"We have to liquify our policies and procedures and change our idea of competition because the

problems we are facing in our society now are becoming more complex." Prof. Glen, University
of the Philippines Vice President for Planning and Development
The seminar entitled "Philippine National Security During Marcos Jr's Presidency: Its Impact on
International Relations and Foreign Policy," held last March 28–29, 2023, provided worthwhile
and relevant discussions about Philippine national security and foreign policy. Judging by the
title of the seminar, I imagined that it would be a combination of analysis and policy reflections,
a mix of criticism and action. In the words of Prof. Glen, the topics are worth placing and
projecting and are not just relevant but inclusive. They are inclusive in the sense that, for
instance, concerns for transnational and cyber security are said to be of particular importance,
especially today in the global village where the idea of juridical boundaries and communities is
questioned and redefined.
Reflecting upon this concept of inclusivity and the given example, I think we need to place more
emphasis on transnational issues and cybersecurity because these topics are essential for a state's
safety and security. While cybersecurity is concerned with defending digital data and systems
from unauthorized access and harmful attacks, transnational security refers to risks that originate
from or affect many governments. In the modern era, these two challenges have taken on more
significance as states are linked together in an ever-expanding global network. Philippines must
therefore confront these challenges and develop plans to defend themselves from global and
online attacks in order to preserve its security.
Although the seminar placed focus on the area of political science, topics are deemed to be
transdiciplinary since it brought together concepts from various fields of study, including
economics, law, military studies, history, and international relations. To create the most secure
and effective foreign policies, these subjects all interact to discuss the policy and its
repercussions. Following Professor Glen's rhetoric with regard to changing our idea about
competition, I believe such changes propose a certain foreign policy that entails introducing new
technologies, adjusting to new markets, and developing cutting-edge business models focused on
creating resources and capabilities that can maintain the nation's competitiveness on the global
stage.
Prof. Francis Estaban, the first speaker of the seminar, focused on discussing the analysis of
national security policy of the current administration at three levels of international relations,
namely, systemic or international level, state level, and individual level analysis. Assessing the
foreign policy under Bongbong Marcos' presidency using these three levels of analysis entails
that the states be able to look around at the happenings in the international community, examine
our domestic capabilities and government structure, and study how Marcos, along with his
beliefs, would set the direction of the country's foreign policy and national security.
At the level of international relations (systemic level), national security and foreign policy are
examined through an examination of national capabilities, intents, deeds, and interactions. This
kind of analysis concentrates on issues like power dynamics, power balance, and security threats.
As exemplified in the seminar, we can observe in Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine
how one man (Putin) with his worldviews can actually have an effect on the country's overall
national security. Similarly, we can observe how a modern state (Ukraine) is able to stand
against a dominant power (Russia) in the international arena.
Similarly, the escalating confrontation between China and Taiwan, which has historical roots,
should worry the Philippines since it could directly affect regional security as well as political
and economic developments in the country. While Taiwan is a significant source of
technological and commercial cooperation, China is the Philippines' largest trading partner. If the
conflict between China and Taiwan worsens, however, this relationship may become strained.
Due to its proximity to both nations, particularly during military exercises and other operations
in the South China Sea, the Philippines may also become involved in the conflict.
As a party to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, the Philippines is likewise
bound by international legal norms controlling issues pertaining to the South China Sea.
Therefore, if the conflict were to worsen, it may have an impact on Filipino residents and
workers in both nations, raising the possibility of diplomatic difficulties. It is crucial for the
Philippines to closely follow developments and take action to safeguard its own security and
stability because the protracted confrontation between China and Taiwan may ultimately have an
impact on the entire region.
Understanding how governments interact with one another is crucial for understanding how
decisions concerning foreign policy and national security are made. A state's interactions with
other states may also be influenced by features of international law, economic interdependence,
and other global variables; thus, it is crucial to take them into account as well.
At the state level, regional economic, social, and political phenomena are examined in order to
understand national security and foreign policy. This approach allows the Philippines' ties with
other nations, its defense plans and agreements, its cultural exchanges, and its trade policies to all
be examined. It may also assess the possible risk posed by non-state actors, including
international organizations, foreign militaries, and terrorist groups.
Reflecting on the concept of military modernization as exemplified in the seminar, I believe that
if it were only properly implemented, military modernization might have a significant impact on
the Philippines' security landscape. By creating and acquiring cutting-edge weapons, it is
possible to improve the military forces' capabilities, increase operational effectiveness and
efficiency, better protect the nation's territorial integrity, and make sure that the Armed Forces of
the Philippines are ready to counter the quickly evolving regional threats. Yet, taking into
account the diverse and shifting interests of the presidents, the ramifications of military
modernization for the Philippines ultimately rely much on how it is conducted and by whom.
In addition, the Philippines is regarded as a "middle power," which denotes that it has
considerable influence on the world scene but less strength than the main countries in terms of
the economy and military. The Philippines can advance its national interests and take a
significant part in regional and international events by utilizing its political clout, economic
might, and diplomatic skills. However, given the unclear foreign policy of the current Philippine
president, I find it difficult for the country to maintain such a status. This is where the individual
level of analysis enters the picture.
Since it has not been a year since PBBM took office, we analyze his foreign policy based on his
previous rhetoric during his campaign. At first, PBBM claims a neutral position towards Russia's
war of aggression against Ukraine. However, just recently, he seems to have changed his stand
and somehow shown support for Ukraine. Unlike the former president Duterte, who practically
showed turning against the U.S., PBBM seems to be wanting to strengthen the US-Philippines
alliance, considering of course his attempt at normalizing the country's relationship with
Washington.
With all these discussions on analyzing national security policy at different levels, we can derive
a dominant thought on the centrality of the president as the chief architect of foreign policy
decisions. These ideas alone made me realize how foreign policy in the Philippines is very elitist
in the sense that there is very little room for public opinion in terms of defining and making
decisions regarding national security and foreign policy. Maybe it's the reason why, during the
election period, foreign policy is not given as much importance as it deserves. So what's there to
ponder? Well, the Philippines should try to imagine how our national security and foreign policy
are framed outside the centrality and dominance of the president.
Mrs. Kathline Tolosa discussed the lack of a strong and definite national maritime law in the
Philippines. This could lead to a disadvantage in comparison to other nations, as some nations
may be able to protect their maritime interests more effectively. Additionally, the absence of a
distinct national framework for policing maritime operations could raise pressure from
international players and result in a general deterioration of the maritime environment. We only
rely on UNCLOS, but unfortunately, superpowers can just as easily break international laws.
Look at China as the very example. China did not follow UNCLOS and instead pushed for its
nine-dash line, causing them to initiate a claim on the South China Sea, which is supposed to be
a part of the Philippines' exclusive economic zone. A platform should be made available to the
media to report on events occurring inside Philippine territorial waters, including monitoring and
conservation efforts for marine wildlife. This would increase public knowledge of local issues
and emphasize the importance of maintaining the health of marine life and sustaining maritime
resources.
The concept of "blue economies" was also discussed in the seminar. To define, "blue economy"
is built on the wise utilization of marine and ocean resources. It includes older practices like
fishing and shipping as well as more contemporary ones like aquaculture, maritime tourism,
offshore energy generation, and marine biotechnology. In order to preserve the sustainability of
ocean-based industries, the blue economy aims to strike a balance between environmental
conservation and economic development.
As a crucial component of the Philippine economy, the blue economy has ramifications for both
the nation's security and foreign policy. The history of fishing, aquaculture, and other maritime
pursuits in the Philippines is extensive. For instance, the Philippines is a significant player in the
world seafood trade as it is home to 40% of the world's tuna population. The Philippines has
implemented the Exclusive Economic Zones system to guard its territorial seas against
unauthorized fishing in order to guarantee the survival of local fisheries. However, the 1994
framework should be revisited because a lot has happened since 1994 and we need a framework
that will serve the demands of time.
The Philippines should have a foreign policy that promotes the blue economy because it can help
the country realize its full potential as a hub for maritime trade and growth in Southeast Asia. A
blue economy foreign policy would also enable the Philippines to safeguard its natural resources,
improve marine safety, and advance its sustainable development objectives. In conclusion, the
blue economy has a big impact on the Philippines' international and national security policies.
The nation can employ the blue economy to promote fair access to the benefits of the ocean and
coast, draw in international investment, and strengthen its defense against external threats.