TRAMES, 2021, 25(75/70), 1, 69–82

WARFARE IN PRE-COLONIAL AFRICA:

AN EXAMINATION OF THE ROLE OF AFRICAN BLACKSMITHS

C. G. Chidume1, C. N. Oko-Otu2, G. C. Aro1, O. C. Eze1, I. N. Enwo-Irem1,

and F. M. Nwankwo1
1
Alex Ekwueme Federal University Ndufu-Alike Ikwo and
2
University of Kent UK

Abstract. The rise, fall and expansion of most kingdoms in pre-colonial Africa were
credited to the activities of warfare. To sustain war efforts, various societies and warlords
in pre-colonial Africa evolved unique military complexes, strategies and tactics, which they
deployed during war times. The blacksmith was the fulcrum of pre-colonial war armory and
strategy. The knowledge of iron metallurgy was the exclusive domain of the blacksmith. The
knowledge of metallurgy made the blacksmith indispensable in actual execution of wars,
hence he fashioned the weapon, went with the army to the battlefield to ensure adequate
supply of weapons and repair of worn-out weapons for the reinforcement of the armies in the
battleground. All these functions combined, made the blacksmiths an invaluable party in the
preparation and actual execution of wars in pre-colonial Africa.

Keywords: blacksmith, pre-colonial, wars, Africa

DOI: https//doi.org/10.3176/tr.2021.1.05
Received 12 May 2020, accepted 3 June 2020, printed and available online 10 March 2021

1. Introduction

In pre-colonial Africa, war was fought for a range of reasons, including territorial
expansion, self-preservation, defense, protection against external aggressors, etc.
War has been profoundly important in shaping Africa’s past; it has been both the
outcome and driver of broader political, social, and economic change. The struggle,
moreover, to domesticate hostile physical and climatic environments has been a

© 2021 Authors. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons
Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/).
70 C. G. Chidume et al.

crucial driver of warfare, leading to the violent quest to control resources (water,
arable land, healthy pasture) (Reid 2011). Many kingdoms in pre-colonial Africa
reached its apogee in terms of power and wealth relations as a result of conquest and
acquisition of new territories.
The inevitability of war in pre-colonial Africa demanded a level of sophisticated
weapons in the arsenal of an army. This is because the success of a military operation
during war times depended on the level of the sophistication of the armory, tactics
and strategy employed by the army. Against this background, therefore, there was
a continuous evolution in the technology of development of war armory in pre-
colonial Africa. It is true that the emergence of Africanist historians has provided a
watershed on African military past; the works of scholars like John K. Thorton, John
Keagan, Bala Achi, G. N. Uzoigwe, Kenneth O. Dike, Toyin Falola, among others
are replete with potpourri of African military experiences. John K. Thorton in his
book Warfare in Africa went a step further to identify the numerous environmental
and climatic conditions that shaped the nature of African warfare and how these
conditions influenced the nature of arms deployment and strategy. Bala Achi’s work,
on the other hand, provided an explicatory synopsis on the nature of arms and armor
in pre-colonial Africa. Even though his work was on the Hausa States, his discussion
on Arms and Armour in the Warfare of Pre-Colonial Hausaland was congenital
with the accounts of other scholars and his classifications corroborated what was
obtainable in other Africa States.
However, useful though these studies are, they were designed to provide an
overview of a wide range of issues and topics in African history of warfare. In
this regard, the current work gives credit to the African indigenous technology
– blacksmith for the manufacturing of weapons in pre-colonial Africa; for the
overwhelming exploits and contributions of the blacksmith in the actual execution
of warfare in Africa. It is historically accurate that prior to the advent of colonial rule
and Western military technology, Africans evolved a functional military complex
based on indigenous knowledge of iron technology for the execution of wars. The
transition from stone tools to iron metallurgy in Africa introduced the use of metallic
objects such as spear, bows, arrows, breastplates, helmets, etc. in pre-colonial
wars. Technologies of iron smelting and forging, which likely began in the African
continent around 2,500 years ago, were ardently sought and jealously guarded. Their
control could promote a king’s ambition, enhance a soldier’s fortune, and secure a
community’s well-being. Iron tools and weapons enabled Africans to forage, hunt,
and till the soil, assuring prosperity and protection (Fowler Museum 2018a). The
technology of iron metallurgy appeared to be ubiquitous and was domiciled with
the blacksmith who was acclaimed to wield divine knowledge on the extraction
and fabrication of iron into domestic, spiritual and war implements. Beyond the
fabrication of metallic tools, the blacksmith was also revered and consulted before
the deployment of metallic tools during the war. The blacksmith also accompanied
the warriors to the battlefield to ensure adequate supply of weaponry and repair of
worn-out ones. He was proclaimed the custodian of the god of iron who must be
consulted to fortify the army and make some predictions in times of war.
Warfare in Pre-Colonial Africa 71

Therefore, by analyzing the contributions of the blacksmith in the execution

of warfare in pre-colonial Africa, this work makes a major contribution to the
existing literature and knowledge on the modus of pre-colonial warfare. It differs
remarkably from the work of other scholars from the in-depth analysis it offers in
the understanding of the production and deployment of colonial weapons of warfare.
However, in examining the place of the blacksmith in the development of wars in pre-
colonial Africa, it is also necessary to glance at the nature of warfare and weaponry
in pre-colonial African wars, because it is particularly necessary in establishing the
relationship between the blacksmith and his involvement in war.

2. Theoretical framework

Several theories abound in the realm of social sciences aimed at explaining issues
and realities in the state setting. Wars and warfare have characterized the human
society since the beginning of human civilization. The explanatory tool for this study
is the Developmental State Theory. The crux of this theory is that society is at liberty
to look inwards in the management of its local and critical production, technology,
economy and other facets of development. Key proponents include (Leftwich 1995:
418) and (Chalmers 1982: 110). The production of the local blacksmiths was essential
in the local warfare because they produced local weapons of warfare. These local
productions ought to have been sustained in spite of the upsurge of foreign technology
displacing the indigenous materials. We note without equivocation that colonialism
and imperialism distorted the local production (Ake 1981: 97). Conventional warfare
was initially executed by the productions of the local blacksmith in pre-colonial
Africa. This theory is obviously antithetical to dependency theory.

3. The nature of warfare in pre-colonial Africa

Warfare in pre-colonial African societies was ubiquitous, most societies saw

war as a means of territorial expansion and a source of power, while some saw
it as a means of territorial defense from hostile neighbors. Warfare in pre-colonial
Africa was of both external and internal dimension, i.e. it could be between two
kingdoms or within a kingdom as a result of internal uprisings or disagreement
between the ruling elite or dynasties. Achi writing on arms and armor in pre-colonial
Hausaland, distinguished between great wars planned and organized by the central
government which consisted of hierarchical ordering of military commanders and
the general army under the control of the Sarki (king) and the smaller raids and
military operations carried out by individuals or bands of free looters who, although
they had to obtain permission from the king, retained most of the booty (Achi 1988:
45). Against this background, the socio-political organization of traditional societies
featured the organization of an army; and earliest rulers in Africa made rapid efforts
in building functional military complexes for the execution of wars.
72 C. G. Chidume et al.

Eurocentric scholars often undermine the significant developments in African

military history prior to colonialism; their narratives, frequently shaped by normative
assumptions about the nature of warfare and its proper conduct and by condescending
attitudes towards uncivilized people, tend to dismiss African wars as tribal or ‘bush’
wars that needed no special explanation, or whose explanation defied the logic of
those civilized wars that were the proper subject of military history (Thornton 1999:
4). Africa is often left out or dealt with in a rather unsophisticated manner in the
literature of comparative history of war (Thornton 1999: 2). Although studies in
African military history are relatively novel, the war experiences of Africans in
different societies have been captured in the seminal works of Africanist scholars and
historians including; J. F. Ade Ajayi and R. Smith Yoruba Warfare in the Nineteenth
Century; Toyin Falola and R. Law (eds) Warfare and Diplomacy in Pre-Colonial
Nigeria; R. J. Reid Warfare in African History; R. S. Smith Warfare and Diplomacy
in Pre-Colonial West Africa; J. Thornton, Warfare in Atlantic Africa, 1500–1800;
among others. These literatures reecho the significant contributions and exploits
of warlords like Hannibal of Carthage (247 BC-183/182 BC), Yakub al-Mansur of
Morocco (c1149–1199), Sonni Ali of the Songhai Empire, Shaka kaSenzangakhona
also known as Shaka de Zulu (1787–1828), etc. in the development of war strategies,
tactics and general military organization.
Moreover, the desire for territorial expansion and state preservation which made
war inevitable in Africa provided African rulers an avenue to consolidate their reign
over large territories, assert their power and influence, as well as dominate their
economic relations with their neighbors. Wars were fought to ensure survival or to
expand and consolidate at the expense of others. This entailed mobilization of men
and materials, continuous modification of weapons and the adoption of tactics and
strategy through which decisions were reached on the basis of situations which could
not be predicted by the enemy and, therefore limited the enemy’s will (Achi 1988:
12). John Thornton’s work on Warfare in Atlantic Africa captured the situation when
he wrote that:

The consolidation of the kingdom of Wolof in the late fifteenth century,

followed by the establishment of Songhay’s control over the Niger bend
after 1464 and then the implantation of a powerful Fulbe State on the upper
Senegal, ended the period of nomad domination. But the nomads returned
to power in the eighteenth century when civil war weakened the powers
who dominated the Sahel (Thornton 1999: 20).

Therefore, the degree of power a king exercised within and without his territory
was directly proportional to the strength, tactics and strategy of his army.
Another significant feature of pre-colonial warfare in Africa was the interlocking
of state power with military leadership. Uzoigwe noted that “in no State, traditional
or modern is the military totally divorced from the political structure. The degree
of integration, however, between the military and politics varies from State to
State” (Uzoigwe 1987: 23). He further maintained that the ideal king was a great
Warfare in Pre-Colonial Africa 73

warrior; larger than life (Uzoigwe 1987: 24). Most rulers in pre-colonial Africa also
distinguished themselves as great warlords and strategists. Kings did not just sit in
administration but also led and commanded the army in battles. The case of the three
interlacustrine states of Bunyoro, Kitara and Buganda, Zulu kingdom, etc. stand out
as instances. In pre-colonial Africa, Thornton observed that control of the ‘means of
destruction’ was more important than control over ‘means of production’ and thus
placed armies firmly in the panoply of state and political development (Thornton
1999: 6). It is within this context that some kingdoms in pre-colonial Africa reached
their zenith in terms of political and economic power under influential rulers and
military strategists. Examples of such kingdoms in pre-colonial Africa include the
Kanem Bornu Empire under Mai Idris Aloma, Songhai Empire under Sunni Ali, the
Sokoto caliphate under Uthman Dan Fodio, Ehugbo under Igboukwu, Ghana Empire
under Mansa Musa, Zulu kingdom under Shaka de Zulu, etc., these rulers introduced
significant military strategy, strategic thinking and tactics which transformed the
nature of warfare in Africa in pre-colonial times.
In pre-colonial Africa, wars had fronts and geography was a major determinant
of the nature of warfare and arms organization. They tended to fight in open order,
sometimes to enhance the individual skill of fighters, in other cases simply to make
missile weapon strikes slower or less effective by requiring their users to aim at
their targets (Thornton 1999: 12). Geography determined the type of army deployed
to fight in certain fronts. The military factor cannot, indeed, even be considered an
independent variable since the availability and utility of different systems of military
technology evidently depend upon economic and environmental conditions (Law
1976: 84). In corroborating the geo-military distribution of warfare in pre-colonial
Africa, Achi wrote that “the geographical location of Hausaland in the savannah
belt of the Nigeria area influenced the type of weapons and tactics of warfare. Here,
unlike the forest belt, long range missiles like the sling, catapult, javelin and the
bow and arrow could be used” (Achi 1988: 53). In pre-colonial Africa, Thornton
identifies four geo-military environment and military organization:

First, there was the broad savannah of the western Sudan, ideal for the
use of cavalry and ruled by horse soldiers and their infantry accompaniment.
Second are the extensive savannahs of central Africa, where because of
disease cavalry could not survive; these were the land where infantry
reigned supreme and even reconnaissance had to be done on foot. Thirdly,
there is the great tropical rainforest of West Africa, impossible for horses
and thus infantry country, but also so tangled by trees and undergrowth (for
most of it was secondary forest even in the sixteenth century) that warfare
was channeled into fairly fixed locations and a war of ambush and position
was often important. Finally, the savannah and sahel environments, with
denser populations of peasants living along rivers or in villages favoured
with sufficient water, leaders raised infantry as well as cavalry, there were
the river valleys and coastal regions where boats and marines played an
important role in moving troops and maneuver (Thornton 1999: 12).
74 C. G. Chidume et al.

The above distinction reveals two military organizations that were prevalent
in warfare in pre-colonial Africa – the cavalry and infantry army. As long as large
numbers of cavalry were on the field, infantry could not afford to straggle or leave
gaps (Thornton 1999: 11). Cavalry forces in the savannah regions of West Africa
tended towards a sort of decentralized military oligarchy (though not feudalism),
because mounts were expensive and only a limited number of people could afford
them. Armies in forested regions, on the other hand, used bows as their principal
weapon, which necessarily created much more democratic organizations, since bows
were owned by everyone and used in hunting (Thornton 1999: 20). Moving southward
from the desert, where there were no waterways and all fighters rode on horseback,
one met a land of cavalry mixed with infantry and notable rivers like the Niger
and Senegal. Going still further south into the savannah, the infantry component
gradually became larger, and as one approached the coast, watercraft counted for a
larger part of military thinking until one reached the coast at the Gambia and further
south (Thornton 1999: 24).
Consequently, prior to the introduction of Western and modern military technology
and armory, Africans maximized indigenous technology in the production of arms
and ammunition used in wars. In the earliest period of recorded history, West African
warfare was dominated by the bow and arrow. By international standards, the West
African bow – a simple bow firing normally fletchless arrows, with an effective
range of about sixty yards’ was perhaps not a weapon of great efficacy, but at least
in open country archers were superior to any other type of warriors (Law 1976:
113). Achi classified weapons of pre-colonial warfare as those that could be hurled
at a distance, missiles which include slings, bows, stones, javelin, catapult, and the
throwing spear. Those that are used in close combat shock weapons which included
clubs, spear, lances, pikes, swords and war bracelets (Achi 1988: 148). Horses,
although not indigenous to Africa were later introduced and used especially in the
savannah and forest areas.
Horses seem to have been introduced into the Nile valley during the first half of
the second millennium B.C. and from there to have spread into North Africa. The
principal use of the horse in early times was military: at first, horses were used to pull
chariots, but later horse-riding also developed, the shift from chariotry to cavalry
taking place in the Maghrib (North-West Africa) around 300 B.C. (Law 1976:
115). The tactics with which these weapons were deployed varied according to the
balance between infantry and cavalry. Cavalry tactics were uniform throughout the
whole region. Perhaps because they could not breed or buy large horses in sufficient
numbers, cavalry focused their attention more on delivering missile weapons than
on home charges. On the other hand, infantry did play an active role in the battles of
areas with strong cavalry traditions as a steadying force (Thornton 1999: 27). It is
instructive to mention that instruments of warfare in pre-colonial Africa continued to
evolve, especially following the transition from stone to iron tools. The involvement
of the blacksmith in the process of colonial warfare was significant for the numerous
transformations it caused in this process. The contact with the West and the use of
Western military equipment introduced new changes and altered the dimensions of
warfare in pre-colonial Africa.
Warfare in Pre-Colonial Africa 75

4. Blacksmithing technology in the context of African indigenous

industry and industrialization

Blacksmithing technology refers to the knowledge of iron working evinced in

the transformation of iron ore to finished products such as farm implements, hunting
and fishing materials, palm wine tapping tools, weaving implements, household
utensils, wood carving tools, ceremonial staff, military weapons, political royal
swords, seats and scepter among others. In a more precise perspective, one can
also construe the blacksmith technology as the process through which iron ore is
converted into metallic objects fashioned for the purpose of domestic, agricultural,
military or ceremonial uses by the blacksmith. A blacksmith is best defined basically
in operational terms as a man who manufactures certain products in iron, e.g. farm
implements, domestic utensils, and weapons, and who uses in the productive process
the following basic raw materials and tools: fire, charcoal, a rooted iron anvil, tongs,
skin bellows, and a variety of hammers (Ikenegbu 1990).
The origin of blacksmithing in Africa dates back to the transition from Stone Age
to the Iron Age. The exact date of origin and development of ironworking in Africa at
large has remained a controversial issue and hence cannot be concluded either from
written literature or from oral information (Onuoha 2017: 2). Some scholars argue
that the earliest reported evidence of metal smelting in sub–Saharan Africa is Nubia
where small numbers of copper artifacts have been recovered from sites dating after
4000BC (Okafor 1993: 432). Some are of the view that blacksmithing probably
originated from Egypt where the technology for smelting copper was introduced
from Upper Egypt between 2686 and 2182 BC (Child and Killick 1993: 319).
Notwithstanding the arguments surrounding the origin of the blacksmith industry,
it is important to note that the art of blacksmithing was ubiquitous in pre-colonial
Africa and was a quantum leap in the early industrialization and technological
breakthrough of pre-colonial Africa. This assertion was corroborated by the German
scholar, Ludwig Beck, in 1884 and 1903 who wrote that “Everywhere, an original
art of producing iron among numerous native tribes of Africa were not imported but
original (Alpern 2005: 42). The Iron Age revolutionized Africa and forever altered
human civilization practically and symbolically. Nowhere else in the world are there
more diverse and accomplished forged iron forms than in Africa (Roberts & Berns
2018), the objects made of iron were generally of domestic utilitarian purpose;
knives, arrow and spearheads and the like (Phillipson 1981: 686). It is in the milieu
of the early Iron Age industrial complex that a number of cultural traits of paramount
importance make their first appearance in southern Africa. These traits are, primarily,
food production, metallurgy, the making of pottery and settlement in semi-permanent
villages with houses made of mud applied to a wattle or lathe framework (po\e-ind-
daga) (Phillipson 1981: 195).
The emergence of the blacksmithing industry in Africa gave a quantum leap to
the industrialization of traditional Africa. In his work Striking Iron, Marla observed
how the smith’s craft extended from the production of the most basic of domestic
tools to the creation of a corpus of inventive, diverse, and technically sophisticated
76 C. G. Chidume et al.

vehicles of social and spiritual power (Roberts & Berns 2018). There was hardly any
society that survived without the services or products of the blacksmith. In some
societies as would be expatiated later in this paper, they were revered for wielding
metaphysical powers which made them the most sort after institution in traditional
African societies. In Nigeria, archaeological explorations and ethnographic studies
revealed some of the earliest iron working sites such as Taruga in the north, located
about 25 kilometers west of Abuja in the federal capital territory and dated to around
500BC, the Nok culture around Plateau dated to 5th century BC, Isundunrin in Ejigbo
LGA of Oyo State in the west, Lejja in the east at Nsukka Local Government Area of
Enugu State, Igbo Ukwu in Anambra State dated to the 9th AD (Aremu 2008: 173).
Other centers of blacksmithing in Africa included Afikpo, Nkwere, Abiriba, Ogun,
Kano, Mandé peoples of Mali and the Bamana, etc. from these earliest centers the
technology diffused to other parts as a result of trade contacts, war, migration and
settlements.
The use of the tools helped to increase food production such as yam, vegetable,
maize and cocoyam. Ultimately, the great need to barter the smiths’ products with
the agricultural foodstuff encouraged progress and productivity in blacksmithing
(Osuala 2012: 12). The blacksmithing industry became indispensable as other
indigenous industries became dependent on the work of the blacksmith. From the
fifteenth century onwards Kano City developed into one of the major commercial
and manufacturing centers in Western Sudan (Jagger 1978: 43). Among the Bamana
people of West Africa, training of young blacksmiths lasts about eight years. After
completion of the apprenticeship the young blacksmith is ready to begin forging
tools, weapons, and ritual masks and staffs, used for ceremonial purposes. “When
used actively and sacrificed to, iron staffs continue to gain and radiate power, the
power to protect, cure, fight, honor, lead, and repel spirits (Perani and Smith 1998:
71).
Similarly, the sophistication of the products of the African blacksmith appealed to
the European invaders at the nascent stages of colonialism. The European invaders
catered away most African metal works which now adorns several museums in
Europe. In fact, early European explorers attempted to recreate African-made objects.
In many instances, tools forged by African smiths from locally smelted iron were
absorbed into these early European enterprises. In the 16th century, for example, the
Portuguese thought so highly of the quality of the iron produced by the Shona (today,
in Zimbabwe and Mozambique) that they took it to India for use in the manufacture
of guns (Roberts & Berns 2018). Consequently, the advent of colonialism had a
pernicious effect on the advancement of blacksmithing technology in Africa.
Colonialism did not only stagnate the industry but also pushed it to a precipice.
Jagger noted that the blacksmiths themselves refer to these adverse consequences
as cuta, literally ‘harm, injury’. In the first place, the new British administration,
naturally cautious in what were then untried surroundings, immediately outlawed
the production and carrying of weapons in the area and, as a show of strength,
publicly burned as many weapons as it could lay its hands on (Jagger 1978: 48).
The Europeans undermined the products of the blacksmith in order to assert
Warfare in Pre-Colonial Africa 77

superiority of European- made metal works. They introduced metallic objects which
replaced those hitherto manufactured by the blacksmith. The aesthetic appeal of
these European made objects and the discrimination and ban on the activities of
the blacksmith undoubtedly eroded the industry. Moreover, as European metallic
products dominated African markets, in other to sustain the industry the blacksmith
engaged in a vicious scouting for raw materials taking advantage of the railway
system. Shehu insists that the Blacksmiths stole from the railways to compensate for
the shortage in locally mined iron, which was the industry’s original raw material
(Yusuf 2012: 276).

5. The role of the blacksmith in the development

of warfare in pre-colonial Africa

Blacksmithing in Africa is of remote origin, dating back to the transition from

Stone Age to the Iron Age. The exact date of origin and development of ironworking
in Africa at large has remained a controversial issue and hence cannot be concluded
either from written literature or from oral information (Onuoha 2017: 2). Some
scholars argue that the earliest reported evidence of metal smelting in sub-Saharan
Africa is Nubia where small numbers of copper artifacts have been recovered
from sites dating after 4000 BC (Okafor 1993: 432). Some are of the view that
blacksmithing probably originated from Egypt where the technology for smelting
copper was introduced from Upper Egypt between 2686 and 2182BC (Child and
Killick 1993: 319).
Notwithstanding the arguments surrounding the origin of the blacksmith industry,
it is pertinent to note that the art of blacksmithing was ubiquitous in pre-colonial
Africa and was a quantum leap in the technological breakthrough of pre-colonial
Africa. This assertion was corroborated by the German scholar, Ludwig Beck, in
1884 and 1903 who wrote that “Everywhere, an original art of producing iron among
numerous native tribes of Africa were not imported but original (Alpern 2005: 41).
The Iron Age revolutionized Africa and forever altered human civilization practically
and symbolically. Nowhere else in the world are there more diverse and accomplished
forged iron forms than in Africa (Fowler Museum 2018b), the objects made of iron
were generally of domestic utilitarian purpose; knives, arrow and spearheads and the
like (Phillipson 1981: 686).
The transition to iron tools was a significant improvement in the development of
weapons of warfare in pre-colonial Africa. The exercise introduced a new dimension
to Africa’s evolving technology – the blacksmith whose responsibility it was to smelt
iron into different sizes and shapes, became an indispensable party in the forging of
weapons of warfare. Through his involvement in weapon production, the blacksmith
ensured availability and supply of weaponry during war times. He also accompanied
troops to war fronts to ensure a rapid supply of and or repair of worn-out weapons to
aid the fighting army. From forge to field, from hearth to shrine to battleground the
work of the West African blacksmith became ubiquitous (The Blacksmith Artistry,
78 C. G. Chidume et al.

Culture 2019). The smith occupies quite an indispensible position in the community,
providing vital tools for the farmers and weapons for the warriors and hunters, a
position which is summed up in the Hausa saying – Kowane abu. sai an gama da
maSeri ‘a blacksmith has his hand in everything (Jagger 1978: 43). In practice, the
blacksmith was the fulcrum of weaponry in pre-colonial Africa.
Writing on the activities of the Abiriba blacksmiths, Onuoha recalled that the
blacksmith trained some youths in his profession who continued making hoes,
machetes, spears and other implements which were purchased mainly by the
people of Ohafia (Onuoha 2017: 13). The Ohafia people in pre-colonial times
were remarkable warriors who were often hired as mercenaries by other Igbo
communities. According to oral history, the ancestors of Ohafia were renowned to
be mighty men of war who were always on the lookout for wars to partake in
(History of Ohafia People and Culture 2011). It is no doubt that the use of improved
metallic tools was a major distinguishing factor of the Ohafia warriors from the
warriors of other communities during pre-colonial times. Among the Nkwere people
of eastern Nigeria, Osuala noted that the Nkwerre smiths manufactured hunting and
war implements. Thus, they made mma opia (long knife used for war), mma-apata-
ukwu (knife with double blade), mma nweti (dagger), mma ugada (long knife also
used for war) and otutu (hammer) (Osuala 2012: 23). During the earliest contact of
Africans with the Europeans and the introduction of firearms (guns) into African
warfare, the African blacksmith quickly adopted the technology of gun-making using
indigenous technology. This further advanced developments and sophistication in
the weapons of pre-colonial warfare.
Gun-making in pre-colonial Africa was popular among the Awka of the present-
day Anambra and Nkwere of the present-day Imo States of Nigeria. In earlier times,
the smiths were of vital importance to the community as makers of weapons. Guns
and cannons were used for firing salutes at funerals and other ceremonies (Ikenegbu
1990). The smith who had always produced ola (finger rings), mkputu (nails), hoes
etc. began to redirect his efforts towards repairing and manufacturing of guns.
Among such guns was egbe cham or flint gun. It had an ignition barrel into which
the gunpowder was applied. Closely associated with the repair and manufacture of
gun was the ability to make mkponala (small indigenous cannons). They could also
repair kurutu or egbe-ndu (cannon of more complex composition) (Onyejiaka 1977).
This egbe-ndu was the latest of all the firearms and they appeared perhaps in the late
19th century. It would appear that by achieving this skill, Nkwerre reached the height
of craftsmanship and from this excellence the town derived its sobriquet – Nkwerre
Opia Egbe (Nkwerre, the gun makers) (Osuala 2012: 25).
The blacksmith was also believed to possess divine powers which were employed
during war times. The god of iron was revered as having the power to protect the
community during wars and threat of war. The Ife and Oyo people believe that the
blacksmith has the power to express the spirit of Ogun, the god of iron. Ogun, the god
of iron, is one of the pantheons of ‘Orisa’ traditionally worshipped by the Yoruba of
Nigeria (Ross 2000: 198). The power of the blacksmith is thought to be so great that
it is also feared. Mande blacksmiths control a force called nyama. This means that
Warfare in Pre-Colonial Africa 79

they control all energy and power in the village as well as the makeup and workings
of the Mande society (Ross 2000: 218). Among the Bamana people, blacksmiths
are also experts in divination, amulet making, as well as the practice of medicines
due to their extensive knowledge of the Spirit of Ogun. Bamana blacksmiths are
responsible for the well-being of the villagers and the safety of the village.
Armies in pre-colonial Africa often wore a fierce look in form of war regalia,
bracelets, masks, distinctive facial marks and decorations intended to scare the enemy.
Scarifications were done as a mark of bravery, strength and courage. The procedure
which involved incisions on the body with a sharp object was understandably painful
and took long to heal, so going through the process without exhibiting any sign of
pain was a considered a mark of bravery and coming of age. The more scars one had,
the more respected and feared he was in some cultures. War bracelets commonly
used among the Kabbawa people were metal rings worn around the wrist, sharpened
at the outer edge, which was protected by strings of hide and it was used for close
combat in cutting adversary (Achi 1988: 45). It was also the responsibility of the
blacksmith to make these distinctive markings on the body of the warriors. Where
cavalry forces were engaged in war, the blacksmith made protective metallic shields
for the horses and their riders. As the violence of shock combat increased, heavier
and metallic armors were built for the horse and his rider. They were both provided
with a body shield the sulke (chain) armor against deadly pointed missiles of the
opponent (Achi 1988: 76). These protective tools enhanced the survival of armies
during war and also boasted the moral of the warriors during warfare.
The blacksmith in pre-colonial Africa remained relevant in the development of
warfare and featured even prominently during the colonial wars of resistance in
various African societies. His ability to replicate European weapons, particularly
the guns used by many societies to resist colonialism made him a prime target of
conquest and annihilation by the invading colonialist. In the first place, the new
British administration, naturally cautious in what were then untried surroundings,
immediately outlawed the production and carrying of weapons in the area and, as a
show of strength, publicly burned as many weapons as it could lay its hands on (Jagger
1978: 43). Osuala captured the situation, thus “colonialism distorted and disoriented
the people’s view about blacksmithing. The European civilization infiltrated into
the people’s culture and social milieu. Hence, traditional wares such as the smiths’
products came to be derided and consequently, less patronized. At this point, every
indigenous art was considered inferior to European products” (Osuala 2012: 34)
The European incursion and the replacement of indigenous weapons of warfare with
European-produced arms particularly occasioned the extinction of weapons, hitherto
made by the blacksmith.

6. Conclusion

By and large, this paper examined the important role of the blacksmith in the
development of warfare in pre-colonial Africa. Worthy of mention is the fact that
80 C. G. Chidume et al.

the knowledge of iron smelting is indigenous and widespread in Africa and that the
geographical distribution in Africa was a determining factor of the nature of warfare
in pre-colonial Africa and consequently the type of weapon used. The introduction
of metallic weapons in pre-colonial warfare was the function of the blacksmith who
became the focus of weapon development and proliferation. The divine knowledge
of iron metallurgy which was the domain of the blacksmith made him invaluable in
the development of warfare in pre-colonial Africa and for this, he was highly revered
in the society.

Addresses:
C. G. Chidume
Department of History and Strategic Studies
Alex Ekwueme Federal University Ndufu-Alike Ikwo (AE-FUNAI)
P.M.B 1010 Abakaliki
Ebonyi State, Nigeria
E-mail:chudidume@yahoo.com

C. N. Oko-Otu
School of Politics and International Studies
Darwin College
University of Kent
Cantebury CT2 7NY, United Kingdom

G. C. Aro
Department of Political Science
Alex Ekwueme Federal University Ndufu-Alike Ikwo (AE-FUNAI)
P.M.B 1010 Abakaliki
Ebonyi State, Nigeria

O. C. Eze
Department of History and Strategic Studies
Alex Ekwueme Federal University Ndufu-Alike Ikwo (AE-FUNAI)
P.M.B 1010 Abakaliki
Ebonyi State, Nigeria

I. N. Enwo-Irem
Department of History and Strategic Studies
Alex Ekwueme Federal University Ndufu-Alike Ikwo (AE-FUNAI)
P.M.B 1010 Abakaliki
Ebonyi State, Nigeria

F. M. Nwankwo
Department of Political Science
Alex Ekwueme Federal University Ndufu-Alike Ikwo (AE-FUNAI)
P.M.B 1010 Abakaliki
Ebonyi State, Nigeria
Warfare in Pre-Colonial Africa 81

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