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1. question
UNICEF is deeply committed to creating a world in
which all children, regardless of their gender or
socioeconomic background, have ---- to free,
compulsory and quality education.
Source: http://www.unicef.org/education/bege_61657.html

Basic education and gender equality


Equitable access
There are currently an estimate 61 million primary school-age children
who are not in school. Of these children, 47 per cent are expected to
never enter school, 26 per cent have attended but left school, and the
remaining 27 per cent are expected to enter school in the future. Girls
account for more than half of primary school-age children out of school.
They face the greatest barriers in the Arab States, with 61 per cent of the
out-of-school population being girls. Furthermore, 71 million children of
lower secondary school age were out of school in 2010.

With progress towards universal enrolment slowing, even more children


could be out of school in 2015. The current financial crisis has put extra
pressure on stretched public funding as well as households struggling
to afford schooling. These out of school children are being denied their
basic human right to education: without it, their future opportunities are
dramatically limited.

Deeply entrenched structural inequalities and disparities are part of what


keeps children out of school. These challenges are linked to many factors,
including income poverty, exposure to child labour, conflict and natural
disasters, location, migration and displacement, HIV/AIDS, disability,
gender, ethnicity, language of instruction, religion and caste. In Nigeria,
for instance, poor women from rural areas average 2.6 years of education
while wealthy urban women receive on average nine years of education. In
stark contrast a poor rural Hausa girl barely manages 0.3 year of education.

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Those affected by inequality, especially girls and children living in extreme


poverty and isolated areas and belonging to socially disadvantaged groups, have
less access to education because they live in areas where there are no schools,
and if they exist they cannot cover the costs, or children do not relate to the
content being taught, or simply are discriminated against.

UNICEF is deeply committed to creating a world in which all children, regardless


of their gender, socio-economic background or circumstances, have access to
free, compulsory and quality education. In education, UNICEF supports the
Education for All (EFA) and the Millennium Development Goals 2 and 3 to
ensure that all children have access to and complete a full course of primary
schooling, and to eliminate gender disparity in education by 2015. Other global
goals echoing these commitments include the World Education Forum’s Dakar
Framework for Action, which stresses the rights of girls, ethnic minorities and
children in difficult circumstances; and the emphasis in A World Fit for Children
on ensuring equal access to and achievement in basic education of good quality.

UNICEF’s mandate to serve the most marginalized populations also focuses


special attention on girls, who are the largest group excluded from education.
UNICEF works to mobilize and provide resources to communities in need. In
countries with low net enrolment rates for girls, programmes are implemented
to help governments formulate policies, procedures and practices that will
significantly reduce the number of girls who are not in school. UNICEF also
leads on the United Nations Girls’ Education Initiative (UNGEI), which is the
Education for All flagship for girls’ education: a partnership of organizations
committed to narrowing the gender gap in primary and secondary education.

While UNICEF adapts its strategies to fit each situation, its interventions typically
include outreach to identify excluded and at-risk girls and get them into school,
policy support and technical assistance for governments and communities to
improve access for those children who are hardest to reach or suffer most from
discrimination, and programmes to eliminate cultural, social and economic
barriers to girls’ education. As part of its equity strategy, UNICEF is working on

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identifying the bottlenecks that inhibit school participation and to understand the
complex profiles of out-of-school children that reflect the multiple deprivations
and disparities they face in relation to education. The School Fee Abolition
Initiative enables countries to take pioneering steps to eliminate fees and other
costs to address economic barriers preventing children from accessing basic
education. UNICEF also provides development and implementation support,
promotes educational quality and helps countries prepare for and respond to
crises, in order to ensure that affected children learn in safe, stable and gender-
sensitive environments.

Across the globe, UNICEF is committed to nothing less than full and complete
access to free, quality education for every girl and boy. Universal access to quality
education is not a privilege – it is a basic human right.

3. question
Before they are allowed to be used, all medicines,
including vaccines, are ---- tested to assess how
safe and effective they are.
Source: www.immunisation.nhs.uk - A guide to immunisations up to 13 months of age. Common questions
about immunisation (Booklet),

What is immunisation?
Immunisation is a way of protecting against serious diseases. Once we have been
immunised, our bodies are better able to fight those diseases if we come into
contact with them.

How do vaccines work?


Vaccines contain a small part of the bacterium or virus that causes a disease,
or tiny amounts of the chemicals that the bacterium produces. Vaccines work
by causing the body’s immune system to make antibodies (substances that fight
off infection and disease). If your child comes into contact with the infection,

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the antibodies will recognise it and be ready to protect him or her. Because
vaccines have been used so successfully in the UK, diseases such as diphtheria
have almost disappeared from this country.

There are some diseases that can kill children or cause lasting damage to their
health. Immunisations are given to prepare your child’s immune system to fight
off those diseases if they come into contact with them.

When should my baby be immunised?


It is important that your baby has their immunisations at the right age – the first
ones are given at two months old. They will be given further doses of these
immunisations when they are three months old and four months old. Other
immunisations are given at around 12 months and 13 months of age, then
between three and five years of age (before your child starts school), and in their
teenage years (see the table on the back cover of this leaflet).

Why are babies vaccinated so early?


These diseases can be particularly serious in young babies. It is important to
make sure babies are protected as early as possible to prevent them catching the
diseases.

Why does my baby need more than one dose of vaccine?


Most immunisations have to be given more than once to prepare your child’s
immunity. For example, three doses of DTaP/IPV/Hib vaccine are needed to
provide protection in babies. Booster doses are then given later in life to provide
longer term protection.

How will I know when my baby’s immunisations are due?


Your doctor’s surgery or clinic will send you an appointment for you to bring
your baby for their immunisation. Most surgeries and health centres run special
immunisation or baby clinics. If you can’t get to the clinic, contact the surgery to

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make another appointment. All childhood immunisations are free.

What happens at the appointment?


The doctor or nurse will explain the immunisation process to you, and answer
any questions you have. The vaccine is injected into the muscle of the child’s
thigh.

What if I missed the appointment?


If you missed the appointment or delayed the immunisation, make a new
appointment. You can pick up the immunisation schedule where it stopped
without having to start again.

If some diseases have disappeared from this country, why do we need to


immunise against them?
In the UK, these diseases are kept at bay by high immunisation rates. Around
the world, more than 15 million people a year die from infectious diseases. More
than half of these are children under the age of five. Most of these deaths could
be prevented by immunisation. As more people travel abroad and more people
come to visit this country, there is a risk that they will bring these diseases into
the UK. The diseases may spread to people who haven’t been immunised so
your baby is at greater risk if he or she has not been immunised. Immunisation
doesn’t just protect your child, it also helps to protect your family and the
whole community, especially those children who, for medical reasons, can’t be
immunised. (See page 13 for details.)

Remember, it’s never too late to have your child immunised. Even if your child
has missed an immunisation and is older than the recommended ages, talk to
your doctor, practice nurse or health visitor to arrange for your child to be
immunised.

How do we know that vaccines are safe?


Before they are allowed to be used, all medicines (including vaccines) are

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thoroughly tested to assess how safe and effective they are. After they have been
licensed, the safety of vaccines continues to be monitored. Any rare side effects
that are discovered can then be assessed further. All medicines can cause side
effects, but vaccines are among the very safest. Research from around the world
shows that immunisation is the safest way to protect your child’s health.

4. question
Many scientists believe that our sanitized
surroundings are ---- allergic disorders in children,
which have doubled in the last decade.
Source: Psychology Today, September/October 2008

Cult of Clean
We’ve become a nation of grime fighters, and there’s growing evidence that
we’re sacrificing our safety and our sanity to sanitization. By Carlin Flora

On the Tyra Banks Show, a young mother publicly confided she was terrified
that her apartment could be harming her toddler son—because it wasn’t
perfectly clean. Banks sent a microbiologist to the home to test for germs. Sure
enough, the place was filled with them! “Are you surprised the bathtub was
the dirtiest part of the house?” Banks asked. “Yes,” the woman answered, her
voice quavering and her eyes welling with tears, “I clean it with bleach.”
Banks leaned in: “But do you clean it after every shower? Do you really scrub
it?”

“Well,” the woman confessed, “I have a 2-year-old. I don’t always have time.”
Such chagrin is no surprise to writer Katherine Ashenburg, who heard
cleanliness confessions throughout a tour promoting her book The Dirt on
Clean: An Unsanitized History. “I don’t shower every day,” people sheepishly
whispered to her. That experience only reinforced her belief that “we are
obsessed with cleanliness” to “a point of absurdity. Today there seems to be
no resting place, no point at which we can feel comfortable in our own skins
for more than a few hours after our last shower. Clean keeps receding into the
distance.”

Interest in home and body hygiene has waxed and waned through the ages,
from early Egyptians who frolicked in pools for hours to Enlightenment

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Europeans who never bathed a day in their lives, believing that water spread
diseases such as the Plague. But ever since deodorant and mouthwash entered
the American marketplace in the twentieth century, standards of cleanliness
have steadily ratcheted up.

Now, nearly a decade into the twenty-first century, we are convulsed by full-
on germophobia and personal hygiene mania. Office supply stores sell germ-
resistant highlighters and scissors. Ten years ago hand-sanitizing gels could be
found only in hospitals. Now they’re flying off the shelves of every grocery
and drug store. In 2005, more than $67.3 million in sanitizers were sold, a 54
percent increase over 2004.

Why the massive panic over invisible threats? On the surface, it seems an
earnest effort to promote health. But a closer look suggests that we feel a deep
distrust of our bodies and profound pessimism about human nature: The
backyard is a hotbed of creepy crawlies, my body is brimming with toxins, and
the germs in my kitchen are just waiting to rise up and infect me!

We scour and scrub in an attempt to alleviate our anxieties and exercise control
over an environment we perceive as hostile—a futile act that gives a whole
new meaning to germ warfare. Our battles against what is by far the largest
population of living things on earth—the weight of all microbes is 25 times
that of all multicelled animal life combined—also misunderstands the role
of dirt and the place of germs on the planet. Without bugs we wouldn’t be
drawing breath.

Because we seem never to feel clean enough, all our scrubbing and scouring
only stokes the anxiety it is meant to allay. But it may be sabotaging our
physical health as well. Just as overprotecting children can keep them from
developing coping skills, sanitizing ourselves may be undermining the immune
system, which requires germs to keep it viable. What’s more, overuse and
misuse of cleaning products directly expose us to toxic chemicals. And, quite
possibly, they even encourage what germophobes fear most—the rise of
resistant “superbugs.”

It’s Their World


“They’re lying in wait for you at the ATM machine and on your computer
keyboard at work. Secretly, they attach themselves to your hands when you
push a shopping cart at the store. The little pests will even attach themselves
to your children’s hands when they romp on playground equipment.” So warns

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materials sent to the press by a maker of hand-sanitizing gels.

Titled “99 Places Where You Need to Watch Out for Germs,” it is 100 percent
intimidating. Who could possibly keep an eye on all 99? More surreptitiously
the material perpetuates a fundamental misconception about germs. The idea
of watching for and banishing creatures that are literally everywhere is patently
preposterous.

The adult human body contains an estimated 100 trillion cells, points out
microbiologist Lynn Bry, an assistant professor at Harvard Medical School.
But only 10 percent of those cells actually belong to us! The rest are—are you
ready for this?—germs. Most are bacteria that live in the digestive tract and
help you break down food and secure nutrients as they protect you from the
minority of disease-causing bug groups.

“If you were germ-free this moment,” says Bry, “you’d be dead within two
weeks.” Microbes living in the gut, for example, make vitamin K, essential to
the proper clotting of blood. “We have an irrational fear of germs and dirt,”
she contends. “And in the grand scheme of things, the very oxygen we breathe
is a byproduct of blue-green algae”—scum—”that evolved millions of years
ago.”

Our internal flora may even be able to cure some of our most perplexing
diseases. A molecule naturally produced in the gut completely eliminates the
symptoms of inflammatory bowel disease in animals, researchers reported in
Nature. Human trials of the substance are in the works.

“I fully advocate appropriate hygiene and cleanliness,” says Bry. “Don’t suck on
your fingers after you cut open a chicken. But you don’t need to scrub yourself
until you’re sore.”

On her press tour, Ashenburg suggested to audiences that we really don’t need
to wash above the wrists very often. She was scolded by her listeners. But if
you’re looking for a way to prevent illness, nothing beats regular hand washing
with hot water and plain old soap. So says the Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention, the nation’s—and perhaps the world’s—highest authority on
infectious diseases.

Wiping Away Anxiety


Why, then, do we see all germs as evil? It could be that being the most

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sparkling person around confers moral superiority, offers psychologist Robert


Leahy, director of The American Institute for Cognitive Therapy in New York
and author of The Worry Cure.

But what Leahy really sees in those preoccupied with cleaning is an excess
of anxiety. Cleaning is the “go to” activity for the anxious. That explains
its popularity with those on the extreme end of the anxiety scale, those
suffering from obsessive-compulsive disorder; it classically manifests as
excessive, ritualistic hand-washing. People resort to it in a futile attempt to
calm themselves simply because it’s there, Leahy says. Given the ubiquity of
indoor plumbing, it’s an activity everyone has access to. And from an early
age we’re taught that washing is a good thing. The physical act of cleaning is a
compelling stand-in for getting rid of unwanted thoughts and feelings.

The problem is, it doesn’t work—or not for long. Anxious people think that
intrusive thoughts about, say, the need to wash the kitchen counter for the
third time must be obeyed or they will grow more insistent. “’If I don’t get rid
of the anxiety now, it’s going to get worse,’” Leahy says. But giving into that
voice is what makes it stronger. Ignoring it weakens it—once the person comes
to see that nothing terrible actually happens when an urge is resisted.

Normal life ipso facto involves risk and uncertainty, even occasional regrets,
says Leahy. But the anxious seek to avoid all risk, uncertainty, and regret by
doing all they can to keep bad things from happening. Risk misperception is at
the root of their disorder. They distort real probabilities. The chances of dying
from a severe case of salmonella are far lower than the chances of dying from
obesity-related causes.

“But no one runs away screaming from a Big Mac,” says Leahy. We do,
however, watch in horror reports of the latest bacterial breakout.

Real life is a balancing act of competing risks, adds Leahy. There is a risk of
getting an infection if you don’t clean, but too much cleaning increases your
risk of developing OCD. “I shake hands with everyone who comes into my
office,” he reports. “Maybe I get an extra cold per year—but that trade-off is
worthwhile because I want to be warm and friendly toward my patients. There
is no escaping risk altogether.”

Why We Worry
Significantly, our dreams of disinfection parallel the rise of anxiety in our

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culture. After analyzing anxiety levels measured among young people in 1952
and 1993, psychologist Jean Twenge of San Diego State University concluded
that levels of anxiety in today’s average teenager are equivalent to those in
patients treated for a psychiatric disorder 50 years ago. Other studies have
documented the rise of anxiety among college students and adults.

Twenge points to social isolation as one cause. Studies show we have fewer
close friends and dwindling social networks—and spend less time with them
than we did, say, 20 years ago. “People who feel interpersonally connected are
less likely to be anxious,” says Leahy.

And just as our communities are becoming more transient and fragile, they
are also becoming more diverse. Though we may not be consciously aware of
it, says John Portmann, a professor of religious studies at the University of
Virginia, our hygiene obsessions may disguise a residual fear of mingling with
people different from ourselves. He points to a study by University of Montana
historian Jeff Wiltse, Contested Waters: A Social History of Swimming Pools
in America, which argues that widespread fear of insufficiently chlorinated
water in the ‘60s in the South was really the expression of irrational beliefs
about African-Americans finally being granted access to public pools.

If cleaning is an expression of our neuroses, it also assuages our psyches.


Buffing and polishing can give rise to feelings of spiritual purity and even
ease guilt. Enter: the “Macbeth effect.” Researchers find that subjects who are
prompted to focus on unethical behaviors such as lying, stealing, or betraying
friends are subsequently more likely to engage in activities suggesting they feel
physically dirty. For example, they wash their hands more than controls do.

The late anthropologist Mary Douglas, in her classic book Purity and Danger,
argued that a preoccupation with dirt runs through all of the major religions.
But it’s not principally about hygiene. Rather, cleanliness is a way of keeping
chaos at bay.

“You can’t get rid of your daughter’s boyfriend that you don’t like,” says
journalist Margaret Horsfield, author of a social and psychological history of
housecleaning, Biting the Dust: The Joys of Housework. “You can’t sort out
the fact that your mother is dying or that you’ve gained 10 pounds. But you
can get that sink looking better.” The process of cleaning might be frustrating,
she adds, but it does make us feel that we’ve achieved some small thing in an
unmanageable world. “It gives an illusion of order.”

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A Spotless Mirror
Obsession with cleanliness is also an ill of affluence. Overworked we may be,
but we worry about microorganisms because we can afford to. So we remodel
our bathrooms to accommodate an apothecary-size supply of potions for
youth, beauty, and cleanliness.

“I live in an area where a lot of money has poured into the local economy,”
says Horsfield, “and many women I know run big houses. I’m shocked at
how high their cleaning standards are. I think they feel they have to live up to
the prosperity they’ve acquired.” They are aided and abetted by a clique of
domestic goddesses on TV, along with the proliferation of high-end home and
garden magazines, glamorizing household toiling.

Cleanliness, however, doesn’t stop at the surface. It’s also taking a highly
invasive course. A growing trend among upper-class women is getting a colonic
enema or vacuuming at the spa, along with a manicure and pedicure. Vegan
blogger Kathy Freston advocates dietary detoxification. “Doing the cleanse
delivers one to a fresh start,” she insists. “It’s like a vacation, a reprieve, from
our old and tired ways... a way to let your body rid itself of all the stored up
junk it has had to process throughout the years. I’m not saying it’s easy, but it’s
worth it.”

In fact, the body has intricate mechanisms for cleaning itself without vacuums
or extreme diets. The mucosal cells lining the digestive tract, for example,
replace themselves frequently. Embodiment is the very heart of our existence;
it is entirely likely that envisioning the buildup of “junk” in our bodies is a way
of expressing cumulative emotional damage. Get rid of that and perhaps you
can purge personal heartaches, too.

Big and Bigger


It’s one thing to experience anxiety, a need for control, a fascination with
“fresh starts,” even self-focus. But media and marketers have exploited those
concerns, and in doing so have exacerbated them. “We’ve developed a paranoia
in the last five to 10 years,” says Andrea Gardner, author of The 30-Second
Seduction: How Advertisers Lure Women Through Flattery, Flirtation, and
Manipulation.

Gardner points to TV shows in which an expert shines a black light on a


seemingly tidy hotel room and then exclaims, “This mattress looks completely
clean and yet look at all the dust mites!” Their eyes opened to invisible threats,

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the audience gasps in horror at the tiny interlopers.


Marketers are also tapping into parental vigilance. If you aren’t disinfecting
to protect your kids and they get sick, the message is you’re a bad mom, says
Gardner. Advertisers also remind parents that by keeping the family well, they
won’t have to miss work themselves.

“The definition of clean is expanding.” This from no less an authority than


Packaged Facts, the marketing research firm. They conclude: “The relationship
between cleanliness and health is clearer than ever in the minds of consumers
in a time of germ warfare where life-threatening asthma, allergies, SARS, avian
flu, and superbugs are a daily reality.”

Casualties of War
The pursuit of purity, like the quest for perfection, can have consequences.
Escalating standards of cleanliness disproportionately burden women, who
still bear the brunt of domestic chores despite working full-time. Women in
relationships do two-thirds of the housework, a continuing source of personal
stress and family friction.

But the most serious consequence of the cult of clean may be that it
undermines the immune system, which, like the brain, grows and develops only
when presented with challenges. Exposure to infectious agents is essential. It
prompts the immune system to create specific antibodies and then store them
so they can be readily summoned to defensive duty when a similar bug poses a
threat.

Many scientists believe that our sanitized surroundings are fostering allergic
disorders in children, which have doubled in the last decade. According to the
so-called hygiene hypothesis, children who lack exposure to dirt, bacteria, and
other microorganisms develop weak immune systems and are thus prone to
asthma and allergies.

Studies show that children with many siblings, those who live on farms, those
who enter day care in their first year, or who have a cat—circumstances that
expose them to bacteria in soil or air—are much less likely to develop allergic
diseases than children who face none of those circumstances. Bodies with
no bacteria, viruses, and parasitic diseases to fight off turn on innocents like
peanuts and pollen and do battle with them.

Christopher Lowry takes the hygiene hypothesis further and contends

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the lack of exposure to germs harms our minds as well as our bodies. An
assistant professor of physiology at the University of Colorado, he points to
growing evidence that disorders such as depression and anxiety, like asthma
and allergies, are set off by inflammatory processes within the body. The
high incidence of depression and anxiety in developed countries could be
due to diminished contact with benign microorganisms to which we were
exposed throughout our history—organisms that raise the bar for setting off
inflammatory processes.

“The hygiene hypothesis is widely accepted among immunologists,” says


Lowry. “It suggests that we have less exposure to certain organisms in the soil
and water than we used to. In the case of the soil, the organisms are still there.”
But unless they live on farms, kids don’t play much in the dirt anymore. As for
water, he observes, municipal water sources have been purified and sterilized.
Lowry “can imagine that if a child goes out to play in the field and gets wiped
with sanitizing cloths as soon as he comes in, it could be limiting his exposure
to those microorganisms in the soil.”

At the same time that it is weakening us and our children, the overuse of
cleaning products is beefing up the germs around us, turning garden-variety
microbes into superbugs. “If you routinely expose microbes to cleaning agents,
over time the microbes could evolve to tolerate more of the stuff,” says Bry.
Germs, after all, are far more adaptive than we are. A carton of milk left out of
the refrigerator overnight will host thousands—thousands!—of generations of
germs. In just hours, they will have evolved characteristics to help them thrive
in that carton.

As director of strategic initiatives at AmeriCares, Ella Gudwin grapples first-


hand with the adaptability of germs and the tenacity of infectious diseases
such as dysentery in disaster regions. “They evolve in response to treatments—
and only become stronger,” she observes. “The whole world is covered in a
small film of fecal matter,” she adds. “Just get used to it.”

5. question
In non-literate societies, valuable information about
the past is often enshrined in oral tradition – poems,
hymns or sayings ---- from generation to generation
by word of mouth.

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Source: Archaeology: Theories, Methods and Practice (4th edition), 2006, Renfrew and Bahn, Thames &
Hudson

Polity
A politically independent or autonomous social unit, whether simple or complex,
which may in the case of a complex society (such as a state) comprise many
lesser dependent components.

Segmentary societies
Relatively small and autonomous groups, usually of agriculturalists, who regulate
their own affairs; in some cases, they may join together with other comparable
segmentary societies to form a larger ethnic unit.

Chiefdom
A term used to describe a society that operates on the principle of ranking, i
.e. differential social status. Different lineages are graded on a scale of prestige,
calculated by how closely related one is to the chief. The chiefdom generally has
a permanent ritual and ceremonial center, as well as being characterized by local
specialization in crafts.

Early states
Societies characterized by: the prominent role played by cities, a ruler with
explicit authority to establish and enforce laws, a class hierarchy, a bureaucratic
administration of officials.

Central Place Theory


Theory that seeks to explain the spacing and function of the settlement
landscape. The theory argues that under idealized conditions, central places of
the same size and nature would be equidistant from each other, surrounded by
secondary centers with their own smaller satellites.

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Thiessen Polygons
A formal method of describing settlement patterns based on territorial divisions
centered on a single site.

Site Hierarchy
In archaeological studies, the sites are usually listed in rank order by size (i.e. in a
site hierarchy) and then displayed as a histogram. Histograms allow comparisons
to be made between the site hierarchies of different regions, different periods,
and different types of society.

XTENT Modeling
A method of generating settlement hierarchy, that overcomes the limitations
of both central place theory and Thiessen polygons ; it assigns territories to
centers based on their scale, assuming that the size of each center is directly
proportional to its area of influence. Hypothetical political maps may thus be
constructed from survey data.

Oral traditions
In non-literate societies, valuable information about the past, even the remote
past, is often enshrined in oral tradition - poems or hymns or sayings handed
on from generation to generation by word of mouth.

Ethnoarchaeology
The study of contemporary cultures with a view to understanding the behavioural
relationships which underlie the production of material culture.

Ethnicity
The existence of ethnic groups, including tribal groups. Though these are difficult
to recognize from the archaeological record, the study of language and linguistic
boundaries shows that ethnic groups are often correlated with language areas.

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Ethnos
The ethnic group, defined as a firm aggregate of people, historically established
on a given territory, possessing in common relatively stable peculiarities of
language and culture, and also recognizing their unity and difference as expressed
in a self-appointed name (ethnonym) (see ethnicity).

Achieved status
Social standing and prestige reflecting the ability of an individual to acquire an
established position in society as a result of individual accomplishments (cf.
ascribed status).

Habitus
An informing ideology that is communicated and reproduced through a process
of socialization or enculturation in which material culture plays an active role.

6. Question
By mapping equatorial rainfall since 800 AD,
scientists have ---- how tropical weather may change
over the next century.
Source: Scientific American, March 2011

A Shifting Band of Rain


By mapping equatorial rainfall since A.D. 800, scientists have figured out how tropical weather
may change through 2100.

The first indication that our expedition was not going as planned was the abrupt
sputter and stop of the boat’s inboard engine at 2 a.m. The sound of silence
had never been less peaceful. Suddenly, crossing the open ocean in a small
fishing vessel from the Marshall Islands in the North Pacific Ocean seemed an
unwise choice. A journey to a scientific frontier had led us to a different frontier
altogether, a vast darkness punctuated by the occasional lapping wave.

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We are climate scientists, and our voyage (which ended safely) was one of many
intended to help us do what at first glance seems impossible: reconstruct rainfall
history back in time, across an ocean. By tracing that history, we can gain a
better understanding of how the ongoing build up of greenhouse gases in the
atmosphere, rising air temperatures and changes in tropical precipitation are
likely to alter future climate patterns. We have travelled far and wide to numerous
islands across the Pacific Ocean.

Some present-day climate patterns are well known, such as the El Niño and
LaNiña circulations in the Pacific. A lesser known but equally important pattern
is the primary precipitation feature on the planet: a band of heavy rainfall that
circles the globe in the tropics and migrates north or south seasonally with
the angle of the sun. The area in which it moves is known as the Intertropical
Convergence Zone (ITCZ).

Any change in the earth’s temperature, as a result of incoming solar radiation or


greenhouse gases, can affect the rain band, which provides the precipitation that
feeds equatorial agriculture. The band also plays a central role in the monsoons
of Asia, Africa and India and the large convection cells that transport heat from
the equator toward the poles. The frequency and intensity of El Niño and La
Niña events and the strength and duration of hurricane seasons in the Pacific
and Atlantic can all be influenced by variations in the band’s position. Changes
in rainfall resulting from a permanent shift of the band would dramatically alter
the equatorial environment, with effects reaching worldwide. And we have good
reason to believe the band is shifting.

Until recently, climate scientists did not know whether the current annual range
of the band’s midline—from 3°N to10°N latitude over the Pacific Ocean—was
its historical range. But now field measurements from latitudes bracketing the
ITCZ have allowed our colleagues and us to define how the band has moved
over the past 1,200 years. A large shift of five degrees northward—about 550
kilometres—occurred from about 400 years ago until today. Discovery of that
shift led us to a startling realization: small increases in the greenhouse effect

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can fundamentally alter tropical rainfall. We can now predict where the ITCZ
will move through 2100 as the atmosphere warms further. We can also predict
whether rainfall may rise or fall across the world’s equatorial zones, the probable
effects across higher latitudes in Asia, Central America and the U.S. southern
tier, and what those changes might mean for weather and food production.
Some places are likely to benefit, but many others, we fear, will face dry times.

Medieval Unknown
Until we began mapping rainfall history, scientists had little data about where the
ITCZ had been during the past millennium. The band hovers near the equator,
but it can be tens or hundreds of kilometres wide, depending on local conditions
and seasonal sunshine. Because the zone is highly pronounced over the Pacific,
that region is ideal for tracking its movement. And because the rain band girds
the earth, Pacific trends indicate global changes.

Scientists can profile the sun’s strength from isotopes such as carbon 14 in tree
rings and beryllium 10 in ice cores and can reconstruct the historic profile of
worldwide greenhouse gases from air bubbles trapped in tubular cores of ice
extracted from polar regions. By comparing solar output and greenhouse gas
levels with the ITCZ’s position over centuries, we can infer how tropical rainfall
might change in the 21st century in response to rising greenhouse gas emissions.

Clever investigators have identified many different indicators of global


temperature during the past millennium. Two periods stand out. Around a.d.
800, global temperatures were similar to those in the late 1800s. Temperatures
then rose during the Medieval Warm Period (a.d. 800–1200), reaching levels
similar to 20th-century temperatures. They gradually settled and fell during the
Little Ice Age (a.d.1400–1850).

In the past two decades the sun’s output has remained essentially constant,yet
both temperature and levels of carbon dioxide—the most abundant manmade
greenhouse gas—have become significantly higher than at any point in the past

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1,200 years.
Atmospheric scientists knew few specifics about past tropical climate, however,
when we began our work. Sea floor sediments, which can provide exquisite
records of climate on multi thousand-year time scales, accumulate too slowly
to record much information about the past 1,000 years. Many corals produce
annual bands, but the creatures rarely live longer than 300 years, providing no
records from 300 to 1,000 years ago.

Mapping rainfall would allow us to fill in the missing information about the
ITCZ’s position over the past millennium. Usually determining rainfall once it
has hit the ocean is a lost cause. But small islands scattered across the Pacific have
enclosed lakes and ponds that can reveal the history. In the past six years we have
collected dozens of sediment cores from the bottoms of such waters in some of
the most remote, exotic Pacific islands. The locations span a range of latitudes
above, below and within the current band and fully across the Pacific. We can
define where the rain band was during a given time period by pinpointing places
that experienced intense rainfalls in that period at various latitudes. Simultaneous
rainfall increases and decreases, northward or southward, indicate a common,
ocean wide shift in the band.

Fieldwork is an adventure fraught with setbacks, equipment issues, language


barriers and difficulty getting to the sediment-coring locations. For example,by
the time we arrived in the capital city of Majuro, the local airline, Air Marshall
Islands (affectionately known to locals as “Air Maybe”), had two broken planes in
its fleet of two. The two-day trip mentioned earlier to test a local entrepreneur’s
modified fishing boat that looked alarmingly unseaworthy ended when the
engines died on our overnight return from a neighbouring atoll.

To retrieve an undisturbed sediment core, we push, pound and screw long tubes
into a lake’s bottom. Just about every site we have cored has a unique sediment
sequence. Sometimes we find bright-red gelatinous layers several meters thick
made up of cyanobacteria, as in the Washington Island lake. Other times the
sediment is brown mud rich in hydrogen sulfide (read: it stinks!), containing

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mangrove leaf fragments and the occasional layer of bivalve shells, as in Palau.

As we slog through mud on foot and row across shallow water, we push a
longpole into the sediment to test depths and to see whether obstacles lurk. It
is not unusual to abort a core attempt because it hits rocks, ancient coral, sand
or roots.

Because the rate of sediment deposition is highly variable, we do not know how
deep we need to go. Generally speaking, one meter of sediment stretches back
at least several hundred years: nine meters of sediment from Washington Island,
for example, spanned 3,200 years. When possible, we try to hit “bedrock” at
the bottom of a core: deposited sand, coral or volcanic rock marking the time
when the lake first began accumulating sediment, so that we can obtain the most
complete record of the historical climate.
….

7. Question
The physics of elementary particles in the 20th
century ---- by the observation of particles whose
existence ---- by theorists decades earlier.
Source: American Scientist - March 1, 2012

A palette of particles:
Some elementary particles arrived like unexpected and, sometimes,
unwanted guests.
20th century was distinguished by the observation of particles whose existence
had been predicted by theorists sometimes decades earlier. There were also
particles no one had predicted that just appeared. Five of them are of interest to
me here. In order of increasing modernity, they are the neutrino, the pi meson,
the anti-proton, the quark and the Higgs boson. Let's begin with the neutrino.

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On the 4th of December 1930, Wolfgang Pauli sent a letter to a group of


colleagues who were attending a physics conference in Tubingen. He addressed
them as "Dear Radioactive Ladies and Gentlemen." Pauli apologized for not
being able to attend the conference. A very good dancer who had a fondness for
women, he explained that he wanted to attend a ball in Zurich instead. The letter
is one of the most remarkable documents in 20th-century physics.

Pauli's concern was an anomaly that had occurred in experiments on what was
known as beta decay. The great New Zealand-born physicist Ernest Rutherford,
who had made an extended study of radioactivity, had identified three types of
decays, which he called alpha, beta and gamma. Heavy nuclei such as plutonium
can in decaying produce an alpha particle that was identified as a nucleus of
helium. Many other nuclei can decay producing a gamma ray, which is a very
energetic electromagnetic quantum. Some nuclei produce a beta particle, which is
just an ordinary electron. It was in these last decays that the anomaly manifested
itself.

The obvious scenario was that a parent nucleus decayed into a daughter nucleus
and an electron. If energy and momentum are conserved in this decay, then
the electron must emerge with one and only one energy. The problem was that
experiment showed that the emerging electron had a spectrum of energies. This
was such a puzzle that Niels Bohr even proposed that energy and momentum
were not conserved in the decay. Pauli thought that this idea was nonsense, and
in his letter he made a counterproposal. He suggested that an invisible third
particle was emitted with the other two and that this particle carried off some of
the energy and momentum. The particle, he concluded, was invisible since it was
electrically neutral and interacted very weakly with anything. It simply departed
from the scene of the decay.

I have no idea what the "radioactive ladies and gentlemen" made of this
suggestion. How seriously Pauli took his suggestion is unclear. He never published
it. But Enrico Fermi in Rome took it seriously and created the first real theory
of beta decay. Pauli called the particle the neutron, but in 1932 James Chadwick

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discovered what we call the neutron--the electrically neutral component of the


atomic nucleus. Fermi noted that neutrone means "big neutral one" in Italian
and since this particle, if it existed, had a small mass, he called it the neutrino,
"the little neutral one". The name stuck.

When I first learned about it in the early 1950s, the neutrino had an odd role
in nuclear physics, like that of a sort of crazy uncle who was not all there. This
changed thanks to the nuclear reactors that Fermi had created during the war.
These reactors are factories for producing radioactive fission fragments that
beta decay and produce an almost unbelievable flux of neutrinos. In 1956 Los
Alamos physicists Clyde Cowan and Fred Reines observed a flux of more than
10,000 billion neutrinos per square centimeter per second at the Savannah River
plant in South Carolina. Pauli was still around, and one can imagine his feelings.
Now neutrino experiments are commonplace. And we know that there are three
distinct kinds and that they are all massive. This means that they move at speeds
close to that of light. Recent claims, much disputed, say that they actually move
faster than light, which contradicts Einstein's relativity "Dear Radioactive Ladies
and Gentlemen" indeed.

The Pi Meson
In 1909 Ernest Rutherford and two young colleagues in Manchester discovered
the atomic nucleus in which most of the mass of the atom was concentrated.
This led naturally to the question of how it was composed and what held its
parts together. It was clear that there must be positive charges in the nucleus.
This was because the atom, as one usually encountered it, was electrically neutral.
Negatively charged electrons were somehow distributed with the nuclear material
and these charges must be balanced for the atom to be electrically neutral. But it
became clear that the positively charged objects--protons they were called--could
not be the whole story. Electrically neutral objects were needed to account for
the mass. Rutherford made the sensible suggestion that these must be electrons
and protons bound together, but by 1930 Pauli and others argued that such a
composite did not fit the atomic spectra data. The matter was resolved in 1932

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when Chadwick discovered the neutron. But what held the nucleus together?

The nucleus is tens of thousands of times smaller then the average distance to
the closest electrons. Electrons engage in the chemical business of the atoms
while the nucleus is a bystander.

12. Question
---- lead was widely known to be dangerous, by the
early years of the 20th century, it could be found in
all manners of consumer products.
SourceA Short History of Nearly Everything -Bill Bryson (page 100)

GETTING THE LEAD OUT


IN THE LATE 1940s, a graduate student at the University of Chicago named
Clair Patterson (who was, first name notwithstanding, an Iowa farm boy by origin)
was using a new method of lead isotope measurement to try to get a definitive
age for the Earth at last. Unfortunately all his samples came up contaminated—
usually wildly so. Most contained something like two hundred times the levels
of lead that would normally be expected to occur. Many years would pass before
Patterson realized that the reason for this lay with a regrettable Ohio inventor
named Thomas Midgley, Jr.

Midgley was an engineer by training, and the world would no doubt have been a
safer place if he had stayed so. Instead, he developed an interest in the industrial
applications of chemistry. In 1921, while working for the General Motors
Research Corporation in Dayton, Ohio, he investigated a compound called
tetraethyl lead (also known, confusingly, as lead tetraethyl), and discovered that it
significantly reduced the juddering condition known as engine knock.

Even though lead was widely known to be dangerous, by the early years of the
twentieth century it could be found in all manner of consumer products. Food

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came in cans sealed with lead solder. Water was often stored in lead-lined tanks.
It was sprayed onto fruit as a pesticide in the form of lead arsenate. It even
came as part of the packaging of toothpaste tubes. Hardly a product existed that
didn’t bring a little lead into consumers’ lives. However, nothing gave it a greater
and more lasting intimacy than its addition to gasoline.

Lead is a neurotoxin. Get too much of it and you can irreparably damage the
brain and central nervous system. Among the many symptoms associated
with overexposure are blindness, insomnia, kidney failure, hearing loss, cancer,
palsies, and convulsions. In its most acute form it produces abrupt and terrifying
hallucinations, disturbing to victims and onlookers alike, which generally then
give way to coma and death. You really don’t want to get too much lead into
your system.

On the other hand, lead was easy to extract and work, and almost embarrassingly
profitable to produce industrially—and tetraethyl lead did indubitably stop
engines from knocking. So in 1923 three of America’s largest corporations,
General Motors, Du Pont, and Standard Oil of New Jersey, formed a joint
enterprise called the Ethyl Gasoline Corporation (later shortened to simply
Ethyl Corporation) with a view to making as much tetraethyl lead as the world
was willing to buy, and that proved to be a very great deal. They called their
additive “ethyl” because it sounded friendlier and less toxic than “lead” and
introduced it for public consumption (in more ways than most people realized)
on February 1, 1923.

Almost at once production workers began to exhibit the staggered gait and
confused faculties that mark the recently poisoned. Also almost at once, the
Ethyl Corporation embarked on a policy of calm but unyielding denial that would
serve it well for decades. As Sharon Bertsch McGrayne notes in her absorbing
history of industrial chemistry, Prometheans in the Lab, when employees at one
plant developed irreversible delusions, a spokesman blandly informed reporters:
“These men probably went insane because they worked too hard.” Altogether
at least fifteen workers died in the early days of production of leaded gasoline,

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and untold numbers of others became ill, often violently so; the exact numbers
are unknown because the company nearly always managed to hush up news of
embarrassing leakages, spills, and poisonings. At times, however, suppressing
the news became impossible, most notably in 1924 when in a matter of days
five production workers died and thirty-five more were turned into permanent
staggering wrecks at a single ill-ventilated facility.

As rumors circulated about the dangers of the new product, ethyl’s ebullient
inventor, Thomas Midgley, decided to hold a demonstration for reporters to allay
their concerns. As he chatted away about the company’s commitment to safety,
he poured tetraethyl lead over his hands, then held a beaker of it to his nose
for sixty seconds, claiming all the while that he could repeat the procedure daily
without harm. In fact, Midgley knew only too well the perils of lead poisoning:
he had himself been made seriously ill from overexposure a few months earlier
now, except when reassuring journalists, never went near the stuff if he could
help it.
….

14. Question
The European Commission has put forward that
policies to cut greenhouse gases will not work ----
individuals share the vision of a low-carbon society.
Source: BBC News, 8 October 2012, By Roger Harrabin (Environment analyst)

Climate change: EU rebrands green energy campaign


The EU has launched a campaign aimed at showing how low-carbon solutions
can improve quality of life.

The European Commission believes that policies to cut greenhouse gases will
only work if individuals share the vision of a low-carbon society.

"It's perhaps been a bit too much doom and gloom in the past on climate," one

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official told the BBC at the launch in London. "We are now emphasising the
need to inspire people."

The EU-wide campaign runs until 2014.

The campaign title "Worldulike" will doubtless raise eyebrows. The name
is uncomfortably reminiscent of the British baked potato restaurant chain
Spudulike.

The vision is being transmitted through the Commission's website world-you-


like and also Facebook and Twitter.

These will create space for positive examples of tackling climate change
throughout Europe, including schemes to use excess body heat from one
building to warm another (Sweden); allow neighbours to use your car (UK); and
generate energy from landfill (Latvia).

Experts in media and marketing have criticised politicians in the past for failing
to show people how climate policies could make their own lives better in the
short term, as well as reducing planetary risk in the longer term.

The EU Climate Commissioner, Connie Hedegaard, said climate policies would


cut local pollution, reduce dependency on fossil fuel imports, improve resource
efficiency, save money on energy and even make people fitter if they left their
cars at home and cycled to work.

Critics will argue that some of these claims are contestable, but Ms Hedegaard
told BBC News: "If we are defeatist over the climate we will get nowhere."

"There are many good solutions out there that other people can learn from.
Climate change policies create jobs in Europe in renewable energy and retro-
fitting - these aren't jobs that can be exported.

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"The UK has enjoyed massive growth in the green economy with 110,000 green
jobs. Climate change policies also help us reduce our imports of fossil fuels and
help to give us the lead in smart technologies as resources become more scarce."

Political uncertainty
She said awareness of climate change varied widely throughout the EU. One
of her officials admitted that the UK was suffering from something of a media
backlash against climate policies because previously there had been media
"overkill" on climate. But in some other countries - particularly in southern and
eastern Europe - climate was not widely discussed.

When asked whether at a time of recession countries should seek the cheapest
forms of energy possible to stay competitive Ms Hedegaard replied that this
would result in the EU missing its climate targets.

She said she believed a new global climate agreement might be achieved in
2015. "That would be the first time that rich nations and developing nations
signed a legally binding agreement for everyone to reduce emissions - a huge
breakthrough."

She admitted, though, to great uncertainty over the negotiations in the short
term, with coming leadership changes in the US and China. Asked whether she
was supporting President Barack Obama's re-election, on the grounds that his
policy on climate change might be more amenable, she replied: "I'll work with
whoever Americans decide to elect."

17. - 21. Questions


Cities, large and small, are at the heart of a fast
changing global economy – they are a cause of, and a
response to world economic growth. Many urban areas
are growing (17)---- their rural hinterlands are
depressed, which forces impoverished rural people to

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move to the cities in search of work. These newcomers


often end up not (18)---- the opportunities they are
looking for, so they become part of the urban poor.
(19)---- arrival to the city, they often encounter lack of
housing and infrastructure services. To (20)---- the lack
of available homes, newcomers often set up shelters on
the city outskirts, usually on public-owned land. They
often live without electricity, running water, a sewerage
system, roads and other urban services. (21)---- dealing
with poor sanitation and pollution from dirty cooking
fuels and primitive stoves, they are exposed to modern
environmental hazards, such as urban air pollution,
exhaust fumes and industrial pollution.
Source: http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/EXTABOUTUS/0,,contentMDK:23272
497~pagePK:51123644~piPK:329829~theSitePK:29708,00.html

Urbanization
Cities growing as people move from the countryside in search of better jobs and
living conditions.

What is it?
Cities, large and small, are at the heart of a fast changing global economy -- they
are a cause of, and a response to world economic growth.

The world's cities are growing because people are moving from rural areas in
search of jobs, opportunities to improve their lives and create a better future for
their children.

This is the first time in human history that the majority of the world's population
lives in urban areas:
3.3 billion people -- more than half the world's population -- live in cities.

60% of all people will live in cities by 2030. (In 1800, only 2% of people lived in
cities and towns. In 1950, only 30% of the world population was urban.)

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Almost 180,000 people move into cities each day.

60 million people move into cities each year in developing countries. This rate of
movement will continue for the next 30 years

Over the next 15 to 20 years, many cities in Africa and Asia will double in size.

Why should I care?


City populations are growing faster than city infrastructure can adapt.

Many urban areas are growing because their rural hinterlands are depressed,
which forces impoverished rural people to move to the cities in search of work.

These newcomers often end up not finding the opportunities they are looking
for, so they become part of the urban poor. Upon arrival to the city, they often
encounter:
• Lack of housing: To make up for the lack of available homes, newcomers
often set up shelters on city outskirts, usually on public owned land. This
land tends to be dangerous and inhabitable, such as flood plains, river banks,
steep slopes or reclaimed land.
• Lack of infrastructure services: Slum dwellers often live without electricity,
running water, a sewerage system, roads and other urban services.
• Lack of property rights: As illegal or unrecognized residents, slum dwellers
have no property rights to the land they inhabit, which makes it impossible
for them to use land as collateral.

Over the last 50 years the global population living in slums has risen from 35
million to more than 1 billion people. This number is expected to keep rising.
Slum dwellers make up the majority of the urban population in Africa and South
Asia. The urban population of developing countries is expected to reach 50%
in 2020.

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People living in slums are at particular risk to disease: On top of dealing with
pollution from dirty cooking fuels, primitive stoves, and poor access to water and
sanitation, they are exposed to modern environmental hazards, such as urban air
pollution, exhaust fumes and industrial pollution.

Also, as cities grow, so do environmental problems:


Air quality worsens in cities. Each year 1 million people die from urban air
pollution.

Traffic increases, leading to more congestion and more road accidents. 1.2
million people die and as many as 50 million are injured in urban traffic accidents
in developing countries each year, according to the World Health Organization.
Victims are mostly poor pedestrians and bicyclists. Those who survive are often
left disabled. For example, in Bangladesh, it is reported that nearly 50% of
hospital beds are occupied by road-accident victims.

What is the international community doing?


International agencies are also working with poor countries to:
• Build adequate infrastructure, such as roads, houses, electricity, water and
sanitation services, public transportation, schools and health clinics
• Transform slums into legitimate communities
• Strengthen urban governance
• Improve the lives of poor people and promote equity

What can I do?


Explore these websites:
• UN Habitat is a UN agency charged with looking at human settlements
around the world.
• The Cities Alliance is a global coalition of cities and their development
partners committed to improve the living conditions of the urban poor.

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22. - 26. Questions


No single country owns Antarctica. (22)----, countries
wishing to have a say in how the Antarctic (both the
continent itself and the surrounding Southern Ocean) is
governed (23)----, and agree to abide by, the Antarctic
Treaty. However, prior to the signing of the Antarctic
Treaty in 1959, several countries had made claims to
parts of Antarctica, some of which overlapped. The
Treaty does not (24)---- these claims; Article IV of the
Treaty states in part, “No acts or activities taking place
while the present Treaty is in force shall constitute a
basis for asserting, supporting or denying a claim to
territorial sovereignty in Antarctica.” (25)---- avoiding the
claims issue in this way, it was possible to produce a
treaty that many parties could sign. Unfortunately, this
means that (26)---- many countries follow the spirit of
cooperation of the Treaty, there are still disputes over
territory that remain unresolved and come up from time
to time.
Source: http://www.asoc.org/issues-and-advocacy/antarctic-governance/overview-of-antarctic-governance

Overview of Antarctic Governance


Many people have questions about Antarctica and how it is governed or managed.
Below, we explain the basics of Antarctic governance and how our organization
participates as an observer in the Antarctic governance system.

Who owns Antarctica?


No single country owns Antarctica. Instead, countries wishing to have a say
in how the Antarctic (both the continent itself and the surrounding Southern
Ocean) is governed must sign on to, and agree to abide by, the Antarctic Treaty.
However, prior to the signing of the Antarctic Treaty in 1959 several countries
had made claims to parts of Antarctica, some of which overlapped. The Treaty
does not recognize or annul these claims. Article IV of the Treaty states in
part, “No acts or activities taking place while the present Treaty is in force
shall constitute a basis for asserting, supporting or denying a claim to territorial

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sovereignty in Antarctica or create any rights of sovereignty in Antarctica.”

By avoiding the claims issue in this way, it was possible to produce a treaty that
many parties could sign. Unfortunately, this means that while many countries
follow the spirit of cooperation of the Treaty, there are still disputes over
territory that remain unresolved and come up from time to time.

One of the original copy of the Antarctic Treaty. The 12 nations that signed
the Antarctic Treaty on December 1959 were Argentina, Australia, Belgium,
Chile, France, Japan, New Zealand, Norway, South Africa, the USSR, the United
Kingdom and the United States of America. This document is an Australian
Archive document which fall within the open access period, and is now publicly
available. This picture was taken in the Tasmanian Museum & Art Gallery.

When was the Antarctic Treaty signed? Who signed it?


The Treaty was originally signed in 1959. The original signatories were Argentina,
Australia, Belgium, Chile, France, Japan, New Zealand, Norway, South Africa,
the USSR, the United Kingdom, and the United States. These countries had been
active participants in the International Geophysical Year (1957-1958), a project
designed to stimulate geophysical research worldwide. The IGY resulted in the
establishment of numerous research bases in Antarctica, and the Treaty grew
out of a desire to ensure that the valuable research of the IGY could continue.

Since then, many other countries have acceded to the Antarctic Treaty. There are
now 28 Consultative Parties, which have the ability to vote on decisions, and 19
Non-Consultative Parties, which attend meetings but cannot vote. To become a
Consultative Party, a country must demonstrate that it is conducting substantive
scientific research in Antarctica. Non-consultative Parties may be conducting
important research but not at the same level as Consultative Parties.

What are the provisions of the Treaty?


The original Antarctic Treaty contains fourteen articles, eleven of which relate

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directly to Antarctic governance. The rest concern other aspects of the Treaty,
such as the nation that will be the repository for Treaty, the procedures for
ratification and accession, and the process for amending the Treaty. The other
articles establish Antarctica as an area free from military activity and encourage
scientific research and the exchange of scientific information between parties,
as well as cooperation and peaceful conflict resolution. Click here to read the
original text of the Treaty or here to read a summary of the other articles.
Antarctic Treaty Parties meet every year for Antarctic Treaty Consultative
Meetings (ATCMs) to discuss how to carry out the requirements of the Treaty.

How has the Treaty changed since then?


The most important addition to the Treaty was the Protocol on Environmental
Protection to the Antarctic Treaty, which was agreed in 1991 and which came
into force in 1998. The Protocol proclaims that protection of the Antarctic
environment shall be considered paramount when planning and carrying
out activities, thus expanding the purview of the Treaty. It enumerates the
environmental principles to which Parties shall adhere and, importantly, prohibits
mineral and gas development. It also details procedures for environmental
impact and assessment. The Protocol was a major step forward and it prevents
unwise practices such as the dumping of waste from research bases directly into
the Southern Ocean. Read the Protocol here.

What other legal agreements govern Antarctica?


There are three other major agreements that are considered part of the Antarctic
Treaty System:

The Agreed Measures for the Conservation of Antarctic Flora and Fauna (adopted 1964).
These measures, which were more or less incorporated into Annex II of the
Protocol for Protection of the Antarctic Environment, prohibit the taking
of species without a permit and the introduction of non-native species, and
designate specially protected species.

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The Convention for the Conservation of Antarctic Seals (CCAS) (adopted 1972)
establishes measures designed to conserve Antarctic seal populations, including
the issuing of permits for the killing of seals. Although the Convention allows
for the commercial hunting of seals, no commercial hunting currently takes
place in the Antarctic.

The Convention on the Conservation of Antarctic Marine Living Resources (CCAMLR)


(adopted 1980) adopts the ecosystem approach to managing the commercial
exploitation of marine resources such as fish and crustaceans. Learn more about
CCAMLR.

Are there any other international agreements have a major impact on the
Antarctic?
Antarctica’s whales fall under the purview of the International Whaling
Commission, an organization separate from the Antarctic Treaty System. All
members of the Antarctic Treaty are part of the IWC except Ukraine. Learn
more about the IWC here. The International Maritime Organization (IMO)
makes international rules that govern shipping, many of which impact Antarctic
ships, and it is currently considering adoption of a Polar Code that would impose
special regulations on ships travelling in Antarctic or Arctic waters. Learn more
about the IMO here.

How do the provisions in these agreements get translated into day-to-day


decisions?
To fulfill their treaty obligations, treaty parties must undertake actions at the
national and international level. Individual nations agree to require citizens of
their countries to abide by certain rules and regulations, and must pass legislation
or institute appropriate regulations. In the cases of CCAMLR and the Antarctic
Treaty and Protocol, yearly meetings are held to make decisions on issues
requiring the input of all parties to the agreements. Essentially, decisions that
apply to the entire Antarctic or to Antarctic waters are made at yearly meetings,
and then countries must go home and ensure that the decisions are upheld.

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For example, at an Antarctic Treaty meeting, consultative parties might decide


to designate an Antarctic Specially Protected Area (ASPA). Individual nations
would then be charged with making their citizens apply for permits to enter
those areas for scientific study.

What are the advantages and disadvantages of governing Antarctica by


international treaties?
The signing of the Antarctic Treaty in 1959 was an impressive achievement.
Despite the existence of Cold War tensions and unresolved territorial disputes,
the Parties to the Treaty agreed that the benefits of scientific cooperation
outweighed individual national interests. While it certainly helped that Antarctica
is a remote, inhospitable place from which resource extraction would be difficult,
the decision to sign the Treaty was nevertheless a revolutionary step that enabled
much important scientific research to occur without interference.

The Antarctic Treaty has been in place for fifty years with no major problems.
However, the consensus-based decision making that takes place within the
Antarctic Treaty System can be problematic. Consensus-based decision making
does not mean that everyone must agree, but that no one can voice disagreement.
So one country, if it feels strongly about an issue, can stop a resolution from
going forward. This is true for many similar international bodies. Additionally,
without legal penalties for violating agreements most Parties are essentially on
their honor to abide by their obligations under the Antarctic Treaty, CCAMLR,
CCAS, and the Protocol. On the plus side, these Treaties have been existence for
several decades and Parties seem committed to working within their frameworks.

What role does the Antarctic and Southern Ocean Coalition (ASOC) play
in Antarctic governance?
ASOC, as an NGO, plays much the same role in Antarctic governance as non-profit
environmental organizations play in national governance – raising awareness of
environmental issues and ensuring that agreed regulations are observed. ASOC
has been fortunate to receive observer status in the Antarctic Treaty System, which

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means that we can attend and participate in meetings, particularly ATCMs and
CCAMLR meetings, although we cannot vote on decisions. We attend meetings
and monitor official decisions, submit informational papers on major issues,
and meet with government officials to present the environmental community’s
perspective. Since Antarctica doesn’t have a population, it is vital to have a group
that can promote what is best for the Antarctic environment and its flora and
fauna – penguins can make a lot of noise but they aren’t very articulate. Much
as other NGOs raise awareness of national issues and press governments to act,
ASOC works to ensure that the countries that make decisions about Antarctica
have the best possible information so they can protect the fragile environment.
Since the consensus-based decision process can often be slow to produce
results, ASOC encourages governments to move forward on contentious issues
and works to provide information that can convince them of the need to act.
During annual Treaty meetings, Parties frequently express their appreciation for
the papers that ASOC provides. We make timely and useful contributions to
discussions at these meetings even though we cannot vote.

29. Question
Despite the political upheavals in the Arab world, ----.
Source: The Middle East, No. 431

And Still They Come


Despite the political upheavals in the Arab world and the financial crisis in the
Eurozone, the Middle East and North African region is gaining ground to become
one of the world's top tourist destinations. Business is booming in places like
Dubai, Abu Dhabi, Qatar and Oman, while in countries such as Egypt, Tunisia
and Morocco, the emphasis is on new policies which aim to promote investment
and job creation, along with more moderately-priced facilities for both business
travellers and tourists.

The region's airlines are rapidly expanding their routes in the US, Europe, Asia

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and Africa, while cruise operators, from the Mediterranean to the Black Sea,
report increased bookings. Global chains such as Marriott, Radisson, Golden
Tulip and Accor, along with private entrepreneurs in the region, are planning
multimillion-dollar new hotels, resorts and theme parks. Speciality tourism,
featuring shopping holidays, sporting events, eco-tours, luxury beauty, health and
spa treatments, home stays and culinary delights, is adding a level of sophistication
to an industry that is already renowned for its year-round sunshine, historic and
cultural sites and, most importantly, its traditional hospitality.

Within the region, Turkey's hotels recorded an impressive increase last year in
revenues per available room (revPAR). These were up by an average of 24%.
Stability, strong economic growth and value for money were the key factors
supporting the rise, according to Paris-based consultants, MKG Hospitality.

In the Gulf, Abu Dhabi reported the highest growth in the region in 2011 in
terms of hotel occupancy. This rose by just under 10% to 64.8%, according to
the international benchmarking analysts, STR Global. Dubai came second, with
a figure of 7%, to 75.4%, but scored first in terms of revPAR, which jumped
10.7%.

By the end of January, the improvement was more widespread. Occupancy rates
in Beirut rose 32.0% to 53.4%, followed by Amman, where the figure was up by
30.8% to 64.7%. Jeddah came third, up by 26.9% to a remarkable 74%, partly
because of a rise in religious tourism.

"The Middle East started the new year with good results across all key indicators
with double-digit RevPAR and occupancy growth," reports Elizabeth Randall,
managing director of STR Global. Its figures for the month, put into a global
perspective, are even more impressive: the Middle East and Africa reported the
highest average daily rate for hotel rooms--$182--compared to $153 for the Asia
Pacific region, $126 for Europe and $104 for the Americas. Occupancy rates
amounted to 56%, second only to Asia Pacific, with a figure of 60%.

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The locally owned luxury chain, Jumeirah, which competes with Mandarin
Oriental and Four Seasons, is setting new global standards with its revPAR rates.
These reached $712 at its Madinat Jumeirah, Jumeirah Beach and Jumeirah Zabeel
Saray beach-front hotels in Dubai during the holiday season in late December
and early January. At its famed 7-star Burj Al Arab, the figure was a phenomenal
$1,983, with an occupancy rate of almost 81%, thanks in part to demand from
Asian visitors. The Group is now planning to extend its brand further outside
the Arab world, adding new hotels in Bali, Majorca and Azerbaijan, as well as in
Kuwait. It has already signed management contracts for premium hostelries in
Frankfurt, the Maldives and Shanghai.

International chains are also recognising the Gulf's huge potential, given its role
as an intercontinental transport hub as well as its rapidly rising incomes and
capital surpluses. J.W. Marriott is building what will become the world's tallest
hotel, the 1,608-room J.W. Marquis Dubai, which is aimed at business travellers
and the luxury market. Hyatt is adding three new hotels--the Park Hyatt Riyadh,
Grand Hyatt Jeddah and the Hyatt Regency Jeddah--to its portfolio of six hotels
in Saudi Arabia alone. Mandarin Oriental has new projects in Doha and Abu
Dhabi and is looking at Dubai and Kuwait, as well as Saudi Arabia, with an
emphasis on suites and serviced apartments. Later this year, InterContinental will
be opening its new 4-star Duqm Crowne Plaza in Oman, where the government
is building a new, state-of-the-art convention centre.

Overall, hotel operators and developers are expected to invest some $1.8 billion
this year on new projects in the GCC, according to Frederique Maurell, events
director of The Hotel Show in Dubai. This is 230% more than in 2011. By the
end of next year, projects worth a staggering $6 billion are due to be completed,
he adds.

Cruise operators are also reporting a roaring business in the region, having been
relatively unaffected by the political turmoil in countries such as Bahrain and
Egypt. Royal Caribbean International expects to more than double, or even triple,
its turnover in the Middle East within the next three to five years, according to

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Helen Beck, regional director for Europe, the Middle East and Africa.

The "Arab Spring," she added, had "no negative impact. On the contrary, we
recorded a 30% growth in the Middle East in 2011," compared to 2010, she
noted.

Tourist officials in Dubai, where DP World is planning to double its capacity


to handle cruise ships at Port Rashid, estimate that income from cruise tourism
could rise to 837 million dirhams ($228 million) by 2015, up from 338 million
dirhams ($92 million) in 2010. The Port Rashid terminal currently serves some
7,000 passengers a year.

Voyages of Discovery is attracting new clients from the Gulf and other parts of
the Middle East for its cruises to Istanbul and the Black Sea. Its Mediterranean
tours are also in demand in the UK and Europe, including a 13-day cruise in
April to Cyprus, Sharm El Sheikh, Suez and Istanbul.

Spotlight Religious tourism in Saudi Arabia


The number of tourists heading to the kingdom is expected to reach 15.8 million
by 2014, up from around 13 million in 2010, according to Business Monitor
International (BMI). The kingdom's hospitality sector will grow in tandem,
with some 381,000 new hotel rooms expected by 2015, representing 63% of
additional room stock against 2010 inventories, driven by business, religious
and domestic tourists. Religious tourism remains the main reason for overseas
visitors to Saudi Arabia. More than half of inbound visitors travel to Mecca
and Medina, making it a major focus for major investment in hotels and leisure
development. The kingdom issued 9.5 million religious visas last year, up 11.3%
from 2010, according to the Ministry of Hajj website, with Umrah visas rising
by one million in 2011 from 2010. Nearly two million foreign pilgrims arrived to
perform Hajj last year.

Saudi Arabia's government is undertaking major infrastructure initiatives to

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provide better services to pilgrims, including enhancement of the Holy Mosque


in Mecca as well as expanding and upgrading King Abdulaziz international
Airport, Jeddah and Medina airports.

Saudi Arabia continues to focus on its tourism industry, which accounts for
around 3.6% of GDP. The tourism authority has announced it aims to attract 88
million tourists by 2020, focusing on developing religious tourism and business
travel in particular.

Focus on cruising in the Middle East


The Middle East is recognised as a key growth cruise market through to 2015,
following major commitments to invest substantial amounts into new cruise
terminals and associated infrastructure. According to Reed Travel Exhibitions,
the organisers of Arabian Travel Market, the expansion of regional facilities and
the associated potential increase in revenue from tourism will provide a catalyst
for further port development in the Gulf.

"Diversification of the tourism product to capitalise on new market segments,


and significant government investment in supporting infrastructure, has already
demonstrated real time benefits for Dubai, which has seen passenger figures
quadruple over the last five years," said Mark Walsh, Portfolio Director, Reed
Travel Exhibitions. A dedicated on-site cruise pavilion will provide a platform
for regional port operators, tourism service providers and international cruise
lines looking to develop a well-rounded cruise product--both off and onshore.

The future potential of regional cruise tourism is again a highlight at this


year's Arabian Travel Market. Two major international cruise operators, Royal
Caribbean and MSC cruises, are exhibiting, both demonstrating serious regional
commitment.

The importance of the sector is underlined by the local commitment to creating


cruise terminal facilities. Abu Dhabi launched a 1,300-visitor-capacity tented

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cruise terminal at Mina Zayed in late 2011, ahead of the construction of a


permanent dedicated facility to accommodate 600,000 passengers by 2030.
Abu Dhabi Tourism Authority has also prioritised cruise tourism as a strategic
focus for 2012, following MSC Cruises' decision to base its 59,000 ton MSC
Lirica vessel in Abu Dhabi's Mina Zayed Port, adding up to 39,000 annual cruise
arrivals to the market.

Dubai's Cruise Terminal, which was named the world's leading cruise port
for the fifth year running at the World Travel Awards 2011, has seen fivefold
growth since launching its new facility in early 2010. Further expansion is also
anticipated, with DP World planning to expand existing amenities and provide
berthing facilities for up to seven visiting cruise ships to accommodate projected
passenger numbers of 625,000 by 2015. The 2011 season closed with a total of
135 ships and 375,000 visitors, and these numbers are expected to increase to
150 vessels with in excess of 425,000 passengers in 2012.

Qatar is investing $5.5 billion in a cruise ship terminal in Doha capable of


handling two to three cruise ships. Marsa Zayed in Aqaba, a $10 billion marina
community and currently one of the largest real estate project in Jordan's history,
will provide, among other projects, more than 300 yacht berths in a luxury marina
and a cruise ship terminal. This is due to be completed by 2017.

Oman is working to transform Mina Qaboos into a dedicated cruise port as


part of the government's Vision 2020 plan, coming off the back of a record
72% increase in passengers during the 2010/11 winter season against 2009/10
figures.

"The rapid growth of cruise-related facilities and terminals has the potential to
showcase multiple destinations to inbound visitors eager to get a snapshot of the
Middle East from the comfort and convenience of a shipboard base. Upscale
cruise tourism and the arrival of smaller luxury cruise liners into the region, are
additional opportunities highlighted by regional tourism leaders," added Walsh.
Boutique cruising, using regional dhows, is also on the agenda for the future.

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32. Question
----, Indian culture was primarily oral, with a high
value placed on recounting tales and dreams.
Source: http://www.let.rug.nl/usa/outlines/history-1994/early-america/native-american-cultures.php

Native American Cultures


The America that greeted the first Europeans was, thus, far from an empty
wilderness. It is now thought that as many people lived in the Western Hemisphere
as in Western Europe at that time -- about 40 million.

Estimates of the number of Native Americans living in what is now the United
States at the onset of European colonization range from two to 18 million, with
most historians tending toward the lower figure. What is certain is the devastating
effect that European disease had on the indigenous population practically from
the time of initial contact. Smallpox, in particular, ravaged whole communities
and is thought to have been a much more direct cause of the precipitous decline
in Indian population in the 1600s than the numerous wars and skirmishes with
European settlers.

Indian customs and culture at the time were extraordinarily diverse, as could be
expected, given the expanse of the land and the many different environments
to which they had adapted. Some generalizations, however, are possible. Most
tribes, particularly in the wooded eastern region and the Midwest, combined
aspects of hunting, gathering and the cultivation of maize and other products
for their food supplies. In many cases, the women were responsible for farming
and the distribution of food, while the men hunted and participated in war.

By all accounts, Indian society in North America was closely tied to the land.
Identification with nature and the elements was integral to religious beliefs.
Indian life was essentially clan-oriented and communal, with children allowed
more freedom and tolerance than was the European custom of the day. Although
some North American tribes developed a type of hieroglyphics to preserve

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certain texts, Indian culture was primarily oral, with a high value placed on the
recounting of tales and dreams. Clearly, there was a good deal of trade among
various groups and strong evidence exists that neighbouring tribes maintained
extensive and formal relations -- both friendly and hostile.

33. question
----, you can work on extinguishing any undesirable
behaviours.
Source: The Everything Practice Interview Book - Be Prepared for Any Question (page 28)

Body Language
When you interact with other people, there are two ways your message gets across
to them. One is intentional—your words. The other is often unintentional—
your body language. Body language is comprised of the nonverbal gestures and
mannerisms that may indicate a person’s true feelings.

Your body language can reveal things that your words do not. In fact, it may
reveal much more than you intend to reveal. In the simplest terms, if you say you
are happy but have a big frown on your face, your body language—the frown—
will show your true feelings. While most people manage to exert a great deal of
control over the words they let cross their lips, many have great difficulty when
it comes to keeping their body language in check.

You may think all this talk about body language is just a bunch of nonsense.
However, you must pay attention to what your body language seems to reveal
even if you question whether there is any truth to it. Many interviewers are
trained to look for even the subtlest nonverbal cues and interpret what they
mean.

Whether these interpretations are correct is irrelevant as long as the interviewer


thinks they are. Read the following section carefully. If you have a habit of doing

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any of these things or something else that may make you appear anxious or
disinterested, you need to extinguish that behavior.

ESSENTIAL
Participate in videotaped mock job interviews to help you become aware of your body language.
Once you are able to see yourself interacting with others, you can work on extinguishing any
undesirable behaviors.

Stay Calm . . . or at Least Look That Way


A job interview is very stressful for most people. Your anxiety may be brought
on by the fact that a job interview is a very unnatural situation to be in. How
often do you sit across from another person while he or she fires a series of
questions at you?

It is disconcerting to be put under a microscope by another person, especially


when your livelihood may depend on the outcome of that person’s research.
Since one of your goals on a job interview is to appear confident, the last thing
you want to do is let your body language betray your anxiety.

FACT
Most people have some sort of behaviour that appears when they are feeling anxious. One
person may twirl the end of her hair or chew her bottom lip, another may wring his hands, and
someone else may twist a ring around her finger or play with a pendant. Try to identify your
own individual anxious behavior and keep it in check during the interview.

What to Do with Your Hands and Arms


Many people do not know what to do with their hands and arms during an
interview. Should you clasp them together or keep them at your sides? Should
you hold a pen to keep your hands occupied? Should you keep your arms folded
across your chest?

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The best thing to do with your hands is to let them rest in your lap. You may have
them clasped together, as long as you don’t clasp them too tightly and appear to
be trying to hold them still. Folding your arms across your chest is often seen
as an indication that you are closing yourself off or putting up a barrier. Since
you want to appear open and approachable on a job interview, you should avoid
doing that. Holding a pen is not necessarily bad, but be careful not to fiddle with
it. Remember not to point or clench your hands into fists. Also avoid covering
your mouth with your hand or touching your face when you speak.

Make Eye Contact


If you have ever taken a public-speaking class, you no doubt discussed how
important it is to make eye contact. If you avoid making eye contact, the
interviewer may jump to the conclusion that you are not being truthful about
something. That, of course, is the last thing you would want an interviewer to
determine from your body language. She may also be wary of hiring someone
who appears to have difficulty carrying on a conversation, which is another
impression you need to avoid making.

ESSENTIAL
If you tend to be shy or know that making eye contact tends to be a problem for you, you can
practice making eye contact when you talk to people you are very comfortable with; for example,
friends and family. Graduate to making eye contact with the cashier in the supermarket or the
bank teller. Soon you should be able to accomplish this in all situations.

Sit Up Straight
How you sit during an interview is very important. Think back to when you were
a child or a teenager and your parents and teachers told you to sit up straight.
They were not kidding. Good posture helps you look confident. Slouching
makes you look lazy and bored.

Sitting up straight also makes it easier to breathe, as any yoga instructor will tell
you. When in a stressful situation, many people tend to forget to breathe. Then

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they let out a huge sigh when they remember. This is not a good idea during an
interview.

It is preferable to keep your feet flat on the floor, but you can also have them
crossed at the ankles. Do not cross your legs at the knee or have your ankle
resting on your opposite knee. You should lean forward slightly. This shows that
you are an eager participant in the conversation.

The Handshake
Another important thing to think about is the handshake. The opportunity for
a handshake presents itself at two points in a job interview. One such juncture
is when you first meet the interviewer. The other is at the end of the interview
when you are getting ready to leave.

The moment when a handshake can take place can be somewhat awkward; for
instance, if you put out your hand and the gesture is not reciprocated. However,
if the interviewer puts out her hand and you are not ready to shake her hand at
that moment, you will be putting her in an awkward situation. That is certainly
something you want to avoid.

Therefore, while you do not want to initiate the handshake, you can make sure
you are ready for it by keeping your right hand free at your side, ready to move
into the handshake position. Avoid holding anything in your right hand as you
enter and leave the office. When you do shake hands, your handshake should be
firm, which demonstrates that you are confident.

34. question
It might not be practical to use a different password
for every single website that you log into ----.
Source: http://www.express.co.uk/posts/view/243347/At-the-mercy-of-hackers/ (April 28, 2011)

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At the mercy of hackers


The personal details of millions of people have been stolen by cyber criminals,
revealed software giant Sony this week. So how at risk are you and what’s the
best way to protect yourself ?

What is the Sony PlayStation story all about?


This could be one of the biggest hacking cases in history. Sony has warned all
users of its PlayStation Network (PSN) - around 77 million people worldwide
who use the network to play online computer games or to access music and
films - that their personal details may have been stolen. The company says it has
been compromised by “an illegal and unauthorised intrusion” into its network,
meaning its database has been hacked into.

Could this affect me?


Yes, if you are one of the people who use PSN. Sony hasn’t yet said how many
accounts have been compromised but it admits that personal information
such as name, home address, email address, date of birth, PSN passwords and
security information have been obtained by this “unauthorised person”. It is
also possible that other information has been stolen, with a Sony spokesperson
admitting: “While there is no evidence that credit card data was taken at this
time, we cannot rule out the possibility.” This could include customers’ credit
card numbers (excluding security codes) as well as expiry dates.

What if I am affected?
“The big problem for users is that the data they have on the PlayStation Network
may not be unique,” says Rupert Goodwins, editor of ZDNet Magazine. “They’ve
got to think where else they may use the same password and if someone could use
that data to get at other accounts like their bank account or Amazon account.”

Sony “strongly recommend” several actions: If you use your PlayStation


password as your password for other unrelated services or accounts, change

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them. When the PlayStation Network is fully restored (it is still down), change
this password too.

Sony is also warning customers to be aware of criminals pretending to be from


their bank or other companies and asking for sensitive information, attempting to
trick people into handing over even more personal information. “We encourage
you to be especially aware of email, telephone and postal mail scams that ask
for personal and sensitive information,” says Sony. To guard against credit card
fraud, the company urges people to “remain vigilant” and keep an eye on their
statements.

How has this happened?


Good question. This is a massive security breach and you would expect a
company the size of Sony to have tough systems in place to prevent an event
such as this happening. The company is still working on the problem, saying:
“We are currently investigating to determine the cause of this outage and are
working to restore and maintain the services.” Sony is also using the PSN’s
downtime to strengthen its security systems and network infrastructure so that
this doesn’t happen again.

Why does computer hacking happen?


There appears to have been a shift away from hackers doing it for the thrill or
the fame and towards doing it for profit. In many cases criminals will commit
identity theft then either use the information themselves or sell it to others.
It is estimated that every year in the UK alone, such fraud costs more than
£2.7billion and affects more than 1.8 million people.

Criminals steal personal information then pretend to be you. According to


identitytheft.org.uk, once a hacker has your information, they could apply for a
credit card in your name, open a bank or building society account in your name,
apply for other financial services in your name and run up debts (eg, use your
credit/debit card details to make purchases) or obtain a loan in your name.

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Can I prevent my computer from being hacked?


We might not be responsible for big companies’ security systems but we can take
certain precautions against computer hacking in our everyday lives. The best way
of protecting your computer from external hacking or a virus is to purchase anti-
virus software which will help you minimise any chance of someone managing
to access your computer. Highly recognised software brands include Norton
Antivirus and McAfee.

These brands offer computer protection and internet security and can be bought
via the internet or in a store such as PC World, Currys, Argos and Dixons.
They generally involve a yearly subscription and prices range from £25 to £100,
depending on whether you opt for a one or two-year subscription or if you want
to use more exclusive packages.

What should I look out for when on the web or emailing?


As well as using anti-virus security software, stick to trusted sites when looking
on the internet. If in doubt, avoid a site and certainly do not download anything
suspicious. When it comes to emails, beware of outside sources, companies and
junk emails.

Luis Villazon, a technology expert for BBC Focus Magazine, says spam
(unsolicited emails) can be designed to trick you into revealing sensitive personal
information.

He suggests everyone should look out for “trojans” and “phishing”. Trojans,
bits of software that appear to do something useful but actually play havoc with
your computer, are sent with emails as attachments. The text of the email is
designed to make you curious so that you will open the attachment but you are
actually installing a virus. Once infected your PC will become part of a “botnet”
that sends spam around the world. Your passwords and credit cards can also be
stolen.

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Phishing is more subtle. These often pose as email notifications from your bank,
PayPal or the Inland Revenue, claiming there is a problem with your account
that requires you to re-enter personal details. In reality the site you are directed
to is a bogus one and the information you enter is used to defraud you. Banks
and similar organisations will rarely contact you out of the blue to confirm your
identity. So when you get an email, always contact them by using the phone
number or email on their official website.

Villazon suggests getting a spam filter and if any spam gets through “just delete
it”.

When using social networking sites such as Facebook, try to avoid putting your
email address on your profile page which can be seen by potential hackers who
could then use the address and may even try to get into your email account.

How can I ensure online shopping is safe?


According to Villazon, more and more criminals are targeting online businesses
directly, stealing customers’ credit card details and using them to buy goods
fraudulently.

“If an online merchant gets hacked, you can expect to see rogue entries turning
up on your credit card statement,” he says.

Your credit card company may automatically detect and notify you of this activity
but you should also contact the company as soon as you notice any transactions
that you weren’t expecting.

“The big online traders such as amazon.co.uk and direct.tesco.com are generally
safer than smaller, specialist sites because they can afford more expensive IT
infra¬structure. If you are buying from a site for the first time, check that it lists
a physical address and phone number,” says Villazon. “Try calling the number
with a query about shipping costs, just to verify the number is genuine.”

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Should I vary my passwords?


Yes. “It might not be practical to use a different password for every online
retailer and website you log on to but it is definitely worth having more than
one,” says Villazon. “Use one password for forums and blogs, another for sites
like Facebook and online retailers and a third for Paypal and online banking.
This roughly corresponds to low, medium and high security; keeping different
passwords for each tier prevents one hacked account from compromising more
sensitive information in the higher tiers.

“A good password shouldn’t be any name or word that can be found in a


dictionary. Many passwords are cracked by automated programmes that try
every word in the dictionary. So use two unrelated words with a number in
between them such as ostrich447indecisive. But a secure password is no use
if your “password reminder” question can be guessed. Mother’s maiden name,
pet’s name information can be researched. The website doesn’t care what your
mother’s maiden name actually is, so you can use anything you like.”

36. question
----, not only cell operators but also law enforcement
have come under fire for exploiting personal data
without the user’s knowledge.
Source: Time Magazine - Monday, Aug. 27, 2012

The Phone Knows All


If someone wanted to create a global system for tracking human beings and
collecting information about them, it would look a lot like the digital mobile-
device network. It knows where you are, and--the more you text, tweet, shop,
take pictures and navigate your surroundings using a smart phone--it knows an
awful lot about what you’re doing.

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Which is one reason federal officials turned to Sprint, Verizon, AT&T and
T-Mobile in early 2009 when they needed to solve the robbery of a Berlin,
Conn., branch of Webster Bank. Using a loophole in a 1986 law that allows
warrantless searches of stored communications, the feds ordered the carriers to
provide records of phones that used a nearby cell tower on the day of the crime.
The carriers turned over to the prosecutors the identities, call records and other
personal information of 169 cell-phone users--including two men who were
eventually sentenced to prison for the robbery. With a simple request, the feds
cracked a case that might have otherwise taken years to solve. In the process,
they collected information on 167 people who they had no reason to believe had
committed a crime, including details like numbers dialed and times of calls that
would have been protected as private on a landline.

Such cases are common. In response to a request from Representative Ed


Markey, major cell carriers revealed in July that they had received more than 1.3
million requests for cell-phone tracking data from federal, state and local law-
enforcement officials in 2011. By comparison, there were 3,000 wiretap warrants
issued nationwide in 2010. That revelation has added to a growing debate over
how to balance the convenience and security consumers now expect from their
smart phones with the privacy they traditionally have wanted to protect. Every
second we enjoy their convenience, smart phones are collecting information,
recording literally millions of data points every day.

The potential for good is undeniable. In recent years, the average time it takes
the U.S. Marshals Service to find a fugitive has dropped from 42 days to two,
according to congressional testimony from Susan Landau, a Guggenheim fellow.
Cell phones have changed criminal investigation from the ground up. “There is
a mobile device connected to every crime scene,” says Peter Modafferi, the chief
of detectives in Rockland County, New York.

But as smart phones’ tracking abilities have become more sophisticated, law
enforcement, phonemakers, cell carriers and software makers have come under
fire for exploiting personal data without the knowledge of the average user.

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Much of the law protecting mobile privacy in the U.S. was written at the dawn
of the cell-phone era in the 1980s, and it can vary from state to state. Companies
have widely differing privacy policies. Now conservatives and liberals on Capitol
Hill are pushing legislation that would set new privacy standards, limiting law-
enforcement searches and restricting what kinds of information companies can
collect.

Government snooping is part of the worry. But market demand is driving some
of the biggest collectors of data. Mobile advertising is now a $6 billion industry,
and identifying potential customers based on their personal information is the
new frontier. Last year, reports showed that free and cheap apps were capable of
everything from collecting location information to images a phone is seeing. One
app with image-collection capabilities, Tiny Flashlight, uses a phone’s camera as
a flashlight and has been installed at least 50 million times on phones around the
world. Tiny Flashlight’s author, Bulgarian programmer Nikolay Ananiyev, tells
Time that his program does not collect the images or send them to third parties.

In November, news broke that a company named Carrier IQ had installed


software on as many as 150 million phones that accesses users’ texts, call
histories, Web usage and location histories without users’ knowing consent.
Carrier IQ says it does not record, store or transmit the data but uses it to
measure performance. In February, Facebook, Yelp, Foursquare and Instagram
apps, among others, were reported to be uploading contact information from
iPhones and iPads. The software makers told the blog VentureBeat that they
only use the contact information when prompted by users. “No app is free,” says
one senior executive at a phone carrier. “You pay for them with your privacy.”

Many consumers are happy to do so, and so far there hasn’t been much actual
damage, at least not that privacy advocates can point to. The question is
where to draw the line. For instance, half of smart-phone users make banking
transactions via their mobile device. The Federal Trade Commission has brought
40 enforcement cases in recent years against companies for improperly storing
customers’ private information.

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Law enforcement is subject to some oversight. Absent an emergency, prosecutors


and police must convince a judge that the cell information they are seeking from
wireless companies is material to a criminal case under investigation. An unusual
alliance between liberals and conservatives is pushing a bill to impose the same
requirements for getting cell tracking data as those that are in place when cops
want to get a warrant to search a house. Another bill would increase restrictions
on what app writers can do with personal information. Cases moving through
the courts may limit what law enforcement can do with GPS tracking.

Tech companies are trying to get a handle on the issue. Apple has a single
customer-privacy policy. Google posts the permissions that consumers give each
app to operate their phones’ hardware and software, including authorization to
access camera and audio feeds and pass on locations or contact info. The rush
to keep up with technology will only get harder: the next surge in surveillance is
text messaging, industry experts say, as companies and cops look for new ways
to tap technology for their own purposes.

42. question
The world’s largest energy consumer without its own
significant reserves, the European Union imports
50% of the energy it needs, and it is predicted that
its dependence on imported energy will rise to 70%
by 2030.
Source: Turkey’s Neighborhood - Edited by Mustafa Kibaroğlu - Published by: Foreign Policy Institute

Recent Developments
This section provides an assessment of the recent developments in (i) the
Karabakh conflict, (ii) the legal status of the Caspian Sea, and (iii) the role of
Azerbaijan’s oil and gas resources in energy security and in transporting the
Caspian energy resources via the energy hub in Turkey.

(i) The Karabakh conflict is still the most important issue in the foreign policy

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of Azerbaijan. The current president, Ilham Aliyev, who came to power in 2003,
has tried to create international pressure on Armenia to withdraw its support for
Karabakh Armenians, following the increased oil production in Azerbaijan and
the completion of the BTC pipeline. Furthermore, Azeri officials have classified
the Karabakh region as a “terrorist heaven” and hoped to receive the USA’s
support against Armenian terrorist activities in the post-September 11 rhetoric
of US foreign policy and its ongoing war on global terror.

The Minsk Group reportedly presented four proposals as a framework for


negotiation talks, but a peace settlement has proved elusive. The Karabakh
conflict is one of the most dramatic human tragedies in the post-Soviet era
in the Caucasus. The total number of refugees and internally displaced people
from the occupied territories in Karabakh and the seven districts outside
the region is 1,010,000, while there were 20,000 casualties, 50,000 people
disabled, and 4,866 people missing. The latest round of peace talks failed to
reach a settlement, because Armenia insisted on two conditions. According to
Armenia, the Karabakh region should either be a sovereign state or should be
part of Armenia. On the other hand, Azerbaijan’s position emphasizes that the
Karabakh region is inseparable, given the territorial integrity of the Republic
of Azerbaijan recognized by the related UN resolution. The Minsk Group co-
chairs revealed part of the proposals for settlement. Accordingly, the proposal
includes “redeployment of Armenian troops from Azerbaijani territories around
Karabakh, with special modalities for Kelbajar and Lachin districts (including a
corridor between Armenia and Karabakh); demilitarization of those territories;
and a referendum or population vote to determine the final status of Karabakh”.
International peacekeepers would also be deployed in the conflict area. In July
2006, disagreeing with the Minsk group proposal, President Aliyev declared
that the withdrawal of forces from occupied territories must be followed by
the return of displaced Azerbaijanis. Then, Azerbaijan citizens including those
in Karabakh would discuss the status of the region, but its secession from
Azerbaijan was forbidden. Although recent statements by both President Aliyev
and President Kocharyan of Armenia reflected some progress and optimism
regarding the last stage of peace talks, most people in both countries believe that

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both presidents aim to manipulate public opinion and prolong the status quo.

Furthermore, little progress is expected in the next round of peace talks until
the presidential elections in Azerbaijan in 2008 and in Armenia in 2009 are
completed. Most of the surveys conducted in Azerbaijan, in fact, demonstrate
that the public in Azerbaijan has increasingly favored a military resolution to the
conflict. Thus, both presidents have been unwilling to make concessions, given
the historical role of the Karabakh issue in destabilizing the governments in
both countries. Although the increased oil revenues, the geopolitics of oil, and
security threats in the Middle East (i.e., the strategic location of Azerbaijan and
its air zone in the fight against terrorism in Afghanistan and Iraq) seem to have
increased the bargaining power of Azerbaijan, the unknown risks associated
with a furious military operation could be highly destructive for its economic
and political independence.

(ii) The demarcation of the Caspian Sea is crucial to bringing Turkmen gas and
Kazakh oil to the EU energy market via the energy hub of Turkey, independent
of the Russian-controlled pipeline network. Russia and Iran have contended that
the Caspian is actually an inland lake and thus subject to joint control by all the
littoral states. Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan, however, have argued
that the Caspian is a sea that should be divided into national sectors over which
each state has exclusive sovereignty. Nevertheless, all littoral states currently
favor sectoral division of the Caspian Sea. In May 2003, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan,
and Russia concluded bilateral agreements with each other based on a Russian
developed principle known as the “modified median line”. Turkmenistan and
Iran, meanwhile, refused to sign this agreement. Iranian officials argued that the
southern end of the Caspian constitutes a natural bay; thus, a different baseline
should be used. Azerbaijan fiercely contests the concept of such a baseline
and related claims on the offshore fields. Moreover, the differences between
Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan remain unsettled. Therefore, while the projects
in the northern Caspian Sea are likely to move forward despite the lack of a
comprehensive regional consensus, the extension of the SCP (South Caucasus-
Shah Deniz) gas pipeline to Turkmenistan and the trans-Caspian oil pipeline

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project have been halted for the foreseeable future.

Nevertheless, there are plans to connect Turkmen gas to the SCP pipeline. The
demarcation of the Caspian Sea does not exclusively constitute an obstacle for
building a trans-Caspian gas pipeline between Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan, if
the two countries agreed to build such a pipeline in their sectors of the Caspian
Sea.

(iii) Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan are important energy rich


countries of the Caspian region, which has increasingly become important for
the energy security of developed countries. The war in Iraq, China and India’s
emergence as major energy importers, Hurricane Katrina in 2005, the dispute
between Russia and the Ukraine in 2006, and most recently, the turmoil in the
Middle East have contributed to the heightened fears about energy security.
Thus, Azerbaijan has an important role together with Turkey—given that the
BTC and SCP pipelines connect to Turkey’s energy hub—to secure, stabilize,
and diversify the energy transportation routes for the EU. The EU is the world’s
largest energy consumer without its own significant reserves. The EU imports
50% of the energy it needs, and projections predict that its dependence on
imported energy will rise to 70% by 2030. Furthermore, roughly half of the
EU’s gas consumption comes from only three countries (Russia, Norway, and
Algeria). Following current trends, gas imports would increase to 80% in the
next 25 years.

There are plans to connect Turkmen gas to the SCP gas pipeline. At present,
Turkmenistan is bound to export most of its gas through the Russian pipeline
system. Using the Korpezhe-Kurt Kui pipeline as a way to create another export
outlet for the huge gas reserves of Turkmenistan is limited because of the
international crisis about the nuclear proliferation in Iran. The unexpected death
of Turkmenistan President Saparmurat Niyazov highlighted some optimism
about the feasibility of a trans-Caspian gas pipeline, because under his dictatorial
rule, most of the multinational oil companies withdraw their investment from
Turkmenistan.

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Furthermore, in May 2007, Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, and Russia agreed to


carry Turkmen natural gas to Europe via Kazakhstan and Russia. Thus, the
agreement was a blow to the planned trans-Caspian natural gas pipeline project.
While the new President Berdymukhammedov states that Turkmenistan still has
a long-term interest in diversifying pipelines to export Turkmen gas via Iran,
China, Afghanistan, India, and the TransCaspian, there are concerns over how
much gas is available in Turkmenistan. Despite the confident statements of
President Berdymukhammedov emphasizing that there are enough gas reserves,
Turkmenistan has not published independent audits of its gas reserves. On the
other hand, the previous agreement between Turkey and Turkmenistan to bring
Turkmen gas to the Turkish energy hub was revitalized in June 2007.

43. - 46. questions


History is one of the few school subjects commonly
mandated in education systems throughout the world.
Furthermore, the use of history textbooks to support
student learning is an almost universally accepted
practice. However, the widespread international
presence of the humble history textbook should not
disguise its ideological and cultural potency. Indeed,
essential to understanding the power and importance of
history textbooks is to appreciate that in any given
culture they typically exist as the keepers of ideas,
values and knowledge. No matter how neutral history
textbooks may appear, they are ideologically important,
because they often seek to inject the youth with a
shared set of values, national ethos and an
incontrovertible sense of political orthodoxy. Textbooks
stand as cultural artefacts that embody a range of
issues associated with ideology, politics and values
which in themselves function at a variety of different
levels of power, status and influence. Embedded in
history textbooks are narratives and stories that nation
states choose to tell about themselves and their
relations with other nations. Typically, they represent a
core of cultural knowledge which future generations are

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expected both to assimilate and support.


Source: What Shall We Tell the Children? International Perspectives on School History Textbooks (page 1)

THE CRITICAL IMPORTANCE OF HISTORY TEXTBOOK RESEARCH


History is one of the few curriculum subjects commonly mandated in education
systems throughout the world. Furthermore, the use of history textbooks to
support student learning is almost universally accepted practice. However, the
widespread international presence of the humble history textbook should not
disguise its ideological and cultural potency. Indeed, essential to understanding
the power and importance of history textbooks is to appreciate that in any
given culture they typically exist as the keepers of ideas, values, and knowledge.
No matter how neutral history textbooks may appear, they prove ideologically
important because often they seek to imbue in the young a shared set of values,
a national ethos, and an incontrovertible sense of political orthodoxy.

Textbooks stand as cultural artefacts that in their production and use embody a
range of issues associated with ideology, politics and values which in themselves
function at a variety of different levels of power, status and influence. Embedded
in history textbooks are narratives and stories that nation states choose to tell
about themselves and their relationships with other nations. Typically they
represent a core of cultural knowledge which future generations are expected
both to assimilate and support. As a consequence to think about the content of
textbooks and how they are authored, published, and used is to think about the
purposes of schooling. So dominant are textbooks in most education systems
that Boyer has suggested that choosing and using textbooks “is the closest thing
that we have to systematic debate over what schools should be teaching.”

Not surprisingly in many nations’ debates over the content and format of school
textbooks are sites of considerable educational and political conflict. Evidence
from national education systems across the globe strongly suggests that the
manufacture of textbook content is the result of competition between powerful
groups who see it as central to the creation of a collective national memory
designed to meet specific cultural, economic and social imperatives. Abundantly

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clear, however, is that the process of textbook production and distribution is


not a simplistic top-down process in which the knowledge valued by prevailing
political leaders is distributed instrumentally into classrooms in uniform
ways. Undoubtedly, the ways in which textbooks are selected and deployed in
classrooms across nations is extremely complex and, although textbook research
in this area is expanding, not enough is known about the influence of dominant
cultural, political, and economic forces on textbook content production, and
deployment.

As a consequence one of the purposes of this book is to begin to address this


fundamental gap in our knowledge. Through the informed perspective of leading
international scholars, this book explores the way in which historical, cultural,
political and socioeconomic factors influence the selection of knowledge that
appears in a range of history school textbooks. It also investigates how societal
forces (e.g., governments, politicians and pressure groups) influence the way
school knowledge is selected and how that knowledge is presented in the form
of history textbooks. Finally, this book pays critical attention to what knowledge
is included and rejected in history textbooks and how the transmission of
this selected knowledge often attempts to shape a particular form of national
memory, national identity and national consciousness.

SCHOOL TEXTBOOKS AND THE “PREACTIVE” CURRICULUM


The relationship between history textbooks and the school curriculum is an
important one. Following Goodson’s claim that in order to understand curriculum
we need to develop a sense of history, a focus on the “preactive” definition of a
written curriculum enables us to analyze the relationship
between historical antecedence and the exercise of power and agency at the micro-
level of curriculum implementation. The notion of curriculum as that which is
taught in schools and its relationship with the manner in which curriculum is
constructed outside school is poorly documented. Young developed two views
of curriculum: “curriculum as fact” and “curriculum as practice.” For Young,
“curriculum as fact” views curriculum as an uncontested and uncontroversial
given, a historically located response to particular socioeconomic conditions.

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Young saw “curriculum as practice” as reductionist in the sense that because it


focuses upon interpretation within schools, it ignores the wider socioeconomic,
ideological and political concerns that help construct curriculum.

Goodson’s contribution to curriculum theory demonstrates how taking


curriculum as an abstract and unquestioned given ignores the “Antecedent
struggles over the preactive definition of curriculum.” Goodson defines the
preactive curriculum as, “The visible, public and changing testimony of selected
rationales and legitimating rhetorics of schooling.” From this perspective
Goodson has produced an extensive body of work focusing on the social
construction of curriculum subjects. Goodson claims that: “The conflicts over
the definition of the written curriculum offer visible, public and documentary
evidence of the continuing struggle over the aspirations and purposes of
schooling.”

This book applies this perspective to the idea that school history textbooks are
examples of preactive curriculum documents that are socially constructed. The
view of social constructionism adopted in this book is based upon the notion that
social action is the product of the manner in which individuals and groups create
and sustain their social world. From this viewpoint the setting, the participants,
their motives and intentions and the socioeconomic, cultural and historical
context are important variables in shaping meaning and behavior. This approach
has similarities to Foucault’s analysis of social constructionism. Foucault takes
the view that knowledge is historically and culturally specific and emphasizes
the constructive power of language. Foucault does not talk of truth but of
“discourses of truth”in the construction of a “regime of truth.” Foucault was
also interested in the status of truth and the economic and political role it plays.
For Foucault truth operates within hegemonic, social, cultural and economic
contexts. True and truth can mean different things in different contexts. He
writes, “Every educational system is a political means of maintaining or of
modifying the appropriation of discourses with the knowledge and power it
carries with it.” Studying the construction of history textbooks and their use in
school from a social constructionist viewpoint allows for the exploration of the

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views, values and interests involved in the making of curriculum, of the political
maintenance of power and knowledge and, crucially, of the sociohistorical
context within which curriculum is constructed.

47. - 50. questions


Farmers in many countries utilize antibiotics in two key
ways: at full strength to treat animals that are sick and in
low doses to fatten meat-producing livestock or to
prevent veterinary illnesses. Although even the proper
use of antibiotics can inadvertently lead to the spread of
drug resistant bacteria, the habit of using a low dose is a
formula for disaster: the treatment provides just enough
antibiotic to kill some but not all bacteria. The germs that
survive are typically those that happen to bear genetic
mutations for resisting the antibiotic. They then
reproduce and exchange genes with other microbial
resisters. As bacteria are found literally everywhere,
resistant strains produced in animals eventually find
their way into people as well. You could not design a
better system for guaranteeing the spread of antibiotic
resistance. To cease the spread, Denmark enforced
tighter rules on the use of antibiotics in the raising of
poultry and other farm animals. The lesson is that
improving animal husbandry – making sure that pens,
stalls and cages are properly cleaned and giving
animals more room or time to mature – offsets the initial
negative impact of limiting antibiotic use.
Source: Scientific American, April 2011

Our Big Pig Problem


The U.S. should follow Denmark and stop giving farm animals low-dose
antibiotics. ByThe Editors

The Crisis of Antibiotic Resistance


Bacteria are finally overrunning our last defenses. Can we stop them?

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For more than 50 years microbiologists have warned against using antibiotics
to fatten up farm animals. The practice, they argue, threatens human health
by turning farms into breeding grounds of drug-resistant bacteria. Farmers
responded that restricting antibiotics in livestock would devastate the industry
and significantly raise costs to consumers. We now have empirical data that
should resolve this debate. Since 1995 Denmark has enforced progressively
tighter rules on the use of antibiotics in the raising of pigs, poultry and other
livestock. In the process, it has shown that it is possible to protect human health
without hurting farmers.

Farmers in many countries use antibiotics in two key ways: (1) at full strength
to treat animals that are sick and (2) in low doses to fatten meat-producing
livestock or to prevent veterinary illnesses. (It is illegal in the U.S. to sell milk
for human consumption from dairy cattle treated with antibiotics.) Although
even the proper use of antibiotics can inadvertently lead to the spread of drug-
resistant bacteria, the habit of using a low or subtherapeutic dose is a formula
for disaster: the treatment provides just enough antibiotic to kill some but not all
bacteria. The germs that survive are typically those that happen to bear genetic
mutations for resisting the antibiotic. They then reproduce and exchange genes
with other microbial resisters. Because bacteria are found literally everywhere,
resistant strains produced in animals eventually find their way into people as well.
You could not design a better system for guaranteeing the spread of antibiotic
resistance.

The data from multiple studies over the years support the conclusion that low
doses of antibiotics in animals increase the number of drug-resistant microbes
in both animals and people. As Joshua M. Sharfstein, a principal deputy
commissioner at the Food and Drug Administration, told a U.S. congressional
subcommittee last summer, “You actually can trace the specific bacteria around
and ... find that the resistant strains in humans match the resistant strains in the
animals.” And this science is what led Denmark to stop subtherapeutic dosing
of chickens, pigs and other farm animals.

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Although the transition unfolded smoothly in the poultry industry, the average
weight of pigs fell in the first year. But after Danish farmers started leaving
sows and piglets together a few weeks longer to bolster the littermates’ immune
systems naturally, the animals’ weights jumped back up, and the number of pigs
per litter increased as well. The lesson is that improving animal husbandry—
making sure that pens, stalls and cages are properly cleaned and giving animals
more room or time to mature—offsets the initial negative impact of limiting
antibiotic use. Today Danish industry reports that productivity is higher than
before. Meanwhile reports of antibiotic resistance in Danish people are mixed,
which shows—as if we needed reminding—that there are no quick fixes.

Lest anyone argue that Denmark is too small to offer a reasonable parallel to the
U.S., consider that it is the world’s largest exporter of pork. Like U.S. farmers,
Danes raise pigs on an intensive, industrial scale. If they can figure out how to
limit antibiotic use while actually increasing agricultural productivity, then so can
Americans.

The American Medical Association, the Infectious Diseases Society of America,


the American Public Health Association, a previous FDA commissioner and
many others have advised the U.S. to follow suit. Last year the FDA published
new guidelines calling for “judicious use” of antibiotics. Yet it ultimately left the
decision on exactly when and where to use antibiotics up to individual farmers.
That laissez-faire standard is not good enough, particularly when the health of
the rest of the population is at stake.
Of course, the way veterinary antibiotics are used is not the only cause of human
drug-resistant infections. Careless use of the drugs in people also contributes
to the problem. But agricultural use is still a major contributing factor. Every
day that passes brings new evidence that we are in danger of losing effective
antibiotic protection against many of the most dangerous bacteria that cause
human illness [see “The Enemy Within,” by Maryn McKenna=]. The technical
issues are solvable. Denmark’s example proves that it is possible to cut antibiotic
use on farms without triggering financial disaster. In fact, it might provide a
competitive advantage. Stronger measures to deprive drug-resistant bacteria

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of their agricultural breeding grounds simply make scientific, economic and


common sense.

51. - 54. questions


“The Marshall Plan was not a simple program for
transferring massive sums of money to struggling
countries, but an explicit – and eventually successful –
attempt to reindustrialize Europe.” say Erik Reinert and
Ha-Joon Chang. It follows that if Africa really wants
economic prosperity, it should study and draw valuable
lessons from the Marshall Plan’s dark twin: the
Morgenthau Plan implemented in Germany in 1945.
Reinert tells the story best: When it was clear that the
Allies would win the Second World War, the question of
what to do with Germany, which in three decades had
precipitated two World Wars, reared its head. Henry
Morgenthau Jr, the US secretary of the treasury,
formulated a plan to keep Germany from ever again
threatening world peace. Germany, he argued, had to
be entirely deindustrialized and turned into an
agricultural nation. All industrial equipment was to be
destroyed, and the mines were to be flooded. This
program was approved by the Allies and was
immediately implemented when Germany capitulated in
1945. However, it soon became clear that the
Morgenthau Plan was causing serious economic
problems in Germany: deindustrialization caused
agricultural productivity to plummet. This was indeed an
interesting experiment. The mechanisms of synergy
between industry and agriculture worked in reverse:
killing the industry reduced the productivity of the
agricultural sector.
Source: New African, Apr 1, 2011

The Marshall Plan:


Contrary to popular opinion, re-industrialisation of Europe was the main focus
of the Marshall Plan, using the traditional policy toolbox, including heavy

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protection of manufacturing industries.

THE MARSHALL PLAN WAS NOT A SIMPLE PROGRAMME for


transferring massive sums of money to struggling countries, but an explicit--and
eventually successful--attempt to reindustrialise Europe, say Erik Reinert and
Ha-Joon Chang.

It follows that if Africa really wants economic prosperity, it should study and
draw valuable lessons from the Marshall Plan's dark twin: the Morgenthau Plan
implemented in Germany in 1945.

Reinert tells the story best: When it was clear that the Allies would win the
Second World War, the question of what to do with Germany, which in three
decades had precipitated two World Wars, reared its head. Henry Morgenthau Jr,
the US secretary of the treasury from 1934 to 1945, formulated a plan to keep
Germany from ever again threatening world peace.

Germany, he argued, had to be entirely deindustrialised and turned into an


agricultural nation. (Africa, are we listening?) All industrial equipment was to be
removed or destroyed, the mines were to be flooded with water or concrete. This
programme was approved by the Allies during a meeting in Canada in late 1943,
and was immediately implemented when Germany capitulated in 1945. During
1946 and 1947, however, it became clear that the Morgenthau Plan was causing
serious economic problems in Germany: deindustrialisation caused agricultural
productivity to plummet. This was indeed an interesting experiment.

The mechanisms of synergy between industry and agriculture, so key to


Enlightenment economists, also worked in reverse: killing industry reduced the
productivity of the agricultural sector. Many of those who had lost their jobs
in industry returned to the farm, and the biblical mechanisms of diminishing
returns became the dominating mechanisms in the economy.

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The former US president, Herbert Hoover, who at the time played the role
or the old and wise statesman, was sent to Germany with orders to report to
Washington what the problem was. His investigation took place in early 1947,
and he wrote three reports. In the last, dated 18 March 1947, Hoover concluded:
"There is the illusion that the New Germany left after the annexations can be
reduced to a 'pastoral state'. It cannot be done unless we exterminate or move
25,000,000 out of it."

Observing the dark consequences of deindustrialisation, Hoover had reinvented


the old mercantilist theory or population: an industrial state can feed and
maintain a far larger population than an agricultural state occupying the same
territory. In other words, industry greatly increases a country's ability to sustain
a large population. The fact that famines only occur in countries specialising in
agriculture underlies the power of industry, of the division of labour and of
the importance of the intersectorial synergies that create and maintain welfare.
Less than three months after Hoover submitted his report, the Morgenthau
Plan was silently buried. The Marshall Plan [named alter the former chief-or-
staff of the army, George Catlett Marshall] was devised to produce exactly the
opposite effect, namely to reindustrialise Germany and the rest of Europe. The
Plan was announced by Marshall in a speech at Harvard University on 5 June
1947. Its details were negotiated at a meeting held in Pans from 12 July 1947
onwards. Implementation was started in 1948 and ended in 1951, channelling
$13bn (equivalent to $130bn in 2007) into the war-torn economies of Europe.

George Carlett Marshall (1880-1959), a five-star general in 1944, was noted for
his exemplary service during the Second World War. He became secretary of
state and later secretary of defence, and was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize
in 1953 for his role in the Marshall Plan. In the case or Germany, the Marshall
Plan demanded that industry was to be returned to its 1936 level, which was
considered the last "normal" year before the War. "Today's problem," says Reinert,
"is that the dominating barter-focused economic theory fails to appreciate the
difference between a Marshall Plan and a Morgenthau Plan. "Politicians today
abuse the concept of a Marshall Plan by using it to describe any large transfers

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of resources to poor countries. It cannot be emphasised strongly enough that


the kernel of Marshall's plan was reindustrialisation; the demand and supply of
capital was per se entirely secondary to the principal strategy of developing the
industrial life of a nation."

Generally, the Marshall Plan was implemented with heavy tariff protection
of national industries and strict rules for currency transactions. It was fully
acknowledged that jobs needed long-term protection, and that foreign exchange
was a scarce resource. In Norway, for example, this resulted in a total prohibition
on imports of clothing until 1956, combined with severe restrictions on the
transfer of funds abroad. Importing cars for private use was prohibited until
1960.
COPYRIGHT 2011 IC Publications Ltd.
No portion of this article can be reproduced without the express written permission from the copyright holder.
Copyright 2011 Gale, Cengage Learning. All rights reserved.

55. - 58. questions


Imagine an industry that runs out of raw materials.
Companies go bankrupt, workers are laid off, families
suffer and associated organizations are thrown into
turmoil. Eventually, governments are forced to take
drastic action. Welcome to global banking, recently
brought to its knees by the interruption of its lifeblood
– the flow of cash. In this case, we seem to have been
fortunate. In the nick of time, governments released
reserves in order to start cash circulating again. But
what if the reserves had not been there? What are we
going to do when our supplies of vital materials such as
fish, tropical hardwoods, metals like indium and fresh
water dry up? We live on a planet with finite resources
– that is no surprise to anyone – so why do we have an
economic system in which all that matters is growth
– more growth means using more resources. When the
human population was counted in millions and
resources were sparse, people could simply move to

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new pastures. However, with 9 billion people expected


around 2050, moving on is not an option. As politicians
reconstruct the global economy, they should take heed. If
we are to leave any kind of planet to our children, we need
an economic system that lets us live within our means.
Source: New Scientist (editorial), 15 October 2008

IMAGINE an industry that runs out of raw materials. Companies go bust,


workers are laid off, families suffer and associated organisations are thrown into
turmoil. Eventually governments are forced to take drastic action. Welcome to
global banking, brought to its knees by the interruption of its lifeblood – the
flow of cash.

In this case we seem to have been fortunate. In the nick of time, governments
released reserves that should with luck get cash circulating again. But what if
they hadn’t been there? There are no reserves of fish, tropical hardwoods, fresh
water or metals such as indium, so what are we going to do when supplies of
these vital materials dry up? We live on a planet with finite resources – that’s no
surprise to anyone – so why do we have an economic system in which all that
matters is growth (see “Why our economy is killing the planet and what we can
do about it”)? More growth means using more resources.

When the human population was counted in millions and resources were sparse,
people could simply move to pastures new. But with 9 billion people expected
around 2050, moving on is not an option. As politicians reconstruct the global
economy, they should take heed. If we are to leave any kind of planet to our
children we need an economic system that lets us live within our means.

59. - 62. questions


Many athletes credit drugs with improving their
performance, but some of them may want to thank their
brain instead. Mounting evidence suggests that the
boost from human growth hormone (HGH), an

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increasingly popular doping drug, might be caused by


the placebo effect. In a new double-blind trial funded by
the World Anti-Doping Agency, in which neither
researchers nor participants knew who was receiving
HGH and who was taking a placebo, the researchers
asked participants to guess whether or not they were on
the real drug. Then they examined the results of the
group who guessed that they were getting HGH when, in
fact, they had received a placebo. That group improved
at four fitness tests measuring strength, endurance,
power and sprint capacity. The study participants who
guessed correctly that they were taking a placebo did
not improve, according to preliminary results presented
at the Society for Endocrinology meeting in June 2011.
“The finding really shows the power of the mind” said
Ken Ho, an endocrinologist at the Garvan Institute in
Sydney, Australia, who led the study. She maintains that
many athletes are reaping the benefits of the placebo
effect, without knowing whether what they are taking is
beneficial or not.
Source: Scientific American Mind. October/November 2008

Are a Popular Doping Drug's Effects All in the Mind?


Athletes who take human growth hormone may be getting duped by the placebo
effect.

Many athletes credit drugs with improving their performance, but some of
them may want to thank their brain instead. Mounting evidence suggests that
the boost from human growth hormone (HGH), an increasingly popular doping
drug, might be caused by the placebo effect.

In a new double-blind trial funded by the World Anti-Doping Agency, in which


neither researchers nor participants knew who was receiving HGH and who
was taking a placebo, the researchers asked participants to guess whether or not
they were on the real drug. Then they examined the results of the group who
guessed that they were getting HGH when, in fact, they had received a placebo.

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That group improved at four fitness tests measuring strength, endurance, power
and sprint capacity. The study participants who guessed correctly that they were
taking a placebo showed much less improvement, according to preliminary results
presented at the Society for Endocrinology meeting in June. The researchers are
currently analyzing the results of the other participants for future publication.

“This finding really shows the power of the mind,” said Ken Ho, an
endocrinologist at the Garvan Institute in Sydney, Australia, who led the study.
“Many athletes are reaping the benefits of the placebo effect, without knowing
whether what they’re taking is beneficial or not.”

And in fact, HGH may not be helpful at all, reveals a recent review published
May 20 in the Annals of Internal Medicine. Endocrinologist Hau Liu of Stanford
University and his colleagues looked at 44 studies and found that although HGH
did increase athletes’ lean body mass, it did not lead to improvements in athletic
performance in double-blind trials.

The implications for athletes are serious, according to Ho. Many athletes take a
cocktail of supplements, vitamins and drugs, believing that they are enhancing
their game. “But it’s really the belief in the mind that improves performance” in
most cases, Ho says. “Athletes need to be cautious about ‘snake oil’ merchants.”

68. Question
Science does not produce a unified picture of the
environment on which all can agree, instead it
provides multiple views, each of which may be valid
from a particular ideological angle.
Source: American Scientist, Volume 94, 2006

Liberating Science from Politics


The notion that science can be used to reconcile political disputes is fundamentally
flawed

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Wouldn't it be wonderful if science—and scientists—were taken more seriously


in the political process? Wouldn't democracy be better served? And wouldn't
many difficult problems be more rationally resolved? Take the debates over
protecting the environment. It certainly seems that, here, science should be able
to cut through political controversy and enable beneficial action. Yet experience
mostly shows the opposite: Controversies surrounding environmental problems
as diverse as global climate change, genetically modified foods, nuclear energy,
biodiversity, air and water pollution, and toxic wastes rarely seem to come to a
satisfactory resolution. They are instead characterized by long-term intractability
and periodic resurgence of bitter partisan dispute—all in the face of a continual
expansion of scientific understanding.

Blame for this unsatisfactory state of affairs is usually assigned to the political
process itself, especially to those who use science to advance particular ideological
agendas. If only, the complaint goes, those (a) conservatives (b) liberals (c)
environmentalists (d) industrialists or (e) ignorant members of the public would
understand the facts, or stop manipulating the facts for their own political gain,
we could arrive at rational solutions to the problems we face.

Yet this sort of complaint—which I have heard, in one form or another, from
innumerable scientists—suffers from a profound misunderstanding of the
relation between science and politics. The idea that a set of scientific facts can
reconcile political differences and point the way toward a rational solution is
fundamentally flawed. The reality is that when political controversy exists, the
scientific enterprise is ideally suited to exacerbating disagreement, rather than
resolving it.

Consider the contested 2000 presidential election between George W. Bush and
Al Gore. Recall that the outcome hinged on Florida's 25 electoral votes and that
the vote count was incredibly close, with a margin of victory of about 500 votes
out of six million cast. The technical issues surrounding an election are entirely
straightforward—count the votes for each candidate and see who has the higher
number. The system is closed, the rules are clear, the technical aspects are trivial,

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and the correct answer is an integer. What could be more amenable to rational,
fact-based analysis?

Here's a thought experiment: Suppose in the days immediately following the


election we had assigned a team of disinterested experts to determine the correct
result and declare the winner. Wouldn't this approach have quickly yielded the
right answer, in a manner untainted by political shenanigans?

Given the many complexities and irregularities associated with the vote count
(from "hanging chads" to poorly designed ballots), our team of experts would
have had to draw on the strengths of numerous disciplines, perhaps including
statistics, mechanical engineering, cognitive neuroscience, material science,
physiology and psychology, each of which could contribute to the understanding
of what actually went on during the voting and vote-counting. Of course, once
the experts began to make their results known, other experts would need to
review things, and disagreements over methods, data and conclusions would
undoubtedly emerge. Crucially, any conclusion about actual vote tallies would
have to be governed not just by technical analysis of the performance of voting
technologies and voters, but also by rules about what constitutes a valid vote.
For example, the Miami Herald's unofficial recount showed that either candidate
could have been the winner depending on the criteria used to judge the validity
of cast ballots.

Can we really imagine that our multidisciplinary team of experts would have
achieved the consensus and legitimacy necessary to determine the "real winner"
in a manner that allowed the nation to move forward rapidly with the business
of democratic governance? Because it should be remembered that the political
and judicial process did just that: It conferred a final decision in 36 days, not
through a determination of technical fact (who won, and by how many votes),
but through the U.S. Supreme Court's decision to accept the State of Florida's
certification of a contested vote count that showed George W. Bush to be the
winner.

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State of the World


In the 2000 election, our political process did not turn to technical experts to
come up with an answer. In contrast, when environmental problems become
mired in politics, we often call on scientists to break the gridlock. This approach
is backwards. In seeking to address our environmental challenges, we should
instead (and regardless of our political preferences) look to the lessons of the
Florida vote count.

My central point is that scientific inquiry is inherently unsuitable for helping to


resolve political disputes. Even when a disagreement seems to be amenable to
technical analysis, the nature of science itself usually acts to inflame rather than
quench debate. One reason for this outcome is what I would term an "excess of
objectivity." Science seeks to come to grips with the richness and complexity of
nature through numerous disciplinary approaches, each of which gives factual,
yet always incomplete, views of reality.

Consider climate change, which may variously be understood as a problem


of climate impacts, biodiversity, land use, energy use, water use, agricultural
productivity, public health, economic development, demographics and so forth.
Each of these concerns involves a variety of interests and values, of potential
winners and losers, and each depends on a body of relevant knowledge to help
define, understand, anticipate and respond to the problem. The very wealth of
reliable scientific information becomes an obstacle to achieving any type of
shared understanding of what climate change "means." That is, the problem
is not a lack of scientific input so much as the contrary—a huge and evolving
body of knowledge with components that can be legitimately assembled and
interpreted in different ways to yield competing views of the issue at hand.

This result does not arise from the selective use of facts by partisan players to
support a particular position. There is no way to "add up" all the information
relevant to a complex problem like climate change to give a "complete" picture
of what is going on. So choices must be made, and choices involve values. When

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an issue is both politically and scientifically contentious, one can usually support
one's point of view with an array of legitimate facts that seem no less compelling
than the facts assembled by those with a different perspective. Subjectivity and
objectivity, it turns out, are not separate and immiscible realms, but opposite
sides of the same coin. For every value, there is often a legitimate supporting set
of scientific results.

A second reason that science often makes things worse is that specific disciplinary
lenses often turn out to be especially compatible with particular interests and
values. My point is not that disciplines are ideologically monolithic. But it seems
entirely reasonable to expect that the formal intellectual framework used by a
scientist to understand some slice of the world may be related to the values that
person holds.

The ongoing controversy over genetically modified organisms in agriculture


provides a good example. Some disciplines, such as plant genetics, focus on
the modification of plants for human benefit, whereas others, such as ecology,
investigate the risks that transgenes might pose for ecosystems. These two
perspectives, equally fact-based and legitimate, nevertheless reflect different
ways of viewing nature (reductionist versus systemic) and provide a factual basis
for competing political perspectives (optimism about the agricultural promise of
genetically modified organisms versus concern about their environmental risks).
Indeed, social-science research has shown that scientists' attitudes about risk (for
instance, the dangers of nuclear waste) are tied to disciplinary expertise.

A final reason that more science often doesn't help has to do with the emergence
of uncertainty. Again consider the 2000 election. There is no reason to think
that the complexities that emerged in Florida are not commonly present in other
elections as well. What made these issues important was the closeness of the
count combined with the extremely high stakes of the election. In the parlance
of scientific debate, the final vote count became shrouded in "uncertainty."
Had one candidate or another achieved a decisive victory in Florida, these
uncertainties would still have existed, but they wouldn't have mattered.

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This observation provides a final key to understanding why science often makes
environmental controversies worse. Rising political stakes catalyse scientific
uncertainty. Science does not produce a unified picture of "the environment"
on which all can agree. Instead, it provides multiple views, each of which may
be valid from a particular disciplinary (or ideological) angle. This diversity of
perspectives manifests as an absence of coherence and reliability in our scientific
understanding at the system level. "More research" is often prescribed as the
antidote, but new results quite often reveal previously unknown complexities,
increasing the sense of uncertainty and highlighting the differences between
competing perspectives.

A Better Role for Science


Until the disputes about values that underlie environmental controversies are
brought openly into the democratic arena and adjudicated as such, science will
often just make matters worse. One clear indication of this unhealthy dynamic
can be seen when Congress holds hearings where dueling scientists provide
technical testimony in support of competing sides of a controversy. Another
sign is when reporters and public interest groups begin to call on scientists to
support one side or another of a controversy. In such cases, opposing scientific
views become a proxy for the conflicting values that underlie the conflict.

One provocative way to nip this pathology in the bud would be to demand that all
scientists who are willing to make scientific statements on behalf of a particular
political position also indicate their own partisan preferences. Another would be
for scientists to impose on themselves a voluntary "quiet period" during which
they will not participate in the spectacle of dueling scientists. Lawmakers and
stakeholders, with no scientists to hide behind, would thus have no choice but to
proclaim their relevant interests and values explicitly.

If such suggestions sound frivolous or even downright irrational, consider that


most important political actions, ranging from the Marshall Plan and civil rights
legislation to the response to Hurricane Katrina and even the allocation of

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research and development funds, are made primarily on the basis not of science
but of social aspirations codified through political action. Indeed, when most
of the nation's environmental laws were enacted during the late 1960s and early
1970s, the state of the relevant science was at best rudimentary. What made
these laws possible was a political consensus—one that has since disintegrated,
even as our scientific understanding has advanced tremendously.

And what then would become of science? One part of the answer is: nothing.
It will still be there, in the background, along with all the other influences on
people's knowledge, political interests and behavior. And science will continue
to alert us to problems that we might not otherwise easily perceive. The crucial
point, though, is that the most positive role for science in support of decision
making comes only after values are clarified through political debate and after
goals for the future are agreed on through democratic means. Science can then
help us chart the path to our goals, and it can help us monitor how well we
are following that path. Indeed, it is only when science is thus liberated from
politics that appropriate priorities for scientific research in support of our social
aspirations can actually emerge.

69. Question
The stocks of bluefin tuna, the most valuable fish in
the world, have plummeted to such paltry levels that
many scientists speculate that the fish could be
headed for extinction.
Source: Scientific American, March 4, 2010

The Deadliest Catch:


A Proposed Trade Ban Could Take Bluefin Tuna off the Menu
New DNA "fingerprint" techniques could aid this month's push for an
international trade ban

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END OF THE LINE:


At Tokyo's Tsukiji fish market, around 1,000 bluefin tuna are auctioned off
every day.

AdvertisementThis January a 511-pound monster of a bluefin tuna sold at


Tokyo’s Tsukiji fish market for $175,000—by far the highest price paid for a
fish in nine years. By that afternoon, customers at Kyubey, a Michelin-starred
restaurant a stone’s throw from the market, were dining on the tuna’s fatty belly,
or toro, the most opulent and rich cut from the most valuable fish in the world.

Japanese diners could soon face much higher bills for bluefin. This month
a meeting of the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species
(CITES) in Doha, Qatar, is slated to consider a proposal to ban all commercial
trade of the Northern bluefin, Thunnus thynnus, grouping it with megafauna
superstars such as the white rhino and the Asian elephant. Japan imports about
80 percent of the total bluefin catch in the Atlantic and Mediter­ranean, even as
those stocks have plummeted to such paltry levels that many scientists speculate
that the fish could be headed for extinction.

Never before has such a commercially important animal been subject to an


international trade ban, and proponents have braced for furious opposition. To
qualify for a complete trade ban, CITES requires that the population of a species
must have declined to less than about 20 percent of its historic population size
or have suffered from an extremely high recent rate of decline. And although
it is no simple task to measure the total size of a population that wanders from
the Mediterranean to the Gulf of Mexico over its decades-long life span, recent
scientific committees organized by the United Nations Food and Agriculture
Organization and the International Commission for the Conservation of
Atlantic Tunas (ICCAT) agree that the Northern bluefin meets the criteria.

Another condition of a CITES listing is that enforcement inspectors must


be able to identify the tuna—a task that turns out to be almost as difficult as

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measuring the population. There are three species of bluefin tuna—Northern,


Pacific and Southern—and even trained taxonomists have trouble distinguishing
Northern bluefin from its Pacific cousin.

The problem extends all the way to the plate. Late last year a team of researchers
from Columbia University and the American Museum of Natural History
examined 68 samples of tuna smuggled out of sushi restaurants in New York
City and Denver. They found that 19 of 31 restaurants either could not identify
or misidentified the species of tuna they were serving—for example, replacing
bluefin with bigeye (or vice versa). Of the nine samples of fish advertised as
“white tuna,” they discovered that five were not tuna at all but rather escolar, a
fish banned as a health hazard in Italy and Japan because it contains indigestible
wax esters that can cause diarrhea.

Traditional DNA analysis techniques could not identify the various species of
tuna; the fish are too genetically similar. Instead the researchers introduced a
new approach. Conventional DNA “barcoding” techniques break apart DNA
sequences into a jumbled bag of base pairs, then compare how similar the bag
is to a reference bag. The new approach looks at the order of nucleotides in
a DNA sequence at a specific location on the genome. The approach enables
positive identification of any tuna sample—even one that is sitting on a bed of
rice.

“Some sort of DNA-based identification will be a critical component for making


CITES an effective regulation,” says Jacob Lowenstein, one of the co-authors
of the research. “This will probably in the short term become the standard tool
for regulatory bodies.” And even if the CITES proposal fails, there will still be
much to enforce. ICCAT is charged with setting bluefin catch quotas in the
Atlantic and Mediterranean, and by most accounts it has done a terrible job of
it. “ICCAT was convened and established in the 1960s because of widespread
concern by tuna fishermen over the decline of bluefin tuna,” says Carl Safina,
president of the Blue Ocean Institute. “Since its inception the bluefin population
has done nothing but go down.”

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Even though ICCAT sets catch quotas far higher than the recommendations
of its own scientific advisory board, poaching and smuggling are still rampant.
In 2007, for instance, ICCAT had set the quota for the Eastern Atlantic and
Mediterranean at 29,500 metric tons of bluefin, even though scientists had
recommended that ICCAT shut down the Mediterranean fisheries for two
months during spawning season and limit total catch to less than 15,000 metric
tons. Fishermen caught an estimated 61,000 tons, most of it in the Mediterranean
spawning grounds. Says Safina, “It’s an all-out war on the fish at the moment.”

70. Question
Huntington’s has been described as the most
disastrous disease known to man because of its
peculiarly cruel characteristics, as it progressively
strips a person of control of his muscles, reason
and emotion.
Source: INTELLIGENT LIFE Magazine, Autumn 2009

BATTLING HUNTINGTON'S DISEASE


As a war reporter, Charles Sabine diced with death. Now he has an incurable
brain disorder, and terror is ever-present—yet he has no symptoms. He talks to
Laura Spinney ...

In 1996, an NBC war reporter and his crew were captured by a renegade platoon
of mujahideen guerrillas near the Bosnian town of Doboj. As the sun set and
the call to prayer went up, the reporter stared at a blood-spattered wall while
a young warrior pulled the pin from a grenade, replaced it with his finger and
pressed it to his head. The warrior closed his eyes and prayed.

At that moment a military vehicle appeared, and the Bosnian colonel inside it
eventually secured the TV crew’s release, so Charles Sabine lived to tell the tale.
These days, when he tells it, his audience tends to consist of doctors, scientists
and families affected by Huntington’s disease. That’s because in 2005 Sabine

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discovered he had the disease, a hereditary brain disorder. Not many people are
qualified to compare two of the most terrifying situations known to man, but he
is one of them. Of his brush with death in Bosnia, he says, “Not that moment
nor any other I’ve experienced instils more dread and terror than this disease.”

Huntington’s has been described as the most disastrous disease known to man
because of its peculiarly cruel characteristics. It progressively strips a person of
control of his muscles, reason and emotions—though not necessarily in that
order. It is caused by a mutation in a single gene, and if you have the mutation,
you will develop the disease; the only unknown is when. Typically the first
symptoms appear between the ages of 30 and 50, so many people pass the
disease on before discovering they have it. The risk of inheriting it from an
affected parent is one in two. The unlucky offspring therefore get to watch their
sick parent head into a long, slow decline, knowing that the same fate awaits
them. And there’s no cure.

Sabine is 49 and a gene carrier, but he doesn’t yet have any symptoms. The first
time he heard about Huntington’s disease was in 1994, when he was following
the Clintons’ presidential visit to the newly formed Czech Republic. His mother
rang to say that his father, who had been acting strangely for some time, had been
diagnosed with it. The gene had been identified the previous year, and there was
now a blood test available. Sabine’s elder brother, John, who already had four
children, rushed to have the test and found that he too had the mutation. Their
father died in 2001 and John now has physical symptoms, though cognitively
and emotionally he remains relatively intact. An uncle, it emerged belatedly, had
died of the disease in 1992. Believing the odds were in his favour, Sabine put
off having the test. But the not knowing was worse, and finally, in 2005, he bit
the bullet.

His first reaction, on receiving the news, was, “It’s the wrong result.” He maintains
that everybody who goes for the test believes they will be one of the lucky ones,
or they wouldn’t go, and he still feels angry about the way he was told. “The
neurologist effectively said, ‘You’ve got this disease, I’m afraid there’s nothing

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you can do about it, so live your life the best you can.’” Yet treatments are in
the pipeline, and there’s evidence that simple lifestyle changes and keeping one’s
brain active can extend a gene carrier’s years of health. To be told the situation
is hopeless is no incentive for watching your diet or exercising, Sabine says, yet
to those affected, the extra two or three years they might gain from living well
would be priceless. As he says, “That’s also an extra two or three years when a
new treatment may be found.”

If taking the test was difficult, telling the world the outcome wasn’t any easier,
and he waited another two and a half years to do that. Two things drove him out
of the closet: the thought of his mother who, he believes, assumed like him that
he had escaped the family curse, and the need to come clean with his employer.
It’s hard to think of many professions in which the slightest slowing of the
reflexes, or of the ability to make a decision or recognise a face, could have more
disastrous consequences, except perhaps soldiering itself, and Sabine hasn’t
worked for NBC since he told them in early 2008, though he is still officially
under contract to them.

“Most of the time, contact is less awful than the anticipation of it," Peter
Beaumont, the Observer’s foreign affairs editor, wrote recently about going into
battle. Anticipation is now a constant problem for Sabine, who wakes up every
morning thinking this could be his last day of good health. “If I trip on the
stairs, if I drop something or break a glass, that’s an early sign of the disease,” he
says. “I think about it all the time.”

To turn that preoccupation to constructive ends, and to keep himself busy, he


now travels the world, galvanising families to seek help and scientists to seek a
cure. The need to feel he is steering his own destiny has had other consequences
too. A once-heavy smoker whose every attempt to quit was doomed to failure,
upon receiving his diagnosis he offered himself the meagre compensation that
he could now give up giving up. Within a month, however, he had smoked his
last cigarette. “I needed to take some power back over my life,” he says.

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Earlier this year he married his former producer at NBC, Nicole Bakshi, and
they now have a one-year-old daughter, Breezy, who does not have the mutation.
Bakshi “took him on”, as he puts it, in the full knowledge of what awaited him,
which he describes as “extraordinarily brave, or stupid”. She admits that the
prospect of looking after him daunts her, as does the thought of the stressful
and confusing experiences their daughter might be exposed to as she grows
up. But if you’re in love with someone, you don’t desert them when they are
diagnosed with cancer or multiple sclerosis, she says. So why would you just
because you received the bad news in advance?

For Sabine, she believes, taking the test was a kind of release. “Before I felt that
there was a lot of head-in-the-sand activity going on,” she says. “Getting the
diagnosis turned that around.” She thinks that he is more content now than he
has been since she has known him, which coincides roughly with the time he
has known the disease was in his family. Content, and mortally afraid? Sabine
struggles to explain. In his quarter-century working with NBC, he witnessed
carnage in Rwanda, astonishing acts of bravery in Iraq and the way the Asian
tsunami reduced people to indistinguishable mounds of decomposing human
flesh, yet he says, “None of those experiences really meant anything until now.”

Now, in every tragedy he sees hope and the capacity of the human spirit to
overcome obstacles. That’s why, in his talks, he tells the tale of the 12-year-old
Kurdish girl he saw coming over a mountain pass on the Iran-Iraq border, amid
a vast sea of refugees. Shoeless, her face covered with freezing mud, she had
already walked 90 miles carrying her sister, a toddler, who was unconscious, and
she was determined to get her down the mountain before nightfall. “All humans
are capable of far more than you can ever believe,” he tells the scientists he is
urging to find a cure.

He met the Kurdish girl in 1991, before he knew the disease was in his family.
Twelve years later, he reported on the plight of patients abandoned in the Al
Rashid psychiatric hospital in Baghdad in the wake of the invasion. Did the
knowledge that he was at risk steer him towards that story? He wouldn’t go so

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far as to say that, but he does say that he probably had more empathy with the
patients than he might have done had he not seen his father in the final stages
of the illness.

The second part of his answer concerns the future. Getting his diagnosis spurred
him to get on with things that he had avoided. Having put off fatherhood for
a long time, he took the plunge and is now loving it “for all the corny reasons”.
He seems almost apologetic as he says it, as if he were listening to an echo. As if,
from inside this very modern predicament—knowing his own genetic flaw—he
knew he was articulating an age-old truism: that life is most precious when it is
under threat.

HUNTINGTON’S DISEASE: THE BACKGROUND


Huntington’s disease is a disorder of the central nervous system affecting an
estimated 50,000 people in the European Union today. Previously known as
Huntington’s chorea, it causes the gradual loss of physical and then mental and
emotional faculties. Early symptoms include involuntary movements, stumbling,
clumsiness, memory lapses, depression and mood swings. Although there is no
known cure, drugs and exercise can help manage the disease.

72. Question
Most measurements of happiness are by
standardized questionnaires or interview schedules.
It could also be done by informed observers – those
who know the individual well and see them
regularly. ---- Yet, another form of measurement is to
investigate a person’s memory and check whether
they feel predominantly happy or unhappy about
their past. Finally, there are some crude but
ever-developing physical measures looking at
everything from brain scanning to saliva levels.
Source: The Fulfilling Workplace: The Organization’s Role in Achieving Individual and Organizational Health
(Psychological and Behavioural Aspects of Risk) (Book)

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HAPPINESS AT WORK
The word “happiness” means several different things (joy, satisfaction) and
therefore many psychologists prefer the term “subjective well-being” (SWB)
which is an umbrella term that includes the various types of evaluation of one’s
life one might make. It can include self-esteem, joy and feelings of fulfilment.
The essence is that the person himself/herself is making the evaluation of life.
Thus the person herself or himself is the expert here: is my life going well,
according to the standards that I choose to use?

It has also been suggested that there are three primary components of SWB:
general satisfaction, the presence of pleasant affect and the absence of negative
emotions including anger, anxiety, guilt, sadness and shame. More importantly
SWB covers a wide scale from ecstasy to agony: from extreme happiness to
great gloom and despondency. It relates to long-term states, not just momentary
moods. It is not sufficient but probably a necessary criterion for mental or
psychological health.

Many researchers have listed a number of myths about the nature and cause of
happiness. These include the following which are widely believed but wrong:
• happiness depends mainly on the quality and quantity of things that
happen to you;
• people are less happy than they used to be;
• people with a serious physical disability are always less happy;
• young people in the prime of life are much happier than older people;
• people who experience great happiness also experience great unhappiness;
• more intelligent people are generally happier than less intelligent people;
• children add significantly to the happiness of married couples;
• acquiring lots of money makes people much happier in the long run;
• men are overall happier than women;
• pursuing happiness paradoxically ensures you lose it.

The first books on the psychology of happiness started appearing in the 1980s.
Then a few specialist academic journals began to appear but it was not until the

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turn of the millennium that the positive psychology movement was galvanized
into action by significant grant money as well as research focus of many famous
psychologists. The psychology of happiness attempts to answer some very
fundamental questions pursued over the years by philosophers, theologians
and politicians. The first series of questions are really about definition and
measurement of happiness; the second are about why certain groups are as
happy or unhappy as they are; and the third group of questions concern what
does one have to do (or not to do) to increase happiness.

Most measurements of happiness are by standardized questionnaires or


interview schedules. On the other hand it could be done by informed observers:
those people who know the individual well and see them regularly. There is also
experience sampling when people have to report how happy they are many times
a day, week or month when a beeper goes off and these ratings are aggregate.
Yet another is to investigate a person’s memory and check for whether they feel
predominantly happy or unhappy about their past. Finally there are some, as yet
crude, but ever developing physical measures, looking at everything from brain
scanning to saliva cortisol measures. It is not very difficult to measure happiness
reliably and validly.

The relatively recent advent of studies on happiness, sometimes called SWB


has led to a science of well-being (Huppert, Baylis & Keverne, 2005). Argyle
(2001) noted that different researchers had identified different components
of happiness such as life satisfaction, positive affect, self-acceptance, positive
relations with others, autonomy and environmental mastery. It constitutes joy,
satisfaction and other related positive emotions.

Myers (1992) noted the stable and unstable characteristics of happy people.
They tend to be creative, energetic, decisive, flexible and sociable. They also tend
to be more forgiving, loving, trusting and responsible. They tolerate frustration
better and are more willing to help those in need. In short they feel good, so do
good. Diener (2000) has defined SWB as how people cognitively and emotionally
evaluate their lives. It has an evaluative (good-bad) as well as a hedonic (pleasant-

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unpleasant) dimension.

Positive psychology is the study of factors and processes that lead to positive
emotions, virtuous behaviours and optimal performance in individuals and
groups. Although a few, mainly “self psychologists,” were always interested in
health, adjustment and peak performance, the study of happiness was thought
to be unimportant, even trivial.

Finding work and leisure activities that really engage your skills and passions
help a great deal. Taking regular exercise, and sleeping and eating well helps keep
up a good mood. Investing time and care in relationships is a very important
feature of happiness. Affirming others, helping others and regularly expressing
gratitude for life increases happiness. As does having a sense of purpose and
hope that may be best described as faith.

Myers’s (1992) suggestions for a happier life are:


“1. Realise that enduring happiness doesn’t come from success. People
adapt to changing circumstances—even to wealth or a disability. Thus wealth is
life health: its utter absence breeds misery, but having it (or any circumstances
we long for) doesn’t guarantee happiness.

2. Take control of your time. Happy people feel in control of their lives. To
master your use of time, set goals and break them into daily aims. Although we
often overestimate how much we will accomplish in any given day (leaving us
frustrated) we generally underestimate how much we can accomplish in a year,
given just a little progress every day.

3. Act happy. We can sometimes act ourselves into a happier frame of mind.
Manipulated into a smiling expression, people feel better; when they scowl,
the whole world seems to scowl back. So put on a happy face. Talk as if you
feel positive self-esteem, are optimistic, and are outgoing. Going through the
motions can trigger the emotions.

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4. Seek work and leisure that engages your skills. Happy people often are
in a zone called “flow” - absorbed in tasks that challenge but don’t overwhelm
them. The most expensive forms of leisure (sitting on a yacht) often provide less
flow experience than gardening, socialising, or craft work.

5. Join the ‘movement’ movement. An avalanche of research reveals that


aerobic exercise can relieve mild depression and anxiety as it promotes health
and energy. Sound minds reside in sound bodies. Off your duffs, couch potatoes.

6. Give your body the sleep it wants. Happy people live active vigorous lives
yet reserve time for renewing sleep and solitude. Many people suffer from a
sleep debt, with resulting fatigue, diminished alertness and gloomy moods.

7. Give priority to close relationships. Intimate friendships with those who


care deeply about you can help you weather difficult times. Confiding is good
for soul and body. Resolve to nurture your closest relationship by not taking
your loved ones for granted, by displaying to them the sort of kindness you
display to others, by affirming them, by playing together and sharing together.
To rejuvenate your affections, resolve in such ways to act lovingly.

8. Focus beyond the self. Reach out to those in need. Happiness increases
helpfulness (those who feel good do good). But doing good also makes one feel
good.

9. Keep a gratitude journal. Those who pause each day to reflect on some
positive aspect of their lives (their health, friends, family, freedom, education,
senses, natural surroundings and so on) experience heightened well-being.

10. Nurture your spiritual self. For many people faith provides a support
community, a reason to focus beyond self, and a sense of purpose and hope.
Study after study finds that actively religious people are happier and that they
cope better with crises.”

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Positive psychology (Seligman, 2002; Linley, 2008) shifts the focus to exploring
and attempting to correct or change personal weakness to a study of strengths
and virtues. Its aim is to promote authentic happiness and the good life and
thereby promote health. A starting point for positive psychology for both
popular writers and researchers has been to try to list and categorize strengths
and values.

73. Question
Everything in the factories of the future will be run
by smarter software. Digitization in manufacturing
will have as widespread an effect as in other
industries that have gone digital, including
photography, publishing and films. Such effects will
not be confined to large manufacturers, either. ----
Launching new and innovative products will
become easier and cheaper for them.
Source: The Economist, Apr 21st 2012

A third industrial revolution


As manufacturing goes digital, it will change out of all recognition, says Paul
Markillie. And some of the business of making things will return to rich countries

OUTSIDE THE SPRAWLING Frankfurt Messe, home of innumerable German


trade fairs, stands the “Hammering Man”, a 21-metre kinetic statue that steadily
raises and lowers its arm to bash a piece of metal with a hammer. Jonathan
Borofsky, the artist who built it, says it is a celebration of the worker using his
mind and hands to create the world we live in. That is a familiar story. But now
the tools are changing in a number of remarkable ways that will transform the
future of manufacturing.

One of those big trade fairs held in Frankfurt is EuroMold, which shows
machines for making prototypes of products, the tools needed to put those
things into production and all manner of other manufacturing kit. Old-school

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engineers worked with lathes, drills, stamping presses and moulding machines.
These still exist, but EuroMold exhibits no oily machinery tended by men in
overalls. Hall after hall is full of squeaky-clean American, Asian and European
machine tools, all highly automated. Most of their operators, men and women,
sit in front of computer screens. Nowhere will you find a hammer.

And at the most recent EuroMold fair, last November, another group of
machines was on display: three-dimensional (3D) printers. Instead of bashing,
bending and cutting material the way it always has been, 3D printers build things
by depositing material, layer by layer. That is why the process is more properly
described as additive manufacturing. An American firm, 3D Systems, used one
of its 3D printers to print a hammer for your correspondent, complete with a
natty wood-effect handle and a metallised head.

This is what manufacturing will be like in the future. Ask a factory today to make
you a single hammer to your own design and you will be presented with a bill
for thousands of dollars. The makers would have to produce a mould, cast the
head, machine it to a suitable finish, turn a wooden handle and then assemble
the parts. To do that for one hammer would be prohibitively expensive. If you
are producing thousands of hammers, each one of them will be much cheaper,
thanks to economies of scale. For a 3D printer, though, economies of scale
matter much less. Its software can be endlessly tweaked and it can make just
about anything. The cost of setting up the machine is the same whether it makes
one thing or as many things as can fit inside the machine; like a two-dimensional
office printer that pushes out one letter or many different ones until the ink
cartridge and paper need replacing, it will keep going, at about the same cost for
each item.

Additive manufacturing is not yet good enough to make a car or an iPhone, but it
is already being used to make specialist parts for cars and customised covers for
iPhones. Although it is still a relatively young technology, most people probably
already own something that was made with the help of a 3D printer. It might
be a pair of shoes, printed in solid form as a design prototype before being

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produced in bulk. It could be a hearing aid, individually tailored to the shape of


the user’s ear. Or it could be a piece of jewellery, cast from a mould made by a
3D printer or produced directly using a growing number of printable materials.

But additive manufacturing is only one of a number of breakthroughs leading to


the factory of the future, and conventional production equipment is becoming
smarter and more flexible, too. Volkswagen has a new production strategy called
Modularer Querbaukasten, or MQB. By standardising the parameters of certain
components, such as the mounting points of engines, the German carmaker
hopes to be able to produce all its models on the same production line. The
process is being introduced this year, but will gather pace as new models are
launched over the next decade. Eventually it should allow its factories in America,
Europe and China to produce locally whatever vehicle each market requires.

They don’t make them like that any more


Factories are becoming vastly more efficient, thanks to automated milling
machines that can swap their own tools, cut in multiple directions and “feel” if
something is going wrong, together with robots equipped with vision and other
sensing systems. Nissan’s British factory in Sunderland, opened in 1986, is now
one of the most productive in Europe. In 1999 it built 271,157 cars with 4,594
people. Last year it made 480,485 vehicles—more than any other car factory in
Britain, ever—with just 5,462 people.

“You can’t make some of this modern stuff using old manual tools,” says
Colin Smith, director of engineering and technology for Rolls-Royce, a British
company that makes jet engines and other power systems. “The days of huge
factories full of lots of people are not there any more.”

As the number of people directly employed in making things declines, the cost
of labour as a proportion of the total cost of production will diminish too.
This will encourage makers to move some of the work back to rich countries,
not least because new manufacturing techniques make it cheaper and faster to

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respond to changing local tastes.

The materials being used to make things are changing as well. Carbon-fibre
composites, for instance, are replacing steel and aluminium in products ranging
from mountain bikes to airliners. And sometimes it will not be machines doing
the making, but micro-organisms that have been genetically engineered for the
task.

Everything in the factories of the future will be run by smarter software.


Digitisation in manufacturing will have a disruptive effect every bit as big as
in other industries that have gone digital, such as office equipment, telecoms,
photography, music, publishing and films. And the effects will not be confined
to large manufacturers; indeed, they will need to watch out because much of
what is coming will empower small and medium-sized firms and individual
entrepreneurs. Launching novel products will become easier and cheaper.
Communities offering 3D printing and other production services that are a bit
like Facebook are already forming online—a new phenomenon which might be
called social manufacturing.

The consequences of all these changes, this report will argue, amount to a third
industrial revolution. The first began in Britain in the late 18th century with
the mechanization of the textile industry. In the following decades the use of
machines to make things, instead of crafting them by hand, spread around the
world. The second industrial revolution began in America in the early 20th
century with the assembly line, which ushered in the era of mass production.

As manufacturing goes digital, a third great change is now gathering pace. It will
allow things to be made economically in much smaller numbers, more flexibly
and with a much lower input of labour, thanks to new materials, completely
new processes such as 3D printing, easy-to-use robots and new collaborative
manufacturing services available online. The wheel is almost coming full circle,
turning away from mass manufacturing and towards much more individualised
production. And that in turn could bring some of the jobs back to rich countries

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that long ago lost them to the emerging world.

75. Question
Stephen Hawking, the famed theoretical physicist
diagnosed with Lou Gehrig’s disease, lost the ability
to speak thirty years ago. In the meantime, a
computerized voice generated by an infrared sensor
inside Hawking’s mouth has allowed him to
communicate. According to a recent report,
however, the muscles controlling the device have
been deteriorating, limiting him to as little as one
word per minute. ---- This is a horrifying prospect for
the scientific community that has benefitted greatly
from his findings. But a new device recording brain
functions at an unprecedented level of detail was
developed and has been proposed to improve
Hawking’s ability to communicate once again.
Source: The Washington Post, 11:57 AM ET, 06/25/2012

Stephen Hawking to demonstrate iBrain technology next


month
Physicist and best-selling author Stephen Hawking appears in Seattle, June 16.
(Ted S. Warren - AP) Scientists may have discovered a way to successfully “hack”
the brain of one of the world’s most renowned scientists.

Stephen Hawking, the famed theoretical physicist diagnosed with Lou Gehrig’s
disease, lost the ability to speak 30 years ago. In the meantime, a computerized
voice generated by an infrared sensor inside Hawking’s mouth has allowed him
to communicate. According to a January report in The Telegraph, however, the
muscles controlling the device have been deteriorating, limiting him to as little as
one word per minute, according to his assistant Judith Croasdell.

Neurovigil's iBrain headband records brainwave data while the user is sleeping.
The data can be used to monitor sleep activity, which could help researchers

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identify disease patterns. (COURTESY OF NEUROVIGIL)

Without a new means of communication, Hawking runs the risk of being


rendered mute -- a horrifying prospect for the scientific community that has
benefitted greatly from his findings.

But a new device called the iBrain may significantly improve Hawkings’s ability
to communicate. The device was developed by Stanford University professor
Philip Low and can record brain function at an unprecedented level of detail, The
Telegraph reported Monday. The two scientists, Hawking and Low, have been
working on the device for over a year and plan to demonstrate it in Hawking’s
home town of Cambridge, England next month.

Low is the CEO of NeuroVigil, the San Diego-based company that created the
iBrain. The device was created with the intention of using it as an at-home sleep
monitoring device.

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