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When the foundation of a building fails, the entire construction is at risk of structural collapse. The
design of the foundations must therefore depend not only on the characteristics of the edifice but also
on the conditions of the ground. The same is true for international organizations. The dysfunction of
the League of Nations was due, according to historian Edward Hallett Carr, to its being built on an
Carr acknowledges in his book The Twenty Years Crisis that liberal democracy had experienced,
throughout the 19th century, a "brilliant success"1 in a limited number of countries. However, the
standardization of this doctrine through the League of Nations, without a prior analysis of the
structural conditions of each of the 57 member countries, caused, according to the author, the
progressive crumbling of the incipient democracies that emerged from the Paris agreements. This was
utopian thinking. It assumed that the theoretical principles of liberalism "had only to be applied in
American president Franklin Delano Roosevelt defended this utopian perspective originally supported
by his predecessor Woodrow Wilson. Wilson’s vision of international relations came out of the
convulsive geopolitical context of 1937. The Second World War was beginning only twenty years
after the end of the First one. President Wilson declared in Chicago, after being informed of the
escalating conflict between Japan and China with the Lugou Bridge Incident, that "there can be no
stability or peace either within nations or between nations except under laws and moral standards
1
Edward Hallett Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis, 1919-1939; An Introduction To The Study Of International
Relations. (Mcmillan, 1956), 27.
2
Edward Hallett Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis, 1919-1939; An Introduction To The Study Of International
Relations. (Mcmillan, 1956), 27.
adhered to by all"3. That philosophy sounded nice but it was built on a problematic structure: these
moral principles were based solely on American-tinged liberalism and the laws designed in Geneva on
the basis of those principles. They had almost no influence or effects on a conflict between Asian
neighbors.
Carr's analysis of the League of Nations continues with a critique of a "divorce between theory and
practice"4 within the organization. The assumption of international treaties as the basis for global
coexistence represented an unrealistic view of the turmoil of the interwar years. In Carr's words, "the
prohibiting war was not a barrier against war itself"5. An example was Roosevelt’s insistence, from
his immovable position of neutrality, on the need to adhere to such ‘ingenious texts’ as treaties despite
the real failures of such as the utopian Kellogg Briand Pact and the principles of the League Covenant.
Japan, Italy and Germany had been flagrantly violating both without any consequences. Roosevelt
tried to appeal to morality, saying that "some fifteen years ago the hopes of mankind for a continuing
era of international peace were raised to great heights when more than sixty nations solemnly pledged
themselves nor to resort to arms in furtherance of their national aims and policies [...] There must be a
When punishment did take place, they were sanctions applied ineffectively by both the League and
the United States. The reliance on public pressure to lead countries back into "collective action"7
3
Dennis Merrill and Thomas G. Paterson, Major Problems in American Foreign Relations, Vol II: Since 1914,
7th ed. (Wadsworth, 2010), 118.
4
Edward Hallett Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis, 1919-1939; An Introduction To The Study Of International
Relations. (Mcmillan, 1956), 30.
5
Edward Hallett Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis, 1919-1939; An Introduction To The Study Of International
Relations. (Mcmillan, 1956), 30.
6
Dennis Merrill and Thomas G. Paterson, Major Problems in American Foreign Relations, Vol II: Since 1914,
7th ed. (Wadsworth, 2010), 117.
7
Edward Hallett Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis, 1919-1939; An Introduction To The Study Of International
Relations. (Mcmillan, 1956), 35.
(strongly advocated in the Washington agreements of 1921) would be considered excessive. In 1932,
the year after the Japanese invasion of Manchuria, the American Secretary of State still maintained
that "the sanction of public opinion can be made one of the most potent sanctions of the world"8.
Carr argues that recognizing the need to take more forceful action meant for the Allies the "derogation
from the Utopian doctrine of the efficacy of rational public opinion.9" The material of international
utopia was like dry sand – or weak plastic – unable to hold up League expectations…. This idea is
reflected in the policy of appeasement towards Germany led by France and Great Britain.
Appeasement failed to measure up to the dangers that Germany posed: its violation of the Versailles
Treaty, its rearmament, its remilitarization of the Rhineland, and the subsequent annexation of Austria.
Even more surprisingly, the response to the Hitler’s bellicosity toward Czechoslovakia was the
recognition of German sovereignty over the Sudetenland at the Munich Conference in September
193810. The position of the United States can be summarized by the brief telegram that President
Franklin D. Roosevelt sent to Neville Chamberlain the day before the beginning of the conference:
"Good man".11
Both the League and the United States also failed to react to Japan’s continuing imperialist actions.
The Roosevelt administration’s first public response to Japan’s 1937 invasion of Manchuria attacks
was merely a "pious statement by Secretary of State Cordell Hull that condemned the use of force and
neglected even to mention Japan". Roosevelt later responded to the invasion with a range of actions,
but "few of them effective" and some of them, in the words of historian Walter Lafeber, directly
8
Edward Hallett Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis, 1919-1939; An Introduction To The Study Of International
Relations. (Mcmillan, 1956), 37.
9
Edward Hallett Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis, 1919-1939; An Introduction To The Study Of International
Relations. (Mcmillan, 1956), 34.
10
Dennis Merrill and Thomas G. Paterson, Major Problems in American Foreign Relations, Vol II: Since 1914,
7th ed. (Wadsworth, 2010), 111.
11
Dana Adams Schmidt, “Munich message from U.S bared; Roosvelt sent encouraging “Good Man” to
Chamberlain day before Conference”, The New York Times (1955): 11
"embarrassing"12. Diplomat Stanley K. Hornebeck urged the imposition of economic sanctions and
the "formulation and adoption of a diplomatic war plan toward advertising an armed conflict between
the United States and Japan"13. The Allies' failed conciliation policies, including Roosevelt's illusory
proposal to lead a Conference on Disarmament in 193914, continued beyond the German invasion of
Poland until the summer of 1940, a period known as the Phoney War. No meaningful deterring actions
from the Western Allied side were taken, except for vague economic sanctions.
Carr finds in the analysis of the cracks and fissures in the foundations of the League of Nations much
more than individual responsibilities. The collapse of the world order involved "the bankruptcy of the
postulates on which it was based''15. The problem, then, lies not in who built them, but in the materials
12
Dennis Merrill and Thomas G. Paterson, Major Problems in American Foreign Relations, Vol II: Since 1914,
7th ed. (Wadsworth, 2010), 145.
13
Dennis Merrill and Thomas G. Paterson, Major Problems in American Foreign Relations, Vol II: Since 1914,
7th ed. (Wadsworth, 2010), 121.
14
Erez Manela, “The Road to World War II”, Harvard Extension School, October 4th, 2022. Video:
https://matterhorn.dce.harvard.edu/engage/player/watch.html?id=8d72dc86-1282-4c58-b4c4-8a7709f9fadc
15
Edward Hallett Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis, 1919-1939; An Introduction To The Study Of International
Relations. (Mcmillan, 1956), 40.