CHAPTER TWO

2.0 REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

2.1 CONCEPTUAL FRAME WORK

2.1.1 CONCEPT OF MUSIC

The concepts of music include duration, pitch, dynamics and expressive techniques, tone colour,

texture and structure. When describing the improvised solo, refer to aspects of these six concepts

of music by considering questions such as the following.

Duration

• What is the tempo? Does it change?

• How many bars does the solo last?

• How long or short are the sounds? Are there silences?

• What rhythm patterns feature? Are the rhythms syncopated? Pitch

• What is the pitch of the solo voice or instrument?

• What is the melodic contour (shape) of the improvised solo? Does it move by steps or leaps,

does it move up or down?

• Is the tonality major, minor, modal? Is there a change of key? Dynamics and expressive

techniques

• How loud or soft is the music? Does the dynamic level change?
• What techniques does the soloist use to add to the expressive quality of the music? For

example, are notes played legato or staccato, or accented; does the music slow down or pause; is

the melody line ornamented?

Tone colour

• Which instrument plays the solo and what other instruments are heard?

• Does the soloist use techniques to modify the tone colour?

• Are the sounds acoustic, electric or electronic? Texture

• What other layers of sounds are heard during the solo and what role/s do they serve (for

example, melody, countermelody, harmony, bass line)?

Structure

• How is the material of the solo organised?

• What musical ideas or motifs feature?

• Is there repetition and contrast within the solo?

• Does the solo include riffs or ostinatos?

2.1.2 EFFECT OF MUSIC ON MOOD OF TEENAGERS

Music is especially meaningful and popular during adolescence (Tarrant 2002). It is the most

preferred leisure time activity for many adolescents (Fitzgerald, Joseph et al. 1995) with music

listening being consistently rated as the most favoured way of spending time in doors (North and

Hargreaves 1999). The range and diversity of musical genres available to adolescents is ever
increasing, with the mP3 revolution making it possible to download an extraordinary variety of

songs from every part of the globe (Scannell 2001). This level of access increases the necessity

for educators to be informed about the potential impact of music listening given that teenagers

spend most of their time in school. The Parent-Teacher Association of America, along with the

American Academy of Paediatrics, has challenged the music industry with a vast range of

accusations in relation to the provision of music to adolescents. Rock music in particulary has

come under fire for its associations with adolescent suicidality and heavy metal music has also

been targeted by the Parent’s Music Resource Centre for its links with antisocial behaviours

(Scheel and Westefeld 1999). Allegations have been made about backmasking satanic messages

in some songs, although these have mostly been proven to have more superficial intentions –

namely commercial success (Blecha 2004). The impact of themes of extreme violence, rebellion,

sexual promiscuity and rebellion typically used in hip-hop and heavy metal music can be

mitigated to some degree by research that suggests teenagers listen to the music more than the

lyrics (Gantz, Gartenberg et al. 1978; Mark 1988; Wass, Raup et al. 1988; Steinberg 1996),

which in many cases are already heavily disguised by distortion and dramatic singing styles. In

addition to public concern about a causative relationship between listening to aggressive styles of

music and bad behaviour, research has consistently identified a relationship between poor mental

health and adolescent music preferences for rap, rave and/or heavy metal music (eg. Stack,

Gundlach et al. 1994; Scheel and Westefeld 1999; Lacourse, Claes et al. 2001; Tarrant, North et

al. 2001; Anderson, Carnagey et al. 2003; Rustad, Small et al. 2003; North and Hargreaves

2005). Some researchers suggest that certain types of music can act as a priming agent for

aggressive or suicidal thoughts (Anderson, Carnagey et al. 2003; Rustad, Small et al. 2003).

Others argue that it can escalate behaviour to antisocial or risk-taking levels (Stack, Gundlach et
al. 1994; Stuessy 1996; Roberts, Dimsdale et al. 1998). These theories are supported by a range

of studies that have highlighted specific relationships between self-harming / suicide and a

preference for heavy metal and Goth music (Lester and Whipple 1996; Young, Sweeting et al.

2007), or between antisocial behaviours and rock / heavy metal music (Arnett 1991; Gowensmith

and Bloom 1997; Fruben, West et al. 2001; Bushong 2002). Stack has been one of the most

provocative researchers on this topic, going so far as to calculate a relationship between the

dominance of country and western music on local radio and higher than average suicide rates

(Stack and Gundlach 1992). They have also endorsed the suggested relationship between heavy

metal music and suicide susceptibility, although his investigation of variables ultimately led to

the suggestion that lack of religiosity was more strongly related to a suicidal state of mind than a

preference for heavy metal music. In contrast to simplistic public interpretations of these

findings, researchers have often suggested that certain music preferences are suggestive of

vulnerability to mental health problems (Scheel and Westefeld 1999). This is in keeping with

research that proposes a reflective relationship between adolescents’ music preferences and their

mental health status. Roe’s (1987) study found that musical choices were related to student’s

current academic success and to their self-predicted future success. His results identified that the

more isolating the music of choice, the more isolated the teenager felt, leading to the conclusion

that music preferences reflect self-perception. This has been supported by Took and Weiss

(1994) who suggest that early failure in the school system leads to an increased interest in heavy

metal music. Coleman’s early study (1960) also supports this premise, revealing that adolescents

who failed to achieve in school tended to turn toward heavier media use as an escape from

confronting the meaning of their failure. The literature provides ample support for the premise

that a preference for heavy metal music is related to challenging life circumstances, whether
related to mental illness or problems in familial or personal relationships. But significantly,

results of Lester and Whipple’s (1996) study identified that past suicidal ideation and preference

for heavy metal music was not linked to current suicidal ideation or depression, suggesting that

this may be a transient state for many adolescents. At a more basic level, it is also important to

consider the role of adolescent music from a developmental perspective. The process of identity

formation that defines this stage of development is built upon the transition from family to peer

alliances (Erikson 1965). Healthy adolescence is defined by the rejection of the primacy of the

family unit in preference for the development of social networks. Music can be seen as integral

in this process, with adolescent music inciting parental concern from the gyrations of Elvis

Presley through to the sexually provocative film clips of Madonna and into the heavy metal

music of Slayer and the rap era of Eminem. It can be argued that is it essential for adolescents to

identify with music that is not approved of by concerned adults, and that relevant themes of

confusion and identity are only represented in the lyrics of the more rebellious musical genres

(Lull 1987). Frith (1981) has noted that musical preferences serve as a ‘badge’ of group

membership with like-minded peers. Studies have shown that personal preferences for musical

styles such as folk or country and western are often disguised in the peer context because this

phenomenon is well understood by teenagers (Tarrant, North et al. 2000). In fact, one study

showed that the ‘in-group’ of teenagers perceived that all peers liked the same music, but that the

‘out-group’ simply liked it less (Tarrant, North et al. 2001). Despite the wealth of commentary

on the negative influences of music, it is generally accepted that music can play a positive role in

the lives of adolescents. Lacourse and colleagues (2001) discovered that the vicarious release

experienced through music listening was actually inversely related with suicidal ideation for

girls. Sullivan (2003) found that many black listeners in his American sample found rap music
life affirming. Biological measures have been found to improve post-listening to rock music in

comparison to a control group, even though self-report of mood was not influenced (Field,

Martinez et al. 1998). Mood control and mood improvement have been theorized as central to

music experiences for teenagers (Saarikallio and Erkkila 2007). Their qualitative investigation of

8 Finnish adolescents implied that “the importance of music is intrinsically related to enjoyment

and positive experiences” (p. 104). It functioned as entertainment, revival, strong sensation,

diversion, discharge, mental work, and solace. Although music listening sometimes resulted in

temporary decreases in mood, their participants described how this progressed through to

positive outcomes through a sense of understanding or clarification. This journey through

emotional responses is similar to an earlier study (Gantz, Gartenberg et al. 1978) based on the

analysis of descriptions generated by adolescents where the role of music is stated as: relieving

tension; taking their mind off things, passing time and negating boredom, as well as helping

them feel less alone and creating or maintaining a good mood. Saarakallio and Erkilla (2007)

suggest that research has commonly focused on negative mood outcomes and have

recommended a focus on positive outcomes in response to music. They have also described an

intentionality to mood regulation through music listening which contrasts with the assumedly

passive relationship between teenagers and their music preferences implied in the majority of the

literature. In their study, the teenagers described the importance of voluntary selection of music

that suited their mood and context in the moment. They did not set out to improve their mood,

but they instinctively knew what kind of music they needed to listen to and described ‘good’

music as being able to fit several different moods and situations. In order to further investigate

the positive use of music to influence mood, the research question driving this study was: How

successfully do teenagers use self-selected music to influence their mood?

2.1.3 INFLUENCE ON AUDIENCE PERCEPTION AND ACCEPTANCE

George Gerbner focused on violent television content and how audience exposure to these

violent images influences their views and conception of social reality, by cultivating a “common

view of the world” (Rosenberry & Vicker, 2009, pg. 165). As a result, Gerbner developed

cultivation theory by examining how long-term exposure to violent media messages alters

audience perceptions of violence in their everyday lives (Rosenberry & Vicker, 2009). This

approach can be applied to all forms of media by interpreting individuals’ reactions to violent

content; thus, this study will incorporate cultivation theory in an analysis of misogynistic lyrics

affecting listeners’ attitudes toward domestic violence (Rosenberry & Vicker, 2009).

In reviewing more than five decades worth of research, Potter (1999) extended cultivation theory

to determine the following effects of exposure to media violence:

Exposure to violent portrayals in the media can lead to subsequent viewer aggression through

disinhibition. Long-term exposure to media violence is related to aggression in a person’s life.

Media violence is related to subsequent violence in society. Exposure to violence in the media

can lead to desensitization. People exposed to many violent portrayals over time will come to be

more accepting of violence (Rosenberry & Vicker, 2009, p. 169).

In turn, Dr. Edgar Tyson (2006) developed a 26-item instrument, the Rap Music Attitude and

Perception (RAP) Scale, the “only tool available to access an individual’s attitude toward and

perception of rap music lyrics” (p. 212). The RAP Scale contains three constructs:

empowerment, artistic aesthetics and violent misogynistic. This study incorporated the

empowerment and violent misogynistic constructs to measure “violent, sexist, and misogynistic

images conveyed in the lyrics” to examine college students’ perceptions of the content through a
survey (Gourdine & Lemmons, 2011, p. 65). Using a meta-analysis approach, Timmerman et. al

(2008) found that “listening to music generates an effect on listeners consistent with the content

of the music,” such as when rap/hip-hop artists communicate themes condoning “power over,

objectification of and violence against women” (p. 303; Bretthauer et al., 2006, p. 42). This 2008

study applied the term “priming” to determine “whether music serves as a mechanism to ‘prime’

someone for subsequent actions and behaviors,” and in turn, react to, incorporate or reject the

media content into the listener’s life (Timmerman et. al., 2008, p. 307). While a correlation may

exist between exposure to misogynistic music and audience attitudes regarding violent acts

against women, a causal link cannot be demonstrated between listening habits and resulting

misogynistic behavior (Baran & Davis, 2006, p. 331). Therefore, the consumption of

misogynistic music can influence audience perceptions of misogynistic content, but does not

directly lead to “subsequent aggressive actions” (Timmerman et. al., 2008, p. 307).

This study expanded upon previous research incorporating the RAP Scale, priming and

cultivation theory to determine how college students’ perspectives on issues of domestic violence

reflect misogynistic themes emphasized in explicit rap/hip-hop music.

2.1.4 HEAVY METAL MUSIC ON MORALITY OF YOUTH

A number of correlational studies report positive associations between exposure to heavy metal

music and a variety of troublesome attitudes and behaviors. Heavy metal music in particular has

a negative effect on a child or youth morality; high proportion of violent, sexual, and

misogynistic themes. Fans of heavy metal music do tend to possess different characteristics from

other youth. With regard to school, heavy metal fans report more conflict with teachers and other

school authorities and perform less well academically than those whose tastes run more to the
mainstream (Christenson & van Nouhuys, 1995; Hakanen & Wells, 1993). They tend to be

distant from their families (Martin, Clarke, & Pearce, 1993) and are often at odds with their

parents. When relationships with parents are described as satisfactory, it is usually because the

parents let the children go their own way (Arnett, 1991a). At the same time, there is no evidence

that heavy metal fans see themselves as socially isolated. They are just as satisfied with the

quality of their peer relationships as nonfans are (Arnett, 1991a). If anything, the peer group

exerts a more powerful influence on heavy metal fans than on most other adolescents (Gordon,

Hakanen, & Wells, 1992). According to Arnett (1991a, 1991b), hard-core heavy metal fans tend

to be driven by a generalized tendency to seek sensation and thrills and a need to engage in a

variety of risky behaviors, more or less “to see what it would be like.” In accord with this thesis,

he reports differences between heavy metal fans and nonfans not only in their expression of

sensation-seeking motivations generally but also in their self-reports of specific reckless

behaviors, including drunk driving, casual sex, and marijuana and cocaine use. Other research

has found a similar connection between risky, reckless attitudes and behavior and the choice of

heavy metal music (Martin et al., 1993). Youth in juvenile detention were three times as likely as

regular high school students to be metal fans (Wass, Miller, & Reditt, 1991). Hansen and Hansen

(1991) found that the amount of time college students listened to heavy metal was correlated

with a “macho” personality. Specifically, exposure to heavy metal correlated positively with

“male hypersexuality” (as indicated by the level of agreement with the idea that “young men

need sex even if some coercion of females is required to get it”) and negatively with general

respect for women. Christenson and van Nouhuys (1995) report a connection between heavy

metal and interest in other-sex contact as early as age 11. Concern has also been expressed over

the potential impact of heavy metal music’s often dismal, depressed view of the world and its
depiction of depression and suicide. Arnett (1991a) writes: One can hear an echo in [heavy metal

themes] of concerns with social issues from the music of the 1960’s, but with this difference: the

songs of the sixties often lamented the state of the world but promised a brighter future if we

would mend our ways; heavy metal songs often lament the state of the world but do not provide

even a hint of hope for the future. Hopelessness and cynicism pervade the songs. (p. 93) Martin’s

and his colleagues’ data (1993) from more than 200 Australian high school students showed that

those who preferred heavy metal or hard rock music reported feelings of depression, suicidal

thoughts, and deliberate in- fliction of self-harm more frequently than others in the sample. For

instance, 20 percent of the male and more than 60 percent of the female heavy metal/ hard rock

fans reported having deliberately tried to kill or hurt themselves in the last six months, compared

with only 8 percent and 14 percent, respectively, of the pop music fans. Do these various

findings support the notion of a “heavy metal syndrome that is, of a constellation of related traits

with heavy metal as the focal point? Probably not. If there is a “syndrome” at work here, it is a

“troubled youth syndrome,” not a heavy metal syndrome. Leaving aside for now the question of

whether popular music exercises any influence on adolescents’ values and behavior, assuredly

the consumption of heavy metal is not what brings together the various “at-risk” characteristics

with which heavy metal fandom is associated. The best way to phrase the relation is to say that

white adolescents who are troubled or at risk gravitate strongly toward the style of music that

provides the most support for their view of the world and meets their particular needs: namely,

heavy metal. The point can be further clarified, perhaps, by juxtaposing these statements:

(1) Most heavy metal fans are not particularly troubled or at risk, but

(a) those youths who are troubled or at risk tend overwhelmingly to embrace heavy metal. In

other words, whatever percentage one uses to estimate the proportion of heavy metal fans in the
total adolescent population, they surely number in the tens of millions. Most of these young

people are not on drugs, not in jail, not failing in school, not depressed, perhaps not even

particularly at odds with their parents (except maybe when it comes to music). Arguing the other

way, however, if we know a youth is white, male, 15 years old, drug involved, and in trouble

with the law, then the odds are veryhigh indeed that his music of choice will be some form of

hard rock or heavy metal. Our rejection of the idea of a true heavy metal syndrome should not be

taken to imply that heavy metal music plays only a peripheral role in the lives of its devotees.

Heavy metal fans are an especially committed, devoted audience. Those who love the genre are

highly absorbed in their musical identity, in terms of both listening time (Wass, Miller, &

Stevenson, 1989) and a variety of other music-related behavior. Arnett (1991a) reports that high

school students describing themselves as “metalheads” spent more than twice as much money on

albums, concerts, and music equipment as a comparison group of nonmetal fans. They also

tended to express very high levels of personal identification with their favorite performers, were

more likely to say lyrics are important to them, claimed a deeper understanding of lyrics, and

were more likely than other youth to adopt their favorite musicians as role models. As Arnett

points out, heavy metal plays a crucial role in the lives of the alienated and disaffected youths

who seek it out; for many such youths, listening to heavy metal is what matters to them most. As

has been noted in other chapters in this volume, the question of “initial causality” is probably not

the important question. That is, whether heavy metal music is the thing that starts children

becoming more troubled, or whether alienated youth start to like heavy metal (which is what

research suggests), is probably not the best question to ask. A better question might be how will

music with antisocial themes affect children who are already at risk for antisocial behaviors? It

does not matter whether music started the cycle; it matters that the themes encountered in the
music may help to perpetuate it. That is, the music may reinforce aggressive and antisocial

thoughts and feelings, and thus make those thoughts and feelings more likely to occur in the

future. Heavy metal music may thus be a risk factor, affecting most those who are already most

at risk.

2.1.5 THE BRIEF HISTORY OF WARRI

Warri is an inland port on one of the Niger River channels in the Niger Delta. The Olu (king) of

Warri is the head of the Itsekiri people.

According to Bini and Itsekiri histories Ginuwa, a prince of Benin founded the Iwerre (Warri)

Kingdom about 1480. In the 15th century Warri was visited by Portuguese missionaries. At the

beginning of the 17th century, a son of the reigning Olu was sent to Portugal and returned with a

Portuguese wife. Their son Antonio Domingo was Olu of Warri in the 1640s. Olu Erejuwa, who

reigned from about 1720 to 1800, expanded Warri politically and commercially, using the

Portuguese to further Warri's independence of Benin and to establish control over a wider area.

Later Warri served as the base for Portuguese and Dutch slave traders. Warri became a more

important port city during the late 19th century, when it became a centre for the palm oil trade

and other major items such as rubber, palm products, cocoa, groundnuts, hides, and skins. Warri

was established as a provincial headquarters by the British in the early 20th century. In May

1952 the government of Western Nigeria changed the title of the Itsekiri ruler from the Olu of

Itsekiri to the Olu of Warri, at the request of the Itsekiri. The Ijaw, Urhobo and other people of

the community objected to the change, since they felt the new title implied that the Olu was ruler

of Warri, not just of the Itsekiri. In 1997, The Federal Government under General Sani Abacha

created a Warri South-West Local Government Council, with headquarters at Ogbe-Ijoh, in the
Ijaw area of Warri. Due to political pressure by the Itsekiri, the headquarters was then relocated

to Ogidigben, an Itsekiri area of Warri. Riots ensued, hundreds died, and six Shell Nigeria

installations were taken over by youths.

2.2 THEORITICAL FRAME

The study is rooted in cultural imperialism and selectivity theories. Cultural imperialism theory

was propounded in 1973 by Herb Schiller with a focus on how foreign media content dominates

the airwaves of developing countries, and the possible influence the content will have on the

citizen of the affected countries. Uche (1996) citing Boyd-Barret (1979) defines cultural

imperialism as: The process whereby the ownership, structure, distribution or content of the

media in any one country are singly or together subject to substantial external pressures from the

media interests of any other country or countries without proportionate reciprocation of influence

by the country so affected. Another way of looking at cultural imperialism is to view it from the

perspective of relationship between the West and the developing countries. In this instance,

cultural imperialism theory posits that the West dominates the media around the world and the

dominance has powerful effect on Third World Cultures which may erode local cultures, values

and norms. The dominance of course takes the form of the syndicated programmes, mass

production of media content like news, drama, telenovela, music, talks among others. The

assumptions of the theory can be summarized into three: The first assumes that people do not

have the free will to choose how they feel, act, think, and live, but that they react to what they

see and hear in the media because it is the only available parameter to compare their lives with.

In other words, what they see/hear will affect how they live and relate with others. Secondly, the
theory assumes that as long as the Third World countries continue to watch Western

programmes, the people of the Third World countries will always believe they should act, feel,

think, and live as the West act, feel, think, and live. They behave, think and live the way they do

because they have a supposedly superior parameter. Thirdly the theory assumes that regardless of

what the people already hold, the message will still communicate same meaning and that it will

affect them in the same way. This may not be totally true as theories such as individual

difference theory and selectivity theory have proved that individual react to messages in different

ways. Though these theories have established that people react differently, cultural imperialism

is real. It exist in the form of comodification, a concept which is taken to mean the

transformation of goods, services, and ideas or things that may not normally be regarded as

goods or services into a commodity. In other words, when programmes are produced, they are in

fact produced with the beliefs, values and mores of the country that produced them, and when the

audience of the recipient country is exposed to such programmes, they are unintentionally

consuming the cultures of the other country. In this instance, the element of force is subtle.

Boyd-Barrett (1979:117:118) disagrees that there is no force. He argues that “the absence of

reciprocation of media influence by the affected country combines both the element of cultural

invasion by another power and the element of imbalance power resources between the countries

concerned. The two elements of invasion and imbalance of power resources justify the use of the

term ‘imperialism’. By implication if the amount of media content that the West churn out is not

matched by the amount of content produced by the media of the affected countries, media

consumption preference of the citizens of the affected countries would lean towards the West and

invariably by the time media content originating from the West saturates the market, the local

content will have no chance of survival. When the above scenario exists, there will be an
overwhelming acceptance of the foreign culture. Uche’s (1986) observation of the broadcasting

system made him conclude that “there is a total rejection of the music of the Nigerian musician

and an overwhelming preference for foreign music by Nigerian youth”. The implication of this is

that radio stations music format can and do influence the music preference of the Nigerian youth.

Uche (1989:88) links this scenario to cultural imperialism:

...when you talk of cultural imperialism and the endangering of the local culture, we should as

well be equally concerned with and be talking about the structure, programme priorities, and

orientation of the local electronic media establishments, in addition to the cultural policies of

the developing nations in particular. The bottom line is that culture cannot be forced on anyone.

The recipient country will be favourably disposed towards a culture, if and only if there is

continuous exposure to its content. As observed by Uche (1986: 33), culture cannot be forced on

any group of people who are unwilling to be acculturated by foreign values

SELECTIVITY THEORY

The theory of selectivity avers that mass media audience is active in the interpretation and

integration of media messages into their lives. The idea of selectivity theory negate the idea of

audience passivity that had been promoted by theories such as the magic bullet, hypodermic

needle and stimulus-response theories, and instead, present a more dynamic participatory

audience. The theory found its tenants in related studies like selective exposure, attention,

perception and retention. Selective exposure states that, ‘people seek out information that caters

to their own interests, confirms their beliefs, and boosts their ego, while avoiding those that are

contrary to their predisposition and attacks their self-image,’ (Folarin 2002:70). Selective

attention suggests that people will selectively attend to messages that are also in congruence with

their beliefs, selectively perceive messages coming from the media and selectively retain
messages that are favourable to their self-image than messages that will cause imbalance in their

self-image.

2.3 EMPERICAL REVIEW

The first foreign programmes on the Nigerian airwaves can be traced to the earliest stage of the

development of radio broadcasting in Nigeria in the early 1930s by the British colonial

administration. The method of transmission then took the form of rediffusion, which basically

was the relay of British Empire Service from Daventry, England. Citing Milton (1955), Uche

(1989) describes how the rediffusion was technically developed:

The programmes in this system are redistributed by land lines from the studio to the various

listening boxes for what the subscriber pay a small fee. Amplification is needed is needed at

some locations and was provided...by a makeshift and homebuilt apparatus.

Rediffusion continued to be the mode of transmission until the 1950’s when National

Broadcasting Service (NBS). The birth of NBS marked the beginning of local content for the

soon-to-be sovereign state. All through the 1980s radio and television provided the people

information and entertainment, however audience were still treated to few foreign television

dramas like Doctor Who, Many Wives of Patrick, Lucky Fella, Hawaii 5-0; and musical

programmes like The Benny Hill Show and Philip. Idonije (2010) captures how foreign music

has dominated the Nigerian airwaves:

ptures how foreign music has dominated the Nigerian airwaves: Complaints are rampant from

numerous musicians, most of whom are exponents of Nigerian music that radio deejays are

refusing to play their record releases... If they understood the aim of broadcasting and the great

responsibility that their role as deejays places on them, they would think twice and place the
interest of their country before their own selfish and individual ones. They would embrace

cultural relevance and the musical quality of recorded releases as pre-requisites for air play.

The situation remained the same even after the then Head of States, General Badamosi

Babangida (rt.) deregulated the broadcast industry to pave way for private participation in 1993.

The newly wave-making private stations tend more towards foreign entertainment programmes.

Many reasons have been provided for the direction of programming adopted by the private

stations. Top on the list is the competition between the publicly owned and privately owned

media. The competition was borne out of the need to overcome the uninspiring programmes that

characterised government stations on the one hand, and the bid to get advertisers on the other.

The believe is that the more the entertainment programmes the station has, the more it is

endeared to audience, and the more it will be patronize by advertisers. The reason provided by

the president of Algonquin Communications in America, Larry Levite is that radio broadcasting

is an unusual business that tries to make the listeners and the advertisers happy at the same time

(Schroeder, 1992:68). For a local radio station in Nigeria, to make the listener happy meant more

foreign music, or perhaps anything that catches the fancy of the Deejay/presenter. This

contradicts section 3.13.2.2(a) of NBC Code which stipulates a 70% local content to 30 %

foreign. The section stipulate that radio broadcasting should promote and sustain Nigeria’s

diverse cultures, mores, folklores and community life; provide diversity in types of programming

content for the widest audience through the limitless variety in the cultural landscape of Nigeria;

and ensure that every terrestrial free-to-air station attains a local content minimum of 70 percent.

Unfortunately, most local stations have ignored this section. Haruna (2001:39) observed that if

the industry is not checked, many Nigerian youths may forget their culture and dialect. The only

way to check this is for broadcast stations to promote the culture and values of the host country.
In line with this submission Idonije (2010), avers that all programme production formats

employed on radio are all intended to promote the arts, customs, beliefs and all the other

products of human thought made by the people at any particular time. His submission is based on

the fact that music clearly tells people about a nation particularly, the social and cultural life style

of the people.
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