious and multi-lingual country. There are three main ethnic groups: the Ngalongs,
the Sharchhops and the Lhotshampas, who are of Nepali descent. Of these, the Ngalongs and the Sharchhops are
Buddhists, while the Lhotshampas are mostly Hindus who speak the Nepali language. The policy had severe
consequences for the Lhotshampas as Nepali was no longer taught in schools and people who could not prove
residence in Bhutan prior to 1958 were classified as non-nationals. Consequently, thousands of Lhotshampas were
expelled from Bhutan in the 1990s. Thus, the code of conduct is used by the Bhutanese authorities to create cultural
unity and to stimulate citizens to reflect upon their cultural distinctiveness, which is paramount in creating a national
identity. 不丹还发展了一种独特的国家身份，将其与较大的邻国区分开来。这种身份将不丹描述为　＂世界上最后一个幸存的独立

As mentioned earlier in the chapter, a norm needs to go through a lifecycle before it becomes established. In the case
of Bhutan, we can witness the first phase, norm emergence, in the creation of the Driglam Namzhag by the
Bhutanese authorities. The second phase, norm acceptance, required Bhutanese citizens to accept the Driglam
Namzhag, including the national dress and Dzongkha as the national language. Once this acceptance occurred,
norm internalisation occurs. The completion of this process entails that the behaviour of the Bhutanese citizens is
circumscribed by these norms and practices. This circumscription also shows the constitutive nature of the Driglam
Namzhag, which created new actors – that is, Bhutanese citizens who act and behave according to specific rules.
正如本章前面提到的，一个规范在确立之前需要经历一个生命周期。在不丹的案例中，我们可以看到第一阶段，即规范的出现，
由不丹当局制定的Ｄｒｉｇｌａｍ　Ｎａｍｚｈａｇ。第二阶段，规范接受，要求不丹公民接受Ｄｒｉｇｌａｍ　Ｎａｍｚｈａｇ，包括民族服装和宗喀语作为国
家语言。一旦这种接受发生，就会发生规范内化。这一过程的完成意味着不丹公民的行为被这些规范和惯例所限制。这种限定也
显示了Ｄｒｉｇｌａｍ　Ｎａｍｚｈａｇ的构成性，它创造了新的行为者－－即按照特定规则行事和行为的不丹公民。例如，我们可以看到，这些规
范和做法被规范到现在。例如，不丹公民有义务在国家活动期间以及在上学或工作时穿着民族服装。如前所述，这一规定很重要
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，因为一个国家及其公民的行为应该符合与不丹国家身份相关的规范。这一规定也标志着这些规范被不丹当局认为是好的东西，
这强调了规范的规定性。
 Introducing Constructivism in International Relations Theory
Written by Sarina Theys

We can see, for instance, that these norms and practices are regulated to date. For example, Bhutanese citizens are
obliged to wear the national dress during national events and when they attend school or work. This regulation is, as
explained earlier, important as the behaviour of a state and its citizens should comply with the norms that are
associated with Bhutan’s national identity. The regulation also signifies that these norms are perceived as something
good by the Bhutanese authorities, which underlines the prescriptive nature of norms.

Members of the Bhutanese elite have also created a second identity, which projects Bhutan as a leader in advancing
a holistic and sustainable development paradigm. This identity is based on Bhutan’s development philosophy, Gross
National Happiness (GNH), which criticises the well-known Gross Domestic Product (GDP) approach for being
solely focused on the economy of a state. Instead, GNH promotes a balance between material wellbeing and the
spiritual needs of the mind. It is implemented and embedded in Bhutan’s political and educational systems. Members
of the Bhutanese elite have predominantly used the United Nations as a platform to promote the idea internationally.
Subsequently, the United Nations adopted Resolution 65/309, which states that the pursuit of happiness is a
fundamental goal and that the gross domestic product indicator was not designed to, and does not adequately
reflect, the wellbeing of people. Projecting their country as the last surviving independent Mahayana Buddhist
kingdom in the world and as a leader in advancing a holistic and sustainable development paradigm enables
Bhutanese authorities to signal their country’s status as an independent sovereign state. It also allows Bhutan to
increase its international visibility, which is advantageous when tensions run high with and among its neighbours.
不丹精英阶层的成员还创造了第二种身份，即把不丹作为推进整体和可持续发展范式的领导者。这一身份是基于不丹的发展理念－－国
Conclusion

Constructivism is often said to simply state the obvious – that actions, interactions and perceptions shape reality.
Indeed, that idea is the source of the name of this theory family. Our thoughts and actions literally
construct international relations. Yet, this seemingly simple idea, when applied theoretically, has significant
implications for how we can understand the world. The discipline of International Relations benefits from
constructivism as it addresses issues and concepts that are neglected by mainstream theories – especially realism.
Doing so, constructivists offer alternative explanations and insights for events occurring in the social world. They
show, for instance, that it is not only the distribution of material power, wealth and geographical conditions that can
explain state behaviour but also ideas, identities and norms. Furthermore, their focus on ideational factors shows that
reality is not fixed, but rather subject to change.

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About the author:

Sarina Theys is a Contributing Lecturer in the Politics Department of Newcastle University, UK.

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