{oURNA OF ASTHNDPOLACAL ARENAEOLOY 9, 35-405 (190) Driven by Drink: The Role of Drinking in the Poli Economy and the Case of Early Iron Age France [Mscteaes DierLen Depuomet ftp, Yale Uae, New Haven, Comet 0820, “The patie of iki oe beverge sever cnet mp aa ena eat me a ements eos express etd hgh hsp. Ts ‘Stes sacaton whe ust st Rosi, and ease ital aod ‘Set nts eights cl alse whch spr ‘lain sy eon pa ei wiely emye nthe werk= yeas econo br matin, dhe oto ‘aie insist pecaiaed pttal ls Moreover ingen ‘Sr pend vse rn hs i th ca iv nn a Sime th ml wh er ‘Secu ptr of Eto As Pra. oom ene ese “Lill brew beer very often. Ourlife depends on ‘inking beer°—From an essay by an Neon Schoolboy on the rope of "What I Want to Do Barnes 1959218) Hits perhaps hyperbole to contend that many ancien societies may in a sense have been “driven by drink,” I hope that ts at least heuristic hyperbole. My intention in pursuing this theme is nt simply to be pro ‘eating, it rather talent archaeologists to an analytical perspective Uihich is potentially very fertile in yielding insights for the interpretation ‘of many past social systems, but which as received litle serious atten tion as yet inthe archaeological ierture. DRIVEN ay DRINK 83 “The basie propositions I wish to explore in this paper are that the practice of drinking alcoholic beverages * has a numberof characteristic Fnmortant social roles in traditional small-scale societies, particularly in terme of political economy; that drinking can have a significant role in Sota change and that an awarenes ofthe ramifications ofthese features ‘an aid understanding of archaeological data in a variety of contests ‘These points are arged by first introducing a specific archaeological problem which illustrates the relevance ofthis line of inquiry he stad of processes of Early Iron Age trade and colonial interaction inthe RhOne~ Sdn basin of France. An expiratory discussion of the general question ‘of the social role of drinking in smal scale societies and ofthe role of ‘kinking in social change shen offered through cross-cultural analysis of ‘ethnographic studies. Finally, the uit of this perspective is demon: Stated By the formulation of a model which provides fresh insights and improves understanding ofthe specific arhacoogical case with which the per beains ‘COLONIAL INTERACTION IN EARLY IRON AGE FRANCE ‘The fist archacolgicaly significant traces of trading contact between the Mediterranean states und the indigenous peoples of France date from the late seventh century B.C. and occur along the coast of southern France inthe area of the lower Rhine basin (sce Fig. 1). While these contacts wore orginally credited to Rhodian Greek merchants (6... J cobsthal and Neuffer 1933) itis now generally accepted that lruscans were the first agent of trade inthis afea (Morel 1975, 1981; Bouloumié T98t, 1987; Py T9RS), withthe evidence for this trade consisting over- wheimingly of ceramics used for the transport and drinking of wine "Etruscan wie anphoras constitute the vast majority of this. material (Py and Py 1974 By 1989): however, the ate found tether with signif. icant quantities of Etruscan bucchero nero potery, with forms almost ‘exclusively felted to serving and drinking wine (e.., kantharo ‘inochoe, Kylix) (Lagrand 1979; Bouloumié 1987). Associated with this Imitrial and Believed to have also heen imported by Etruscan traders, fre smaler quantiles of Greek ceramics of various origin (lonan, Rho dian, Corinthian, et), which are aguin heavily dominated by wine-rink- ing caps (Benoit 195: Bouloumié 198, 1987). About 30 Etruscan bronze basins and one bronze wine pitcher have also been found (Bouloumié aed [Lagrand 1977; Bouloumié 1988). That this material represents a substan Til ade in wine seoms highly probable in view of the four shipwrecksa4 MicHAEL DIETLER loaded with Etracan amphoras found of the coast of southern France (Gee Bouloumie 1982), the plenitude of indigenous sites with such cera Jes throughout the lower Rhdne basin Lagrand 1979; Morel (981), andthe abundance of sherds of this pottery i collections from surface survey ia the region around Marsile and the Etang de Bere (Bouloumié (986. ‘About 600 B.C, loan Greeks from Phocaea founded the colony of ‘Masala atthe site of modern Marseille. By the second quarter ofthe sixth century B.C. they had already begun locally producing fine-ware Ceramics, called "Pecude-Tonian” and "Grey Monochrome” wares (Vik lard 1960'S8-7E; Benoit 1965:146-162; Py 1979-1980; Arclin-Pradele 1984), and trading them fo the natives ofthe Massaliot hinterland Despite “wider range of forms in use at Massalia (Villard 19605865, finds on indigenous sites ste predominantly wine-denking ao service forms and 4 native form of bowl (Atclin-Pradlle Form 3). The Masao also traded {o te natives fine panted-pottery imported from Athens (again, almost cxclsively wine-rinking forms sch as cups), and they eventually bepan DRIVEN BY BRIN 3s local production of ther wn wine which was taded to the natives ina distinctive type of amphora (Benoit 1965:182-186; Bertucchi 1979; Py 1978). During the course ofthe lst half ofthe sisth century B.C. they appear to have gradually displaced the Etruscans asthe main agents of tua with the indigenous peoples ofthe lower Rhine basin (Moret T9815 y 1945; Arcelin 1986) BY the last half ofthe sixth century, and particularly during the fst ‘quater of the century and the beginning of the inh century, when Etruscan rade had dwindled dramatically, objets of Mediterranean or jin which most probably first reached France through Massalia were Fading their way Several hundred Kilometers up the Rhdne valley to sites of the socalled Hallstatt culture in Burgundy, southern Germany. and Switzerland, They are found thee in contexts that have been widely interpreted as indicating dramatic social and politcal changes, » fat ‘hich has stimulated a good deal of discussion ofthe role of Mediterrs- ean trade in producing these changes (cf. Frankenstein and Rowlands 1978; Hirke 1979, Wels 1980, Kimmig 1983s; Spindler 1983; Colis 1983: Bini 1988: Gosden 1985; Brun 1987), While the precise agents, mech anism, ad volume ofthe “trade” which was responsible Fr the aval of ‘these items inthe Hallsat area are still open to debate see Dieter 1989: Bl 1984; Bouloumi 1985), what i agin very clear is tha the mas jority ofthese imported items are objects associated inthe Greck world ‘with wine drinking (see below. "The only other major clement of indigenous cultural borrowing stem ‘ming from these colonial tang contacts during the Early Iron Ape was the adoption of Greek pottery manufacturing techniques (use of the pot ters whet and coatrolled-daft ils) employed in the production ithe lower Rhone basin ftv hybrid wares combining Greek and indigenous derived forms and decorative modes, which are variants of the Pseuso- Tonian and Grey Monochrome wares produced at Masala (Lagrand 1963; Lagrand and Thalmann 1973; Py 1979-1980; ArcelinPradele 198). ‘What is again very interesting is that despite a much wider range of possible models produced and sed at Massa, nly very limited range ‘Greek forms were imitated in these wares, and these are predominantly Wwinedrinking and service forms, such as cups and oinochoui Dietler 1989). Although, a8 noted above, the majority of Mediterranean goods im: ported ino bot the lower Rhine basin and the Hallstatt area ae ceatly Felted the practice of drinking wine. there are marked diflerences ‘between the two regions in Lerma the naire snd contexts af he objects found. fn the allstat region, the imports are actually relatively very Tew in comparison both to contemporary finds in southern France (cf. Benoit 1965; Py 1971 ull 1982; Well 1980; Bouloumie 198S, 1988; F. Villard386 cart preven 1988) and to the vast quantities of amphoras fom a Roman wine trade extending into the former Hallstatt area several centutes later (Tehernia 1983; Fitzpatrick 1985), However, they aso tend to be of luxurious, rare of even spectacular ature, such asthe 1G-mtl bronze crater from the Vix tumuli in Burgundy Gofroy 1979), the SOiter bronze cauldron ‘omamented with east bronze lions from the Hochdor ume near SI fart (Biel 1985), oF the cauldron and tripod capped with griffin heads from the tumulus of La Garenne in Burgundy oflrey 1979). Other wine- Felated material found includes a few dozen sherds of Massaliot mphoras* and afew hundred pieces of Ati Blackfigure and back gloss pottery" (predominantly drinking cups and kraters)(F. Vlad 198; Bou foumi 1988). Furthermore, this material tends (0 be concentrated in a ‘sna numberof elaborate tumulus burials (the bronze vessels, some Ate pottery, and various exotic items) already richly endowed with indige- ‘ous prestige objects, and on a Tew forifedsetiements (the amphoras find Ate pottery) around which the tumuli are concentrated (se Heke 197; Wells 1980; Bouloumie 1985; Brun 1987). Ta the lower Rhéne basin the pater is quite differen: aside from thelr catlier appearance, Mediterranean imports ar also vastly more numerous and they are found on a wide variety of setlements of ll types and sizes, and, rarely, in a few relatively unostentatious small tumuli and other raves (see Benoit 165; Py 197; Lagrand 1987). However, they are also much less spectacular, consisting overwhelmingly of wine amphoras ‘Eteusean, Massalo, and a few Punic and miscellaneous Greck types) and wine-drinkin ceramics (Etruscan, Massaliot, Attic Tonia, and other ‘Greek types), with a small numberof simple bronze bowls (as described cain) The regional contrast well llstated by the example of the “al rater simple seftlement site of La Ligure in Eastern Languedoc from which many more imported amphora sherds have been recovered than have been found inthe entire Hallstatt region combined (Py 1988) ‘The same can be sid for at least a dozen other sites, including Le Pogue rncar Nyons in the northern part ofthe lower Rhine basin (Lagrand and ‘Thalmann 1973), whichis more exaelly comtemporary with the Late Hall stat sites in question, Nether site, However, nor any other site inthe lower Rhine basin, has yielded anything comparable tothe spectacular bronze wine mixing vessels found in the Hallstatt area, aor 10 the huge and elaborately furnished tumuli in which they were found "The adtioal explanatory framework for this archacoogical materi particularly in southern France, has been the somewhat nebulous concept Known as "Hellenizaion” (ef, Jacobsthal and Neuffer 1933; Benoit 1965; Py 19780:338-339; Bouloumié 1981), a sort of progressive general emu lation of "cvilzed” customs by “harbarians” asa natural and ineitable response to contact. Actually, Hellenization is at best merely 2 deserip- DRIVEN BY DRINK aT rubric which offers ite insight into the processes of sci change resuling from culture contact; and less bengal, it ean actually obscure Understanding under x haze of tacit assumptions. Moreover. asie from its obvious inability to explain the very diferent contexts in which im ported objects are found (and their elatve quality and nature) in southern Trance and the Hallett region, the overall pattern of cultural borrowing tnd mater mports outlined above seme curiously at odds with the ies ‘ot blanket emiation of Grek culture I fact fem the very ist con tact, this paltern remained limited, specific, and consistent i was over: ‘selmingly dominated by wine snd wine-drinking gear. Furthermore, 3s Morel (1981) has pointed out forthe Etrusean material, comparison with contemporary patterns of Etruscan trade in North Africa and Sardinia fovhere the range of imports i* much wider) indicates thatthe French Situation vasa result of consumer demand rather than being due simply to the range of goods commonly offered by trades. That this was sso the ase forthe Grece materials further indicated by the exreme selectivity in the emulation of Greek forms within the repertoire of the indigenously produced Pseudo-Tonian and Grey-Monochrome wares (Diller 1989). [As Appadiai has indicated, demand cannot in any ease be assumed to be ‘i natral response tothe availabilty of goods. IC must be understood rather a the “political lgie of consumption,” a feature ofthe overa political economy (Appadura 1986:29-3), ‘Other attempts to understand this probiem outside the framework of Hellenizaion have aso been problematic. Perhaps the best known alter ative focus of explanation, particularly forthe Hallstatt are, has been the role of Mediterranean impors as "prestige goods" (asa Reneralized ‘concep used by chiefs in networks of exchange and redstution within Indigenous societies to compete for political and economic power esit- ing in marked development of socal stratification and politcal central ization (et Frankenstein nd Rowlands 978; Wells 1980; Brun 1987). The ‘mode! of Frankenstein and Rowlands (1978), which has become widely influential, particulary among scholars working within the "word sy temslcenterperiphery" approach, postulates regional cetcalization of pola! power asa result of manipulative redistribution of these Med {erranean goods by Halls. paramount chefs in order to secure political ties with vassal chiefs and augment heir power. A major feature of the ‘model is the relations of dependency it views having developed inthe Hallstatt area, such that the political structure of the Hallstatt domain became dependant on control of access to these exotic items to the extent ‘har a shift in the soppy st the end of the Early Tw Age provoked a political crisis and collapse of the structure (Prankenstin and Rowlands {978108 However, contrary to the conclusions of the authors. although the model very convincingly demonstrates how such redistributive mecha388 MuCHAFL DIETLER nisms may have served to support the Hallstatt politcal structure, the archacolgieal evidence actualy suggest hat Mediterranean imports id ‘ot play central ole in this process (Dieter 1989). Rather i seems that indigenously produced prestige goods were far more important in this regard. There sin Tat, very litle evidence of ny redistribution of the Mediterranean goods, a most of them ate concentrated ina few tumulus burials which are also the wealthiest and most elaborate in terms of in Aigenous prestige items and stucture ofthe funerary monuments hence those which are deemed to represent the highest level ofthe soci political structure (Frankenstein and Rowlands 197884, 10), Moreover, Imany of the imported items in the tombs show evidence of wear and repair o contextual anachronism which indicate long use before thet venital deposition (Dehn and Frey 1979; Boulourié 1983, 1984 Bitff 1984). This feature, combined with their relative paucity, casts serious doubt on the importance of a steady Mow of these items through the fedistributive networkin supporting the Hallstatt political structure, and hence on the dependency of the Hallstatt chiefs on Mediterranean trade forthe development or maintenance oftheir power (Bint 1984167). would suggest that the falure of these various atvempls to explain both the demand for Mediterranean goods by indigenous societies an the Social effects oftheir adoption stems from flire to consider the es sential feature ofthe contact situation: why Were wine sind wine-drinking fear. in particular, the focus of trade and other cultural borrowing? Was this a ease of genuine emulation of alien customs of, rather, eiferent aller of adaptation of alien commodities to native fositutions in df= ferent areas? ln what ways could the adoption of this foreign form of risk land drinking gear afect the politcal economy ofthese societies? ‘Given that the archaeological evidence Tor trade between the Mediter ranean civilizations andthe inigenous peoples of both southern France and Central Europe inthe Early Iron Age is so heavily dominated by ‘objects associated with wine drinking ts curious tha more attention has not been paid specifically to the possible social role of drinking mong ‘hese indigenous peoples in prior treatments of Greek and Etruscan trade and acculturation i the area. An understanding of the possible range of processes of adoption and integration of an len alcoholic beverage and’ ‘or associated drinking customs by these indigenous societies holds erat potential in elucidating the complex socal consequences stemming from Cultural contet in general. To address these questions, however, One ‘must undertake a gneralconsieration of the socal role of drinking in salacale sovietes fom te perspective Of eros-cUCUal analysis OF {hnographic and historical data ‘THE SOCIAL ROLE OF DRINKING ‘This isa subject that has received very’ litle serious consideration DRIVEN BY DRINK. 9 among archaeologists despite indications of socal importance realy Aappareat inthe growing body of studies on the subject by sociocultural anthropologists (eg. sce Heath 1976, 1987, 19870). As with other types ff materia culture, the form, use, and meaning of alcohol witina society te culturally defined. However, leoholic beverages consilue an arti- Tact clase with ceruin special properties that distinguish i from many others, Inthe fis place, although drinking alcoho s nt an essential human Physiological activity (suchas eating and sex), the practice was extremely ‘widespread ins aboriginal isiibution: tthe tine of European contac, ‘only Polynesia and much of North America seem fo have been without ‘Some indigenous form of alcool (Marshall 197%:2) and it remains the ‘mort widely ned human psyehosctive, oF consciousness llring, agent (Heath 19870). Second, alcohol very frequently has been regarded by the ‘people using asa fundamentally important ital and social artifact, with pullers of use deeply embedded in the cultural fabric of various societies tothe extent that the form and meaning of drinking ina society may reveal 8 great deal about the whole social order (Mandetbaum 1965.28 “The realization ofthis fact has gradually imposed itself upon ethno- sraphic fielworkers, whose studies dealing with drinking, ant rcent years, have Been more incidental than systematically directed (See Heath 1976). Infact, most ofthe data coected on the subject have been by cethnographers who went to the Fld with other interests in mind and tended up noting drinking behavior simply becase it was so obviously important tothe peopl they were studying (8. Bunzel 1940; Netting 186d: Kennedy 1978: Colson and Scudder 1988). Another indication ofits special character within the realm of material clture is tat alcohol has rely if ever been ignored by a people who knew of it itis sometimes “tubooed.” but not ignored (Mandelbaum 1968-781). Furthermore, as the ‘American experiment with Prohibition atsts, once the custom of drink- ing is acquired by a society, itis never abandoned. Ax Bacon etal (0965:38) noted, "The consumption of alcoholic beverages apparent performs some function, either societal or individual, which sf sue ent importance so that, once established ina society is never entirely Felinguishe. ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDIES A great deal of information about drinking exists, but it comes fom a numer of academic elds (eg, socal psychology, tology, and anthro ology) each with is own methods and researeh interests, and conse- ‘quently tends to be somewhat variable in character, Most socal peychol- ‘ay sues have Been motivated by an interest in explaining patholoaical60 ucHaeL pIETLER drinking and have tended to be directed toward questions of basic in ‘dual motivation for drinking, patterns of alcoholism (which is often incorrectly equated with drunkenness) and socially disruptive aspects of Arinkng. Anthropologists, om the other hand, have generally emphasized patterns of "normal drinking” (which may include drunkenness) andthe ‘ovaly integrative functions of drinking institutions and practices, An= thropologicel treatments ofthe issue have sometinies envinced some what defensive fone in reaction tothe prevalent emphasis on alcoholism and drinking asa social problem (see Room 1984 for a discussion ofthe Controversy between adherents of these two perspectives). 'As mentioned previously. much ofthe primary ethnographic reporing ‘on drinking as Been ofan incidental nature. Unt the 1970s, there were almost no field studies designed explicitly to study drinking behavior ina traditional socal context Heath 1976:42), but many ethnographer did ‘make observations on drinking as & peripheral by-product of discussions of other issues of more immediate concern to them. Some researchers ‘ho had gone fo the field not intending to focus on drinking were sul ciently impressed by its importance within the society they were stadying ‘o subsequently subject the topic to detailed analysis, demonstrating the ways in which drinking ft with other aspects ofthe culture and rolted to the broader socio-cultural context (eg. Neng 1964; Kennedy 1978; San tee 1962). Colson and Scudder (1988) even produced a long-term study ‘of changes in drinking patterns in relation to social change, and ethers (e., Banks 1937; Bunzel 1940) pursued seminal comparative eros cultural studies based on primary observation of drinking behavior: al- ‘though his was again, outside the scope of ther original esearch designs (Bunzet 1976; Colson and Scudder 1988:10) Most ofthe cross-cultural studies of drinking that have been done, however, have been based on statistical analysis of large secondary com: parative simples, mostly derived from the Homan Relations Area Files (e-g., Horton 1943 Feld 1962; Bacon eta. 1965; Schaefer 1976) or on less quantitative secondary comparative analysis of ethnographic repeets (€-t. Washburn 1961), Despite the disparity of approaches and methods, and the cultural diversity of drinking patern. some significant general ‘observations about drinking and some illuminating empirical examples of ‘he manifestations of he socal roles of drinking canbe gleaned from tis body of information which are ueful in understanding archacological situations. SOCIAL ASPEGT ‘The first observation that can be made is that in neatly all societies where it exists, drinking is primaily a social act, This means fist that Driven ny BRINE x61 inking occurs almost exchsvly inthe context of social interaction and that soar. aictve dking of he type associated wih alcoholism n wuaized Western soeeies rare in small radtiona socket iE particu in those wth aborgaly established drinking paters {DIBhSt; Mandela 1965:281). It mens lo that enking fehaviorssmostuniveralygovered by cultural rls and expecta: ins, an theve ae often very emotonaly aden (Heath 1976.5). AS: pcs ofdsinking which ten genera ity lean reglated by these Tals and expectations ince the type and quanity of dik used andthe fate at whch is consumed th ime an etn of drinking event he Fal ascompenying drinking, he sex and geo Sinker, the roles em Thien king ovens, andthe ole bekavor appropiate to dnking i “flerent coments (Mandelbaum 196-281). Finally means hat drinking ‘Sally ininatsy woven into the fabric ofthe soil order and may aves wide range of sca tos Perhaps the most widespread of these functions is faitaing soi interaction and channeling the ow of social elations. Where iti con Sime tly aol very commonly an sera pat of the ett of hospitality. Examples range fom the mandatory ofering of ehicha ber) to guess enerng a howse among the Mapuche of Chile (Lommitz {p7e-03), othe raion beer of fendship fered to guess in homes the Tinks of Kenya (Sangre 196211) the kus (ermented mare's til given to guests bythe Vakt of Siberia (Washburne 1961 230-240), {Othe communal cups of palewine shared by Nigerian Igbo hos and ucts (Okere 189:97-198), othe rounds of erinks offered by indivi {rin ris pubs and predinner cocks proffered to guests Ame {Ean homes Inded the practic sso prevalent hat examples of societies {Sime dik where ot employed nis manne re very rae “Tis intimate association withthe fnstution of hospital imbues inking witha potent social vale bssauze becomes an ntegrllement in esatishing te elatons of recipes! oBigation that bind ost and uct nthe proves offering hospital (MaUss 196), The Baganda of Uganda or cxample say that Beer "warms" kinship and tat “friend Sti hives om toe? bet infact, the medom sed to develop ong- insiag italy inked dking prinerships abeinyw) which bond wt fly uscated pen together n'a varity of mutual social and economic Ohlone” (Robbins 197371 rin nk inthe tent up cn ba mans of mann ingortutingup one's "soi retina community or iteration etwont athe fe af enc obligations ca esl a heavy demands on Fesmures; reciprocal dak exchanges can put severe presses on in ‘ual or fais to the extent hat any econome sorpls i continually ing lgidted inthis press (Waddell 1978) For example, Kennedy02 renee puerLeR (197885) estimated thatthe average Tarshumara household expends at least 200 pounds ofits limited maize supply annually i he production of beer for fexguinadas (her parties) Hospitality, hence drinking, can also be manipulated competitively (and even aggressively for augmentation of socal prestige and power “The wellknown “potlateh’ isa exieme for of such maniputtion, but in more subtle guise i plays an important role in many forms of status claim, economic contro, and piles! power, For example, the Tarab ‘mara resqainada (oer party), mentioned above, operates as a "prestige showcase” andthe abi 0 host sich event in the lean season before {he next harvest, when many are hard pressed to supply thei own food, is dramatic manifestation of wealth and power: also important in mea suring prestige are the size of the drinking party (ihe distance of the network of people invited) and the degree of drunkenness able to Be susiined (Kennedy 1978118) (Often, where prestige is recognized by formal status categories, drink ing plays an important role in obtaining access To them, For example, among the Yorba the taking of tes by a man requires him to supply large quantities of beer or palm-wine asa display of his prestige (Obayemt 1976) Similar, furnishing copious rink isa major element of expense in hosting the religious festivals by which ranked prestige is determined in the cargo system of Zinacantan in ral Mesica (Cancian 1968) Drinking also has @ common funetion of promoting social solidarity ‘through its role in faciiating socal interaction inthe context of informal social gatherings. The Heso of Bas Alica, fr example, define neighbors as “people with whom one shares beet” (Karp 19809). Sometimes, as among the Siriono of Bolivia (Holmberg 1950), inking may be one of he very few activities through which individuals interact socially with any toup outside the nuclear family. n many societies, such as the Kenyan irik Sangree 1962) and Keso (Karp 1980), communal bese pots ate the center of men’s everyday social life around which gossip s passed, dis. Dutes and policy are discussed, and tales ae tld. Kennedy (1978125) ‘oes so far as (0 call the network of beer-rinking parties “the major Structural form of the Tarahumara social system above the family and Fesidence group.” In addition to informal gatherings and partis, drinking often plays an important role in the more formal ceremonial lie of a society. and rik ites often imbued with ritual or symbolic significance, Religions rit als, festivals, and the major rites wf passage. such as biths, weddings, itations, and funerals, commonly involve drinking parties, hati. toasts, or exchanges of dink. The extent ofthe integration of drinking ino the ceremonial framework ofa society varies. The Kolyar of Niger represent an example of what might be considered maxima integration, DRIVEN ay DRINK 363 in that virally no ceremony, sacred or secular, or indeed any soci event oF relationship on any sale is conceivable without a ow of beer: land even the days of the week are reckoned in terms of the brewing cel (Netting 1964), Similar, forthe Tks of Kens, beer partis are sich 3 fundamental pat ofthe inition ceremonies forthe age group eycle that 1 bad milet harvest is often a reason for pesipoing these ceremonies, Which are eld only every 4 years (Sangree 198219). ‘Communal ceremanies and other social events are often hosted by individuals or groups (ch as families or lineages) within a community, ‘nd any time the consumption group is larger than the production group, the prestige-acquiring potetial of hospitality is operative. For example, Among the Mapuche of Chile, public events such s war gathering, wed ‘ings, athletic competitions, le, were hosted by individuals und spon Sorship ofthese Feasts lent prestige to the host in proportion to the cop ‘uses of drink and food supplied, Lomuitz 1976183). Sometimes, ow ver, production of drink for thee events may be divided among the ‘members ofthe gzoup consuming it, and the function of prometing sot arty is extended tothe activity of production as well asthe process of "The most significant variable in determining the extent of “integrated rnking” (ie drinking i the context of religous and ceremonial oa ‘sons: Childe. 1965) appears to be whether sleobol was used abori inally or introduced in post-European-contact times. On the basis of éross-cultual analysis of 110 societies, Bacon et al. (1965:44) noted that high Fequency of ceremonial drinking tends toe common in societies Uehose drinking custome were developed aboriginal. In other words, rinking tends to be well integrated culturally in those societies which have used alcohol fra long period of time I should not be assumed from this that because drinking often fone: tions to facilitate socal interaction and is well integrated into the cee ‘monial framework of a culture it necessarily serves simply to promote Socal solidarity. Relations of social diferenation and inequality, and hence inherent underiying tension of social coafit and contradiction are often expressed, or even crate, nthe very patterns of social inter: action which promote solidarity. Hospitality for example. promotes 8 tial cohesion by establishing 4 binding relationship between host and ‘west; butt sbould nt be forgotten that this is arelationship of reciprocal ‘obligation which, it cannot be repaid, becomes a relationship of supe Firity and inferiority (Mauss 196. The potential fore of such relations Arinkng friendships of the Mambila of Nigeria, which develop overtime {fom alternating exchanges of hospitality with «few pots of beer between individual partners to open competition between whole communities,68 sicnaet prercen withthe provision of hundreds of pots of beer necessary to maintain the reputation of the village (Rehisch 1987) As willbe discussed later, this relative power-defiaing aspect of drinking the context of hospitality ean be important inthe implementation of both insitutionalized political at ‘hority and the informal power associated with leadership in societies ‘without specialized polities! roles Drinking i, fact, common and effective too inthe manipulation of| social relations through hospitality is many forms and contents. How «ver, indian to this potential for competitive manipulation of drinking {or prestige, economic advantage, and political power, drinking customs in themselves often reflect and reinforce instituttonalzed status diferen- {ation within a society "The most prevalent sats diferentstion reflected in drinking practices Is gender-based. Although n most societies both men and women drink, in general, men dink more than women (Child etal. 1965, Marshal 1979b:#54; Mandelbaum 1965:282). This is tue despite the fact tha women frequently provide the raw material and do the brewing, and sianificanly, it most ire in thse societies with indigenous drinking patterns (hence those in which drinking is most completely integrated culturally). Inthe eross-cultual survey of 139 societies conducted by Child et al. 1965), 8156 ofthe societies with a definite sex aflerence in ‘rinking (in no ease were women heavier drinkers} used alcohol ahorie aly rather than having i inteoduced in postcontact times, ad aboriginal users constituted only 45% ofthe societies without a clear sex siference Correspondingly hh fequency of ceremonial drinking is sso clearly correlated with sexual diferemition in aleohol use (Child ets 196857, Bacon 1916). Expression of sexual diferentaton in drinking is notre stricted to amounts of alcobol consumed, but may also take the form of Seating arangemens, order of serving, Kinds of drinking appara em ployed, separation of drinking groups, and particulary expected behav ‘our while drinking (see, for example, Ngokwey 1987; Karp 1980; Keuls 1986), “These kinds ofstatusmarkng practices are also employed to diferen- tite individuals oF groups on the bass of age, role, prestige, or other socially relevant distinctions. For example, among the Luo of Kenya, elders drink from a large communal beer pot through long straws, while junior men and women dink hocr fom a smaller and different form of pot using alabashes(Dietlern). Similarly, among the Chagea of Tanzania ‘here is a formal etiquette which determines who gets the foam ofthe beer. in what order people are served, the size of calahaen ned for driking by diferent individu, and the eating arrangement (Gutmann 1926 ited in Washbourne 19624). Hecause of integration in ceremo. rial and religious fe, drinking can become s poten ‘symbol ma Driven By ORINK ss ipulated for ideological ens by groups within a society. Social strata, ‘itegories, orelises are sometimes dacically marked by special drink Ing and culinary practices, as, for example, in India ofthe Vedic period, ‘here cach of the four main varnar had ils proper drink (Goody 1O#0:115), oF in Rajastan, where the Warrior Rajput case were heavy Arikers, while the Brahmans were complete abstaners(Carstats 1979). This aspect is explored im more detail under the discussion of cultural change ECONOMIC ASPECT (One aspect of drinking whichis of potentially preat interest to archae- logins if that i fequently plays a significant economic role in small Scale societies, The man focus of most anthropological treatments of “drinking has Been on the ceremonial and symbolic aspects and on the funtion of faitatng social soidanty, but references to importa ‘omic functions are found scattered (often as incidental asides) through fot many stds, and the subject deserves moe systematic analysis. Pethaps the most widespread and impertant economic role played by Arinking in the mobilization of labor trough werk-party feasts (Diller {99), Ie mst be remembered that ia traditional pre money economies labor isnot # marketable commodity (Bohsanan and Dalton 1962). In such societies, one of the few means available for pooling labor (espe cially acros kinship lines) fora project requiring larger communal effort, isthe widespread insittion ofthe work-party feast, in which people father fora day to work ona specifi project and are treated to feast of tink andr food atthe end. Nofrther compensation is usually required (except in some cases, the expectation to reciprocate atthe feasts of other) and the host owns the proceeds ofthe day's labor. The practice is extremely common and of considerable economic importance: in po lively acephalous societies its frequently the only means avilable of ‘mobilizing labor ona scale above the Basic productive uit, Bu itis aso triely employed for corvée labor by chiefs and ter leaders in societies ‘th insitutionalizd politcal roles and authority (even where recourse to oeteve power exists) and was comm even ia feuds societies. 'A few of many possible examples are offered to illustrate the signi cance, and some ofthe ramifications, of deaking (and feasting in weneral) inthis context. Among the Tarahumara of Mexico, the resqinada (beer purty) isthe standard method of mobilizing cooperative laber. Neighbors ‘ome together to ada family to complete some major work, and the host ie enpocted to provide fesaing (maize-eer) in copious amounts. The beer ot considered exactly as a payment for labor, but iti the essen tal part ofthe labor exchange pattern, and services will ot be performed ‘without it, Wealthier men afe able to give more frequent and more lvish366 MicHAEL Diesen beer partis and thereby ain the nbor necessary fo maintain larger areas ‘under cukvation and tus generate surplus corn for distribution (crime) {o others in times of famine (Kennedy 197886). They also gan prestige the process, asthe heer party serves “the important function of publi ing rank and power in the community” (Kennedy 1978-118) “Among the Samia people of western Kenya, pr-colona ron produc- tion, which furnished the needs of the poiically acephalous Samia and neighboring Taio peoples, was based enlirely upon this practice, A ‘wealthy man with surplus grain anda sulfiient number of wives to brew beer fra large group would summon together all ofthe young men of the area on given day to collec iron ore from the Samia Hills. The youns ‘men departed after the great beer party, and the host as left with lage supply of iron ore which he subsequent converted into hoes through he agency ofa smith, The extremely valuable iron hoes were then traded for livestock or used directly in bridewealth payments in combination with ‘atl to acquire more wives. Additional wives (who did the agrcaltare) increased the wealthy host's productive base and allowed him to more csily and quickly amass enough gran for another work-party feast, and begin the eyele again (Dieter 198%). Planting, bush clearing, weeding, harvesting, hatching, and fence and house consiructon are all accomplished by work-pary beer feats (nayket) among the Sebei of Uganda, for whom “a institution is #0 ‘ental to modern Sebel fe” (Goldschmidt 1976156). Among the Kofyar of Nigeria, the conception of God is even phrased in terme ofan important farmer who dispenses beer in exchange for labor (Netting 1964:370, Woridvide, such feasts have been commonly used for everything from mounting tade expeditions to rural American “barrrasings (ef. Crm. ‘mings 199692-98; Barnes 198219 Bohannan and Bohan 1968.72-76; Lemert 1964:367; Eguchi 1975; Herskovits 1957-70-76; Hunter 1936:88— 2). Infact, this Feastariven mechanism of labor mobilization fs 3 com mon in the ethnographic and historical Hteratre for all continents thal least for gre-money societies with an agricultural subsistence bese. ican bbe regarded as a nearly universal patern (Diller 189%) In many caves ths practice has persisted even lng after the adoption ‘of money ino the economy, and there ae often strong residual nepaive feelings about the concept of free men exchanging labor for pay although conmercal relations have come to predominate in other aspect of ie For example, Barth noted a strong reluctance to exchange labor for any ‘hing but beer among the Fur of the Suda: government agencies were ‘unsuccessful in reruting local labor by offering money wages even st ‘value calculated at roughly 12 times that of the millet (brewed into beer) demanded by an individual in the content of a work-party feast (Us67as16. Barth described the labor forbeer insiution of the Fur as DDxiven wy xin 60 lone of two separate spheres of exchange.” eer was used fo compensate informal reciprocal help and to mobilize large work-partis for millet production (fom which beer was made) and for house building. I was not considered proper to exchange either beer ot labor for cash, and these two spheres of exchange were effectively inrulated due tothe lack of & ‘regular means of conversion (1967s). However, key elements inthe even ‘ual breakdown of this labor mobilization patern appear tobe the deve ‘opment of extensive cashcropping and particularly the wansformation of {rink self into a commercialized commodity with a monetary exchange ‘value (Colson and Scudder 1988; Hedlund and Lundah 1984. It shouldbe pointed out that it snot necessarily desire for abel, er se, which motivates people to work topether. Rater, its the ns {ution ofthe hosted feast, with the force of relations of reciprocal obi ‘ation established though hospitality, and sometimes the implied obi tion of the host to perform reciprocal services at the feats of others. However, given that alcohol ends tobe an essential component of Feast ing in Societies in which it was known aberiginally (the “integrated drinking” pater defined by Child etal 1968) and given the widespread