The Boxer Codex

European Expansion and

Indigenous Response

Editor-in-Chief

George Bryan Souza (University of Texas, San Antonio)

Editorial Board

Catia Antunes (Leiden University)

João Paulo Oliveira e Costa (CHAM, Universidade Nova de Lisboa)
Frank Dutra (University of California, Santa Barbara)
Kris Lane (Tulane University)
Pedro Machado (Indiana University, Bloomington)
Malyn Newitt (King’s College, London)
Michael Pearson (University of New South Wales)

VOLUME 20

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/euro

 The Boxer Codex
Transcription and Translation of an Illustrated
Late Sixteenth-Century Spanish Manuscript
Concerning the Geography, Ethnography and
History of The Pacific, South-East Asia and East Asia

Edited by

George Bryan Souza and Jeffrey S. Turley

Transcribed and Translated by

Jeffrey S. Turley

LEIDEN | BOSTON
Cover illustration: Tagalog Royal Couple. Boxer Codex, The Lilly Library, Indiana University, Bloomington,
Indiana. Copyright: The Lilly Library.

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To our families, friends and colleagues

∵
Contents

General Editor’s Foreword x

Acknowledgments xiii
List of Drawings, Illustrations and Maps xv
Glossary xix
Abbreviations xxxiii

Introduction 1

PART 1
Transcription

1 Ladrones 39

2 Cagayans 43

3 Sambal 49

4 Visayans 51

5 Moros 77

6 Tagalogs 88

7 Moro Customs 99

8 Brunei 106

9 Maluku Islands 130

10 Java 133

11 Rutter of Aceh, by Dom João Ribeiro Gaio 135

viii contents

12 Ribeiro Gaio’s Rutter of Patani 180

13 Rutter of Siam, by Dom João Ribeiro Gaio 188

14 New Guinea, by Miguel Roxo de Brito 197

15 Japan 216

16 China’s Tributary Neighbors 220

17 Tai Ming, by Fr. Martín de Rada, O.E.S.A. 224

18 Chinese Imperial Ceremony 267

19 Chinese and Tatar Cavalries 269

20 Chinese Deities 272

21 Chinese Bestiary 280

22 Champa 290

PART 2
Translation

1 Ladrones 303

2 Cagayans 315

3 Sambal 328

4 Visayans 334

5 Moros 357

6 Tagalogs 372

7 Moro Customs 384
contents ix

8 Brunei 397

9 Maluku Islands 429

10 Java 433

11 Rutter of Aceh, by Dom João Ribeiro Gaio 439

12 Rutter of Patani, by Dom João Ribeiro Gaio, António Dias, Henrique

Mendes, Francisco das Neves and João Serrano 485

13 Rutter of Siam, by Dom João Ribeiro Gaio 492

14 New Guinea, by Miguel Roxo de Brito 503

15 Japan 526

16 China’s Tributary Neighbors 529

17 Tai Ming, by Fr. Martín de Rada, O.E.S.A. 559

18 Chinese Imperial Ceremony 603

19 Chinese and Tatar Cavalries 605

20 Chinese Deities 606

21 Chinese Bestiary 646

22 Champa 677

Bibliography 681
Index 693
General Editor’s Foreword

Over the past half millennium, from ca. 1450 until the last third or so of the
20th century, much of the world’s history has been influenced in great part
by one general dynamic and complex historical process known as European
expansion. Defined as the opening up, unfolding or increasing the extent, num-
ber, volume or scope of the space, size or participants belonging to a certain
people or group, location or geographical region, Europe’s expansion initially
emerged and emanated physically, intellectually and politically from southern
Europe—specifically from the Iberian peninsula—during the 15th century,
expanding rapidly from that locus to include, first, all of Europe’s maritime,
and later, most of its continental states and peoples. Most commonly associ-
ated with events described as the discovery of America and of a passage to
the East Indies (Asia) by rounding the Cape of Good Hope (Africa) during the
early modern and modern periods, European expansion and encounters with
the rest of the world multiplied and morphed into several ancillary historical
processes, including colonization, imperialism, capitalism and globalization,
encompassing themes, amongst others, relating to contacts and—to quote
the EURO series’ original mission statement—, “connections and exchanges;
peoples, ideas and products, especially through the medium of trading compa-
nies; the exchange of religions and traditions; the transfer of technologies; and
the development of new forms of political, social and economic policy, as well
as identity formation.” Because of its intrinsic importance, extensive research
has been performed and much has been written about the entire period of
European expansion.
With the first volume published in 2009, Brill launched the European
Expansion and Indigenous Response book series at the initiative of a well-
known scholar and respected historian, Glenn J. Ames, who prior to his
untimely passing was the founding editor and guided the first seven volumes of
the series to publication. George Bryan Souza, who was one of the early mem-
bers of the series’ editorial board, was appointed the series’ second General
Editor. The series’ founding objectives are to focus on publications “that under-
stand and deal with the process of European expansion, interchange and con-
nectivity in a global context in the early modern and modern period” and to
“provide a forum for a variety of types of scholarly work with a wider discipli-
nary approach that moves beyond the traditional isolated and nation bound
historiographical emphases of this field, encouraging whenever possible
non-European perspectives . . . that seek to understand this indigenous trans-
General Editor ’ s Foreword xi

formative process and period in autonomous as well as inter-related cultural,

economic, social, and ideological terms.”
The history of European expansion is a challenging field in which inter-
est is likely to grow, in spite of, or perhaps because of, its polemical nature.
Controversy has centered primarily on tropes conceived and written in the past
by Europeans, primarily concerning their early reflections and claims regard-
ing the transcendental historical nature of this process and its emergence and
importance in the creation of an early modern global economy and society.
One of the most persistent objections is that the field has been “Eurocentric.”
This complaint arises because of the difficulty in introducing and balancing
different historical perspectives, when one of the actors in the process is to
some degree neither European nor Europeanized—a conundrum alluded to
in the African proverb: “Until the lion tells his tale the hunt will always glorify
the hunter.” Another, and perhaps even more important and growing historio-
graphical issue, is that with the re-emergence of historical millennial socie-
ties (China and India, for example) and the emergence of other non-Western
European societies successfully competing politically, economically and intel-
lectually on the global scene vis-à-vis Europe, the seminal nature of European
expansion is being subjected to greater scrutiny, debate, and comparison with
other historical alternatives.
Despite, or perhaps because, of these new directions and stimulating sources
of existing and emerging lines of dispute regarding the history of European
expansion, Souza and the editorial board of the series will continue with the
original objectives and mission statement of the series and vigorously “. . . seek
out studies that employ diverse forms of analysis from all scholarly disciplines,
including anthropology, archaeology, art history, history, (including the history
of science), linguistics, literature, music, philosophy, and religious studies.” In
addition, we shall seek to stimulate, locate, incorporate, and publish the most
important and exciting scholarship in the field.
Towards that purpose, I am pleased to introduce volume 20 of Brill’s EURO
series, entitled: The Boxer Codex: Transcription and Translation of an Illustrated
Late-Sixteenth Century Spanish Manuscript Concerning the Geography,
Ethnography and History of the Pacific, South-East and East Asia. One of the
EURO series’ initial objectives envisaged translation projects of original manu-
scripts in a variety of languages that would enhance and facilitate studying
the history of European expansion and indigenous response. This two-volume
work introduces and provides a first-ever, complete transcription and anno-
tated English language translation of a unique late sixteenth-century Spanish
manuscript produced in the Philippines. The transcription and the annotated
xii General Editor ’ s Foreword

translation of the Boxer Codex was a large-scale and complex project. The pro-
ject was designed and performed by a well-qualified collaborative team of two
specialists, one a Romance linguist and philologist and the other a historian
of early-modern Asia and European expansion. Its selection for inclusion in
this series was logical, since many scholars of early modern historical contacts
between Europeans and Pacific Island, South-east and East Asian peoples have
had some familiarity with only parts of it. Although some sections of the Boxer
Codex have previously been transcribed or translated, the editors of this two-
volume publication demonstrate some of the problems that earlier attempts
have confronted on account of the difficulty in reading the early modern
Spanish or because of problems with the copies made of the texts. Some of
their corrections may be construed as being minor or cosmetic, but many are
substantial. These volumes will provide specialists with a thorough modern
edition consisting of an expert transcription, a first-rate translation, glossary,
and extensive annotations that will permit a scholarly determination of the
significance of this work in itself and by comparison with other 16th- and early
17th-century European accounts. And, in particular, it will reveal the impor-
tance of the corrections that have been made to some of earlier attempts to
transcribe or translate it, which could potentially alter one’s understanding of
some of these cultures and histories. It is hoped that this work will be widely
used by historians, ethnographers, linguists, and literature specialists and
enjoyed by general readers interested in early-modern European accounts of
the worlds and peoples that were encountered in the Pacific, East and South-
east Asia.

George Bryan Souza

Acknowledgments

We wish to thank the Director and staff of the Lilly Library for their interest
and support for this project and their professionalism in their handling of our
requests. Without them this project would never have been started nor could
it have been completed. In addition to the encouragement that we received
early on from B. Breon Mitchell, the Director of the Lilly during the initial
stages of this project, we also received fundamental support from the Library
in the form of high-quality digital images of the entire Boxer Codex, including
all of its illustrations. Subsequently, we received timely support from the Lilly
Library’s present Director, Joel Silver, who ratified the Lilly Library’s permis-
sion to reproduce the Boxer Codex.
Since the subject matter ideally fits the objectives of the European Expansion
and Indigenous Response series, we decided to publish with Brill. We gratefully
acknowledge and thank Marti Huetink, Brill’s Publishing Director, for his inter-
est, enthusiastic support and technical publishing experience and expertise,
which he shared with us during several substantive meetings. In particular, we
thank him and Brill for arranging the generation and inclusion of the maps
that accompany this work and obtaining observations from two blind peer
reviewers, which we have incorporated.
We received institutional and collegial support from diverse sources and
individuals in disparate locations and venues. Without such generosity, we
would have been unable to complete this project. While the list is too exten-
sive to enumerate all of the sources and supporters of this project individually,
we hope that they will accept this general acknowledgement and our apology
for their omission. Nevertheless, there are a number of key relationships and
sources of support that we received over the course of this project that must be
named and acknowledged.
Souza received a Bernardo Mendel fellowship from the Lilly Library over six
months in late 2004 and early 2005, which permitted the identification and the
selection of this work for this project. Turley’s home institution, Brigham Young
University, provided funding for which we are profoundly grateful. In 2007 he
was awarded a substantial Mentoring Environment Grant that allowed him to
employ a cadre of capable graduate students (Drew Weech, Brian Palmer, Matt
Hill and Paz Stutzman) to assist with the transcription of the Boxer Codex. And
in 2014 the College of Humanities at the same university granted Turley a gen-
erous semester-long leave of absence with accompanying financial support.
During the preparation of the translation and the annotations, we received
extensive support and encouragement from colleagues. In particular, we would
xiv acknowledgments

like to thank the following groups and individuals: Annelieke Vries-Baaijens

(Cartographic Studio of Vienna) for her design and execution of our maps;
Hailian Chen, Cao Jin, Ting-Chun Chang, Geoffrey Wade, David Honey and
Hans Ulrich Vogel for help with Chinese terms; Rose Bybee for her assistance
with Tagalog; Jorge dos Santos Alves for a discussion of the Ribeiro Gaio sec-
tion on Aceh; Dhiravat na Pombejra for assistance with some references in the
Ribeiro Gaio section on Siam; Milton Moody for his untiring and enthusiastic
expertise on birds; Colorado State Senator Morgan Carroll for information on
her father, the late scholar John S. Carroll; and finally, to John N. Crossley for
his correspondence and information concerning the Boxer Codex and other
related projects.
Turley presented some of our preliminary results of this work at the 2007
meeting of the Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, resulting
in useful observations for which we are thankful and have incorporated into
this study.
While we are indebted to many, we alone are obviously responsible for the
contents found in this work.
We dedicate this work to our families, friends and colleagues whose support
stimulated and permitted us to finish this exciting and challenging project.
List of Drawings, Illustrations and Maps

Drawings

1 Unknown Artist’s Rendering of a Visayan Penis Ring 356

Illustrations

1 Professor Charles R. Boxer’s ex-libris and a copy of the description of the

Boxer Codex from the 1947 sales catalogue 297
2 Reception of a Manila Galleon by the Chamorro in the Ladrones Islands,
ca. 1590 299
3 Ladrones Warrior 301
4 Ladrones Warrior 302
5 Cagayan Woman 312
6 Cagayan Warrior 313
7 Negritos Couple 324
8 Sambal Hunters 325
9 Sambal Hunters 326
10 Sambal Couple 327
11 Visayan Tattooed (Common) Couple 330
12 Visayan (Noble) Couple 331
13 Visayan (Royal) Couple 332
14 Visayan (Royal) Couple 333
15 Tagalog (Common or Slave) Men 367
16 Tagalog (Common) Women 368
17 Tagalog (Royal) Couple 369
18 Tagalog (Royal) Couple 370
19 Tagalog (Noble) Couple 371
20 Bruneian Warrior Couple 394
21 Bruneian Warrior Couple 395
22 Malukan (Noble) Woman 427
23 Malukan Warrior 428
24 Javanese Warrior 431
25 Javanese Warrior 432
26 Siamese Warriors 435
27 Siamese Couple 436
xvi list of drawings, illustrations and maps

28 Japanese (Samurai) Couple 525

29 Giao Chi Warrior Couple 529
30 Giao Chi Couple 531
31 Quang Nam Couple 532
32 She Couple 534
33 Keelung Couple 536
34 Champa Couple 538
35 Danshui Couple 540
36 Daimao Couple 542
37 Kampuchea Couple 544
38 Terengganu Couple 546
39 Patani Couple 548
40 Tatar Couple 550
41 Sangley Couple 552
42 Sangley Couple 553
43 Chinese Commanding Generals 554
44 Mandarin Scholar and Consort 555
45 Chinese Prince and Consort 556
46 Chinese Emperor and Empress 557
47 Husin 607
48 Hanc Pia 608
49 Caishen 609
50 Yuayçon Concho 610
51 Nazha 611
52 Sansaico 612
53 Xianguan 613
54 Xiangu 614
55 Tu Di Gong 615
56 Lu Ban 616
57 Chimbu 617
58 Tianzun 618
59 Tianjiang Guan 619
60 Puaqua 620
61 Amtam 621
62 Guan Yu 622
63 Chinsim 623
64 Chincum 624
65 Tirhu 625
66 Goujian 626
list of drawings, illustrations and maps xvii

67 Hou Yi 627
68 Honsun 628
69 Hiau Ganzue 629
70 Huatuo 630
71 Shun Feng Er 631
72 Qian Li Yan 632
73 Gonggong 633
74 Ungançua 634
75 Laojun 635
76 Honcsungançue 636
77 [a] Shusi [b] Gac [c] Yu [d] Quiy 647
78 [a] Tiap [b] Luan [c] Huv [d] Pit 648
79 [a] Feifei [b] Ma [c] Binhoay [d] Mateam 650
80 [a] Chac Çin [b] Souv [c] Quiyrin [d] Xiauquy 651
81 [a] Homtae [b] Yu [c] Biym [d] Gongji 653
82 [a] Gu [b] Zhulong [c] Xixi [d] Simlioc 654
83 [a] Dijiang [b] Qioamleam [c] Chasisin [d] Sinpuat 656
84 [a] Kaimingshou [b] Jiaochong [c] Xiangliu [d] Yoc Siu 657
85 [a] Quiv Bihou [b] Jiuweihu [c] Haychay [d] Ytcac Çiu 659
86 [a] Hec Hou [b] Luy [c] Chemhim [d] Manchu 660
87 [a] Cozhu [b] Heluo [c] Caphu [d] Yamhui 662
88 [a] Siuhu [b] Liom ma [c] Lioc [d] Emliom 663
89 [a] Locto [b] Hu [c] Qiirin [d] Y Yo 665
90 [a] Hou [b] Chay [c] Çay [d] Tu 666
91 [a] Chuibe [b] Pecte [c] Chem [d] Xiang 668
92 [a] He [b] Anchun [c] Ya [d] Xique 669
93 [a] Zhegu [b] Yingwu [c] Luci [d] Quinquey 670
94 [a] Xique [b] Baixian [c] Chequia [d] Banjiu 671
95 [a] Huabiy [b] Xique [c] Jiling [d] E 672
96 [a] Kongque [b] Fenghuang [c] Soariy [d] Baihe 673
97 [a] Kuang [b] Ekouchuang [c] Yelu [d] Zaomei 675
98 [a] Yuanyang [b] Zhegu [c] Yeji [d] Dandinghe 676

Maps

1 On Seas and Lands: Spanish and other Europeans’ Global

Connections 298
2 The Pacific Ocean and the Manila Galleon: Islands, Ports and Routes 300
xviii list of drawings, illustrations and maps

3 Philippine Islands 314
4 Greater Sunda Islands 396
5 Sumatra and Mainland South-east Asia 437
6 Aceh and its Environs, ca. 1584 438
7 The Maluku Islands and the Raja Ampat Region: Roxo de Brito’s Voyage,
1581–1582 502
8 Ming China, ca. 1575 558
Glossary

almud: Sp., 800 grams, 28 ounces. A quarter of an almud was 267 grams or
28.3 ounces
amoq: Malay, a frenzied mental state: to engage furiously in combat; to attack
with desperation and resolution; to commit indiscriminate murder
anchashi: Ch. 按察使, a provincial judge or surveillance comissioner
anchun: MS: Conyui; Ch. 鵪鶉, quail
anfusi: Ch. 安撫司, another kind of xuanfusi, see below
anito: Tagalog, originally referred to the spirits of dead ancestors, but with time
the reference expanded to include gods or divinities, lower ranking evil or
beneficent spirits, idols, the souls of dead human beings and even a set of
common religious ideas, symbols and events
Anoranor: according to Visayan mythology, son of Pandaguam and Loboblam
areca: nut of the areca palm (Areca catechu)
arigue: Tagalog, beam
arrátel /arráteis: Ptg., one libra (pound)
arras: Sp., thirteen coins presented to the bride by the groom during their wed-
ding ceremony as a symbol of the groom’s commitment to provide for his
bride and make his wealth hers
arrepeke: Chamorro, an entreaty or call of unverified meaning; the author of
the MS suggests it means ‘friends’ or ‘lower your harquebuses’
arroba(s): Ptg., 32 arráteis (or pounds), or 14.7 kilograms, or a quarter of a
quintal
aswang: Visayan, a flesh eating demon; see also malaques
audiençia(s): Sp., royal appellate court(s) of justice, i.e., high court(s) or court(s)
of appeal
babaye: Visayan, woman
babaylan: Visayan; see katalonan
bagangan: Visayan, name for themselves in their language on Borneo
bahag(i): Visayan, loin cloth
bahandi: Tagalog and Cebuano, precious or semi-precious stones or gems used
by the Caygayans on Luzon; see also bulagani
bahar: a weight measure of Indian origin equivalent to approximately 400
pounds; equal to 3 piculs
baihe: MS: Lousi; Ch. 白鹤, egret
baixian: MS: Lienchiac, Ch. 白鷳, silver pheasant
baju: Malay, simple garb or jacket
balai: Malay, a covered pavilion supported by wooden stakes and lacking walls
that functioned as a meeting place or a residence for foreign travelers
xx glossary

balai raesa: Malay, Sidasida, a specific or special house or hut where the offi-
cers and servants of the Sultan socialized in the evenings
balai sa-bandong: Brunei Malay, a theater
bangka(s): Tagalog, small boat(s) i.e., outrigger canoe(s)
banjiu: MS: Rahui; 斑鳩, turtledove
bantay: Tagalog, guard or sentinel; name given to a bird found in human
settlements
baqueruelo(s): Sp., a small, short sleeveless tunic
barangay(s): Visayan, a boat made in the Philippine Islands of planks joined by
pins and dowels, also known as a butuan
bararao(s): Tagalog, double-edged dagger(s)
baro: Visayan, a genus of shrubs and trees belonging to the family Burseraceae
(incense or torchwood)
baroto(s): Tagalog, dugout canoe(s)
batguin: Brunei Malay, an unidentified Brunei silver coin; three batguin were
equal to one tael
bathala na may kapangyarihan sa lahat: Tagalog, ‘God the creator and pre-
server of all things’
Bathala: Tagalog, God, creator of all things; represented by an omen bird called
Tigma-manuguin; see also Mya-Ari
bayani: Tagalog, brave; warrior; champion
baylan: Tagalog, priest or shaman subject to spirit possession; see also baysan
bayog or bayoguin: Tagalog, a priest dressed in woman’s clothing; see babaylan
and katalonan
baysan: Tagalog, priestess or shaman subject to spirit possession; see also baylan
bazong: Ch. 把總, a garrison commander in the Ming military system
bendahara: Malay, a Sultan or kingly-appointed (and usually hereditary)
administrative and/or judicial position of trust and authority comparable to
a vizier or governor in most South-east Asian polities
betel: the leaf of the betel plant (Piper betel), a vine belonging to the Piperaceae
family, which includes pepper and cava; see areca
bigay-kaya: Visayan, brideprice; dowry
bini sungguh: Brunei Malay, true wife
biray: Visayan, a light outrigged oared craft with two or three tiers of oarsmen
per band
birocos: Visayan, ships of an imprecise type
bitik: Tagalog, tin mesh
blanca(s): Sp., Castilian coin made from an alloy of copper and silver, usually
worth half a maravedí
bulagani/bulacani: Tagalog, precious or semi-precious stones or gems used by
the Caygayans on Luzon; see also bahandi
glossary xxi

buzhengshi: Ch. 布政司, the name given during the Ming to the system of gov-
ernment over the thirteen provinces governed by viceroys; Rada also uses it
as a title of provincial comptrollers
byáo: Visayan, a sung poem
Cabaye: Visayan, according to Visayan creation mythology, the first woman
Caishen: MS: Yusam Concho; Ch. 財神; lit. ‘God of Wealth’, god of prosperity;
also known as Zhao Gongming or Bigan; he is generally depicted as riding a
black tiger and holding a golden rod and in others with an iron tool capable
of turning stone and iron into gold
calambogas: Visayan, bracelets or hoops of metal, bone or ivory; specifically,
golden bracelets
Calaque: Visayan, according to Visayan mythology concerning creation, the
first man
calicut: Malay, a sash made of fabric manufactured in Calicut
camelete(s): Sp. (Ptg. camelote); a small siege cannon of the pedreiro type, since
the projectile used was normally stone
camello(s): Sp. (Ptg. camelo); a heavy siege cannon, though it was also mounted
on caravels; specifically known also as a pedreiro, since the projectile used
was normally stone
can(es): Sp. (Ptg. cão/cães); a small piece of artillery with a caliber smaller than
that of an esfera
canjiang: Ch. 參將, an assistant regional commander
canzheng: Ch. 參政, chief magistrate; executive vice minister
capado(s): Sp. & Ptg., eunuch(s)
carabao(s): buffalo(es)
carrack: a large merchant vessel with three or four decks with a burthen of
between 1,200 and 1,600 tons
casado(s): Ptg., lit. ‘married men,’ married settlers, heads of households
casanaan: Tagalog, a place of anguish or hell; see sulan
catty: derived from Malay  kati, a traditional measurement of weight in East
and South-east Asia; 1 catty equaled 1.3 pounds or 604.8 grams; 1 catty also
equaled 1/10 of 1 picul, 13.3 pounds or 60.5 grams; 1 catty also equaled 1/16 of
1 tael or 1.33 pounds or 37.8 grams.
catures: Dravidian in origin, light, swift, oared vessels
chaguan: Ch. 察官, a surveillance oficial; see also zhouguan
Champa: MS: Chamcia; Ch. 尖城, Jian Cheng, i.e., Champa
chicubite: Nahuatl, a basket with the capacity of one fanega, roughly three
kilograms
chinanta(s): un-identified, balance(s)
Commanding General: MS: Capitan general; Ch. 大將, dajiang, lit. ‘military
general’
xxii glossary

contador(es): Sp., small coins used by those ignorant of figures to work their
sums
corregidor(es): Sp., civil governor(s)
cowries: porcelain-like shells of a small gastropod,  Cypræa moneta, found
abundantly in the Indian Ocean, especially in the Maldives, and used in the
past as money in some parts of Africa, South and East Asia
cruzado(s): Ptg., gold coin(s), at the time equivalent to 400 reis
cubit: equal to 33 fingers, approximately 22 inches or 56 centimeters
cuirass(es): piece or pieces of armour for the body (originally of leather); usu-
ally reaching down to the waist, and consisting of a breast-plate and a back-
plate, buckled or otherwise fastened together
culverin(s): a piece of artillery with a long barrel (13 feet or 4 meters on aver-
age) and narrow caliber (5 inches or 12.7 centimeters on average)
dandinghe: MS: Ho; Ch. 丹顶鹤, the red-crowned crane, symbol of longevity
and immortality
Daimao: MS: Taipue, elsewhere Taypue; Ch. 玳瑁, Daimao, lit. ‘tortoise shell’
Danshui: MS: Tamchuy, elsewhere Tamchui; Ch. 淡水, north-western Taiwan
daoli: Ch. 道吏, a censor or inspector of the thirteen circuits, or Dao 道
datu (also dato’ or datuk): Malay, a title or titles in the Visayas and Mindanao in
the Philippine Islands, still currently used in Mindanao and Sulu, reserved
for native royalty (chiefs, princes or monarchs) and apparently introduced
into the pre-colonial Philippines via Malay migrations
degaron: Malay-Javanese, in this instance, an official (a titled nobleman)
appointed overseer of the royal treasury by the Sultan and/or other rulers of
port-city kingdoms or polities and encharged with dealing with traders and
the collection of taxes from maritime commerce
depositarios: Sp., depository(-ies): person or persons with whom anything
(material or immaterial) is lodged or committed in trust or confided;
trustee(s)
destar: Malay, headdress
dianshi: Ch. 典史, a district jailor
Diguan: Ch. 地官, the Earthly Official, one of the Three Great
Emperor-Officials
Dijiang: MS: Teycam, Ch. (Hokkien) 帝江, lit. ‘emperor Yangtze River’; minor
deity shaped like a bag with six feet, four wings, but no head or face
doctrina(s): Sp., term employed in the New World and elsewhere throughout
the Spanish Empire for an ecclesiastical parish of Indians over which the
religious order responsible for their conversion was awarded jurisdiction in
perpetuity
glossary xxiii

ducat(s): Venetian gold coin widely circulated throughout Europe and else-
where, especially after it was imperially sanctioned in 1566; it reportedly
weighed .13 ounces or 3.545 grams
e: MS: Gan, Ch. 肝, gan, lit. ‘liver’, which is also a synonym in Chinese for goose,
鹅; the type of goose depicted in Illustration 95 is most probably the great
white-fronted goose
ekouchuang: MS: Petaucan, Ch. 鵝口瘡, Siberian thrush
Emperor: MS: Rey; Ch. 皇帝, wangdi, i.e., emperor
encomienda: Sp., system of the Spanish Crown of commending an area of juris-
diction to an individual, institution or itself to provide temporal and spiri-
tual protection of the indigenous inhabitants in an area in return for the
right to collect a tribute tax from them
esfera(s): Sp. & Ptg., a piece of short-range artillery
falcon(s): a light cannon, 6 feet in length, with a caliber of 2.5 inches
falconet(s): a light cannon, 3 feet 9 inches in length, with a caliber of 2 inches
fanega(s): Sp., fourth part of a load carried by a mule, roughly 6.5 pounds or
3 kilograms
fathom(s): 5.78 feet or 1.76 meters; presently 6 feet or 1.83 meters
feifei: MS: Giemyam; Ch. 朏朏, a wildcat with a white tail and mane, the domes-
tication of which cures melancholy
fenghuang: MS: Tanhon; Ch. 鳳凰, an immortal bird with both male and female
elements in a yin-yang harmony that is also an omen of political harmony
finger(s): ⅔ of 1 inch, or 1.65 centimeters; see also cubit
Fo: Ch. 佛, Buddha
foists: light oared vessels with one or two masts used for exploration
fu: Ch. 府, prefecture
Fu Xi Sanhuang: Ch. 伏羲三皇, according to Chinese mythology, the first man
who fell from heaven
galliot(s): normally a two-masted, latin-rigged vessel which could have been
oared
gantang: Malay, three liters in the Philippines (Manila); reportedly half that in
Borneo
gantung: Malay, hang
geme: Sp., the distance between the tip of the thumb and the tip of the index
finger, when the fingers are extended, approximately 2.5 inches or 6.35
centimeters
Gentile(s): Hindus
gigilid: Visayan, a hearth slave, i.e., a slave with who lives in his master’s house
until marriage
xxiv glossary

gigilid namamahe: Visayan, a hearth slave who becomes a householder upon

marriage
Gonggong: MS: Congançua; Ch. 共工, Chinese water god or sea monster, usu-
ally depicted with red hair and the tail of a dragon
gongji: MS: Ec; Ch. 公鸡, rooster
Goujian: MS: Quoxian; 勾踐, Chinese god who watches over men from heaven
Gu: MS: Huy; 鼓, lit. ‘drum’, son of the god of mythical Bell
guanjunshi: Ch. 冠軍使, chief standard-bearer
Guanyin: Ch. 觀音, a female bodhisattva associated with compassion in East
Asia; Guanyin is an abbreviated form of Guanshiyin, meaning ‘Observing the
Cries of the World’
Guan Yu: MS: Quanhu, elsewhere Quanya; Ch. 關羽, one of Liu Bei’s generals
and a Taoist god of war
gundek: Malay, royal concubine
Haik: according to the of the Moros of Mindanao, god of the sea
hayoheyes: Visayan, a category of a slave
he: MS: Toc Bo, Ch. 鹤, crane
hedao: Ch. 河道, Waterways Circuit
heluo: MS: Olohu, Ch. 河羅, a fish with one head and ten bodies that makes a
sound like a barking dog, the consumption of which cures tumors
heshang: Ch. 和尚, a Buddhist monk or priest
hidalgo(s): Sp., (Ptg. fidalgo(s)) lit. ‘sons of property’; lesser nobles, here ‘son of’
is figurative, patterned after Arabic use, meaning simply that the person was
known to possess a certain characteristic, and algo, instead of meaning lit.
‘someone’, retains its medieval sense of riches, possessions or property
horohanes: Visayan, a category of a slave
hou: MS: Rau; Ch. 猴, monkey
Hou Yi: MS: Tiosiam; Ch. 后羿, also called Yiyi (夷羿), or simply Yi, the mytho-
logical archer who is sometimes portrayed as a god of archery descended
from heaven to aid mankind
hu: MS: Hou; Ch. 虎, tiger
Huatuo: Ch. 華佗, a physician who lived during the late Eastern Han Dynasty
and who is credited with the invention of anaesthesia
ichcauipilli: Nahuatl, quilted cotton cuirass worn as protection against arrows
islams: Visayan, Muslims
Islands of the West: early name for the Philippine Islands
Japan: MS: Japon; Ch. 日本, Riben, i.e., Japan
Jiaochong: MS: Quiaution; Ch. 驕蟲, lit. ‘proud insect’; a deity who resides on
Mt. Pingfeng, the dwelling-place of bees; the god of the stinging insects
jiling: MS: Checlen; 鶺鴒, white wagtail; Cantonese pronunciation of 鶺 is jek
glossary xxv

jiuweihu: MS: Sui Siu; Ch. 九尾狐, nine-tailed fox

jun: Ch. 軍, fighting-men, troops from the same province junmen: Ch. 軍門,
viceroy(s)
Kaimingshou: MS: Tiangou; Ch. 開明獸, lit. ‘enlightened beast’, mythical guard
of Mt. Kunlun, alternate translation as “Beast-Facing-East”
kalakal: Tagalog, merchandise
kalawai: Maluku, a barbed spear or javelin
Kampuchea: MS: Tampochia; Ch. 柬坡寨, Jianpozhai, Kampuchea, i.e.,
Cambodia
katalonan: Tagalog, a priest or priestess who performs the same function as
bayog or babaylan
katana: Jap., sword(s)
Keelung: MS: Cheylam; Ch. 雞籠, Keelung (also Jilong or Chilong) on Taiwan
kepitan: Malay, torture by piercing with hooks
khatib: Malay-Arabic, reader in the mosque
khatib besar: Malay-Arabic, great monk
kongque: MS: Conchio; Ch. 孔雀, (green) peacock; see Goodall, Heaven and
Earth, 50
kora-kora: Malay, a large double outrigger canoe that could carry upwards of
200 oarsmen and passengers
kuang: MS: Enm; Ch. 鵟, rough-legged hawk
kupang: Malay, weight equal to 1/3 of a mace
Lakanbakor: Tagalog, god of the fruits of the earth; an anito that dwells in cer-
tain kinds of plants used as fences
Lakanpati: Tagalog, a harvest and fishing god
laksa: Malay & Tagalog, 10,000
lalaki: Visayan, man
landang: Visayan, a dish made from powdered buri palm starch
langgar: Malay, a Muslim house of prayer or pilgrimage house
Laojun: MS: Loozum, elsewhere Loocun; Ch. 老君, the name of Laozi after his
deification
lashka: Malay, soldiery
league(s): the Spanish league was 3.2 miles or 5.1 kilometer
liangdao: Ch. 糧道, a provincial grain intendent in late Imperial China who
had power and authority over granary supplies
Linog: according to Visayan mythology, the god of earthquakes
live waters: the maximum rising of the tides at the time of the equinoxes, or
with each full moon
Loboblam: according to Visayan mythology, Pandaguam’s wife and Anoranor’s
mother
xxvi glossary

lombard: cannon used in Spain in the 16th century

Lord of the Harbor: see shahbandar
Lu Ban: MS: Quilam, elsewhere Quilara; Ch. 魯班, patron saint of Chinese
builders and contractors
luan: MS: Loam, Ch. 鸞, a fabulous auspicious bird
luci: MS: Louchi; Ch. 鸕鶿, cormorant
ma: MS: Quansou; Ch. 馬, horse
maca: Tagalog, village of rest or paradise
mace: a ubiquitous traditional unit of weight in Asia; in India it equaled 0.97
grams or .03 ounces. The term derived from Malay mayam via Ptg. maes. As
a weight in in South-east and East Asia, 1 mace equaled 1/16 of 1 tael (.081
ounces or 2.3 grams), and as a unit of currency in the weight-denominated
silver currency system in imperial China, 1 mace (錢 qian, Hokkien lacun)
equaled 1/10 of a tael, or 10 candareens (分 fen, Hokkien phou), equivalent to
.13 ounces or 3.78 grams; 1 mace also equaled 1,000 cash (釐 li, Hokkien dic)
maganitos: Tagalog, rituals in which sacrifices were performed for anitos
magarahe: Visayan, fast(s)
Maguayem and Malaon: according to Visayan mythology, the chief gods
malaque(s): Visayan, sorcerer; see also aswang
Mandarin Scholar: MS: Mandarin letrado; Ch. 文官, wenguan, lit. ‘civil official’
maque: MS: Chequia, Ch. (Hokkien) 麻雀, sparrow
Marancon: according to Visayan mythology, originator of theft, a man who
lived with Loboblam, Pandaguam’s wife
maravedí(es): Sp., a small copper coin equal to 1/34 of a real
masjid: Malay Arabic, mosque
masok sunat: Malay, to be circumcised
May-Ari: Tagalog, a name for God creator of all things; see also Bathala
Mazu or Tianhou Niangniang: Ch. 媽祖 or天后娘娘, goddess of the sea; see
also Niangma
mejora: Sp., a special bequest granted by the testator beyond what is specified
in a will
memoria(s): Sp., memorial(s) or explanation(s)
menteri: Malay, minister or captain
merdeheka: Malay, freeman
morisqueta: Sp., rice cooked in water with no salt, a typical dish in the
Philippines
muara besar: Malay, lit. ‘estuary big,’ i.e. a large estuary
muara darmit: Malay, lit. ‘estuary small,’ i.e. a small estuary
musket: a type of long-barrelled gun, occasionally mounted on a forked stand
and ignited by fuse
nahuatatle: Nahuatl, interpreter
glossary xxvii

nananatin: Brunei Malay, a celebratory marriage practice reported on Borneo,

where the bride, if she is a virgin, is kept under a canopy in bed for about a
week and does not appear in public, during which time there is a daily feast
for the groom, his father-in-law, and the latter’s relatives
Nazha: MS: Lochia; Ch. 哪吒, a deified child warrior who battled against Ao
Kuang, the East Sea Dragon King
Niangma: Ch. 娘媽,the name in Fujian for the goddess of the sea, Mazu or
Tianhou Niangniang
Nuwa: Ch. 女娲, the creator goddess known for creating mankind and repar-
ing the wall of heaven
olipon: Visayan, slave or indentured servant
olipon namamahe: Visayan, independent slave(s)
orang baik: Malay, lit. ‘good man’; honorable man
orang berkelahi: Malay, lit. ‘quarrelsome man’; soldier
orang kaya (degaron): Malay, rich man; noble
orang laki membeli perempuan muda: Malay, ‘male persons buy young
woman’
paku(s): Malay & Tagalog, lit. ‘nail,’ a copper-silver alloy coin made in Borneo;
equaling 32 pitis or 20 reales
pakukan: Malay, to nail
Pandaguam: according to Visayan mythology, an early human who invented
fishing and was resurrected by the gods
pangasi: Visayan, rice wine
Pangu: Ch. 盘古, lit. ‘plate ancient’, the first living human being
Panguan: Ch. 判官, judicial officer
panicas: Tagalog, gold of more than 18 karats, at this time equivalent to five
pesos; heavy gold earrings
parias: Sp., tribute
paso(s): Sp., pace(s); imprecise and variable measurement of distance, could
be 2, 2½, or 3 feet
Patani: MS: Tohany; 大連, Dalian, i.e. Patani
patih: Brunei Malay, bailiff
payo(s): Malay, wood(s)
pecheros: Sp., lit. ‘tax-payers’; commoners; members of Spanish society who
appeared on tax rolls and paid taxes; others such as hidalgos (lesser nobles,
see above), were exempt
pelachur: Malay, prostitute
pengiran: Malay-Javanese, titled nobleman or lord
peso(s): Sp., the famous Spanish silver coin worth eight  reales, hence also
known as a “piece of eight,” equal to 532.63 grams or 18.8 ounces of silver
petate(s): Nahuatl and Sp., a mat made from reed and also used to make sails
xxviii glossary

phai: Thai; an old currency unit minted as tiny silver coins in units of two, each
of which was equivalent to 100 cowries and four of which equaled one füang;
four füang made a salüng and four salüng made one tical/baht
picul: derived from Malay pikul, corresponding to Ch. tam, 担, a traditional
measurement of weight in South-east and East Asia; 1 picul equaled 133⅓
pounds or 60.5 kilograms; 3 piculs equaled 1 bahar and 1 picul equaled 10
catty
pitis: Brunei Malay, a tin or lead coin the size of half a real, which was report-
edly worth 322 tomines on Borneo
podong: Visayan, crown or wreath
pomara(s): Visayan, possibly from pona, meaning ‘fishnet thread’, i.e., filigree,
and pona pona, meaning ‘mesh bag’
Prince: MS: Prínçipe; Ch. 太子, taizi, i.e., prince
prow(s): small vessels, usually galleys
pusa: Ch. 菩薩, a bodhisattva
Qian Li Yan: MS: Chendiem; Ch. 千里眼, meaning ‘Thousand Leagues Eyes’,
who can see long distances; both he and Shun Feng Er are Mazu’s heavenly
assistants
Quang Nam: MS: Canglan; Ch. 廣南, Guang Nan i.e., a province of central
Vietnam
quilang: Visayan, wine made from sugar-cane
quintal(s): Sp. and Ptg., 132 pounds or 60 kilograms
raja: Malay, prince
real(es): Sp., a silver coin, issued in units of one-half, one, two, and four reales,
eight reales equaled one peso; a half real was a unit of measure equivalent to
½ inch or 1.25 centimeters
salang: Malay, a method of execution using a dagger thrust from a kris into the
heart from above
salang guntin: Malay, lit. ‘frame’ or ‘cut’; crossbeam(s) that served as sliding
baulks or planks to launching ships from the shore or river bank
salvagem(s): Ptg., a heavy piece of artillery weighing approximately 6,170
pounds or 2,800 kilograms that threw a shot weighing 16 pounds or 7.25
kilograms
Sangley: MS: Sangley; Ch. 常來, changla, lit. ‘frequently come’; Chinese visitors
or settlers in the Philippines, primarily but not exclusively from Fujian
Sanguan Dadi: Ch. 三官大, the Three Great Emperor-Officials who ruled over
all things
saput: Malay, filmy cover or shroud
sembaleh: Brunei Malay, behead
shahbandar: Malay, harbormaster
shangshu: Ch. 尚書, President of the Board of Rites
glossary xxix

She: MS: Xaque; Ch. 畲客, sheyu, lit. ‘mountain traveler’; the largest minority
Chinese ethnic group in Fujian province
sheng: Ch. 省, province(s)
Shih-chia: Ch. 釋迦牟尼佛, Shih-chia Muni Fo, Chinese for Shakyamuni or
Sakaya­muni, lit. ‘sage of the Shakya people’, the Buddha of the present dis-
pensation, one of several names of the Buddha
Shuiguan: Ch. 水官, the Water Official, one of the Three Great
Emperor-Officials
Shun Feng Er: MS: Sunhonsi, elsewhere Sunonsi; Ch. 顺风耳, lit. ‘Favorable
Wind Ears’, who can catch the sound of the faintest breeze; both he and Qian
Li Yan are Mazu’s heavenly assistants
Shuntian: Ch. 順天, the name of the political division or prefecture around
the city of Beijing during the Ming and Qing period; hence, by metonymy,
Beijing
siak: Malay, caretaker of a mosque
Siam: MS: Sian; Ch. 暹羅, Xianluo, i.e., Siam
Sibayc (Sibay) or Mahelucy (Mastrasan): Visayan, according to Visayan mythol-
ogy, the woman who invented maganito and convinced the gods to permit
humans to participate in them
span(s): 8.7 inches or 22 centimeters (the most common expression of the
term)
Sulad (Saad): according to Visayan mythology, the land of the dead
sumpa: Tagalog, oath or curse
susuran: Brunei Malay, impale
tael: a traditional measurement of weight in South-east and East Asia; also
used to denominate a unit of currency in the weight-denominated silver cur-
rency system in imperial China (兩 liang, Hokkien nio); the term comes to
English from tahil, meaning ‘weight’ in Malay via Portuguese; it is equal to
one sixteenth of a catty or 1.3 ounces and on Brunei to 3 batguin or 16 mace
tagalos: Tagalog, other slaves
tagapaghayag ng banal na kasulatan ng dios: Tagalog, ‘revealers of the scrip-
tures of god’
taiji: Ch. 太極, according to Taoist precepts, the primal monad, the primeval
chaos, the great ultimate
tapi: Tagalog, apron; Malay tapeh, skirt; Brunei Malay tapih, short sarong; the
main item of clothing used by the people of Borneo
Tatar: MS: Tartaro; 呾子, Dazi, lit. ‘a Tatar couple’
temenggung: Malay, title for the chief of public of security
terçiados: Sp., short broadswords a third as long as usual swords
Terengganu: MS: Temquigui; 丁磯嶷, Dingji Yi, i.e., most probably Terengganu
Tian: Ch. 天, lit. ‘sky, heaven’
xxx glossary

Tianguan: Ch. 天官, the Heavenly Official, one of the Three Great
Emperor-Officials
Tianjiang Guan: MS: Tenganzuce, Tengançue, Tengançuçe; Ch. 天將官, lit.
‘Heavenly General’, a deity who records all of the inhabitants in China and
their behavior
Tianzun: MS: Yuanshi Tianzun, elsewhere Tiansu; Ch. 元始天尊, one of the
highest Taoist deities. He is one of the Three Pure Ones, or Sanqing 三清. He
is the Jade Pure One or Yuquin 玉清, also known as “The Celestial Venerable
of the Primordial Beginning” or “The Primeval Lord of Heaven”
tidu: Ch. 提督, provincial military commander
tikin: Tagalog, boatman’s pole
timawa: Visayan, members of the free feudal warrior class
timbangan: Malay, scales
Tianzhu: Ch. 天竺, an old name for India
tinaja: Sp., a unit of liquid measure used by Spaniards in the Philippines equal
to 48 liters
tixuedao: Ch. 提学道, Education Intendant Circuit
tomín: Sp., small silver Castilian coin equivalent to the eighth of a peso, or
approximately half a gram of silver; which was later replaced by the real
Tonkin: MS: Caupchy; 交趾, jiaozhi, lit. ‘Giao Chi’, i.e., Tonkin
toston: Sp. and Ptg., silver coins; the Spanish tostón was worth half a peso or
four reales and the Portuguese tostão was worth 100 reis
tu: MS: Touv; Ch. 兔, hare
tuba: Tagalog, palm wine
Tu Di Gong: MS: Tobte, Toute; Ch. 土地公, lit. ‘earth god’
tuheyes: Tagalog, a category of slave
typoso: Visayan, ivory bracelets
Uwinan Sana: according to Moro mythology, god of fields and woods
upeti: Malay, tribute
vara(s): Sp., lit. ‘staff;’ approximately one yard or 0.9 meter; half a staff, there-
fore, 1.5 feet or 0.5 meters
varela(s): Ptg., a term used to identify Buddhist pagodas, probably derived from
Malay barhala or Javanese brahala, meaning ‘idol’
Venetian(s): a silver coin first introduced in Venice but described as being of
gold in the MS
verso(s): a piece of light artillery half the size and caliber of a culverin, 10 to 13
feet in length with a 5 to 5.5-inch bore
watch(es): system employed during nocturnal hours aboard Spanish and
Portuguese ships; Sp., quarto(s): quarter(s), the division of the hours between
8 pm and 8 am into four watches of three hours each; quarto de prima or
glossary xxxi

prima noche: first watch, from 8–11 pm; quarto de la modorra ( drowsy): sec-
ond watch, from 11 pm to 2 am; quarto de la modorrilla (slightly or less
drowsy): third watch , from 2–5 am; and quarto de alba (dawn): fourth or
dawn watch, from 5–8 am.
xian: Ch. 縣, county
xiang: MS: Chiho; Ch. 象, lit. ‘elephant’
Xiangliu: MS: Sianecsi; Ch. 相柳,  the nine human-headed serpent monster,
minister of the snake-like water deity Gonggong that wrought ecological
devastation and havoc everywhere he went; he was by most accounts even-
tually killed by Yu the Great
Xianguan: MS: Siancoa; Ch. 仙官and Xiangu: MS: Siancou, Siamcou; Ch. 仙姑,
a couple of male and female deities renowned for their care and healing
capacities
Xinghua Quanzhou-dao: Ch.興化泉州道, governor of the prefectures of
Xinghua and Quanzhou
xique: MS: Quechiao, Suahou, Tzoatziao, Ch. 喜鵲, magpie
xixi: MS: Fuçiac, Ch. 鰼鰼, a fish whose form resembles a magpie with ten
wings
xuanfusi: Ch. 宣撫司, pacification areas or administrative districts in regions
inhabited by aboriginal tribes such as the Lolo or the Miao
xunfu: Ch. 巡撫, Grand Coordinator during the Ming Dynasty and Provincial
Governor during the Qing Dynasty
ya: MS: Ha; Ch. 鴨, duck; the appearance of the bird in the illustration suggests
a Mallard duck because of the curly tail, webbed feet and bill
yeji: MS: Yni and MS: Quimquey, Ch. 野鸡, pheasant; the first syllable of
Quimquey is similar to Cantonese gam, lit. ‘golden’
yelu: MS: Tiovam, Ch. 夜鹭, night heron
Yingtian: Ch. 应天, the name of the political division or prefecture around the
city of Nanjing during the Ming period; hence, by metonymy, Nanjing
yingwu: MS: Emco; Ch. 鸚鵡, parrot
Youchao: Ch. 有巢, mythical Chinese inventor of houses and buildings
yu: MS: Gurom and Touhi; Ch. 顒, a bird that dwells in the mythical Central
Valley and resembles an owl with a human face; if seen by people, it is an
omen of great drought
yuanyang: MS: Queytir, Ch. 鸳鸯, Mandarin duck
Yuhuang Shangdi: Ch. 玉皇上帝, Jade Sovereign, Highest Emperor; in Taoist
theology he is Yuanshi Tianzun, one of the Three Pure Ones, the three pri-
mordial emanations of the Tao
zacate: Nahuatl, pasture grass
zaomei: MS: Suamhou, Ch. 噪鹛, laughing thrush
xxxii glossary

zhang: Ch.長, lit. ‘senior’, captain of a group of soldiers

zhangguansi: Ch.長官司, similar to the xuanfusi, see above
zhegu: MS: Honen, Raalem, Ch. 鷓鴣, francolin
zhen: Ch. 镇, town
Zhendi: Ch. 真帝, a mythological Chinese physician and herbalist
Zhenjun: Ch. 真君, a mythological Chinese physician and herbalist
zhifu: Ch. 知府, a prefect or magistrate
zhixian: Ch. 知縣, a district magistrate
Zhulong: MS: Cho Ym, Ch. 燭龍, lit. ‘candle dragon’; a god who dwells on Mt.
Zhangwei who causes night and day by opening and closing his eyes
Zhonghua: Ch. 中华, lit. Middle Flowery’ kingdom; an early name for China
zhouguan: Ch. 州官, an official who punishes idlers
Abbreviations

B&M Boxer, Charles Ralph, and Pierre-Yves Manguin. “Miguel

Roxo de Brito’s Narrative of His Voyage to the Raja Empat,
May 1581–November 1582.” Archipel 10 (1979): 175–94.
BC Boxer, Charles Ralph. “A Late Sixteenth Century Manila
MS.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and
Ireland, no. 1/2 (1950): 37–49.
Boxer (Rada)  Boxer, Charles Ralph, ed. South China in the Sixteenth
Century, Being the Narratives of Galeote Pereira, Fr. Gaspar
da Cruz, O.P., Fr. Martín de Rada, O.E.S.A. (1550–1575).
Translated by C.R. Boxer. London: Printed for the Hakluyt
Society, 1953.
Boxer (Chams) Boxer, Charles Ralph. “A Spanish Description of the Chams
in 1595.” In Readings on Asian Topics: Papers Read at the
Inauguration of the Scandinavian Institute of Asian Studies,
16–18 September 1968. 35–44. Lund: Studentlitteratur, 1970.
B&R Blair, Emma Helen, and James Alexander Robertson, eds.
The Philippine Islands, 1493–1803: Explorations by Early
Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and Their Peoples,
Their History and Records of the Catholic Missions, as Related
in Contemporaneous Books and Manuscripts, Showing the
Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of
Those Islands from Their Earliest Relations With European
Nations to the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century, 55 vols.
Cleveland, Ohio: A.H. Clark Co., 1903–1909.
Carro Carro, Andrés. Vocabulario iloco-español. 2nd ed. Manila:
Est. Tipo-Litografico de M. Pérez, 1890.
Carroll Carroll, John S. “Burunei in the Boxer Codex.” Journal of the
Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 55, no. 2 (1982):
1–25.
Crossley (Boxer) Crossley, John Newsome. “The Early History of the Boxer
Codex.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Third Series) 24,
no. 1 (2014): 115–24.
DA  Real Academia Española. Diccionario de Autoridades. 3
vols. Madrid: Gredos, 1964. Facsimile reprint of edition pub.
1726–1737.
xxxiv abbreviations

Dalgado Dalgado, Sebastião Rodolfo. Glossário luso-asiático. 2 vols.

Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade, 1919–1921.
DBE Encarnación, Fr. Juan Félix de la, and Fr. José Sánchez del
Carmen. Diccionario bisaya-español. 3rd ed. 2 vols. Manila:
Tip. de “Amigos del país,” 1885.
DCECH Corominas, Joan, and José A. Pascual. Diccionario crítico
etimológico castellano e hispánico. 6 vols. Madrid: Gredos,
1980–1991.
DCM Werner, E.T.C. A Dictionary of Chinese Mythology. New York:
Julian Press, 1961.
DF Retana, W.E. Diccionario de filipinismos: Con la revisión de lo
que al respecto lleva publicado la Real Academia Española.
New York; Paris: Impr. de la casa editorial Bailly-Ballière, 1921.
DHT Serrano Laktaw, Pedro. Diccionario hispano-tagálog. 2 vols.
Manila: Estab. tip. “La Opinión”, 1889–1914.
DLMAA Leitão, Humberto, and José Vicente Lopes. Dicionário da
linguagem de marinha antiga e actual. 2nd ed. Lisboa:
Centro de Estudos Históricos Ultramarinos da Junta de
Investigações Científicas do Ultramar, 1974.
DLP Bluteau, Rafael, and António de Morais Silva. Diccionário
da lingua portugueza composto pelo padre D. Rafael Bluteau,
reformado, e accrescentado por António de Morais Silva.
Lisbon, 1789.
DME O’Scanlan, Timoteo. Diccionario marítimo español: Que
además de las definiciones de las voces con sus equivalentes
en francés, inglés e italiano, contiene tres vocabularios de estos
idiomas con las correspondencias castellanas. Redactado por
orden del Rey Nuestro Señor. Madrid: En la Imprenta Real,
1831.
Driver Driver, Marjorie G. “An Account of the Islands of the
Ladrones.” The Journal of Pacific History 26 (1991): 103–106.
DUE Moliner, María. Diccionario de uso del español. 2 vols.
Madrid: Editorial Gredos, 1966–1967.
ET Pregadio, Fabrizio, ed. The Encyclopedia of Taoism. 2 vols.
London: Routledge, 2008.
FiF  Folch i Fornesa, Dolors, and Alexandra Prats. Relaçion
Verdadera delascosas del Reyno de TAIBIN por otro nom-
bre china y del viaje que ael hizo el muy Reverendo padre
fray martin de Rada provinçial que fue delaorden delglo-
abbreviations xxxv

rioso Doctor dela yglesia San Agustin. quelo vio yanduvo en

la provinçia de Hocquien año de 1575 hecha porelmesmo.
http://www.upf.edu/asia/projectes/che/s16/radapar
.htm. Last accessed 31 October 2014.
Hucker Hucker, Charles O. A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial
China. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985.
Lagoa Lagoa, Visconde de [João António de Mascarenhas Júdice].
Glossário toponímico da antiga historiografia portuguesa
ultramarina. 4 vols. Lisboa: Ministerio do Ultramar; Junta
de Investigações, 1950–1954.
LI Correa, Gaspar, et al., eds. Lendas da Índia. 5 vols. Lisbon:
Typographia da Academia Real das Sciencias, 1858–1866.
Loarca Loarca, Miguel de. Verdadera relación de la grandeça del
reyno de la China con las cosas mas notables de alla hecha
por Miguel de Loarca, soldado uno de dos que fueron alla
desde las yslas de Luçon que aora llamamos Philipinas, año
de 1575 ad. relación del viaje que hicimos a la China desde la
ziudad de Manila en las de poniente, año 1575, por mandado y
acuerdo de Guido dela Vazares, governador y capitán general
que a la saçon era en las islas Philipinas. Biblioteca Nacional
de España, c. 1575.
MS  Boxer Codex, The Charles Ralph Boxer Collection, The Lilly
Library, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana.
OED  O ED Online. Oxford University Press, September 2014. Last
accessed 18 November 2014.
Q&G Quirino, Carlos, and Mauro García. “The Manners, Customs,
and Beliefs of the Philippine Inhabitants of Long Ago;
Being Chapters of “A Late 16th Century Manila Manuscript,”
Transcribed, Translated and Annotated.” The Philippine
Journal of Science 87, no. 4 (1958): 325–449.
SA&M Santos Alves, Jorge Manuel dos, and Pierre-Yves Manguin, eds.
O Roteiro das Cousas do Achem de D. João Ribeiro Gaio: Um
olhar português sobre o norte de Samatra em finais do século
XVI. Lisboa: Comissão Nacional para as Comemorações dos
Descobrimentos Portugueses, 1997.
SG Sollewijn Gelpke, J.H.F. “The Report of Miguel Roxo de
Brito of His Voyage in 1581–1582 to the Raja Ampat, the
MacCluer Gulf and Seram.” Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en
Volkenkunde 150 (1994): 123–45.
xxxvi abbreviations

Suma Oriental Cortesão, Armando, ed. The Suma Oriental of Tomé Pires:
An Account of the East, from the Red Sea to Japan, Written
in Malacca and India in 1512–1515; and, the Book of Francisco
Rodrigues, Rutter of a Voyage in the Red Sea, Nautical Rules,
Almanack and Maps, Written and Drawn in the East before
1515. Translated by Armando Cortesão. 2 vols. London: The
Hakluyt Society, 1944.
Y&B Yule, Henry, A.C. Burnell, and William Crooke. Hobson-
Jobson; a Glossary of Colloquial Anglo-Indian Words and
Phrases, and of Kindred Terms, Etymological, Historical,
Geographical and Discursive. Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal,
1968.
Introduction

The Boxer Codex is a collection of accounts, narratives, descriptions and illus-

trations concerning the geography, ethnography and history of people, polities
and societies in the western Pacific and major segments of maritime and conti-
nental South-east Asia and East Asia that were written in Spanish or translated
from Portuguese to Spanish between 1574 and 1591 and compiled soon there-
after at Manila, the relatively newly established center of the Spanish imperial
project in Asia. This important anthology was bound in the form of a codex1 in
Madrid in the early 17th century; it was never copied or published thereafter.
The present edition presents a complete transcription of the original Spanish
manuscript of the Boxer Codex and a first-ever complete English translation,
including reproductions of its illustrations, of this extraordinary work.
The Codex is usually described as ayonomous, which is only partially true,
since five of its twenty-two sections are of known authorship (three being from
a single author); the remaining seventeen are indeed anonymous. Five of these
seventeen sections are not really narratives, but rather short captions that
accompany either (1) all (or nearly all) of the illustrations of people who repre-
sent tributary nations of China, or (2) the illustrations of Chinese deities; thus
it is more accurate to say that twelve narratives were penned by anonymous
authors. While the identity of the Codex’s patron(s), compiler(s) and author(s)
are unknown, we advance some possible candidates below.
Based on internal evidence, the Codex was never completed. It totals 612
pages: 314 of these contain writing2 and 97 have full-page hand-drawn illus-
trations. There is also a small drawing in the margin of fol. 41r that was ren-
dered by an unknown artist. A total of 197 pages of the Codex are blank. A
detailed inspection of the placement of text, the illustrations and the blank
folios reveals that it was the intention of the work’s patron(s) and compiler(s)
for most of the blank pages to have been filled with text before delivery of the
Codex to its intended recipient; see below for a fuller treatment.
In the Lilly Library, where the Boxer Codex is housed, it is catalogued as
a “Sino-Spanish codex,” presumably because two-thirds of the illustrations
either depict Chinese people and images from the Sinetic tradition or contain
Chinese characters. However, since none of the texts comprising the Boxer

1  A codex is the earliest form of a book; the term derives from the Latin word for ‘tree trunk’,
which alludes to the fact that the earliest codices were written on wooden tablets.
2  Four pages (those corresponding to fols. 294 and 296) are missing from the MS.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_002

2 Introduction

Codex are written in or translated from Chinese, we feel that this designation
is somewhat exaggerated.
Before examining its contents further, we should like to explain how the
Boxer Codex received its moniker, how it came to the Lilly Library, and how
and why the collaborative effort to publish this work was conceived. The
Codex is named after Professor Charles Ralph Boxer,3 an intelligence officer
in the British Army turned historian of European expansion and collector of
rare books and manuscripts. Boxer learned of the Codex’s existence from a
catalogue describing Earl Ilchester’s Library at Holland House which was auc-
tioned in London by Hodgson’s on 10 July 1947. Boxer purchased the Codex
(“item 60: Oriental MS”) at that auction.4 He dubbed it a “Manila Manuscript”
and described it in detail in an article published in 1950.5 With the collabora-
tion of a handful of colleagues, he subsequently made portions of it known
to scholarly audiences and also unselfishly granted other scholars access and
permission to publish other portions of it in transcription or translation. As
time passed and scholars learned of its existence and importance, it became
known as the Boxer Codex in recognition of its owner.
Boxer, as his biographers attest, led a truly “uncommon life.”6 During and
after his active military career, he became a preeminent historian of early
modern European expansion and of Portuguese, Dutch and Spanish colo-
nial societies.7 He developed a life-long passion for collecting rare books and
original manuscripts dealing with the fields of history to which he contributed
greatly in developing. He was a prolific and elegant writer with over 300 works
to his credit, including books, translations, articles and reviews.8 Influenced

3  See Alden, Boxer, passim.

4  We have employed abbreviations for those works that we have referred to extensively
throughout our annotations. See BC, 37.
5  See BC, passim.
6  See Alden, Boxer; Souza first met Boxer via correspondence in the early 1970s. Souza received
an invitation from Boxer to visit him at Ringshall (his home to the north of London) while
working on his doctoral dissertation at Trinity College, Cambridge University, in the late
1970s. During that visit, Souza encountered Boxer’s library and manuscript collection first-
hand; Boxer was later Souza’s external examiner at his waiver. Though Boxer did not suffer
those who misused his time, he was always willing to provide bibliographic suggestions to
serious students. While a bit of an iconoclast when it came to mundane academic adminis-
tration, Boxer selflessly supported and promoted the work of others.
7  See Map 1 (“On Seas and Lands: Spanish and other Europeans’ Global Connections”) for the
maritime routes used by the Spanish and other Europeans at this time and shortly afterwards.
For the original of this map, see the frontispiece and back-piece of Spate, Spanish Lake.
8  For a bibliography of Boxer’s writings, see West, Writings; and Alden, Boxer, Appendix 7.
Introduction 3

by the works and style of Ranke, he earned the “reputation as an exceptional

narrative historian who went to exceptional lengths to inform serious readers.”9
There is little in his biography to document what drove him to be a collector,
although it appears that he followed family tradition in this respect. In 1924 he
began to assemble the books and manuscripts that formed his collection. At
this same time he began his study of Portuguese and Dutch. In the following
year he made the first of many trips to Portugal. Over a span of eleven years he
purchased an enviable library and collection that fulfilled his stated intentions
of (1) gaining “a good working Library for the history of the Portuguese in the
East, chiefly during the xvii and xviii centuries,” of (2) establishing “a basic
collection of historical works on Japan, particularly between 1542 and 1800;”
and (3) of acquiring “essential works concerning the Anglo-Dutch wars of the
17th century and the activities of the DEIC [Dutch East India Company].”10
Over his lifetime, he would sell some of his rare books, some of which were
lost, together with a few lots of manuscripts, owing to his being wounded,
captured and interned by the Japanese Army at Hong Kong in 1941; he was
able to recover most of his library in Japan after World War II. He maintained
contact with a majority, if not all, of the most important and famous commer-
cial houses in a number of countries specializing in the sale of rare books and
manuscripts in his fields of interest. In 1947, as has already been mentioned,
he purchased the codex that now carries his name and the one that he himself
described as the “gem”11 of his collection.
In 1965, Professor Boxer sold his rare book and original manuscript col-
lection under special conditions (in essence delayed delivery) to Indiana
University’s Lilly Library.12 In 1997, the Lilly Library received Professor Boxer’s
entire rare book and original manuscript collection, along with all of his per-
sonal correspondence. The Boxer Codex is housed in the Lilly Library, where it
may be consulted. The Lilly Library has divided Boxer’s manuscripts into two
collections. The first is catalogued as “Boxer Manuscripts I,” which contains his
personal papers and voluminous correspondence. These materials have been
consulted extensively by Professor Dauril Alden for his biography of Boxer.
Some of Boxer’s personal correspondence, however, remains uncataloged
in the second collection of his manuscript holdings. “Boxer Manuscripts II”

9  Alden, Boxer, 71.

10  Alden, Boxer, 71, 429, and 557.
11  See Alden, Boxer, 437.
12  For a through discussion of Boxer’s decision to sell his library and manuscript collection,
the negotiations and arrangements and final settlement, see Alden, Boxer, 418; 427–46
and 508–9.
4 Introduction

contains Boxer’s collection of manuscripts. Although he amassed a good

percentage of his rare book collection prior to 1937, Boxer continued to pur-
chase and expand his collection of manuscripts significantly between 1937
and 1993, during which period he increased their number almost five-fold
for a total of around 250 items. The linguistic and geographical distribution
and composition of the Boxer II manuscript collection reveals that well over
half of the manuscripts are in Portuguese and deal with personalities, insti-
tutions and circumstances within Portugal and the Portuguese Empire from
Brazil to Japan ranging from its inception in the 16th century until around the
end of the 18th century. The next quarter of the documents are in Dutch and
deal with similar topics within the Netherlands and the Dutch in Asia dur-
ing the 17th and 18th centuries. The final quarter is distributed over a similar
range of topics, relating to Spain, Britain, France and other countries and their
empires or the personalities who were key military, political or intellectual
figures of the time.13 Described as “eclectic,” his complete manuscript collec-
tion includes “accounts of voyages, sailing instructions, cargo lists, standing
orders for the management of government entities, passports, bills of sale,
letters of appointment, property deeds, legislation, litigation and both official
and personal correspondence.”14 Boxer also collected a series of fragments or
complete documents for the autographs15 of the famous monarchs, statesmen,
generals, admirals, colonial administrators and intellectual figures who were
intertwined in these holdings. Furthermore, there is a question of disparity in
the importance of the documentation that is suggested by the quantity versus
quality of some of the items. As Alden has commented, “many of these manu-
scripts consist of between one to a half dozen pages. For most readers, they are
no more than interesting curiosities. But there are a few choice items.”16 The
Boxer Codex is an extensive, rare and especially informative work; it clearly
falls within the category of being a “choice item.”
In addition to the Boxer Manuscript I and II collections, the Lilly Library
houses several small, extraordinarily detailed, important and interesting
collections of manuscripts dealing in general with the history of European
Expansion and in particular the early modern global experiences of Spain
and Portugal. These collections include the Portugal History collection17 and

13  Alden, Boxer, 506.

14  Alden, Boxer, 505.
15  For an extensive description of the autographs, see Alden, Boxer, 435–6.
16  Alden, Boxer, 436.
17  The Portuguese History Manuscripts collection at the Lilly Library is not extensive. The
MSS are few in number, and at present neither a printed nor an on-line catalogue exists
Introduction 5

the Philippine Manuscripts,18—this latter being a fascinating and irreplace-

able set of documentation for important segments of the early modern his-
tory of the Philippines and the Manila Galleon. When the Lilly Library’s Boxer
Manuscript II holdings on the Philippines (not only the Boxer Codex but also
other supplementary documents that Boxer collected) are combined with
their Philippine collection, which Boxer catalogued, the result is an impres-
sive example of a small but extraordinarily well-focused collection of original
documentation dealing with the early modern trans-Pacific encounter. This is
also true, although the result of the comparison in this case is less focused
than in the other, when the holdings on Portugal and its empire from the Boxer
Manuscript II collection are similarily combined and compared with the Lilly
Library’s Portugal History Manuscripts collection.
In 2004, George Bryan Souza, an Anglo-American trained scholar of the his-
tory of European Expansion and early modern Asia, received an appointment
as a Bernardo Mendel Fellow at the Lilly Library. During his six month appoint-
ment, he had the opportunity to thoroughly examine the Lilly’s manuscript
holdings in general and the Boxer Codex in particular. Because of earlier con-
tacts with Boxer and knowledge of the impressive nature and quality of this
work, Souza became convinced of the unique scholarly opportunity and the
necessity for a complete transcription, English translation, and publication of
the Boxer Codex. After discussing and obtaining support for the concept of such
a project with the Lilly, Souza decided that the project had to be the subject of
a team effort, since the inclusion of scholarly expertise in Romance philology
and linguistics was desireable. Souza contacted an ideally qualified colleague,
Jeffrey S. Turley, with whom he already had established a close collaborative
working relationship on a similar publishing project. The team’s division of
labor was initially focused on rendering an accurate and precise transcription
of the original in Spanish, which was performed by Turley and cohorts. Upon
completion of the transcription, the second stage, an English translation of
the work, was performed by Turley with Souza in support by providing techni-
cal information and stylistic inputs and observations. Both Souza and Turley

for the collection. The Library’s card catalogue does provide a general indication of the
contents of each codex. Most of them were purchased from Lathrop C. Harper. The best
example of material that complements the Boxer Manuscripts II holdings is the bound
“Memorias do Estado da India” codex, which is a collection of documents by and relating
to Ignacio de Santa Theresa while archbishop of Goa from 1725–1732.
18  The quantity of manuscripts in this collection, again, is not excessive, but their range
and quality in the topics that they handle are important and, in some instances, nearly
unique. See Boxer, Catalogue of the Philippine Manuscripts.
6 Introduction

collaborated in the third and final stage: the production of annotations and
editing of the translation. It was at this stage that we wrote our introduction
and generated the annotations. We included a glossary, maps, a bibliography
of the works cited and an index that are designed to orient and facilitate the
reader’s comprehension and consultation of the work.
Our decision to execute this project and publish the Boxer Codex is based
on the belief that a good number of general and specialist readers inter-
ested in the history of early modern geography, ethnography and history of
Asia and contacts and encounters between Europe and Asia, in general, and
the Spanish in the Philippines, in particular, will be interested in owning
and consulting a copy of it. Having two diverse sets of readers obliged us to
develop a strategy as to how to present the work in a way in order to address
and satisfy their interests. Consequently, we chose to divide the presenta-
tion of the Boxer Codex into two parts, a transcription and a translation. We
also designed and implemented conventions for rendering people, places,
and things in our translation and annotations, which we explain in greater
detail below.
We argue that the Boxer Codex is an exceptional early modern production.
The work has been known to scholars since 1950.19 Some of its illustrations
have become well-known, adorning the covers of important books on the his-
tory of the Philippines20 and have been included in notable works concerning
the pre-Hispanic and Spanish colonial periods in the Philippines and Spanish
contacts with late Ming China. Nevertheless, it would be an exaggeration to say
that there is universal scholarly support for our claim concerning the excep-
tional character of the Boxer Codex. In the 1980s, for example, nearly thirty
years after Boxer’s ground-breaking article, William Henry Scott, an eminent
historian of pre-hispanic Philippines, wrote a celebrated article about Filipino
class structure in which he stated that the Boxer Codex (and its importance in
particular to Philippine studies) has been, or at best till that date had been, gen-
erally overlooked by historians, most of whom, in Scott’s words, “dismiss[ed] it
as a rehash of earlier accounts.”21 In our view, this dismissal stemmed from the
fact that only parts of the Boxer Codex have been available to scholars in tran-
scription or English translation. We believe that the present work finally rem-
edies that situation and will permit scholars to become thoroughly informed
to make independent judgments about this work’s utility.

19  See BC, passim.

20  See, for example, Scott, Barangay.
21  See Scott, “Filipino Class Structure,” 144.
Introduction 7

To substantiate his claim that the Boxer Codex contained original and impor-
tant material, Scott compared the Codex’s Philippine Islands sections with five
other Spanish accounts written around the same time that also deal with the
Philippines: Miguel de Loarca’s Relación de las Islas Filipinas (1582);22 Juan de
Plasencia’s Relación de las costumbres que los indios solían tener en estas islas
(1589)23 and Instrucción de las costumbres que antiguamente tenían los natu-
rales de la Pampanga en sus pleitos (1589); Pedro Chirino’s Relación de las Islas
Filipinas, (1604);24 and Antonio de Morga’s Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas (1609).25
Scott concluded that the Boxer Codex is “an original, eyewitness description
whose author was probably not even familiar with the other accounts.” For
example, according to the anonymous author of the Visayas section of the
Boxer Codex, the Pintados people tattoo themselves by using red-hot brass,
whereas Morga and Loarca provide more accurate descriptions of tattooing
methods. Also, the Visayas section of the Boxer Codex provides material not
found in the other sources; these include (1) a description of how the malong
(a kind of tube skirt) is worn, (2) a drawing of a penis ring, which is only men-
tioned in the other accounts, but not depicted visually, (3) a clarification of
the gigilid house-slaves who become namamahay householders upon mar-
riage, and (4) the observation that Moro hunters must reach their game before
their hunting dogs because according to Muslim strictures, animals had to be
bled before butchering. Scott also concludes that the author (i.e., compiler)
“was probably an intelligent, observant traveler, perhaps a colonial officer, who
did not stay long in one place, could not speak any Philippine language, and
used an interpreter given to Mexican spelling conventions.”26 We concur with
Scott’s appreciation of the importance of the Boxer Codex and its ayonomous
compiler and his selections vis-à-vis the named and renowned authors of

22  The full title, with modernized spelling, is Tratado de las Islas Filipinas en que se contiene
todas las islas y poblazones que están reducidas al servicio de la Magestad real del rey don
Felipe, Nuestro Señor, y las poblazones que están fundadas de españoles y la manera del
gobierno de españoles y naturales con algunas condiciones de los indios y moros de estas
islas. For the full Spanish text and English translation, see B&R, (Loarca, Relación) V,
34–187.
23  The full title, with modernized spelling, is Relación de las costumbres que los indios solían
tener en estas islas hecha por fray Juan de Plasencia de la orden San Francisco y enviada al
doctor Santiago de Vera, Presidente que fue de la Real Audiencia que residió en estas islas.
For the full Spanish text and English translation, see B&R, (Plascencia) VII, 173–196.
24  For the full Spanish text and English translation, see B&R, (Chirino) XII, 169–321.
25  Morga’s work has been the subject of a number of translations, we have used Cummin’s
edition; see Morga, Sucesos.
26  See Scott, “Filipino Class Structure,” 144.
8 Introduction

slightly earlier, contemporaneous, and slightly later published Spanish original

accounts. But, as we shall discuss in greater detail below, we disagree slightly
with Scott concerning some of his observations about the compiler.
Let us return to the topic of anonymity, which is one of the more puzzling
features of the Boxer Codex when compared to similar literary endeavors
of its time. The list of known Spanish or Portuguese authors who produced
accounts dealing with newly encountered lands of Asia is a long one, not to
mention those individual authors who put their names to accounts concern-
ing the Philippine Islands (Loarca, Plasencia, Chirino and Morga). It was in fact
quite unusual during the late 16th century for a Spanish or Portuguese work
(fictional or not) to go nameless (one notable exception being the heretical
novella Lazarillo de Tormes, 1554). The anonymity of the Codex actually comes
into play at two levels: the work as a whole bears no title and is claimed by no
compiler or author, and twelve of seventeen of its anonymous sections are sub-
stantive accounts. It is interesting to note that the compiler of the Codex chose
not to follow the ancient and medieval practice of borrowing or imitating
existing materials in order to form one organic work under a single title. This
very process was followed by Juan González de Mendoza in the “writing” of
his extremely popular history of China, which was actually a blending and re-
working of accounts authored by Martín de Rada (which forms Chapter XVII
of the present edition) and Gaspar da Cruz (which itself was an appropria-
tion of Galeote Pereira’s narrative).27 While by the light of modern sensibilities
González de Mendoza’s poaching of others’ work would constitute a straight-
forward case of plagiarism, it might charitably be construed as the application
of a persisting centuries-long practice of imitation extending back through

27  González de Mendoza’s book, Historia de las cosas más notables, ritos y costumbres del
gran reyno de la China [The History of the More Notable Matters, the Rites and Customs
of the Great Kingdom of China], appeared in 1586, and was the recognized authority on
China until the appearance of Matteo Ricci and Nicolas Trigault’s De Christiana expedi-
tion apud Sinas in 1615; for Galeote Pereira and Gaspar da Cruz’s works on China, and
Mendoza’s appropriation of them, see Boxer (Rada), xvii–xviii, 3–43; 44–239. A similar
fate befell another major section of the Boxer Codex, Roxo de Brito’s narrative of his explo-
ration of New Guinea and Maluku (see Chapter XIV), which formed the basis for much
of the Relación sumária (1610?) by the Portuguese navigator Pedro Fernandes de Queirós.
While Fernandes de Queirós acknowledged that De los Ríos Coronel was his source for
his section on New Guinea, he failed to attribute his debt to the ultimate source of that
knowledge, namely the narrative by Roxo de Brito, which, surmises Crossley (Boxer), 118,
Fernandes de Queirós found in the Boxer Codex or in a faithful copy thereof.
Introduction 9

the Middle Ages to antiquity.28 In any event, it was a strategy that was becom-
ing increasingly rare, and was ultimately rejected by the compiler of the Boxer
Codex, who instead produced a veritable anthology, combining already exist-
ing accounts or reports (e.g., one of Ribeiro Gaio’s rutters, which was addressed
to the King) with original anonymous material.
It remains unclear why, by whom, for whom and precisely when these man-
uscripts were compiled. Our ignorance concerning these points is regretable,
although we may entertain some hypothetical suggestions and permutations
of alternate possibilities. The most plausible explanation for why the Boxer
Codex was produced was advanced by Boxer himself in 1950.29 In Boxer’s esti-
mation, the Codex was the brainchild of two governors of the Philippines who
wished to own the work for themselves or gift it to their King, either Philip II
(r. 1556–1598) or Philip III (r. 1598–1621). Specifically, these materials may have
been compiled at the behest of Gómez Pérez Dasmariñas, and after his death,
under the direction of his son, Luis Pérez Dasmariñas, both of them gover-
nors general of the Philippines (their respective governorships were 1 June
1590–25 October 1593 and 3 December 1593–14 July 1596). That would make
the Dasmariñas family the patron and the most probable intellectual authors
of the Boxer Codex project, meaning that they may have commisioned and
outlined their conception of the work to a compiler or compilers who exe-
cuted their plan. The suggestion that the Codex was intended to be a gift or
to be presented to the king may also explain why it remained unpublished,
despite its singular nature. Under this scenario, instead of the Codex initially
being called a “Manila Manuscript,” it could have just as easily been called the
Dasmariñas Codex.
Be that as it may, subsequent examiners have repeated Boxer’s well-founded
observation without proposing other possibilities. We suggest that two alter-
natives or parallel influences need to be considered. Both oscillate around a
central reality that has to be remembered and emphasized. Quoting Cline,
“From earliest days of European contact with the New World, Spanish mon-
archs demanded detailed descriptions of these newly found seas, islands, and
mainland provinces.”30

28  The fascinating and complex history of the concept of plagiarism is beyond the scope of
this Introduction. Suffice it to say that since antiquity authors of literature (with many
exceptions) jealously defended the ownership of their work, while the imitation of
religious and historical texts was in a sense considered the highest form of flattery; see
Mallon, Stolen Words.
29  See BC, 47–48; and Crossley (Boxer), 116–117.
30  Cline, “Relaciones Geográficas,” 344.
10 Introduction

Notwithstanding its distance from Spain, and despite how foreign and
strange Spaniards found its peoples and polities to be, the Philippines were
integrated into an imperial administrative system that was conceived in
Madrid, overseen by the vice-royalty of New Spain in the New World and man-
aged locally through individuals and institutions who owed allegiance to the
Crown. For such a system to work, communication was imperative, especially
via written reports, in order to collect knowledge from the New World of new
peoples, places and things. These reports also served political purposes.
There were two forms or formats in which this type of written information
was transmitted from the New World to the Old. The first, chronologically, is
the codex. In New Spain, for instance, some two decades after the Spaniards’
1521 defeat of the Mexica (usually and incorrectly known as the Aztecs), who
from their capital in Tenochtitlan had held sway over much of present-day
Mexico, both Spanish and Nahua authors began writing heavily illustrated
post-conquest codices in order to provide information to the King, vindicate
a particular point of view or lobby for redress from crown policies. One of the
first of such codices, the Mendoza or Mendocino Codex, is named after the
first Viceroy of New Spain, Don Antonio de Mendoza y Pacheco (1535–1550),31
who reportedly commisioned it ca. 1541 for Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor
and King of Spain. Written on European paper, the Mendoza Codex totals 71
pages, including indigenous pictograms with explanation and commentrary
in Spanish. The Codex is divided into three sections: section 1 (16 pages) is a
history of the Mexica (Aztec) rulers and their conquests between 1325 and
1521; section 2 (39 pages) is a list of the towns conquered by them and their
allies (the Triple Alliance) and the tribute paid by the conquered; and section 3
(16 pages) contains pictorial representations of Mexica (Aztec) daily life.32
There is insufficient space here to explore the fascinating details surrounding
the over 500 pre- and post-conquest codices; instead we can only provide a
partial list of them by owner, author or place: Mexica/Aztec (Aubin, Azcatitlan,
Borbonicus, Borgia, Boturini, Cozcatzin, Durán, Florentine, Magliabechiano,
Mendoza, Osuna, Ramírez and Tlatelolco), Maya (Madrid, Paris and Dresden)
and Mixtex (Colombino, Vindobonensis, Waecker-Gotter and Zouche-
Nuttall).33 Our purpose for bringing the reader’s attention to these codices is to

31  Son of the Second Count of Tendilla, Don Antonio de Mendoza y Pacheco (1495–July 21,
1552) was the first viceroy of New Spain (1535–1550) and the second viceroy of Peru
(1551–1552).
32  See Berdan and Anawalt, eds., Essential Codex Mendoza.
33  The Mendoza Codex never found its way to court because French privateers captured the
ship in which it was being transported to Spain. After some time in the possession of
Introduction 11

highlight their similarities to the Boxer Codex, especially as far as their pictorial
representations of indigeneous people and places are concerned.
The second form in which intelligence regarding new places and peoples was
transmitted from the New World to Spain in what are known as the Relaciones
Geográficas (Geographical Reports), an excellent overall description of which
is provided by Cline:

As mechanisms in Spain evolved to administer the ultramarine depen-

dencies, specifications for such reports became more detailed and stan-
dardized. Important policy debates over perpetuity of the encomiendas,
about Indian tribute systems, land grants, and many other sixteenth-
century socio-economic problems intensified and broadened the need
for accurate data on American lands, people, resources, products, tradi-
tions, and the related information basic to formulation of Crown policy.34

The Relaciones Geográficas were ordered to be prepared by Philip II in 1577 to

collect information on territories held by Spain in the Americas and in Asia.
The Relaciones were based on elaborate standard questionnaires consisting of
fifty broad questions on topics as varied as geography (physical terrain and
indigenous vegetation), ethnography (population, demography, languages)
and political history and jurisdiction applicable alike to Spanish, Indian
and maritime communities; 191 responses are extant.35 Cline’s description
continues:

Designed to elicit basic information about diverse regions, the ques-

tionnaire, a Memoria, was accompanied by printed instructions speci-
fying in detail how alcaldes mayores, corregidores, and others assigned
to answer it were to do so. The stipulated procedures required a map of
the area as well as the detailed textual report. Hence, in addition to a

André Thévet, cosmographer to King Henry II of France, it was purchased by Richard

Hakluyt. Sometime after 1616 it became property of Samuel Purchase and then of his
son, finally ending up in hands of John Selden, whose estate delivered it to the Bodleian
Library at Oxford University in 1659, where it remains.
34  Cline, “Relaciones Geográficas”, 344.
35  For an introductory discussion to the RG’s, including an English translation of the ques-
tionnaire, see Cline, “Relaciones Geográficas,” passim, and Cline, Handbook . . . Guide to
Ethnohistorical Sources; although concentrating on the Americas, for an in-depth study of
their origins, see Mundy, Mapping of New Spain. Of the 167 surviving RG’s, 43 are found in
the Benson Latin American Collection at the University of Texas, Austin, and the rest are
either in the Archivo General de Indias, Seville or the Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid.
12 Introduction

documentary corpus on the American and Philippine dominions in the

years 1578–1585, there is a lesser but quite significant cartographic and
pictorial body of material for the same period. . . . We are thus dealing
with a general group of source materials of consequence to historical
investigations in the environmental sciences, the social sciences, and the
humanities.36 [emphasis added]

At first blush, the suggestion that the Boxer Codex originated with directions
from Spanish imperial bureaucracy may seem sterile, since no written instruc-
tion has been found that explicitly ordered its production. Nevertheless, it is
reasonable to suppose that the Philippine Islands, as part of Philip’s realm
known to him as Islas de las Indias Orientales (Islands of the East Indies) would
have been the subject of the production of Relaciones Geográficas. Regretably,
to the best of our knowledge scholarly attempts to locate them have not yet met
with success.37 Our purpose in bringing the reader’s attention to the Relaciones
Geográficas is to underscore their similarity to the Boxer Codex, which may also
have been a response to a request for information from the Crown, including
the incorporation of pictorial representations (though admittedly the Boxer
Codex lacks maps, which were explicitly requested in the questionnaire of the
Relaciones Geográficas). To be clear, we are not suggesting that the Boxer Codex
was a Relación Geográfica, but we are suggesting that its patron, compiler, and
some of its known and unknown authors were probably aware of the Crown’s
interest in reports and information concerning Spain’s new holdings and
neighbors in Asia. And they possibly also knew of the questionnaires.
While the exact circumstances of the compilation of the Boxer Codex remain
unknown, the manuscripts must have been collated and compiled in Manila
no earlier than 1590, since this is the last date mentioned in the work. A more
likely date has been advanced by Boxer as ca. 1595. If, as we suggest, neither of
the Dasmariñas actually wrote or compiled any of the materials, the question
emerges as to the compiler’s identity and level of engagement: who was he,
did he work alone, and was he involved in the translating, writing or editing
of any of the materials that comprise the Boxer Codex? While it is impossible
to identify the anonymous compiler(s) of the Codex with absolute certainty,
we can provide a profile of him (or them). Although unfavorable comparisons
between Christianity and Muslim or animist beliefs appear in several places,

36  Cline, “Relaciones Geográficas,” 341–342.

37  According to Cline, Charles O. Houston searched Spanish archives for them in 1964 with-
out apparent success, since we have not found any literature documenting their location;
see Cline, “Relaciones Geográficas,” 349.
Introduction 13

we agree with Boxer that the compiler was most probably a layman and not a
member of a religious order; Boxer signals as evidence the relative objectivity
of the Codex on one hand, and the lack of “missionary zeal, which it would
been very difficult for a friar or priest to avoid displaying, even in passing” on
the other. 38 To be more precise, we believe the compiler was a secular official,
because a person in such a position would have had the time to dedicate him-
self or others to the translation of original reports in Portuguese to Spanish,
or to manage a group of translators. This suggests that he might have been a
secretary with access to the governor’s archives. He would also have needed to
have knowledge about and access to other earlier or contemporaneous reports
in Spanish, plus the time, opportunity and intellectual curiousity to manage an
artist or group of artists for the production of an eclectic collection of illustra-
tions that would have been available in the parian (i.e., the Chinese) quarter
of Manila or elsewhere for some of the non-Sinitic drawings. And he may also
well have been one of the authors of one or more of the ayonomous accounts.
We are convinced that the selection of the manuscripts that were incorpo-
rated into the Boxer Codex was guided by a specific purpose, which, though
unstated, may be inferred from their contents. We also submit that the Codex
is not, as it may appear, an olio whose ingredients are a hotchpotch of loosely-
related accounts dealing with Asia, but rather, in the mind of its compiler, a
unified anthology with an identifiable (albeit implicit) purpose. That purpose
is, primarily, to transmit knowledge of distant peoples resulting from observa-
tions and encounters with those peoples by early modern Iberians and, sec-
ondarily, to provide intelligence of a military nature about the adversaries to
the Iberian imperial projects.
That said, it may appear that several parts of the Boxer Codex appear to pos-
sess disparate personalities. On the one hand, there are the “rutters” of Ribeiro
Gaio for Aceh, Patani and Siam, which are as much methodical instructions
for an amphibious invasion of these kingdoms as they are sailing instructions,
if not more so. But it turns out that these accounts by Ribeiro Gaio are excep-
tional when compared to the remaining accounts in the Codex, allowing us to
reject the suggestion that the Codex is a kind of vade-mecum for future con-
quistadores. Most telling is the fact that the anonymous additions to the work
treat regions in the Philippines that had already been colonized by the Spanish,
namely the Cagayan and Zambales areas on Luzon and portions of the Visayas.
Indeed, a substantive section of the “new” material that deals with the “Moros”
(Muslim regions of the Philippines which had yet to be conquered), contains
not a hint of a colonizing or poselytizing agenda, but is rather a farily objective

38  See BC, 45, 47.

14 Introduction

description of the mores and customs of these peoples, though the Christian
bias of the author is evident is several places. The same can be said of Rada’s
account of his visit to China and of Roxo de Brito’s account of Maluku and
the Raja Ampat region: neither one could by any stretch be considered a plea
for the king to order an invasion. This is unsurprising in the case of Rada’s
piece on China, since presumably his purpose was not to urge Philip II to
invade China, but rather to convince the governor of the Philippines to press
for the establishment of a Spanish trading port in Xiamen Bay on the Fujian
coast of China.39
We have already mentioned that several sections of the Boxer Codex have
previously been published as a transcription of the original Spanish, as a trans-
lation, or both. Authorship of the following portions is made explicit in the text
itself: (1) Spanish translations of three items (somewhat inaccurately called
“rutters” by their author) originally written in Portuguese by João Ribeiro Gaio,
the bishop of Melaka, (2) a Spanish translation of the Portuguese Miguel Roxo
de Brito’s account of Maluku and the Raja Ampat region, and (3) a memoir by
the Spaniard Fr. Martín de Rada, O.E.S.A., concerning his visit to China in 1575.
These three sections of the Codex account for just under half of the textual
portions of the work. Published transcriptions exist for approximately a third
of the Codex, while two-thirds of the work have been published in English
translation.40 However, the bulk of these publications, with the exception of
those issuing from the pen of Boxer himself (which account for just 9% of
the published transcriptions and 19% of the published translations) warrant
a complete re-working. And while one must of necessity approach the task of
re-translating those portions previously translated by Boxer with trepidation,
we find justification for doing so in the imperative to produce a holistic English
version unified by a single stylistic voice.
Let us return now to two pressing issues: (1) evidence that the Boxer Codex
was never finished, and (2) the anonymity of some of the accounts included in
the Codex. We shall address these in turn.
As stated above, 192 leaves were left blank. In order to account for these,
we must establish certain organizational patterns in the layout of the Codex.
The first pattern is that illustrations precede their accompanying text, which
is followed nearly without exception (the exceptions being the Chinese bes-
tiary illustrations where the captions are written on the opposite side of the

39  Specialists will identify that Alonso Sánchez, a Jesuit, a decade later held a radically differ-
ent opinion than Rada, an Augustinian, about the prospect of accommodation with Ming
China; Sánchez advocated the Spanish conquest of China.
40  See Q&G, Carroll, B&M, SG, Boxer (Rada) and Boxer (Chams).
Introduction 15

paper in a position corresponding to each drawing). So pervasive is this prac-

tice that it leads us to safely reconstruct missing portions of the work, be they
illustrations or text. For example, in the Philippines sections, we see drawings
following by text for Ladrones, Cagayans, Sambal, Visayans and Tagalogs. But
between the sections on the Cagayans and the Sambal there is an illustration
(Illustration 7) of a Negritos couple with no following description or narrative;
instead we find seven blank pages that we can safely surmise were intended to
contain text about the Negritos. By contrast, immediately following the four
Visayans illustrations (Illustrations 11–14) and thirty pages of accompanying
text, which ends on fol. 41v, there begins the textual section on the Moros on
fol. 42r, with no introductory illustration between. The fact that not even a
blank page was inserted between the texts on the Visayans and the Moros indi-
cates that the illustrations were collected before the Codex was bound, and not
after. Illustrations are also wanting before Ribeiro Gaio’s three rutters and Roxo
de Brito’s narrative concerning and Maluku the Raja Ampat region. The lack
of illustrations before these works does not seem to be owing to the fact that
they are non-anonymous, since, one the one hand, a number of illustrations
(Illustrations 29–34) precede Miguel de Rada’s account of Ming China, and on
the other hand there is also a “missing” illustration between the Chinese besti-
ary section and the description of Champa, which is anonymous.
A second pattern is that the compiler of the Codex inserted a blank page (or
occasionally two) between illustration and accompanying text; a corollary rule
is that the buffer blank page is always on the verso of the folio. There are only
two instances where no blank pages intercede between illustration and text:
Illustrations 29 (Kampuchea) and 30 (Quang Nam). This observation permits
us to calculate that at the very least 22 pages were left intentionally blank.41
Finally, we note that the remaining blank pages, i.e., those that were not
intended as buffer pages between illustration and text, normally follow par-
ticular patterns of their own. For example, it is immediately apparent that
the illustrations of China’s tributary neighbors (Illustrations 29–40) were
meant to introduce brief descriptions beyond the short captions that appear
immediately after each illustration. There are seven blank pages after the
Kampuchea illustration (Illustration 29) and six after the Quang Nam illustra-
tion (Illustration 31); each of the following nine illustrations of China tributary
neighbors are followed by exactly five blank pages (not counting the blank buf-
fer page intended to separate illustration from text). Such uniformity cannot
be haphazard. We can thus conclude that the section of the Codex dedicated

41  Fols. 2v, 8v, 14v, 20v, 26v, 52v, 54v, 56v, 58v, 72v, 88v, 92v, 166v, 170v, 174v, 178v, 182v, 186v, 190v,
194v, 198v, 212v.
16 Introduction

to China’s tributary neighbors is not only incomplete, but did not advance
very far beyond the planning stage: in this section alone the compiler prob-
ably intended for there to be approximately 55 more pages of text than what
appear. It appears that more text was intended to be included at the begin-
ning of the China proper section, where, not counting blank buffer pages, each
illustration (Illustrations 41–45) is followed by two blank pages. It also appears
that more text was intended to be added to some of the existing descriptions or
narrations in the sections concerning the Philippines. For example, five blank
pages follow the Ladrones text, four blank pages follow the Cagayan text, three
blank pages follow the Sambal text, and five blank pages follow the Moros
text. Furthermore, two “extra” blank pages follow each of the illustrations of
Tagalogs (Illustrations 15–19). The same thing occurs after the texts on Maluku
(two pages) and Java (four pages). To conclude this section, we can confidently
affirm that the following texts were planned for inclusion in the Boxer Codex
but for whatever reason were never compiled: Negritos, Siam (blank folios
96v–99v, not Ribeiro Gaio’s Rutter of Siam, which was included), and Daimao.
And if we exclude the very brief captions that accompany most of the tribu-
tary neighbors of China, we could add to this list Quang Nam, Kampuchea,
She, Keelung, Champa (blank fol.s 175v–177v, not the six-page account sur-
prisingly placed at the very end of the Codex, as if in afterthought), Danshui,
Kampuchea, Tengganu, Patani (blank fols. 195v–197v, not Ribeiro Gaio’s Rutter
of Patani, which was included) and Tatary.
Finally, we should recall what Boxer pointed out many years ago, namely
that two groups of folios were cut from the stack before binding, leaving visible
“stubs” behind. The first clump of somewhere between twelve and fifteen stubs
is found between fol. 240 (fol. 240r is blank and is one of only three unnum-
bered pages in the Codex) and fol. 241r (which is numbered); this excising must
have been performed before the pages were numbered. (Boxer does not state
the obvious: this proves that the Codex was bound before the pages were num-
bered.) Since illustrations precede texts, it is evident that some or all of these
folios contained illustrations related to the text of fol. 242r, which expressly
refers to the illustration (or illustrations): “The manner and order illustrated
above depict the procedure that is always followed when the Chinese Emperor
takes leave of his palaces” (first line of Chapter XVIII, Chinese Imperial
Ceremony, see p. 603). In other words, someone removed (stole?) the illus-
trations depicting the ruse performed by the emperor when leaving the pal-
ace. Exactly the same fate befell another group of folios before Chapter XIX,
a description of Chinese and Tatar cavalries. Again about twelve folios were
cut between fols. 243 and 244 (fols. 243r and 243v are also unnumbered pages)
right before the accompanying text.
Introduction 17

As for the question of the anonymity of roughly half of the Codex, the easi-
est (but ultimately unconvincing) hypothesis is that some of the pieces are
so short that they fail to qualify as the kind of account that an author would
put his name to. It is true that the longest pieces in the Codex are by known
authors: Ribeiro Gaio’s Rutter of Aceh runs 57 pages and Miguel de Rada’s
account of China is 54 pages. It is also true that eight of the twelve anony-
mous sections are no more than six pages (Ladrones, Cagayans, Sambal, Moro
Customs, Maluku, Java, Japan, Champa), some being limited to just two or
three pages (Sambal, Java, Maluku). However, length cannot be the only fac-
tor, because several of the anonymous sections (e.g., the Visayans section, 30
pages, and the Brunei section, 27 pages) are actually longer than some of the
pieces with known authors: Roxo de Brito’s account of Maluku and the Raja
Ampat region (22 pages), Ribeiro Gaio’s Rutter of Siam (11 pages) and Ribeiro
Gaio’s Rutter of Patani (9 pages). In short, the reason for leaving certain sec-
tions anonymous must be sought elsewhere, but to this point we have no other
hypothesis to advance.
Because other scholars have previously published transcriptions or transla-
tions of portions of the Boxer Codex, we feel the need to justify our replication
of their efforts.
Marjorie G. Driver published an English translation of the Ladrones section
(corresponding to our Chapter I) in 1991.42 Her otherwise impressive rendi-
tion is occasionally blemished by a misunderstanding of the Spanish, which
we have corrected. A transcription of the Ladrones section appears in the pres-
ent edition for the first time. The Ladrones section is essentially an extended
caption for the accompanying fold-out drawing. Note that very early in the
account the Chamorro canoes are described in the context of trading encoun-
ters with Spanish galleons. Further, a reference to the drawing itself is made
early on (“the accompanying drawing is an accurate depiction of these boats”).
This section has two parts: the first refers to this single encounter with the gal-
leon depicted in the drawing, while the second part gives a physical descrip-
tion of the Chamorro, emphasizing the astonishing strength of the men, but
also mentioning the filing down and staining of teeth and the way they wear
their hair. One short paragraph is devoted to their weapons, and a final short
paragraph mentions that there is no fauna on the island. The point is that this
section does not follow, even in miniature, the format of an RG, and is rather
driven by the story depicted in the fold-out illustration.
Sometime before 1957, the Newberry Library in Chicago obtained photostat
copies of the Philippine portions of the Boxer Codex for its Ayer Collection. In

42  Driver, passim.

18 Introduction

1957, the Filipino historian and biographer Carlos Quirino received permission
from Boxer to obtain copies of these photostats and to publish a transcrip-
tion and translation of them. In 1958, Quirino and his colleague, Mauro García,
published their work.43 Quirino and García transcribed, translated and anno-
tated the following Philippine portions of the Boxer Codex (corresponding to
our Chapters II, IV, V, VI, VII): Cagayans (fols. 9r–11v), Visayans (fols. 27r–41v),
Moros (fols. 42r–48v), Tagalogs (fols. 59r–64v) and Moro Customs (fols. 65r–
68r). Inexplicably, they opted to not include the brief section (Chapter III) on
the Sambal (fols. 21r–21v). While Quirino and García were somewhat familiar
with Spanish, their training, tools and materials were unequal to the task they
set themselves. This is clear by observing some of their many errors in tran-
scription and translation, though in their defense some of the transcription
errors are doubtless due to the poor quality of the photostat of the MS they
worked from.44 In any event, both their transcription and translation are suf-
ficiently flawed to merit a new publication of each. As for their translation,
Quirino and García’s errors sometimes stem from a mistaken reading of the
MS and sometimes from a lack of sufficient training in early-modern Spanish
philology. All significant translation errors have been noted in the translation.
Beginning at fol. 71v and continuing through the next 29 manuscript pages
to fol. 86r is an anonymous account of the sultanate of Brunei (Chapter VIII).
A transcription of these leaves has never been published, but John Spencer
Carroll published an English translation in 1982.45 Carroll, an attorney and leg-
islator for the state of Colorado, was a gifted amateur linguist with an excel-
lent command of modern Spanish, Malay and Tagalog. He studied Nahautl and
several ancient American glyph languages and was also a passionate amateur
archeologist, publishing several articles in the Biblical Archeological Review.
Carroll had been approached by the Sarawak Museum in 1960 to examine neg-
ative photostat images of these pages, which the museum had obtained from

43  Q&G, passim.

44  What follows are a few representative examples, with corresponding folio numbers:
arrozes for arrodes [9r]; despues lo estan for despues que lo estan [10r]; rrastros for rrostros
[11v]; se fuca ba-jando for se fue aba-jando [28v]; biaze for biaje [32v]; toinan for tornan
[32v]; que atras diximoss for que otras diximoss [33r]; mudos for muchos [33v]; osan for
usan [35r]; paradar for paladar [37v]; estos gentes for estas gentes [39v]; guelenral for
guele mal [40r]; prepacio for prepucio [41r]; faycion como al meninas for faycion como
almeninas [40v]; Tienen echos de sagujeros for Tienen echos dos agujeros [41r]; saraque les
for saragueles [45r]; salta en baicas for saltaenbarcas [45r]; era toda piqueria for era toda
pequeña [46r]. Several words marked “illegible” are in fact legible: for example, berdes
[10r].
45  Carroll, passim.
Introduction 19

Boxer himself. After doing so, Carroll had a positive print made and obtained
permission from both the Sarawak museum and Boxer to translate and publish
this section. We have relied heavily on his knowledge of Malay and Tagalog
and have followed some of his suggestions as to how words in these languages
might be interpreted within the context of this section. Carroll admits that
he “followed the text closely,” i.e., rather literally.46 Consequently, as far as his
translation is concerned and as our plentiful notes in our translation of this
section attest, his English is often far from idiomatic. We have noted significant
instances of mistranslation in our annotations to this section.
Chapters IX (Maluku) and X (Java) cover these two locations in a scant five
folios; their author(s) are anonymous.
Fol.s 101r–139r, Chapters XI (Aceh), XII (Patani), XIII (Siam), contain
Spanish translations of three accounts penned by D. João Ribeiro Gaio, bishop
of Melaka. Through internal evidence it is possible to establish 1584 as the pro-
duction year for the first of these, Derrotero y rrelaçion que don Joan Ribero Gayo
obispo de Malaca hizo de las cosas del Aceh para el rrey n<uest>ro señor (Rutter
and Account written by João Ribeiro Gaio, Bishop of Melaka, for our Lord the
king, concerning the State of Affairs in Aceh). Following this account are two
others authored by Ribeiro Gaio, one regarding Patani, Aceh and Panare Khan,
and the other regarding Siam. Unfortunately, no copies corresponding to the
original Portuguese texts exist for these last two accounts, but there are two
Portuguese manuscript copies of Ribeiro Gaio’s original rutter of Aceh. Thanks
to the sleuthing of Jorge Manuel dos Santos Alves and Pierre-Yves Manguin,
the relationship between these two Portuguese manuscripts on the one hand
and the corresponding Spanish translation found in the Boxer Codex on the
other has now become clear. First, in 1588, four years after the original rutter
was composed (in Portuguese by Ribeiro Gaio), a Portuguese copy was created,
either from the original MS or—more likely—from a copy of the original cre-
ated for the Manila archives; this 1588 copy was sent to King Philip II (probably
to his new monastery/palace, El Escorial, 28 miles north-west of Madrid, which
was completed in 1584). Two centuries later, in 1792, the Spanish maritime his-
torian Martín Fernández de Navarrete y Ximénez de Tejada (1765–1844) had a
copy made of the 1588 MS for inclusion in his collection of maritime documents
that would go on to form the basis for the nascent Naval Museum of Madrid.
(Navarrete is also famous for having discovered Bartolomé de las Casas’s sum-
mary of Columbus’s log). Navarrete’s colophon on the MS details the precise
location of original MS in the National Library of Spain; however, the original

46  Carroll, 2.
20 Introduction

1584 Portuguese A B Archive copy

original sent to
Philip II for the
first time

1588 Portuguese MAR C Manila copy

copy sent to
Philip II the
second time

BOX 1590 Spanish

translation created
in Manila (Boxer
Codex)
1792 Portuguese NAV
copy for Navarrete

was removed from its original location and at some point was obtained by the
Service Historique de la Marine in Vincennes, France, where it remains today.
As for the origin of the Spanish translation that became part of the Boxer
Codex, Santos Alves and Manguin believe that a second Portuguese copy of
Ribeiro Gaio’s rutter, intended for the archive in Manila, was also created ca.
1588, i.e., around the same time as the copy that was intended for Felipe II. A
few years later, towards the time of the compilation of the Boxer Codex, this
archive copy was translated into Spanish. A graphic representation of the
stemma is seen above (adapted from Santos Alves and Manguin, 50; MAR = the
copy found in the Service Historique de la Marine in Vincennes; NAV = the copy
included in the Navarrete collection of the Naval Museum of Madrid; BOX =
the Spanish translation found in the Boxer Codex).
Navarrete’s copy is patently inferior to its 1588 model because Navarrete,
who was only interested in Ribeiro Gaio’s rutter qua rutter, instructed his
copyist to skip over entire chapters that dealt with the state of affairs on
land. Furthermore, the copyist, far removed in time and space from the origi-
nal context, struggled with native toponyms and phytonyms. In general, the
Spanish translation improves the style of its Portuguese source text by “elimi-
nando repetições e inabilidades flagrantes [removing repetitions and blatant
clumsiness].”47 But the Spanish translator also occasionally misreads unfa-
miliar toponyms; we have therefore often followed the MAR MS to amend our
translation. The Spanish translator also struggled with the meaning of the

47  SA&M, 47–48.

Introduction 21

Portuguese in several notable instances. For example, at fol. 111r, the MS reads
Y del poniente hasta el sur y del sur al sueste sera de largo de duzientos palmos
digo de anchura ‘Around the entire above-mentioned earthen wall there is a
moat that measures 200 spans in length—I mean of width’; the translator was
initially misled by Portuguese largura, meaning ‘width’, which he immediately
corrected. And while Santos Alves and Manguin are correct in asserting that
the Boxer translator is sometimes more careful than the Portuguese copyists
(e.g., the Portuguese MSS have Diogo Gil . . . continuadamente esperar e vigiar
‘Diogo never stopped waiting or keeping watch’, which the MS (f. 107v) corrects
to Diego Gil . . . continuamente espiar uelar y pensar en este desenbarcadero
‘Diogo Gil . . . never stopped spying or keeping watch’), the reverse is also true
as often as not: to cite just one example, we find the following non sequitur in
the MS at f. 118v: una punta que sale a la mar hazia el monte ‘hill, jungle’; monte
is corrected to norte ‘north’ in the Portuguese MSS.
Another section of the Boxer Codex (Chapter XIV) that has been previously
published is Miguel Roxo de Brito’s Relaçion of Maluku and the Raja Ampat
region (fols. 139r–149r; twenty folios, comprising 6,197 words). In 1979 Boxer
and Pierre-Yves Manguin published a transcription of this section, albeit sans
translation.48 Their transcription is nearly flawless, as expected of scholars of
their stature, save for a handful of minor errors that are noted in the translation.
Sometime in the 1990s, J. H. F. Sollewijn Gelpke, a Dutch civil servant who
had resided in Papua New Guinea and travelled throughout the area traversed
by Roxo de Brito and who had become familiar with local languages, secured
permission from Boxer to publish an English translation of the Relaçion, which
appeared in 1994.49 Sollewijn Gelpke provided ingenious and convincing solu-
tions to some of the geographical puzzles found in the Relaçion; he also pro-
vided valuable suggestions for identifying several of Roxo de Brito’s opaque
references to fauna of the region. However, because of Sollewijn Gelpke’s lack
of training in early modern Spanish language and paleography, his translation
suffers from a number of serious inaccuracies, all of which are noted in the
translation.
Several sections of the Boxer Codex have heretofore never been published.
The transcription of two sections (Ladrones in Chapter I and Rada’s account of
China in Chapter XVII) are published here for the first time, and close to half
of the Codex has never been published as transcription or translation: Sambal
(Chapter III), Maluku (Chapter IX), Java (Chapter X), Ribeiro Gaio’s Rutters
of Aceh, Patani and Siam (Chapters XI, XII, XIII), Japan (Chapter XV), the

48  B&M, passim.

49  See SG, passim.
22 Introduction

Imperial Chinese Ceremony (Chapter XVIII), Chinese deities (Chapter XX),

and the Chinese bestiary (Chapter XXI).
The final section of the Boxer Codex (Chapter XXII) is an anonymous and
undated account of the Chams, filling six folios (303r–305v). Boxer himself
published a transcription and translation of this brief account in 1970.50 While
Boxer’s work is predictably nearly unimpeachable, a few improvements have
been introduced into our edition.
Since it is accepted that the Boxer Codex was compiled in the Philippines,
how and when did it make its way to Europe? Here we may confidently rely
on the work of Crossley.51 First, the physical evidence: Crossley observes that
the margins of the MS have remained unchanged, from which he deduces that
the pages have never been recut; hence the binding of the Codex is original, a
stance that accords with Boxer’s assessment that the binding is typical of books
produced in the late 16th or early 17th centuries.52 Furthermore, the physical
condition of the Codex is far superior to that of the 400-odd books from the
same time period housed in the library of Santo Tomás in the Philippines. This
line of evidence leads to the conclusion that the Codex was transported to
Spain and bound there within a few years of its compilation. Further precision
in the dating of the binding is provided by the filler found under the paste­
down under the front cover. Not only is it manifestly the product of a press
with movable type, which was not available in Manila at the time, but Crossley
has rather incredibly succeeded in identifying the text as parts of pages 226
and 231 of Pablo de Mera’s Tratado del computo general de los tiempos com-
forme a la nueua reformación, necessario para los eclesiasticos, y seglares . . . etc.,
published in Madrid in 1614 by the Compañía de Impresores y Libreros del Reino.
What is more, the filler for the back cover is from the same book, but is taken
from even-numbered pages, indicating that the sheet used was not bound and
therefore came from the printer. All of this points to Compañía de Impresores
y Libreros del Reino as the printing house that bound the Boxer Codex at a date
no earlier than 1614, which also suggests that the book remained at court and
therefore was never printed or widely disseminated.
As to the question of who transported the Codex to Spain, the evidence points
to a pilot named Hernando de los Ríos Coronel,53 a close friend of Dasmariñas

50  Boxer (Chams), passim.

51  See Crossley (Boxer), 122–123.
52  See BC, 37. Crossley (Boxer), 122, also notes that because the Codex has a sheep binding,
and since there were no sheep in the Philippines, it is most unlikely that it was bound
there.
53  See Crossley, Ríos Coronel.
Introduction 23

père and fils. De los Ríos Coronel was sent to Spain in 1605 as Procurator General
of the Philippines two years after the death of Luis Pérez Dasmariñas. Since the
Codex remained at court, it was not De los Ríos Coronel’s private property, but
rather was entrusted to him for delivery to the king. As noted above (see n. 29),
there is strong evidence that it did indeed arrive at court.
There appears to have been very little investigation concerning the timing
and circumstances under which the Codex came into the possession of the
Earls of Ilchester. It was the property of a British peer and philanthropist, Giles
Stephen Holland Fox-Strangways, 6th Earl of Ilchester, when Boxer acquired
it in 1947. The lack of discussion as to how and when that peer or his ances-
tors obtained the codex is rather puzzling. In the absence of any real inquiry,
all hypotheses are presently speculative. But we are faced with an intriguing
conundrum: if the Codex made it from the Philippines to Spain and was bound
there in the early 17th century: how and when did it arrive in England and
become the property of Ilchester? The most attractive explanation, prior to
Crossley’s recent convincing hypothesis,was that the Codex had stayed in the
Philippines and was still in Manila when British forces occupied Manila and
Cavite from 1762 to 1764 during the Seven Year’s War. The Codex, presumably,
was part of the loot that was repatriated to England from whence it became
the property of the Ilchester.54 We also performed a perfunctory examination
of the public positions and careers of Ilchester and Holland ancestors to see if
any of them at any time during their lives had direct personal relationships or
contacts in Spain or the Philippines after the production of the Codex toward
the end of the 16th century; unfortunately, that does not appear to have been
the case. If not directly responsible for the acquisition of the Codex in Spain
or the Philippines, it is our understanding that both family lines of the Holland
and Ilchester peerages at different moments in time were renowned collectors
and bibliophiles.
Before concluding our discussion and description of the Boxer Codex, we
want to return to the conundrum surrounding the identity of the compiler(s)
of this work. Despite the speculative nature of these observations, we believe
that there is merit in further development of this question. An examination
and an evaluation of the available fragmentary data is fraught with problems
of evidence and interpretation. Nevertheless, we shall renew our evaluation
of this person’s identity using the general criteria that we have already out-
lined and by adding some of Scott’s characteristics. It is our opinion that while
the compiler(s) did not have to be an author, it is highly likely that he or they
were, since the judgment and criteria that he or they used for including certain

54  See Alden, Boxer, 343.

24 Introduction

narratives demonstrates judgment about the quality of exposition that is most

usually found in an author. Similarly, since we also believe that this person had
to possess the capacity to evaluate subject and literary materials with a critical
capacity to evaluate competing narratives for inclusion or not in the codex’s
compilation, it is more likely than not that this person was highly educated,
cultivated, and a competent writer in his or their own right. Finally, while
redundant, the potential candidate for the compiler(s) of the Boxer Codex
would have had to have been physically present in Manila and in a position
of authority to have been in contact with the Dasmariñas family and De los
Ríos Coronel in the Philippine Islands from around 1591 (the latest but first
probable date that a compiler started to collect materials for inclusion) to 1605
(the date of De los Ríos Coronel’s departure from Manila for Spain) or before
1610 (the date of Pedro Fernando de Quirós publishing of his summary of Roxo
de Brito’s voyage in Madrid that incorporated materials compiled in the Boxer
Codex) and prior to its being bound in Madrid in 1614.
In summary, based on the above, the following are the probable character-
istics of the compiler(s) of the Boxer Codex: according to Boxer, the compiler
(and Boxer did use the singular) was a layman and not a member of a religious
order; and according to and paraphrasing Scott, he was “an intelligent, obser-
vant traveler, perhaps a colonial officer, who did not stay long in one place,
could not speak any Philippine language, and used an interpreter given to
Mexican spelling conventions” who produced “an original, eyewitness descrip-
tion” and was probably not even familiar with other contemporaneously writ-
ten accounts dealing with the Philippines.” We concur with Boxer that the
compiler was a secular official, and we further agree with Scott that he was
an intelligent colonial officer who may have held a position that offered him
opportunity to travel. Furthermore, the compiler of the Boxer Codex assuredly
(at the time of compilation) had no knowledge of indigenous languages and
therefore relied on interpreters, some of whom incorporated Nahuatl terms
into their spoken and written Spanish. However, we have reason to add the fol-
lowing considerations: the compiler was (1) a highly educated and cultivated
individual secular official, because a person in such a position would have had
the time to dedicate himself or others to the translation of original reports in
Portuguese to Spanish or to manage a group of translators; (2) although this
point is not imperative, he was most probably an author himself, since he had
to possess the capacity to evaluate subject and literary materials with a criti-
cal capacity to judge competing narratives for inclusion in the Codex; (3) this
compiler would also have needed to have knowledge about and access to other
earlier or contemporaneous reports in Spanish, plus the time, opportunity and
Introduction 25

intellectual curiousity to manage an artist or group of artists for the produc-

tion of an eclectic collection of illustrations that would have been available
in the parian (i.e., the Chinese) quarter of Manila or elsewhere for some of
the non-Sinitic drawings. At the very minimum, this suggests that he had to
have been a secretary (or higher) with access to the governor’s and colonial
adminstration’s archives or to religious archives; finally (and perhaps redun-
dantly), (4) the potential candidate for compiler of the Boxer Codex would have
had to have been phyisically present in Manila and in a position of authority
to have been in contact with the Dasmariñas family and De los Ríos Coronel in
the Philippine Islands ca. 1591–1605.
Based upon the above considerations and criteria, coupled with Scott’s list
of slightly earlier and contemporaneous well-known authors and our addition
of one other name, we propose the following list of candidates with our rea-
sons concerning the probability that one of them might have been the com-
piler of the Boxer Codex.
Since we agree with other authorities that the most probable candidate for
being the compiler was a lay person, the following nearly and actually con-
temporaneous prominent religious authors have been elimated from consid-
eration. First, Fr. Juan de Plasencia, O.F.M., a Spanish Franciscan friar, who
arrived in the Philippine Islands in 1578. Plasencia, a missionary to Luzon
until his death in 1590, wrote two famous ethnographic works: Relación de las
costumbres que los indios solían tener en estas islas (1589) and Instrucción de
las costumbres que antiguamente tenían los naturales de la Pampanga en sus
pleitos (1589); he wrote other works as well, including a vocabulary and gram-
mar. The second figure we exclude from our list of possible compilers is Father
Pedro Chirino, S.J. (1557–1635), a Spanish priest and historian who served as
a Jesuit missionary in the Philippines in the Visayas and on Luzon. Chirino
was on board the same galleon that carried Gómez Pérez Dasmariñas and his
son to the Philippines in 1590. In 1602, Chirino departed from the Philippines
for Europe via New Spain. He worked on his writings there and published
his Relación de las Islas Filipinas in Rome in 1604; it is one of the earliest
books about the Philippines. His trip to Europe was successful as he solidified
the positon of the Jesuit mission in the Philippines at both the royal and pon-
tifical courts and obtained a decree from the head of the Jesuit order, elevating
the Philippine mission to the status of vice-province, independent of the prov-
ince of Mexico. Chirino returned to the Philippines in 1606, where he contin-
ued his missionary work and writing about the Philippines. He died in Manila
on September 16, 1635. The third religious figure we reject as possible compiler
of the Boxer Codex is Father Francisco Colín, S.J. (1592–1660), a Spanish Jesuit
26 Introduction

missionary and author of Labor euangelica, ministerios apostolicos de los obre-

ros de la Compañia de Iesus: fundacion, y progressos de su Prouincia en las islas
Filipinas historiados (Madrid, 1663); Colín was simply too young to have com-
piled the Codex.
Another possible compiler of the Codex whom we may safely eliminate
from consideration is Miguel López de Legazpi (1503?-1572), first Governor and
Captain General of the Philippine Islands (1564–1572) and founder of the cities
of Cebu (1565) on the island of the same name and Manila (1571) on the island
of Luzon. As the author of a series of letters to the King, which are found in the
Archivo General de Indias in Seville and which are a noteworthy source for the
early history of Spainish activities in the Phippines, his death in 1572 logically
eliminates him from our consideration.
There are, however, two well-known lay authors that may have been still
alive and residing in the Philippines from 1591 to 1605, which makes them
potential candidates for being the compiler of the Boxer Codex. The first is
Miguel de Loarca, the Spanish soldier who accompanied Martín de Rada to
China in 1575, author of an account of that embassy and of the Relación de
las Islas Filipinas, published in 1582. He wrote the latter account, while hav-
ing been the alcalde mayor (equivalent to a corregidor, or civil governor)
over roughly thirty encomiendas (feudal estates) in Arévalo, Panay for ten
years.55 However, it is unclear to us whether he was alive or still residing in
the Philippines (he would have been quite elderly and would have had to
reside in Manila from 1591 or so forward, which does not appear to have been
the case).
The celebrated author of Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas (1609), Antonio
de Morga Sánchez Garay (1559–1636) is our choice as the most likely candidate
to have compiled the Boxer Codex. We reiterate that, although not imperative,
we do think that the compiler was a writer himself. It is also self-evident that
the compiler did not have to be a known or celebrated intellect, although we
consider that a rather remote possibility. Morga, in our opinion, is the best
fit based on our composite criteria gleaned and developed earlier from Boxer,
Scott, and ourselves. Based on Cummin’s discussion of his life and career, we
know that Morga certainly was an intelligent, well-educated and ambitious
layman who was a colonial officer of the first order. Born in Seville, Morga was
a lawyer, who graduated from the University of Salamanca in 1574 and received
a doctorate in canon law in 1578. He entered Crown service within Spain in
1580 and colonial administration in 1593 when he was selected to be the
Lieutenant to the Governor-General or the Deputy Governor of the Philippines.

55  See Cunningham, Audiencia, 35.

Introduction 27

He served in the Crown’s colonial administraton in the Philippines (1595

to 1604) and in the New World56 for 43 years. He arrived in Manila in June
of 1595 and was Lieutenant or Deputy Governor to two Governor-Generals,
Luis Pérez Dasmariñas (till July 14, 1596) and Francisco de Tello de Guzmán
(1596–1602) until 1598 when he resigned as Lieutenant Governor to assume
the office of oidor (lit. ‘hearer’, i.e., senior judge) of the newly re-established
and restored the Real Audencia (Royal Audience, the highest appellate court
in the Spanish Empire) of Manila. While judge, he was involved in a series
of residencias (investigations of an official’s conduct during his term of duty,
which were performed at the time he relinquished his post)57 and Morga also
held an unsuccessful naval command in 1600 against Dutch admiral Oliver van
Noort’s incursions against the colony. Morga left Manila and arrived in New
Spain in 1603 where he received work from the Viceroy of Mexico, the Marquis
de Montes Claro, and finished and published his Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas
in 1609.
Morga was phyisically present in Manila from 1595 to 1603 and in a position
of authority that placed him in regular contact with Luis Pérez Dasmariñas
in 1595 and 1596. Morga could have been in contact with De los Ríos Coronel
prior to both of their departures from the Philippine Islands in 1603 and 1605
respectively. Morga possessed the intellectual capacity to critically evaluate
the subject and to judge competing narratives for inclusion in the Codex. As
Deputy Governor and judge, Morga would have had opportunity for some
travel, although we have been unable to find any corroborative evidence that
he spoke any Philippine language. He would have had access to interpreters. He
also would have had the time to dedicate himself or others to the translation of
original reports in Portuguese to Spanish or to manage a group of translators
and to contact and manage an artist or group of artists for the production of
an eclectic collection of illustrations. But, perhaps, most convincingly, he held
such a position of power and trust that he had access to the governor’s and
colonial adminstration’s archives and, most probably, the initiative to compile
the Codex whether by request or to fulfill orders.

Present edition: Transcription, Translation and Illustrations

The present edition has three objectives: (1) providing a complete transcrip-
tion of the written text of the original manuscripts in Spanish and the smat-
tering of accompanying characters in Chinese; (2) providing and producing a

56  For details concerning Morga’s carreer in the New World, see Phelan, Kingdom of Quito.
57  See Morga, Sucesos, 5; for a catalogue of those reports handled by Morga, see Torres and
Navas, Catálogo v, ítems No. 6721–45, 6916–17.
28 Introduction

first ever complete English translation with the appropriate annotations; and
(3) reproducing and discussing all of the illustrations that are found in the
Boxer Codex.
The Boxer Codex is representative of late 16th- and early 17th-century colo-
nial Spanish manuscripts. In addition to being quarto in size, Boxer described
the physical properties of the Codex as follows: “the paper is not European,
but of the brittle ‘rice-paper’, manufactured form some species of the Chinese
paper mulberry.”58 Writing on each of the 314 pages that contain text is con-
tained within a blue-inked three-sided boundary line which is open on the
top. The hand is simplified procesal with italic humanist influences, evidenced
by the individualization of letters and the nearly exclusive use of lower-case
letters. Only about 20% of word boundaries are indicated with either spac-
ing or periods, and capitalization, on the rare occasions it appears, is arbitrary
and seldom indicates sentence breaks. Sometimes a capital letter appears mid-
sentence after a period that signals a word separation (e.g., el año de 90. Por
noauer fal-tadeagua; fol. 3r, ll. 8–9) or after no separation at all from the last
letter of the preceding word (leguasallamar enUnos naui-chuelos chicos; fol. 3r,
ll. 11–12), or even word-medially (e.g., prinçipaLmente; fol. 3r, l. 24). Sentence
breaks are signalled on the rare occasions they are marked at all by a double
diagonal slash, especially at the end of a line, and even on such occasions the
following letter of the new sentence usually remains in lower case. Quite fre-
quently word-final letters are terminated at the end of a line (e.g., Al fin se quedo
/ con el el que lo tomo que al parecer deuia de ser mass / prinçipal y baliente). As
far as orthography is concerned, one finds interchangeability of the graphemes
i/y and b/u/v, variability on the presence of word-initial h (e.g., hazer vs. azer),
etymological Latin spellings for words of Greek origin, both actual (thesorero,
triunphales) and pseudo (perthenencias, theniente).59 All of these orthographi-
cal characteristics are expected of documents from this time and place.
Abbreviations are used most sparingly, occurring with less than 1% of the
approximately 76,000 words in the MS, which amounts to fewer than one per
page. The most common abbreviation, q<ue>, is used just 5% of the time. The
abbreviations are the same ones found in hundreds of manuscripts of the era
and region in question, the most frequent, besides q<ue>, being aunq<ue>,
cap<itul>o, comm<un>, a<ñ>o, d<ich>o, <e>n, et <ceter>a, mag<esta>d,
man<er>a, n<uestr>o, qu<a<ndo and the suffixes –m<en>te and -<açi>a /
-<içi>a / -<ençi>a.

58  BC, 37–38.

59  See below for observations on the spelling of the sibilants s, ss, z, ç and c.
Introduction 29

The titles of major sections are written in gold leaf and catchwords are used
throughout.
Like most colonial documents of the time written by criollos (locally-born
people of pure Spanish ancestry), the Boxer Codex is punctuated with the
expected features of Andalusian Spanish:

•
Fusion of medieval Castilian sibilants (/ts/, /dz/, /s/ and /z/) in favor of
/s/; while the text generally adheres to the general patterns of medieval
Castilian orthography, there is occasional wavering among the graphemes
s, ss, z, c and ç: rrazo (rraso), rrozas (rrosas), hazia (hacia), noçivos (nozi-
vos), etc. In fact, one occasionally finds (in the same sections) of the Codex
alternations between ss ~ s, ç ~ s, ç ~ z and z ~ s: cossa vs. cosa, huesso vs.
hueso, rresuçitado vs. rreçuçitado, braso vs. braço, rreçio vs. rrezio, ençima vs.
ensima, arroz vs. arros, caveza vs. cavesa, etc.
•
Aspiration or deletion of syllable- and word-final /s/: bucar, la rrazones, las
arma, las cossa, supertiçiones. Another evidence of aspiration or deletion of
/s/ are hypercorrections, such as puesde (puede) and equispar (equipar)
•
Confusion between /l/ and /r/ in syllable-final position, such as cormillos
(colmillos) and plasel (placer) ‘sandbank’ (from Catalan placer)
•
Vocalization of syllable-final /r/, manifested graphically as deletion: oto-
grafía for ortografía, huetas for huertas
•
Morphological archaisms: ademandar (for demandar), anseñar (for ense-
ñar), ascuchar (for eschuchar), gulpe (for golpe), monesterios (for monas-
terios), moustro / mostro (for monstruo[s]), constumbres (for costumbres),
tresoro (for tesoro), deferente (for diferente), rrebustos (for robustos), proprios
(for propios), prostero (for postero), arismetica (for aritmética), prençipal (for
prinçipal), difícel (for difícil)
•
Frequent metathesis of r and another phoneme: haorcar (for ahorcar), ofer-
cen (for ofrecen), sebratana (for cerbatana)
•
Other Americanisms prevalent and limited to the 16th century: arronjadizas
(for arrojadizas), rrelisioso (for religioso)

Several Nahuatlisms in the Boxer Codex also reflect influence from the dialect
of New Spain (Mexico): petate ‘woven mat’, chicubite ‘woven basket’, escaup-
iles ‘quilted cotton cuirass’, naguatato ‘interpreter’ and zacate ‘pasture grass’.
Occasional Lusisms are also found in the text, most of them in the translation
of Ribeiro Gaio’s accounts of Aceh and Patani: arruada ‘layout of the streets
of the city’, servidumbres ‘easement, right of way’, sardos ‘freckles’ (actual Ptg.
sardas), sacado ‘except’ and desistir ‘purgative; defecate’.
30 Introduction

Our motive for providing a transcription was primarily for the specialist
readers of this work who would have an interest in having one for an evalua-
tion of the original text and our translation of it. Altogether, the original Codex
consists of 306 numerated folios; with the exception of the inclusion at the
beginning of the work of the first illustration (with its oblong layout and dis-
tinct dimensions from the other illustrations), the Codex has only three un-
numbered folios (see above). Since the original uses folio numeration and also
indicates the recto or verso side of a folio, we have employed closed brackets
[ ] with the folio number and either its recto or verso reference included within
them as an editorial guide to indicate and facilitate the referral and cross-
referencing of either our transcription with our translation or vice-versa by any
reader who may be interested in making such comparisons. The transcription
follows this convention for all of the folios regardless of whether it was blank of
containing any writing or illustration. In contrast, in our translation, we have
only inserted our closed brackets with folio locations for those pages that con-
tain writing or illustration in the original manuscript.
We have chosen to produce a semi-normalized transcription of the entire
Boxer Codex. By this we mean the following:

•
Sentence breaks have been introduced by capitalizing the first word of a
sentence and inserting periods after the last word. Many of the errors in
previous efforts to transcribe and translate the Boxer Codex have arisen from
the faulty interpretation of sentence breaks (see below).
•
Spelling has not been normalized. In particular, this means that the arbi-
trary interchangeability of u/v/b, g/j/, s/ss/ç/z, y/i, remain unaltered, and
misspellings such as abobinable and ynviçibles appear verbatim.
•
Line breaks in the MS have been respected.
•
Abbreviations have been resolved with the use of angled brackets
(e.g., q<ue>).

In the translation we have attempted to find a viable English equivalent for

every Spanish word, though this was not always possible. Foreign words were
identified as such if they did not appear in the OED; such words were placed
in italics in the translation. In the footnotes, the grapheme u with the value of
/b/ has been normalized to v. Furthermore, where spelling variations occur, the
variants are listed in a note at the first mention of the word in the translation
(e.g., the footnote after the first mention of banana in the translation reads
in part “MS: plantano, elsewhere platano.”) We have also introduced sentence
breaks where these seemed appropriate for the sake of clarity and to fit the
cadence of modern English.
Introduction 31

In addition to the conventions listed above, we have supplied modern

equivalents of foreign proper nouns (Chinese, Malay, Tagalog, etc.).
Perhaps the most outstanding feature of the Boxer Codex are its 97 hand-
drawn color paintings or illustrations. The illustrations depict peoples, birds
and animals (both real and mythological) of the Philippines, the Indonesian
Archipelago, China and mainland South-east Asia. It has been pointed out
more than once that the depictions of peoples from the Far East are the first
ever created for European eyes. The first illustration is an oblong fold-out,
74 are full-page and the remaining are arranged four to a page on 22 pages
(with some of the quarters remaining blank). Most of the drawings appear
to have been copied or adapted from materials brought to the Philippines
from China by Martín de Rada: the Shanhai Jing (山海经, The Classic of
Mountains and Seas), and books from the shenmo (神魔) genre, which depict
deities and demons. The remaining drawings represent individuals, often a
male and female pair, from tributaries of China; some of these have been re-
fashioned as warriors. The depictions of inhabitants from Chinese tributaries
may have been copied from a pre-existing source, drawn from memory or per-
haps even drawn according to instruction given by Rada or one of the other
Europeans who visited China.
Boxer’s 1950 article60 in which he introduces the Codex to the world contains
a superb overview of the illustrations found in the work, which we summarize
here, adding clarifications where necessary. The first illustration is a foldout
(24 in. by 8 in. or 61 cm. by 20 cm.), the only one in the Codex, which depicts
a trading encounter between a Manila Galleon and “Ladrones” (Chamorro) in
outrigger canoes. There follow nineteen drawings depicting four Philippine
ethnic groups: Cagayans, Negritos, Sambal, Visayans and “Naturales,” which
Boxer held to be Tagalogs. This last group receives the most attention and finer
social distinctions are made than with the other groups: Tagalog commoners,
nobility and royals are afforded separate illustrations, each of them depicting
both males and females. The focus of the texts then shifts from the Philippines
to other lands of the South China Sea (Brunei, Maluku, Java, Siam, Japan and
China itself), and drawings—fifteen in all—of inhabitants of these nations are
placed before each of their respective narrative sections. A total of 57 human
figures are portrayed in this grouping, 22 female and 35 male; ten of the illus-
trations represent a male and female couple, and the males in the drawings
of Bruneians, Malukans, Javanese and Siamese are portrayed as warriors.
As is the case with the Tagalogs, increased attention is given to the Chinese;
the drawings (almost all comprising a male/female pair) represent Sangleys

60  BC, passim.

32 Introduction

(i.e., Chinese living in the Philippines), merchants, mandarins, commanding

generals, nobles and even the Ming emperor and empress themselves. Another
series of illustrations was obviously intended to introduce narrative descrip-
tions of the tributary states of China, but the texts were never completed;
instead one finds after the illustration a terse rubric followed by six or seven
blank pages. The tributary nations or peoples depicted with drawings (all of
them couples) are Giao Chi, Quang Nam, She, Keelung, Champa, Danshui,
Daimao, Kampuchea, Terengganu, Patani and Tatary. Boxer makes the follow-
ing keen observations about this set of drawings. (1) Those labeled Siamese
(Illustrations 26 and 27) and Cham (Illustration 34) are “odd-looking”,61 though
Boxer does not elaborate. (2) The Japanese woman (Illustration 28) has her
hair done in the Chinese style, possibly because “the pair were drawn from life
at Manila.”62 (3) The couple labeled “Caupchy” (Illustrations 29 and 30) were
clearly intended to be a Giao Chi or Tonkin warrior couple. The Chinese char-
acters included in the caption, 交趾軍, mean Jiaozhi jun, lit. ‘Tonkin army’, and
clearly represent Jiaozhi, the Chinese term for Giao Chi, Vietnamese for Tonkin,
northern Vietnam. However, we concur with Boxer that the Vietnamese “never
fought in this guise [i.e., in the way the male warrior is depicted], naked save for
a loincloth. This was, on the other hand, the usual ‘battle-dress’ of the Japanese
Wako (倭寇) pirates who ravaged the China coast in the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries.”63 (4) Several drawings of the women are slight modifications of the
women who appear in Illustrations 29 and 30 (Giao Chi), which are used as a
kind of “stock type.”64 (5) The headhunting aboriginal couple from Danshui,
north-west Taiwan, are “more recognizable.”65 (6) Boxer was informed that the
couple labeled “Taipue” were intended to represent a district in the Guangxi-
Tonkin border region. However, the situation is confused by the accompany-
ing rubric, which states that these people “respect the rituals of the island
of Luzon,” where many of them reportedly live; Boxer wryly adds that such
a thing “is not very likely with aborigines from the hinterland of Tongking.”
A clue as to what is really going on is supplied by the accompanying Chinese
characters, 玳瑁 (daimao), which mean ‘tortoise shell’, a moniker, according to
Boxer, applied by the Chinese to several places, one of which was the “Taimei
anchorage” in the Lingayen Gulf of the Philippines.66 (7) The couple from

61  BC, 40, 42.

62  BC, 41.
63  BC, 41–42.
64  BC, 42.
65  BC, 42.
66  BC, 42.
Introduction 33

Kampuchea (Illustration 37) appears “fantastic.”67 (8) Boxer was persuaded

by his colleague J. V. Mills that the couple labeled as being from “Temquigui”
were from Pulau Tinggi, a small island off Johor, eastern Malaysia.68 However,
the Chinese characters supplied in the caption, 丁磯嶷 (Dingji Yi), appear to
correspond more closely to Terengganu, Malaysia, though the characters are
not a perfect match with the actual Chinese name for Terengganu. However,
Terengganu fits the description of the rubric far better than does Pulau Tinggi:
“is a sovereign kingdom, and it also borders on the kingdom of Siam. It has an
abundance of pepper.”69
Based upon references in the transcribed and translated text, it is clear that
at least four of the illustrations in the Codex existed before the text was writ-
ten or that their production was commissioned to accompany the text, and
not the other way around. These four examples are as follows: (1) Illustration
2 at the beginning of the Codex, whose caption is “Reception of the Manila
Galleon by the Chamorro in the Ladrones Islands, ca. 1590”; (2) Illustration 9,
which depicts two hunters on the island of Luzon that is found in the Sambal
section and we have captioned “Sambal Hunters;” (3) Illustration 29, which
depicts a couple from Giao Chi; (4), Illustration 32, which depicts a She cou-
ple. In two other instances, the text makes reference to drawings that do not
appear in the Codex: (1) the text describing the Chinese Imperial Ceremony;
and (2) the description of Chinese and Tatar cavalries. The illustrations alluded
to by the text but not found in the Codex were (a) never drawn, (b) drawn
but not included, or (c) not included when the Codex was bound. In the case
of the description of the Chinese Imperial Ceremony, the text clearly refers
to the illustration as depicting the procedure or protocol that was followed
when the Emperor left the palace. In the case of the Chinese and Tatar cav-
alries, the text manifestly refers to the appearance of the Chinese cavalry and
how it was deployed for battle versus the Tatar cavalry. It is clear, therefore,
that some, if not all, of the illustrations were specifically selected or commis-
sioned to accompany the text, meaning that there was a direct liaison between
compiler(s) and artisan(s) to produce at the very minimum six illustrations.
The above observation concerning Chinese artist(s) being under or receiv-
ing direction from a European to produce one or more illustrations brings for-
ward the question as to which artistic traditions or styles are depicted by the
corpus of illustrations that are found in the Codex. In those instances that we
have just outlined, we are suggesting that there was a direct liaison between

67  BC, 42.

68  BC, 42.
69  See p. ???
34 Introduction

compiler(s) and artisan(s) to produce at the very minimum those six illustra-
tions that we have mentioned. While not being drawn necessarily in a style
that may be identified as traditionally Spanish or European, the scenes that
were drawn depict encounters that involved Europeans or ones that would
have correspondingly interested Europeans. Beyond this observation, there are
four additional artistic depictions or styles that characterize the illustrations
that are found in the Codex.
Since the artist(s) of all of these illustrations were Chinese, the four addi-
tional artistic styles that may be observed in the illustrations found in the
Boxer Codex, as might be expected, are Sinitic in origin. Many of the mytho-
logical animals in the bestiary section were copied from a classic Chinese
text, the Shanhai Jing (山海经, (The Classic of Mountains and Seas), a com-
pilation of mythological geographical and cultural accounts dating from
pre-Qin China. We are suggesting that a copy of this work might have been
available in Manila when the Codex was compiled and the compiler(s) selected
and/or instructed artisan(s) to make copies of those illustrations for inclusion
in the Codex. Another genre might have been the source for other illustrations
and accompanying captions in the Codex: several members of the Taoist pan-
theon of deities and demons were probably reproduced from two illustrated
vernacular novels published in book form that were in circulation in mid-16th
century Ming China: the Fengshen Yanyi (封神演義, Romance of the Investiture
of the Gods) and Sanguozhi Yanyi (三國志演義, Romance of the Three
Kingdoms). Both of these works are representative of the shenmo (lit. ‘gods and
demons’) genre, which intertwines numerous elements of mythology, includ-
ing deities, immortals and spirits around stories set in China’s early history. The
Romance of the Three Kingdoms, for example, is set during the era of the declin-
ing Shang dynasty (1600–1046 BC) and the rise of the Zhou dynasty (1046–
256 BC). As for the depictions of couples or individuals from China and from
states that had tributary relationships with China that appear in the Codex, the
sources were probably encyclopedias with illustrations depicting such peoples
which were already being produced and available during the Ming. Wherever
possible, we have given the Chinese version or equivalent of the mythological
figure in our translation.
We have not been able to identify a literary tradition or other source for
the fourth and final group of illustrations, namely actual animals, particularly,
birds; in fact, it may well be that they were drawn from direct knowledge or
observation. With regard to the illustration of actual birds, our expert observed
that the artist tended to draw them with the following tendencies: a “shawl” for
the upper mantel and upper wings of the birds; very short wings where a bird’s
primary wing feathers would be; eyes depicted as a round yellow circle with
Introduction 35

a black dot; bills that when short are very wedge-shaped; legs with feathered
“thighs,” which is atypical since the legs of most birds actually extend straight
out of their bodies; extra-long tails, which are anatomically inaccurate but per-
haps aesthetically pleasing to the artist; and finally, heads which tend to be
depicted on the small side.
We asked trained Sinologists to examine the Chinese characters found in
some of the captions in the Codex. In the overwhelming majority of instances
in which Chinese characters appear, they have clearly been written by some-
one with a thorough grounding in the language, although in a few instances
some of the characters suggest otherwise. Nevertheless, we do not doubt that
the artist(s) who drew these illustrations were Chinese. While the characters,
in actuality, appear in the original written from right to left, we have re-ordered
them in our presentation as they would be read today, from left to right.
Finally, Boxer indicated in his published description of the Codex that fol.
241v was probably bound incorrectly and suggested that it appear immediately
before fol. 245, which is the beginning of the numerous full-page drawings of
Taoist deities and other Chinese folk-heroes.70 We concur, and have made these
changes accordingly. Furthermore, it should be noted that in many instances
the compilation of reports and other materials had not been completed before
being bound. As mentioned, the Codex is an unfinished work. It is speculation
as to whether the Codex’s owner or compiler intended it to be completed or
not at some future time. But these observations about the organization of the
materials that were compiled and included in the Codex did influence us to
make certain decisions about whether or not and for what purpose their pub-
lished appearance should be modified from the original manuscript. Some of
our modifications we have already mentioned and indicated as being clearly
identified via editorial intervention. Others, such as separating text and enti-
tling sections of manuscript as chapters are our invention. This has been done
with the objective of improving the reader’s identification and comprehension
of the presentation and flow of the compiled materials.
To summarize, the Boxer Codex is an exceptional early modern Iberian work
that deals with the geography, ethnography and history of Asia. It is exceptional
and remarkable because it survived and because of the breadth, depth and
geographical scope of the selections that were included in this anthology and
the pictorial representations that were selected and produced for the reader’s
edification and comprehension of the peoples encountered by the Spanish.
It is exceptional not because it is a unique chronicle of the Spanish encoun-
ter with Asia and its peoples, customs and history; as we have seen, there

70  See BC, 44.

36 Introduction

were other accounts that have opaqued some of its celebrity for containing
unique geographical, ethnographical and historical information. Nevertheless,
the scope and the pictorial representations of the Boxer Codex’s coverage of
European culture in general, and Iberian and Spanish culture in particular, in
contact with indigenous Asian cultures is remarkable and unmatched by any
other 16th-century European work.
Furthermore, we have had to confront in this Introduction the absence of
the usual evidence that is normally available for other examinations of simi-
lar historical literary productions, i.e., the rationale for its production and
arrangement, as well as its patronage, commission, compilation and author-
ship. While the process of reconstructing a coherent and plausible narrative
concerning those issues is challenging and complicated because of insufficient
evidence, we felt that it was our obligation to project ourselves by contemplat-
ing scenarios and connecting information about this work that had never been
considered. It may appear to some readers that our evidence and arguments
regarding the identity of the compiler and authors are too circumstanial, or
that some of our scenarios are implausible. Our response is that we have inter-
preted that it was our responsibility on the basis of our knowledge to offer our
understanding of this work to the best of our ability. We have considered some
issues concerning the Boxer Codex that we think have never been commented
upon or examined before. We hope that our transcription and translation
will engage, intrigue and inform the reader as much as it has us regarding the
global dimension of early Iberian productions of knowledge and encounters
with new worlds, particularly Asia.
 PART 1
Transcription

∵
[1r, Blank]

[1v, Illustration 3] Ladrones

[2r, Illustration 4, no caption]

[2v, Blank]
 Chapter 1

Island of Ladrones

[3r]
Relaçion de las yslas de los ladrones
Este genero de gente llaman los ladrones. Abitan en
unas yslas que ay quatroçientas leguas antes de llegar
al cauo de Spiritu Santo y son las primeras que descubren
los nauios que bienen de Acapulco a estas yslas las Phili-
pinas. Suelen hazer aguada en algun puerto dellas
que ay munchos y buenos. Y quando no se haze como en
este uiaje que se hizo el año de 90 por no auer fal-
ta de agua que solo por ella se suele tomar puerto
ellos salen dos [o] tres leguas a la mar en unos naui-
chuelos chicos y tan estrechos que no tienen de ancho
de dos palmos y medio arriba. Son de la forma que
ay ban pintados. A los lados tienen un contrapesso
de cañas con que estan siguros de sosobrar cossa q<ue>
a ellos se les da bien poco porque son como peces en el
agua. Y si acaso se ynche de agua el yndio se arroja en ella
y la saca con medio coco q<ue> le sirue de escudilla
y si no con una paleta con que bogan. Estos nauichu-
elos traen bela latina de petate que es echo de palma
y se sirve muncho dellos en estas partes. Y hazenlos
los moros con munchas colores y labores graçiosas
que parecen muy bien prinçipalmente los moros
burneys y terrenates. Son estos nauios tan ligeros
q<ue> salen dos o tres leguas del puerto y en el momento
estan con el nauio a bordo aunque baya a la uela.
Y tienen otra particularidad en su nauegaçion que
no tienen menester para ella biento mas de el
q<ue> corriere sease qual fuere que con ese marean
la bela de suerte que ban do quieren. Y es de manera
que no parecen sino cauallos muy domesticos y di-
çiplinados pues de estos nauios salen tantos en des-
cubriendo nauio de alto bordo que no parese sino que

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_003

40 TRANSCRIPTION

[3v]
cubren la mar o quella los brota. Su benida es
a rrescatar hierro porque este es su oro porq<ue> lo esti-
man en mas que no el. Y de este se siruen en todas
sus labranças y heras. Traen munchos cocos y agua
fresca muy buena algunos pescados que cojen con
ansuelo y algun arroz echo a su modo. Y enbuelben-
lo e<n> unas ojas y arrojanlo al nauio por hierro. Y traen
tan bien algunas frutas como platanos y otras
que no la [sic] conoçiamos. En llegando como a tiro de pie-
dra se lebantan en pie y dan grandes boces diziendo arre-
peque arrepeque que dizen algunos que quiere de-
zir amigos amigos otros quita alla el arcabuz.
Lo uno o lo otro ellos gritan y dizen arrepeque. Traen
e<n> la mano una calabaça grande de agua y cocos
o pescado al fin cada uno trae muestra aquello
que tiene. Primero que se aserquen dan munchos
bordos con estraña presteza y beloçidad. Y en biendo
hierro se acercan y rrescatan por el todo lo que traen
amarrandose para mejor rrescatar de un cabo del
nabio por la popa. Y de alli y de todo el nauio les arojan [sic]
abundançia de clauos biejos y aros partidos de pipas.
Y todo esto es muy de ber porque en cojiendo la soga
donde ba atado el hierro la cortan con los dientes como
si fuese un rrabano. Y atan a ella los cocos o lo que
les piden por señas. Tienen una cosa estraña para ser tan
codiçiosos de hierro que no dan mas por un gran pedaço
que por un[o] pequeño. Y esto se prouo alli con ellos y si les
echan un pedaço a la mar son tan grandes buços y
nadadores que antes que lleguen muy abajo
lo cojen y se bueluen a su nauio. Y asi lo hizo alli
uno que echandoselo amayno la bela y la echo

[4r]
al agua y luego el se arrojo tras ella y coj[i]o su hierro
y entro en el nauio. Y sacando la uela y mojada del agua
y era grande y al pareçer tuuieran que sacar 3 o 4
hombres y el solo la saco con muncha façilidad y la
also y sin rrescatar mas hierro se boluio alli. Deseaba-
Ladrones 41

mos sauer si tenian algun conoçimi<ent>o de las armas que

usamos. Y para esto tome una espada desnuda y hize
q<ue> se la queria arrojar. Y al punto que la bieron dieron
un alarido alçando grandes boces y era que todos querian
q<ue> la arrojase pero cada uno la queria particularmente.Y
y para esto ofreçieron con señas toda la agua y fru-
tas pescado y mas. Uno que penso lleuarsela con
aquello saco de debajo munchos petates y algunas
arquillas curiosas y todo lo ofreçia. Al fin se fueron
sin ella y despues boluieron otras dos vezes con el
mismo deseo y ofreçieron lo que tenian. Todas estas
muestras dieron de desear muncho la espada y tan
bien un cuchillo biejo que uno rrescato lo aparto ap<art>e
y sobre el ubieron de rreñir entre ellos. Al fin se quedo
con el el que lo tomo que al parecer deuia de ser mass
prinçipal y baliente y aun de mejor e<n>tendimi<ent>o por q<ue> lo
que queria rrescatar. Baylaba con ello y hazia munchos
meneos al parecer para afiçionar a que se lo comprasen
e<n> dando a entender que estimauan ellos aquello y que
era bueno. Ella es gente muy corpulenta y de grandes
y fornidos miembros bastante yndiçio y argumento
de su muncha fuerça. Y el tenella es çierto por lo que les an
visto hazer españoles que estuuieron surtos seys me-
ses en una de estas yslas a los quales ellos acometieron
algunas vezes pero sin daño nin<gun>o y con alguno suyo por
la uestialidad que tenian en meterse por las bocas de
los arcabuzes hasta tanto que cayeron algunos q<ue> les
puso un poco mas freno y conoçimiento de lo que hera.

[4v]
Pero boluiendo a lo de las fuerças es gente que toma uno un coco
berde u seco cuuierto de una corteça de 4 dedos u poco menos
de grueso y tan tejido que es menester si es seco partillo con
una acha y le dan artos golpes antes que le desnudan de so-
lo la corteça. Y ellos de una puñada me afirman le parten todo
y dan con el en la cauesa y hazen lo mismo. Tanbien dizen que
un dia estando rrescatando en tierra con los españoles uno
de estos yndios se aparto u adelanto de los demas y tres hom-
bres se abraçaron con el para cojello y tenello para traello con-
42 TRANSCRIPTION

sigo. Y el se abraço con ellos y los llebaba arrastrando y el

yua corriendo de manera que para q<ue> los soltase fue menester
acudiesen otros con arcabuces y entonces los solto. Esto es
lo que toca a las fuerças. Su talle como digo es muncho mas
grande que el n<uestr>o hombres muy bien echos de todo el cuerpo y
mejor de piernas que esto es graçia general en ellos. Los yndios
de esta tierra la cara ancha y chata aunque bien agesta-
dos pero todos muy morenos la boca muy grande y los dientes
los labran agusandolos como de perro y mas y los tiñen con un bar-
niz colorado que no se quita que es para conseruar la dentadura
sin que jamas se cayga diente por viejo q<ue> sea. Otros los tiñen de
negro que tiene la misma propiedad que el colorado. Y esto hazen
tanbien los moros desta tierra. El cauello tienen muy largo
unos suelto otros le dan una lasada detras. No bisten asi hombres
como mugeres genero de rropa ni otra cosa alguna ni cubren parte
ninguna de su cuerpo sino como nacen andan. Tr<a>en pocas armas y son
solo sus arcos con unas puntas e<n> las flechas de gueso de pescado unos
dardillos arrojadisos y ponenle su punta quanto un geme de gueso de
pescado y muy fuerte y de palo tostado. Usan honda y esta desenbra-
çan con gran pujanza. Tra<e>n señidas unas talegas con piedras al
proposito. No se saue que tengan otras armas sa[l]uo si an echo algu<n>os
cuchillejos o otra cosa del hierro que rrescatan. Dizese una cosa bien
estrana de estas yslas que no ay en ellas ningun genero de animal
ora sea noçibo o prouechoso ni tanpoco abe o pajaro alguno. Esto
no lo uimos porque no surjimos pero lo afirman los que alli es-
tuuieron ser esto asi. Esta es la notiçia que hasta agora se tiene
de la gente de estas yslas que llaman ladrones.

[5r–7r, Blank]

[7v, Illustration: no caption]

[8r, Illustration] Cagayanes

[8v, Blank]
 chapter 2

Cagayans

[9r]
Descripçion de la tierra de la prouinçia de Cagayan
y estado della traje y usos de los naturales y
sus constumbres rrios y esteros della es como se sigue
Esta la boca del rrio que se llama Tajo que es el mayor q<ue>
ay en esta prouinçia adonde esta la poblazon de los españoles
que se llama la çiudad de Segouia. Corre este dicho rrio de norte
a sur sube hasta su naçimiento mas de sesenta leguas. Y a
la orilla de este dicho rrio ay munchas poblaçones de yndioss.
Tiene munchos esteros que bienen a desaguar al dicho rrio
en los quales ay ansimismo cantidad de indios.Y ay algunos
esteros que para subir a las poblazones de los yndios estan
quatro y çinco dias subiendo en barotos por los dichos esteros.
Siembran a las orillas del rrio grande y de estos esteros mun-
cha cantidad de arroz borona y camotes y autias que es su
comida y sustento. Apartados de los esteros en las montañ<as>
agrias auitan cantidad de negros los quales se sustentan
con camotes y autias y otras frutas saluajes que tienen y
buyos que es una yerba que toda la prouincia la estima en
muncho y es de muncho sustento para ellos. Es toda la
prouinçia muy fertil de munchos altos serros pelados y de
algunos llanos y sienegas adonde en el berano siembran
muncha cantidad de arroz. Tienen su ynbierno que es dende
primero de otubre hasta fin de hebrero. Rreyna el norte
en todo este tiempo a cuya causa no se puede nauegar
la costa de esta prouinçia por ser travesia y la mar muy braua.
Ay en este tiempo en el rrio munchas auenidas que por los
llanos la uenida del suele hazer daños en los arrozes y trae
munchas vezes con las auenidas los bufanos y benados
que coxe. Tienen los naturales muncho oro. Entiendese que
ay munchas minas del en las montañas y no las quieren des-
cubrir a los españoles a causa que no se las quiten. Tienen
asimismo unas piedras que preçian muncho que se llaman
bulaganes y bahandines que son joyas que traen las mu-
geres. No se a sauido ni ellos sauen dar rrazon si las sacan de mina

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_004

44 TRANSCRIPTION

[9v]
o donde las allan mas que todos dizen que las an heredado
de sus pasados. Y asi las estiman y tienen en muncho preçio.
Son negras y blancas a çercos. Su traje y constumbre de los
hombres es traer bahaques y unos sayos de manta negra an-
chos y largos hasta medio muslo. La mayor parte de los na-
turales andan en cueros. Y ay vn estero que se dize de lobo
que la gente del traen los bahaques de corteza de una arbol
curada y en la cabeça una benda de la misma corteza. Y este
mismo traje tienen por luto toda la tierra sino estos de arriba
que es su uso hordinario. Y todo el tiempo que traen luto no
comen arroz ni beuen bino sino tan solamente borona ca-
motes y otras yeruas. Traen el cauello largo caydo a las espal-
das y cortado todo lo que toma la frente hasta las çienes. Traen
ençima del unas guirnaldas de yeruas olorosas. Sus armas
son lanças y pabes largo de una braça y de ancho tres quartas.
Tienen unas armas colchadas y un bonete a manera de morrion
coloradas y unos puñales anchos de mas de ocho dedos y de
largo palmo y medio con cabos de hebano con que de un golpe
lleban una cabeça. Otros usan el arco y flechas aunque por
la mayor parte son los negrillos los flecheros. Tienen muncha
yerba que en sacando una gota de sangre morira con muncha
breuedad si no lo rremedian con la contrayerba. Los yndios de
Purrao que es cerca del naçimiento de este rrio Tajo usan
los yndios de alli las armas de pellejos de bufano curado que
son fuertes y duras de pasar que tienen coseletes y morriones
y pabeses anchos y largos. Estos tienen para sus guerras.
Esta prouinçia es gente que tienen guerras unos lugares
con otros y no toman a bida a ninguno aunque sea muger
o niños sino les cortan las caueças. Tienen en cada pueblo
vn prinçipal a quien obedeçen y rrespetan y estos por la mayor
parte son a [sic] yndios balientes que por sus echos los an señoreado

[10r]
y los obedecen. Sus inclinaçiones es [sic] procurar de quitarse
el oro el uno al otro y quitar una caueça gente muy traydora
y cruel. Todas sus fiestas son borracheras. Qualquiera que so-
lenisan es bebiendo hasta que se enborrachan. Y despues q<ue>
lo estan suelen armar pendençias entre ellos hasta que se matan
uos a otros. Y entonçes se conçiertan las juntas y trayçiones que
Cagayans 45

an de hazer para yr a quitar el oro al prinçipal del pueblo que

les parece y cortar caueças de yndios o yndias. Lo que adoran es
al diablo ynbocandole. Y de la figura que se les aparece lo pin-
tan llamandole generalmente anito. Tienen ansimismo
un pajaro que llaman bantay que este todas las vezes que sa-
len fuera de su pueblo aunque sea a sus contrataçiones si le
canta a la mano yzquierda del rrio o estero se vuelven. Y dejan
de seguir su uiaje teniendolo por mal agüero. Y lo propio es de
una garça parda si se leuanta de la mano derecha y se sienta a
la yzquierda del rrio o camino donde ban. Y haziendo en contra
de esto siguen su camino y ban muy contentos prinçipal-
mente si ban a hazer guerra con otros entienden que lleban
la uictoria de su parte. Y si la tienen y traen algun despojo o ca-
ueças de sus enemigos lo celebran asimismo con borrache-
ras tañendo unas campanas que ellos tienen baylando unos
y bebiendo otros y mugeres entre ellos y todos celebran la
fiesta de la uictoria que tuvieron poniendose en las guirnaldas
munchas plumas amarillas de oro pendolas. Y estas se las
ponen los yndios balientes que an cortado algunas caueças. Y su-
elen estar en estos bayles y borracheras dos y tres dias y mas
algunas vezes çelebrando esta fiesta. Los maganitos
que hazen que es el [sic] adoraçion que ellos tienen. Es cruel lo que
vnas biejas e yndios que andan en auitos de muger les dizen.
Y estos quando quieren sauer de su anito algun suceso hazen
traer a una sala u aposento cantidad de sacerillas [sic] llenas
de arroz y cangrejos y azeyte y agua y unas yerbas berdes y otras
cosas que les piden y todo esto cozido y junto lo dicho. Si el anito

[10v]
es por algun enfermo lo hazen que este alli junto y a sus
hijos y alrrededor del bayla y canta con un paño e<n> las manos
haziendo munchos ademanes. Y asimismo le ayudan otras
yndias que no hazen mas de baylar y bolberse a su puesto.
Y la maestra de esta serimonia se queda con el enfermo
y hablando entre si con munchos ademanes se queda medio
traspuesta. Y luego buelbe en si y se ba al enfermo y le unta
con azeytes la caueça y munchas partes del cuerpo. Y le dize
que el anito le dara salud. Y la comida que esta en las sal-
çerillas acauado el anito come el enfermo della y los hijos
y los demas de casa y si sobra algo lo bienen a pedir los vezinos
46 TRANSCRIPTION

como si fuera pan bendito. Y quando el maganito no es de en-

ffermo sino de desposorio o por las cosechas de sus sementeras
traen todo el oro y piedras preçiosas que cada uno tiene en-
sima de si y lo proprio las mugeres con todas sus joyas. Y hazen
juntas en casamiento en casa del desposado o del suegro. Y asi
para las simenteras y en una particular que tienen para este
efecto. Y alli enpieçan su anito bebiendo y comiendo y
tañen campanas y otros sones y las mugeres y mancebos
baylan. Y es de manera que en veynte o treynta dias que dura
esta fiesta no dejan de baylar y cantar en el bayle el qual
nunca esta baco sino que en cansan­dose unos estan otros
luego para entrar a ello. Y los demas prinçipales e yndios ba-
lientes estan comiendo y beuiendo hasta que se enborrachan
y caen que entonçes lo lleban a cuestas sus esclauos o muger
a que duerma. Y en boluiendo en si torna a la casa y junta y se
enborracha de nuevo. Y despues de auer pasado todo esto el tiempo
que estan en su anito la bieja maestra saca unas quentas
coloradas y las da a los yndios mas prinçipales y balientes
y a las mugeres de estos. Y ellos las estiman en muncho y las
guardan como nosotros las que son benditas. Y los platos sal-
cerillas y uasijas en que se a echo este maganito las quie-
bran y echan fuera de la casa y no quieren que nadie se sirua
dellas. Y luego otro dia como salen de alli los que an de hazer

[11r]
simenteras acuden a ellas y ponen por obra y las cultiuan. Y si es
casamiento dandole el marido a la que a de ser su muger las arras.
Desde entonçes lo queda con condiçion que si por parte della se deshaze
el casamiento le a de boluer todo lo que le a dado y si por parte del
se a de quedar ella con todo el docte. Y es constumbre que el marido a de
doctar la muger y si no no se casan nunca. Y es constumbre entrellos
de casarse y descasarse por lo que se les antoja. Lo que hazen en naçiendo
la criatura es llebarla al rrio y laballa y la madre haze lo mismo.
Y alli le cortan a la criatura el ombligo y lo laban muy bien y lo
ponen a secar y danselo al padre para que lo guarde. Y el lo toma y lo
guarda e<n> una bolsa donde tiene las piesillas del oro. Y a los mucha-
chos en siendo de ocho años les enseñan a tirar con vn arco y flechas
y a otros como tienen de jugar una lança y paues y con el curso salen
Cagayans 47

grandes flecheros. Y si algun prinçipal tiene algun hijo pequeño

procura en las guerras donde el ba traelle vn muchacho o yndio
para q<ue> les corte las caueças y ceballe a su ynclinaçion. Es gente
muy çelosa y suelen matar las mugeres si las hallan con otros yn-
dios. Y sobre esto acaese mouerse guerras entre ellos que cuestan
munchas muertes.

La constumbre que tienen en los

entierros es la siguiente
Lleban una sarta de bahandines y bulacanes los çinco grandes
y los otros medianos y los bulaganes muy buenos.
Çinco sartas de bulaganes y bahandines de munchos generos ceñidos
en la barriga.
Vnas orejeras que suelen pesar quinze taes de oro.
Vn gorjal de oro uatido que dizen pesa dos taes de oro.
Lleban vn paño negro ceñido por la barriga y pecho con munchos le-
ones de oro y otras figuras sembrado por todo el de muncho ualor.
Vnos palillos de oro con vn plumaje que suele traer vn puñal en la
caueça quando ba a las guerras todo de oro de muncho ualor.
Entierranlos en vn hoyo de dos braças de hondo quatro braças de largo
y braça y media de ancho donde esta un baroto aserrado por medio el
medio debajo entero y el de arriba en dos pedaços como puertas y una ta-
bla por la misma abertura e dos petates puestos ençima. Y alli

[11v]
le meten un chicubite de bonga y otro de cal y otro de buyo.
Metenles dos chicubites de mantas cada lado el suyo
dos chicubites de platos a cada lado el suyo
un chicubite en que le ponen los tiborçillos de azeyte y otros muy
oloroso azeytes.
Dos bateas la una a la cabesera y la otra a los pies.
Cubrenlo todo de tierra y luego hazen un camarin sobre la sepoltura.
El traje de las mugeres es la chinina hasta el ombligo largas
de mangas y las atan por las espaldas con una çinta.
Tienen las mantas cortas hasta la rrodilla abiertas por vn lado.
En la caueça traen trançado el cauello con un bejuco muy bien la-
brado y delgado y muy largo el cabello muy bien curado con sus açeytes.
andan descalças aunque sea la mas prinçip<a >l.
48 TRANSCRIPTION

[12r–13v, Blank]

[14r, Illustration] Negrillos

[14v–17v, Blank]

[18r, Illustration] Zambales

[18v–19r, Blank]

[19v, Illustration: no caption]

[20r, Illustration] Zambales

[20v, Blank]
 chapter 3

Sambal

[21r]
Entre munchas cosas que usan estos çanbales
es que si matan alguno al momento le quitan
la caueça y hazen una como corona con el bararao
y por alli le c[h]upan los cesos. Y despues guardan
el casco o cauesa porque demas de tenello por
hazienda entre ellos es aquella la onrra y los tro-
feos suyos. De manera que el que mas hombres ha
muerto y mayores c[r]ueldades a echo es tenido por mas
brauo y ualiente. Su auitaçion ordinaria es por la
mayor parte en tierras montuosas y en serranias
muy asperas. Es gente muy suelta y ligera muy atre-
uida para una uellaqueria y trayçion que con est<a>s
hazen sus mangas pero couarde sacados dellas. Usan
un rrito maldito y de gran crueldad que es que si
uno tiene munchos hijos haze cuenta con la ha-
zienda y oro que tiene y rreparte a su parecer al primero
y segundo. Y si es poco solo al primero y todos los de
mas los matan o benden por esclavos a otros. Y quando
le an de matar hazen un maganito que es su borra-
chera y alli después de bien beuidos matan el muchacho.
Tambien si se les muere algun pariente cercano o se
lo matan an de matar por aquel otros hombres en
bengança de la muerte de su deudo. Y hasta cumplir
esto traen luto cortandose los cauellos de atras q<ue>
por delante no los traen y dexando de comer arroz y
otras cosas que ellos prometen de no hazer hasta auen-
garse. Comen carne cruda mejor que pe[r]ros porque en
matando un carabao que es bufano le abren
y comen las tripas sin labar ni limpiar de cossa y
este tienen por gran rregalo. Otras munchas cossas
guardan que se parecen a los demas yndios de estas

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_005

50 TRANSCRIPTION

[21v]
yslas que por euitar prolijidad y deçillas en las
demas rrelaçiones que ban con esta no se rre-
fieren aqui.

[22r–23r, Blank]
[23v, Illustration: no caption]
[24r, Illustration] Bissayas.
[25r, Blank]
[25v, Illustration: no caption]
[26r, Illustration] Bissayas.
[26v, Blank]
 chapter 4

Visayans

[27r]
Constumbres y usos serimonias
y rritos de Bisayas
Aconstumbran los Bisayas a pintarse los cuerpos con
vnas pinturas muy galanas. Hazenlas con hierros de
azofar puestos al fuego y tienen ofiçiales muy pulidos
que los saben bien hazer. Hazenlas con tanta horden y
conçierto y tan a compas que causan admiraçion a quien
las be. Son a manera de lumi­naciones. Pintanse los
hombres todas las partes del cuerpo como son los pechos
barriga pierna y brasos espaldas manos y muslos y al-
gunos los rrostros. Las mugeres se pi[n]tan sola­mente las
manos muy galanamente. A los hombres sirben estas
pinturas como si fuesen bestidos y asi parecen bien aunq<ue>
andan desnudos de hordinario que no traen en el cuerpo
sino vn paño de algodon de largura de dos brasas poco mas
y de anchura de tres cuartas el qual con unas bueltas
muy pulidas que con el hazen poniendoselo rrebuelto
a la sintura y entre una pierna y otra tapando con el sus
berguensas y partes tra­seras quedando todo lo demas del
cuerpo desnudo. Al qual paño en su lengua llaman bahaque
y con esto paresen bien las pinturas como si fuesen un bestido
muy galana. Tiene otra manera de bestidos que son unas
mantas de algodon que hazen unas como rropas de leban-
tar. Son serradas por la delantera. Traen los hombres en
las cauesas unas muy galanas toquillas de munchas
colores que puestas en la cauesa hazen con ellas una
manera de tocado como turbante turquesco. Llaman a
estas en su lengua purones. Y çierto que es vistoso y galano.
Y los que son moços lo traen muy pulido con munchas
listas de oro.
El abito y bestiduras de las mugeres bisayas son unas
mantas muy listadas de diuersas colores echas de al-

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_006

52 TRANSCRIPTION

godon y otros de una yerba que tienen de que las labran.

Y algunas ay que las traen de tafetan rrazo y damasco
de lo que biene de la china. La echura de todas ellas es
cosida la manta por una y otra parte quedando echa

[27v]
como una saca grande de trigo con dos bocas. Y metiendo-
sela una de las bocas por la cabesa quando se la bisten
y despues la doblan de la çintura abajo cayendo las dos
bocas de la manta a la parte de abajo. Y dan una lasada con
la misma manta por ençima de la sintura cox[i]endola
por ser muy ancha y tener lugar con esto de dar la lasada.
Y les queda apretada al cuerpo y la lasada a vn lado muy
galanamente echa y entonces parece el bestido como
si truxe­sen dos faldellines el uno mas largo que el otro
porque con la dobladura que hazen biene a parecer desta
fayçion que digo. Traen junto con esto unos corpesuelos
o jubones con unas medias mangas arrocadas que les
llega hasta los codos aunque algunas ay que traen en-
teras todas las mangas. Son muy justas sin cuellos
y escotados. Abrochanlos por delante con unas trensas o
cordones de seda. Y munchas ay que traen muncha cha-
peria de oro con que los abrochan. Quaxanlos de cadenilla
de oro vespigueta cada una como mejor puede. No traen nin-
gun genero de camisas ni las aconstumbran porque todo
esto lo traen a rrayz de las carnes. Y se les parece la çintura
y barriga. Traen las piernas descubiertas casi un palmo.
Quando ban fuera lleban unas cubiertas como mantos.
Son de algodon y blancas y algunas ay que lo lleban de
tafetan de colores. Quando ban fuera las mugeres de
sus casas a ber y biçitar otras ban muy despaçio haziendo
mill meneos can el cuerpo llebando un braço colgando
mangeando con el porque tienen por gran bizarria.
Lo mismo hazen los hombres. Si son prinçipales sue-
len llebar las mugeres unas como coronas y guir-
naldas en las cauesas echas de oropel que se les trae
de la China a bender y algunas bezes quando no lo
tienen las lleban echas de flores y rrozas de los cam-
pos.
Visayans 53

[28r]
Los bisayas tienen y sienten del origen y prinçipio
del mundo una cosa harto para rreyr llena de mill
desatinos. Dizen que antes que obiese tierra abia sielo y
agua solamente lo qual era ab eterno. Y que abia un abe
que andaba siempre bolando entre el sielo y el agua sin
hallar donde rreposar. Que esta abe hera el milano. El
qual andando bolando cansado de su contino bolar de-
termino de rrobolber al çielo y al agua para ber si por aqui
hallaria alguna parte donde poder asen­tarse y descansar
del contino trabajo que de andar bolando tenia porque
en el çielo no hallaba lugar para ello ni menos en el agua.
Y subiendose bolando hazia el çielo le dixo que la mar
dezia que se abia de lebantar en alto y meterse en el
çielo hasta anegarlo con su agua. Y que el çielo dixo al
milano que si la mar hiziese lo que dezia para quererle
anegar que el le echaria enzima de su agua munchas
yslas y piedras de manera que no pudiese jamas llegar
su agua adonde el çielo estaba ni hazelle mal alguno
porque con las yslas e piedras que le echaria enzima
la mar se andaria a la rredonda de ellas y no tendria lu-
gar de se lebantar contra el çielo como dezia ni subirse
en lo alto porque el muncho peso de las yslas y piedras
se lo estorbaria. Pues luego que el milano oyo esto al
sielo se bajo a la mar y le dixo que el çielo estaba muy
enojado con ella y que le queria echar enzima munchas
yslas e piedras muy gran­des y de muncho peso. Abiendo
la mar entendido lo que el milano dezia que el sielo
queria echar contra ella se enojo contra ella en tal manera
que comenso a lebantarse y a creser y subirse tanto a-
rriba con tanta fuerça e ynpetu con determinaçion
de anergarle que el çielo començo a temer y a yrse suby-
endo mas arriba porque la mar no le anegase. Con lo
qual la mar se le lebantaba con mas fuerça y furor

[28v]
y procuraba subir mas alta. Y bisto el çielo que toda-
bia la mar le yba siguiendo y creçiendo mas le començo
a echar enzima munchas piedras muy grandes y mun-
54 TRANSCRIPTION

chas yslas con el peso de las quales la mar se fue aba-

jando a su lugar donde estaba primero. Y andaba entre
las yslas y piedras que el çielo le auia echado enzima que
no pudo mas subirse contra el quedandose el çielo en su
mismo lugar muy contento con lo que con la mar auia echo.
Pues luego el milano bido la tierra sobre la mar bajo
a ella con muncho contento por auer hallado donde
descansar del contino bolar que tenia. Y que estando en
la tierra descansado bio por el agua benir una caña que
tenia dos canutos tan solamente los quales la rresaca
de la mar los traya y llebaba hazia la tierra donde el
milano estaba a la orrilla de la qual siempre la rresaca
de la mar las llebaba a dar a los pies del milano. Y aunque
se desbiaba a otra parte para que no le diesen en los pies
todabia la caña se yba adonde el milano estaba y le
daba en los pies y le lastimaba con los golpes que le daba.
Por lo qual el milano començo a dar grandes picadas en
la caña y hizo tanto con el pico que bino a quebrar y
deshazer las dos canutos de caña. Y dellos salieron luego
del uno vn hombre y del otra vna muger. Y que estos
ffueron el primer hombre y muger que vbo en el mundo.
Y que el hombre se llamo Calaque y la muger Cabaye
de los quales dizen los bisayas que tubieren prinçipio
los nombres de muger y hombre que entre ellos ay por-
que en su lengua llaman al hombre alaque y a la
muger babay deribados de estos dos primeros nombres
de hombre y muger que fueron hallados en los dos ca-
nutos de caña que el milano hizo pedaços. Dizen mas
que luego que el hombre y la muger salieron de los dos ca-
nutos de caña el hombre dixo a la muger q<ue> se casasen

[29r]
el uno con el otro para que multiplicasen y hiziesen
generaçion. Y que la muger no quiso benir en el casamiento
diziendo que no hera justo que ellos se casasen porque
eran hermanos y se auian criado juntos en aquellos
dos canutos de caña donde no auia de por medio mas que
tan solamente vn nudo de la misma caña que si se casaban
los castigauan sus dioses Maguayem y Malaon
Visayans 55

que asi nombran y llaman a estos que son los mas prinçi-
pales dioses que entre ellos ay. El hombre dixo a la muger
que de ello no tuuiese ningun miedo que bien se podrian
casar. Y que para sauer si los dioses se enoxarian o no
de ello que se lo preguntasen a los peces de la mar que
ellos dirian si se enoxarian sus dioses de su casamiento.
Y con este acuerdo lo fueron a preguntar a las toninas.
Y les rrespondieron que se podian muy bien casar que
no tuuiesen temor que fuesen por ello castigados de
sus dioses porque tanbien se auian ellos casado siendo
hermanos como ellos. Y abian benido en grande mu[l]ti-
plicaçion y abundançia como bian y no les auia casti-
gado por ello los dioses. Y aunque esto bio y entendio
la muger no quizo benir en el casamiento con su her-
mano por el temor que a sus dioses tenia. Y el hombre
le torno a dezir que para mas sastifaçion de saber si
seria bien casarse entrambos y que no se enojarian dello
los dioses se lo tornasen a preguntar a las aues que
ellas lo dirian. Y acordados en esto se fueron entram-
bos a las palomas y se lo preguntaron diziendoles como
heran hermanos y si los dioses se enojarian si se casa-
ban el uno con el otro. Las palomas dixeron la misma
rrespuesta que auian dicho las toninas diziendoles
que era bien que los dos se casasen y que obiese dellos
muncha generaçion porque lo mismo auian ellas
echo por lo qual auian multiplicado tanto en la
tierra y que aunque heran hermanos no se auian por ello

[29v]
enojado los dioses. Y con todo esto que la muger oya
no oso determinarse a casar por el temor que a los
dioses tenia sino bino a dezir que si se auia de casar
hera preguntandoselo a algun dios de los suyos y
que si el se lo dezia que entonces se casaria y no de
otra manera. Y el hombre dixo que asi se hiziese. Y de
un acuerdo fueron ambos a lo saber y preguntar al
dios Linuc que es el temblor de la tierra. Y auiendoselo
preguntado dio por rrespuesta y dixo que hera cossa
justa que los dos se casasen y ampliasen el mundo
56 TRANSCRIPTION

con su generacion que no temiesen que por ello los dioses

se enojarian. Con lo qual la muger bino y concedio en
el casamiento pues los pescados y las aues y el dioss
Linuc se lo dezian con que el casamentero entre ellos
fuese el mismo dios Linuc temblor de la tierra. Y bol-
biendo a el para que los casase y los caso y quedaron contentos.
Dizen mas que poco tiempo adelante la muger se
empreño y bino a parir de una bez muncha cantidad
de hijos e hijas que no les podian sustentar despues
de criados porque heran todos tan haraganes que se
estaban en casa. Y no se les daba nada por buscar
lo necesario ni menos querian ayudar a sus padres
para ello. De lo qual se binieron a enojar con los
hijos y determinaron de los echar de su casa. E para
esto un dia biniendo el padre de fuera fingio benir
muy enojado. Y entrando en casa como los bido a
todos jugando y oçiosos tomo un palo y dando grandes
boces dio tras los hijos dando a entender que los auia de
matar. Y los hijos dieron a huyr no osando esperar a
su padre biendole tan enojado. Temiendo que les auia de
matar y se apartaron unos de otros donde mejor pu-
dieron yendose munchos fuera de casa de su padre.

[30r]
Y otros se metieron en el aposento de la casa y algunos
se quedaron en la sala prinçipal della. Y otros se es-
condieron detras de las paredes de la misma casa. Y otros
se fueron a la cozina y se escondieron entre las ollas
y en las chimeneas. Dizen pues estos Bisayas que
destos que se metieron en los aposentos de la cassa
bienen agora los señores y prinçipales que ay
entre ellos y los que mandan y a quien rrespectan
y sirben que son entre ellos como en n<uest>ra Spaña los
señores de titulo. Llamanles en su lengua datos. Y a los que
se quedaron en la sala prinçipal de la casa son los ca-
ualleros y hidalgos entre ellos porque son libres y no
pagan cosa ninguna. A estos llaman en su lengua
timaguas. Los que se pusieron detras de las paredes de
la casa dizen que son los que tienen por es­clauos a los qua-
Visayans 57

les llaman en su lengua oripes. Los que fueron a la

coçina y se escondieron en la chimenea y entre las
ollas dizen que son los negros diziendo y afirmando
que bienen de ellos todos los negros que ay en las
philipinas Yslas del Poniente en las serranias de
ellas. Y de las demas que se fueron fuera de casa que
nunca mas bolbieron ni su­pieron dellas dizen que
bienen todas las demas generaçiones que ay en el
mundo diziendo que estos fueron munchos y que
se fueron a munchas y diuersas partes. Y esto es lo
que tienen del prinçipio y criaçion de los hombres te-
niendo junto con esto a sus antepasados por dioses
como los tienen diziendo que les puede fauorecer
en todas sus neçesidades y dar salud o quitarsela. Y asi
quando las tienen los ynbocan y llaman te­niendo que
a todo les an de acudir.

[30v]
Dizen asimismo que la causa por que los que mueren
no tornan a bolber a este siglo es porque uno de sus ante-
pasados luego que començo a aber hombres que se dezia
Pan­daguam que fue el primero segun ellos que yn-
bento el arte y manera de pescar y hizo en la mar corrales
para este efecto. Que tomo un dia en un corral de pescar
que hizo un tibu­ron. Y que sacandole en tierra se le murio
y que le hizo obse­quias como si fuera algun hombre.
Por lo qual se enojaron contra el los dioses y enbiaron
vn rrayo del çielo que mato a Pandaguam porque hizo
obsequias al tiburon. Al qual Pandaguam despues
de muerto los dioses lo llebaron al çielo y entraron en
consulta con el y lo tornaron a enbiar al mundo auiendo
pasado treynta dias que murio para que bibiese y estuuie-
se en el. Y que en estos treynta dias que Pandaguam estubo
en el çielo y fuera del mundo su muger que se dezia Lo-
blobam se amancebo con uno llamado Marancon
entendiendo que Panda­guam su marido no abia de
bolber mas al mundo. Tenia Pan­daguam en esta su mu-
ger vn hijo que se dezia Anoranor el qual fue el primero
que bio a su padre quando bolbio al mundo. Porque estando
58 TRANSCRIPTION

en su casa lo bido porque alla fue donde primero Panda-

guam bino por ber a su muger Loboblam. Y pregun­tando
a su hijo Anoranor por su madre le dixo el hijo que no
estaba en casa y mandole que la fuese a buscar y le
dixese que ya abia rreçuçitado y que los dioses le abian
enbiado al mundo y que quedaba en su casa aguardan-
dola. Estaba Loboblam en aquella sazon quando el
hijo le fue a dezir lo que Pandaguam le mandaba en
casa de su amigo Maroncon holgandose en un conbite
que le hazia de un puerco que auia hurtado. Por lo qual es
tenido entre los bisayas este Maroncon por el ynbentor del

[31r]
hurto. Y como el hijo dixo a Loblobam que se fuese lu-
ego a su casa porque ya Pandaguam auia rresuçitado
y la enbiaba a llamar porque la queria ber enojose
de esto Loboblam con su hijo Anoranor dandole muy
aspera y fea rrespuesta diziendole que mentia en
lo que le auia dicho y que se fuese y no le dixese nin-
guna cosa de aquellas que pues ya Pandaguam era
muerto que no abia de bolber mas al mundo que
pues el tiburon a quien el mato y hizo obsequias
no abia rresucitado menos rresucitaria Pandaguam
su padre. Y con esta rrespuesta bolbio Anoranor a su
casa y dixo a su padre Pandaguam lo que su madre
Loboblam auia dicho dandole con esto quenta de
todo lo que auia echo despues que fue muerto con
el rrayo por los dioses y como se amancebo con Ma-
rancon. Sintia muncho Pandaguam esto y saliendose
de su casa con muncho enojo contra su muger se fue
al ynfierno a quien llaman en la lengua suya
Sular y que nunca mas pareçio ni bolbio al mundo.
De lo qual tienen estos Bisayas que los hombres
se hizieron mortales por auer hecho Pandaguam obse-
quias al ti­buron muerto. Y tienen tambien que la causa
por que los muertos no buelben a esta uida del mundo
despues que mueren fue porque la muger Loboblam
no quiso benir al mandado de Pandaguam su marido
porque de antes de todo esto que emos dicho tenian
Visayans 59

por ynmortales a los hombres. Y si alguno ma-

taban los dioses le rresucitaban luego y bol-
bian al mundo y a bibir como primero hizieron
a Pandaguam. Mas des aca todos los que se morian
yban al ynfierno a quien como emos dicho llaman
Sular. Hasta tanto que ubo entre ellos una mu-

[31v]
ger llamada Sibayc o Mahelucy y otros llaman Sibay
o Mastrasan la qual dizen hordeno un sa­crifiçio a
sus dioses para que las animas de los que muriesen
no fuesen al ynfierno sino que fuesen por ellos en-
biadas a cierta parte de aquellas yslas en las mas
asperas montañas donde no fuesen bistas de nin-
gun bibiente donde estuuiesen en uida rregalada
y en banquetes de lo qual adelante daremos mas par-
ticular rrelaçion. A este sacrifiçio que esta muger
ynbento llaman en su lengua maganito. Y pueden
lo hazer hombres y mugeres. Y los que los hazen les
llaman baylanes si son hombres y si son mugeres
baysanas que es como entre nosotros echiseros o
echiseras o encantadores o encantadoras y entre los
gentiles rromanos sacerdotes o sacerdotizas. Estos
ynbocando a sus dioses o demonios por mejor dezir
con çiertas palabras superstiçiosas y ademanes que
tienen matando el sacerdote o sacerdotiza que
a de hazer el sacrifiçio con sus propias manos con
vna lança vn puerco. A el qual cortandole la cabeça
la pone por si y aparte de toda la demas carne no
tocando nadie a ella de los que presentes se allan
sino tan solamente el sacerdote que a de hazer
el sacrifiçio o maganito como ellos dizen diziendo
que aquella cabeça es para los dioses y que nadie
puede tocar a ella sino el que haze el sacrificio. El
qual despues de auer echo el sacrifiçio o echizo
se la come el solo. Y la demas carne se rreparte entre
todos los que se hallan presentes al sacrifiçio
comiendo muy esplendidamente bebiendo çierta
bebida que hazen de arros hasta que se enborrachan.
Y los lleban a sus casas sus criados y amigos de los braçosv
60 TRANSCRIPTION

[32r]
o a los hombros. Y este sacrifiçio es el que acostumbran
hazer quando esta alguno enfermo. Y para que
sus dioses le den salud y sauer dellos si les es acepto este
sacrifiçio hazen esto. Toman los que tienen este
ofiçio de sacerdotes el rre­daño del puerco que an mu-
erto y ponenlo sobre el suelo de una olla de barro to-
cando a este tiempo unas campanas que ellos aconstum-
bran haziendo con ellas muy grande rruydo diziendo
algunos cantares y haziendo otras cosas de rreguzijo
y alegria estando a todo presente el enfermo por
cuya salud haze el sacrifiçio derramando por el
suelo muncha de la bebida que alli tienen para solo
este efecto diziendo que aquello que se derrama es
para que beban sus dioses ynbocando junto con esto
a sus antepasados teniendo por çierto que les pue-
den fauorecer y dar salud porque tanbien los tie-
nen por dioses. Y si acaso el enfermo muere siendo
el tal persona poderosa quando le entierran me-
ten juntamente con el algunos de los esclauos q<ue>
tiene enterrandolos bibos de por si porque al prin-
çipal ponenlo en un ataud de madera dentro de
su mesma casa diziendo que los an menester los
difuntos para que les sirban en el otro mundo
y les aderesen la comida y lo demas que obieren me-
nester. Para lo qual hazen otro sacrifiçio y borra-
chera de munchos conbites ynbocando a los de-
monios con çiertas palabras que aconstumbran
pidiendoles que tengan por bien q<ue> las animas de
todos aquellos que alli se entierran las dexen
salir del ynfierno y las lleben a unas serranias
muy asperas y muy altas a donde no auita gente

[32v]
por su muncha asperesa para que alli esten hol-
gandose y banque­teando en bida rregalada en las
quales ellos entienden que estan sus antepasadoss
ocupados de contino en comer y beber muy rregalada-
mente. Y afirman tan en suceso este desbario que
oyrselo pone admiraçion de ber quan creydo tienen
Visayans 61

esto que no ay quien se lo quite de la cabeça aunque

mas les digan y afirmen que no es asi ni pasa lo q<ue>
tienen. Otros abusos y supestiçiones como es que
saliendo de sus casas para alguna parte si alguno
dellos o otro estornuda se tornan a entrar en ellas
y se estan vn çierto espaçio de tiempo que no tornan
a salir y acauado salen y ban a hazer lo que yban.
Y quando an de yr a alguna parte fuera de sus
pueblos a contratar o a hazer guerra o a otra cossa
alguna echan suertes con unos cormillos [sic] de
caymanes que para esto tienen para por ellas
saber si les a de suceder bien en aquel camino que
quieren hazer. Y si la suerte muestra que a de suçeder
bien en aquel camino que quieren hazer y si la
suerte muestra que a de suceder bien ban luego
a ello haziendo primero dos o tres dias borracheras.
La misma horden guardan si an de yr a la guerra.
Y si la suerte no es buena dejan el camino o biaje
por algunos dias hasta que le salga buena suerte.
Ay asimismo entre los bisayas unos a quien
ellos llaman axuanos o malaques que es lo
mismo que entre nosotros brujos. Y dizen que
tienen poder para matar a quien ellos quieren
con solo dezir que se mueran las personas a quien
estos axuanes o malaques quieren matar.

[33r]
Y dizen que tanbien hazen lo mismo si se enojan
con alguna persona que con solo mirarla matan.
Y si alguna vez sucede que en el pueblo o parte donde
alguno de estos echizeros estan que muere algu-
na persona prinçipal o hijo suyo matan luego
los parientes del prinçipal que murio al echizeron [sic]
que esta o bibe en aquel pueblo juntamente con
todos los de su casa y parentela diziendo que aquel
brujo mato al tal prinçipal y que por esto nadie de
su linaje a de quedar bibo porque el que quedare a de
ser como el mismo echizero y a de matar a otros muchos.
Quando juran aconstumbran dezir en sus jura-
mentos estas palabras teniendolas por gran jura-
62 TRANSCRIPTION

mento y que el que las dize no a de osar dezir mentira:

el sol me parta bayame yo con el sol o muerame
con el o el cayman o lagarto me coma si esto que digo
no es ansi verdad teniendo que si no la dizen les a de
suceder lo que en el juramento an jurado. Y con todo
dizen mill mentiras y falsos testimonios.
Tienen por muy çierto que todos los que mueren
a puñaladas o les come algun lagarto o bestia
fiera asi de mar como de tierra o la que mata al-
gun rrayo del cielo que los tales a quien semejantes
muertes suceden sus animas ban al çielo con sus dioses
y no a las serranias altas que atras diximoss [sic]
que ban los que mueren de sus enfermedades
diziendo que estos se suben al çielo por los arcos
que en el parecen quando ay [l]lubias a los quales
estiman y tienen en muncho diziendo que son muy
valientes.
No tienen templos ningunos donde adoren y rreberen-

[33v]
çien a sus dioses ni menos tienen ningunos rre-
ligiosos que les enseñen ni prediquen sus rritos
ni hagan bida de abstinençia ni rreligion como ti-
enen los demas ydolatras que ay en el mundo.
Tan solamente tienen los echizeros o echizeras
que emos dicho los quales no hazen otra cosa mas
que la su­pestiçiones [sic] de matar el puerco con todo lo
demas que sobre ellos diximos ni ay mas horden
de rreligion.
Estos bisayas traen el cabello muy largo asi
hombres como mugeres. Y preçianse muncho dello
peynandose muy a menudo echando en el çiertos
ynguentos olorosos que hazen para ello. Traenlo
cojido a un lado de la cabeça echo con el mismo ca-
bello una lasada muy pulida que no se les deshaze
si de proposito no se la quitan. No traen ningun tocado
las mugeres en que lo traygan coxido sino sola-
mente como e dicho con la lazada que en su manera
es muy pulida y parecen bien. Y los hombres lo
Visayans 63

traen cojido con unas telillas muy galanas con que

le dan unas bueltas a la rredonda de la cabeça a las
quales llaman purones de que luego trataremos.
Los hombres y mugeres traen las orejas abiertas
por munchas partes y en las aberturas dellas se
ponen las mugeres y hombres munchas cosas y jo-
yas de oro echas con muncho primor. Porque ay para
esto entre ellos munchos y muy buenos ofiçiales
que labran de philygrana escoxidamente y con
muncha sutileza. Unos son de echura de rrosas
y estas las traen las mugeres solamente y llaman-
las pomaras. Otras son como argollas rredondas

[34r]
que las traen los hombres y mugeres llamanles
panicas. Y traen algunos tres o quatro pares dellas
en las orejas que como agujeros
en ellas lo pueden hazer.
No tienen estos bisayas rrey ni persona mayor
a quien todos obedezcan. Generalmente lo que mas
tienen es en cada vn pueblo ay uno o dos o mas prin-
çipales a quien en su lengua como emos dicho lla-
man datos que es como en España señores de titulo.
A estos obedecen los de aquel pueblo en todo lo
que les mandan porque los mas dellos son esclauos
de estos y los que no lo son en el pueblo son deudos de
los datos a los quales llaman timaguas que es lo
que en Castilla hidalgos porque son esentos de no
pagar ni contribuyr ninguna cosa a los datos o
principales.
Tienen de hordinario entre si los bisayas munchas
guerras. Mayormente antes que bini-
esen españoles a su tierra que apenas abia pueblo
que tubiese paz con sus vezinos matando y rroban-
dose unos a otros con muncha crueldad haziendose
mill trayciones que de esto son grandes maestros
tomandose unos a otros por esclauos no guardando
la palabra que daban y prometian. Agora despues
que ay entre ellos españoles an çesado casi de todo
64 TRANSCRIPTION

punto estas cosas porque apenas ay entre ellos gue-

rras y diferençias porque los españoles se las com-
ponen y les quitan de debates porque como los tie-
nen en encomienda y les pagan tributo procurando
que no aya ninguna de estas cosas y las justiçias por
su parte hazen lo mismo.

[34v]
Las armas que estas gentes acostumbran
son unos puñales de estraña echura las uaynas de
madera llamanles bararaos y unas lanças con unos
hierros de echura de lenguados las astras [sic] pequeñas
del estatura de un hombre poco mas. Tienen pabeses
de madera con que se cubren los cuerpos quando pelean.
Son largos y angostos. Tienen algunos muy galanos
y pintados. Hazen unas armas a manera de coraças
de hilo de algodon muy fuertes que aunque les den
o tiren con una lança avnque sea ­muy çerca no les
haran daño ninguno. Tienen otras echas de palo a mane-
ra de petos y espaldares que defiende una flecha y
vna lança detienen arcos y flechas en los hierros de
las quales echan algunas vezes ponçona que ay
muncha en las yslas philipinas. Y en algunas
de estas yslas husan unas serbetanas [sic] como las que
en España ay con que matan pajaros con las quales
tiran unas flechuelas muy pequeñas con hierros
muy agudos las quales tiran por el agujero de la ser­-
batana. Y ban los hierros de estas flechuelas lle-
nos de ponsoña o yerba. Y si hazen sangre en la herida q<ue>
dan o hazen mueren de ella aunque sea muy poca.
Hazen munchas lansas de palo y cañas con las puntas
tostadas las quales tiran muy a menudo quando
pelean unos con otros. Tienen rrodelas echas de bejucos.
Son muy fuertes porque no se pueden cortar ni pasar
de ninguna cuchillada que sobre ellas den. En al-
gunas partes traen en las cabeças unos como cascos
o morriones echos de cuero de pescado que son muy
fuertes. Tienen algunos coseletes echos de cuero de
bufano y algunos ay de cuero de elefante que
ay algunos en una ysla llamada Sonxolo aunque no
Visayans 65

[35r]
tan grandes como los de la Yndia.
Tienen muncha manera de nauios de muy dife-
rentes echuras y nombres con los quales hazen sus
guerras y ban a sus nave­gaçiones. Son por la mayor
parte pequeños los que vsan para la guerra e yr a
rrobar llaman barangays y si son algo grandes lla-
manles vireyes. Estos son muy largos y angostos.
Ban en ellos çinquenta personas y si son algo grandes
ban çiento. Todas las quales an de rremar ecepto el
prençipal [sic] que ba en el nauio. Los rremos de estos
nauios son del tamaño de una bara de medir poco mas
con sus palas muy bien echas. Estos rremos no los a-
tan al nauio para rremar con ellos sino que sen-
tados los que rreman a bordo del nauio ban rremando
con el rremo muy descansadamente con entrambas
manos. Son los nauios demasiadamente ligeros.
Echan dos o tres andanas de rremos por banda quan-
do tienen gente para ello yendo asentadas y puest<as>
estas andanas que digo en unos contrapesos que
los nauios lleban echos de cañas muy grandes
que ay en todas las philipinas yslas del poniente
los quales contrapesos ban fuera del cuerpo del
nabio por entrambas partes. Y en ellas ban sentados
los que rreman muy sin pesadumbre. Con estos
contrapesos ban los nabios muy seguros que
no pueden çoçobrar. Y çufren muncha mar a causa
que suspenden el nauio para arriba. Y no quiebran
las olas en el cuerpo del nabio sino en el con-
trapeso. Usan de belas rredondas como las n<uest>ras.
Tienen otros nabios que llaman birocos. Sson [sic]
mas grandes que los que emos dicho porque ay al-

[35v]
gunos que son de porte de quinientas o seysçientas
hanegas de trigo. Son tanbien de rremos mas son
muy largos y ban atados al nabio como los n<uest>ros.
Y tienen diferente echura estos. Son los mayores
nauios que tienen. Todos los demas son pequeños.
Y nombranlos por muy diferentes nombres. Y tie-
66 TRANSCRIPTION

nen diferentes echuras que no ay para que tratar

aqui dellos pues no ynporta muncho.
No tienen estas gentes justiçias ni hombres di-
putados para el bien comm<un>d de sus rrepublicas
ni se castigan los delitos que hazen o cometen por
ninguna persona sino que cada uno es agrauiado
toma por si la satisfaçion de las ynjurias que le son
fechas. Los prinçipales hazen lo que quieren sin
aber quien les baya a la mano haziendo esclauo
al que se les antoja por muy poquito que contra
ellos se haga y dan libertad con la misma façilidad
a quien quieren sin auer quien en nada les uaya a
la mano avnque despues que los españoles estan
en las philipinas y las tienen pobladas no les dexan
hazer ni con­sienten a nadie ninguna de estas tira-
nias yendo a la mano a prinçipales y a los
demas que las quieren hazer y lo mismo en las
justiçias donde estan.
Los edifiçios y casas que tienen y asientos de los
pueblos son muy rruynes porque no tienen traça
ni horden ni conçierto en ello. Son de palos y de cañas
muy grandes que ay en todas las philipinas yslas
del poniente porque tienen a siete y a ocho braças
y tan gordas como casi el muslo. Sirbense de ellas

[36r]
para todos sus edifiçios y obras. Hazen de ellas
las paredes y suelos altos de las casas partiendolas
por medio. Y texen de las unas con otras de la manera
que los çesteros hazen las mimbres quando hazen
alguna canasta. Los pueblos no tienen con­çierto
en sus calles ni casas sino que cada uno la asienta
y pone donde le parece. Ay en las calles y entre lass [sic]
casas mun­chos arboles silbestres y palmas de cocos
avnque en las partes que ay doctrinas los rreligiosos
les an puesto que tengan en esto alguna puliçia y
la ay. Tienen de hordinario las casas y pueblos a
la orilla de los rrios y partes pantanosas y cenagosas
porque entre ellos lo tienen por mejor. Bañanse todos
Visayans 67

los dias hombres como mugeres una o dos vezes

al dia publicamente echando las carnes de fuera
tapandose las verguenças con las manos tan so-
lamente hasta entrar donde se las cubra el agua. A
cuya causa son todos los mas muy grandes nadadores
y amigos de andar en el agua asi hombres como mu-
geres porque desde que nacen los eñsenan a esto.
En sus casamientos tienen esta constumbre que
queriendo algun padre a su hijo con hija de otro
el padre del hijo se conçierta con el padre de la hija en
esta manera que le da para ella y porque se case con
su hijo çierta cantidad de oro o su ualor como mejor
entre ellos se conçiertan conforme a la calidad de
cada uno. Y esta cantidad se la da a el padre de la moça.
Y se queda con ella sin darla a su hija hasta tanto
que los casados hazen y tienen casa por si y aparte que en-
tonçes se la dan. En estos casamientos se ayudan los
parientes unos a otros de esta manera que el padre
de la desposada haze al padre del desposado que de a sus deu-

[36v]
dos de la desposada alguna cossa por rrazon del
casamiento y lo que les dan a los parientes se que-
dan con ello.
Mejoran entre ellos de hordinario a las mugeres
diziendo que pues ellas no an de yr a ganar lo necesario
las an de mejorar. Puedense casar con las mugeres
que quisieren estando bibas todas sin que por ello
tengan pena ni castigo. Si quieren descasarse de
la muger que tienen lo pueden hazer dexandole
lo que dio por ella al tiempo que se caso al qual
preçio llaman buguey que es lo que en España lla-
mamos docte. Y si es la muger la que se quiere des-
casar no a de llebar nada y qualquiera de los dos
se pueden luego tornar a casar. Si la muger haze
adulterio puede el marido dexarla y quitalle
todo lo que tiene y pudiendo aber al adultero
lo puede matar en qualquier parte sin pena ninguna.
Y si le da alguna cosa la puede tomar y le perdona
68 TRANSCRIPTION

por ello y con esto no es afrenta entre ellos aun­que

lo que le da sea de muy poco balor. Al prinçipio del
casa­miento no paran en que la muger este uirgen
uno porque todas las mas estan çierto tiempo corrom-
pidas y no hazen caso desto ni rreparan en ello
aunque tienen por afrenta el parir no siendo casadas.
Traen las mugeres en los braços munchas manillas
de oro y otras de marfil. Y tambien los hombres usan
de esto muy de hordinario. A las de oro llaman ganbanes
y las de marfil tiposos. Estiman en muncho las de
marfil. Traen al cuello algunas cadenas de oro te-
niendolas por muncha gala y bizarria. Las mugeres
se ponen en las piernas manillas de oro y a laton

[37r]
porque las traen descubiertas hasta las panto-
rrillas y tiene traer [sic] manillas en las piernas por
muncha gala.
Los juegos y pasatiempos son hazer que los gallos
peleen unos con otros teniendolos para esto muy
cebados y rregalados en sus casas. Y quando an de pe-
lear ponenles unas nabajelas [sic] muy sutiles y agudas
echas como alfanjuelo con un encaje para atarsela
a las piernas junto adonde les nace el espolon. Y
desta manera les hazen pelear unos con otros po-
niendo por preçio que el dueño del gallo que saliere
bencedor llebe al bencido para se le comer o hazer
del lo que quisiere. Este solo juego e pasatiempo tie-
nen y hazer borracheras que esta es la fiesta mas
prinçipal que entre ellos ay. No tienen dia de fiesta
ni de guardar para ninguna cosa. Agora que los es-
pañoles estan en aquellas partes an tomado de ellos
algunos juegos como es el de el argolla y damas de
ajedres de que ay muy buenos maestros espeçial-
mente del argolla. Algunos se an dado a los naypes
y los juegan aunque de estos ay pocos.
Los ofiçios que ay entre ellos son carpinteros
que hazen todo lo que se les pide de carpinteria como
son casas caxas nauios bancos. Los nabios hazen
Visayans 69

sin llebar ningun genero de hierro ni brea ni otro

betumen sino tan solamente la madera. Y hazenlos
tan estancos que no les entra agua ninguna. Son
en estremo muy pulidos y bien labrados. Y plateros
de oro que labran de filigrana sutilisimamente y
saben fundir y afinar el oro muy bien. Y herreros q<ue>
hazen de hierro muy bien qualquier herra­mienta

[37v]
que se les pida. Estos son los ofiçios que entre ellos
ay mas hordinarios. Y hazen todos los demas en
que les ynponen que para todo tienen abilidad.
Son en general grandisimos araganes y enemigos
del trabajo. Gastan el mas tiempo del año en andarse
holgando y enborrac­handose que si la neceçidad no
les costriñese dexarian de sembrar sus semen-
teras y arroz y las demas cosas que siembran para
su sustento. No tienen guertas ni legumbres
ni arboles frutales que cultibar porque todas
sus frutas son silbestres y agras y de mal gusto
y paladar. Solo los plantanos son buenos. De estos
ay gran cantidad y dibersidad de munchas suertes
dellos los quales cultiban en sus casas y semen-
teras con algunas cañas dulces y patatas y ca-
motes de que tanbien ay abundanç­ia.
No aconstumbran a dormir en camas ni las
tienen aunque ay commodidad para ello por-
que las podrian hazer de çierta cosa que coxen de
los arboles que en su lengua llaman baro
que sirbe por colchones como lana. Duermen en
el suelo de sus casas en lo alto dellas que es lo
que auitan porque de lo bajo no se sirven. Ponen
debajo de los cuerpos tan solamente unas
esteras de palmas. Otros duermen en unas como
hamacas echas de mantas de algodon las quales
cuelgan con dos rramales de soga de los palos o
cañas de la casa. Y desta manera son sus camas.
Las mugeres tienen por afrenta parir munchas
vezes espeç­ialmente las que auitan en los pueblos
70 TRANSCRIPTION

[38r]
cercanos a la mar diziendo que el tener
munchos hijos son como puercas a cuya causa
despues que tienen uno o dos las demas vezes
que se empreñan estando ya de tres o quatro meses
que se les echa de ver la preñez matan la criatura
en el cuerpo y bienen a malparir. Y ay mugeres
que tienen esto por ofiçio. Y sobando las barrigas
ponen çierta yerba con que muere luego la cria­-
tura y malpare la preñada. Aconstumbran
tanbien hazer esto las que no son casadas quando
estan preñadas que tanbien tienen por afrenta
tener hijos no siendo casadas avnque no la
tienen en andar y tener quenta con los hombres
siendo solteras y estar con ellos amancebadas.
Son todas mas hordinaria­mente mas amigas
del trabajo que no los hombres porque cosen
labran hilan y texen mantas de algodon y o-
tras cosas de que se uisten. Ban a las semente-
ras y trabajan en ellas haziendo ofiçios de
hombres. En general son muy dadas al biçio de
la carne y muy ynteresales. No saben agradeser
ninguna buena obra que por ellas se haga
y lo mismo hazen los hombres. Y aunque les
den muncho jamas agradesen nada. Y no saben
dar en rreconpensa de lo que les dan ninguna
cossa porque su negoçio esta fundado en yn-
teres sin el qual no ay hazer birtud.
Ay entre estas gentes tres suertes y maneras de
esclavos. Unos a quien llaman hayoheyes.
De estos se siruen dentro de su casa de todo lo que
an menester. Y mientras que son solteross

[38v]
hazen todas la cosas que los mandan. Y en ca-
sandose toman casa de por si. Y mientras no
tienen hijos acuden a hazer el mismo serviçio
que hazian quando estaban dentro de las casas
de sus amos de çinco dias de la semana los dos.
Y entonces son de la segunda suerte desclauoss [sic]
Visayans 71

a quien llaman tuheyes. Y en teniendo hijos ban

quitando de los dias del servicio a su amo. Y si
tienen munchos hijos no sirben de ninguna cosa
diziendo que harto tienen que hazer en buscar
de comer para sus hijos. A la tercera suerte de es-
clauos llaman horohanes. Estos tienen tan
solamente nombre de es­clauos porque no sir-
ben de ninguna manera sino es quando sus amos
ban fuera [a] alguna guerra que entonces loss [sic]
lleban para bogar en los nabios en que ban
por la mar. Y si es por tierra ban haziendo ofiçios
de soldados. De hordinario lleban estos a sus ca-
sas quando hazen algun conbite y borrachera
para que se hallen en ellas como convidados.
Y quando estos esclauos se mueren sus hazien-
das sin dexar nada las toman sus amos para si.
Y si tienen hijos los tales hijos no an de serbir
a los amos de sus padres mientras los padres
biben. Mas luego que mueren sus padres an de
serbir a sus amos en lugar de sus padres y en el
mismo ofiçio que hazian siendo entre ellos
esto ley ynbiolable. Aconstumbran tan-
bien los prençipales [sic] hazer esclauos a los que
matan alguno o cometen algun adulterio.
Y esto es no teniendo alguna cosa con que poder pa-

[39r]
gar la muerte o adulterio que hizieron. Y en
esto no perdonan a nadie aunque sea muy cer-
cano pariente suyo. Y la pena que por estos delitos les yn-
ponen es çierta cantidad de oro o su ualor que sera como en
castilla quinze ducados quando mas. Y no pagando
esto quedan echos esclauos.
Aconstumbran los padres vender a los hijos y herma-
nos a hermanos en tiempo de neceçidad y hambre. Y que-
dan los ben­didos echos esclauos perpetuos. No se pres-
tan unos a otros cosa alguna y quando alguna co-
sa de estos hazen les an personalmente de seruir hasta
tanto que se la paguen rrealmente no descontando
por lo que les an seruido ninguna cosa. Y de otra manera
72 TRANSCRIPTION

no ay hazer virtud aunque sea vn hermano con otro. Tan-

bien se puede uno asimismo hazer esclavo de esta mane-
ra que siendo tan pobre que no tenga ninguna cosa con
que poderse sustentar porque le den de comer y lo demas
necesario se puede hazer esclauo. Y ay munchos que por
solo esto lo son. Tie­nen otras munchas suertes y mane-
ras porque hazen los prinçi­pales esclauos por no mas de
que pisan el sol las quales por ser tantos dexo de las de-
zir aqui por no cansar con ellas al letor. Y porque se bean
algunas y saquen por ellas las demas dire sola­mente
dos. La una es que por solo que alguno pase por junto
a un prinçipal o si el prinçipal se topa con el si no se
desia tan presto como quiere le hazen esclauo. Y si al-
guno entra o pone los pies en el agua [de la] sementera del
prinçipal le hazen esclauo. Y a este tono ban las demas
cossas que tienen para hazer es­clauos. No tienen ley
ni constumbre de obligar a nadie a pena de muerte
por ningun delito. Solo pueden hazerlos esclauos como e-
mos dicho mas matarlos en ninguna manera.

[39v]
Tienen por hermanos tan solamente a los que son hijoss [sic]
de un padre y de una madre. Y si el padre o la madre se casa
segunda vez y del matrimonio tienen algun hijo o hija
los que antes tenian qualquiera dellos del primer ma-
trimonio ni los nombran por tales porque tan
solamente llaman hermanos a los que son hijos de
un mismo padre y de una madre. No aconstumbran ce-
lebrar matrimonio ni hazerlo con estos herma­nos
de padre o de madre que esta sola diferençia hazen de
los demas devdos. Porque con todos se casan en qual-
quier grado de parentesco que sea fuera de padre y madre
o hermanos de padre y madre o de estos hermanoss [sic]
de padre o madre tan solamente a quien dezimos que
no tienen ni nombran por hermanos.
Las obsequias que estas gentes hazen a sus difun-
tos son que muriendo algum [sic] prinçipal le meten en
vna ataud de madera y ponenle en lo alto de la casa y
todas las noches le alumbran dos esclauos suyos con
Visayans 73

unos achones de cañas ensendidas que ellos acons-

tumbran de hordinario para este menester. Hazen
de esto mas de dos meses arreo. Y hazen matar algunos
esclauos del difunto dandoles la misma muerte que
su amo tubo como es que si murio ahogado en el agua
ahogan tanbien a los esclauos en el agua y si
lo mataron a puñaladas matanlo a puñaladas de
manera que de la misma muerte que el amo muere
an de ser muertos los esclauos. Y si muere de su en-
fermedad ahoganlo o entierranlo bibo diziendo
que asi es menester se haga porque estos esclauoss [sic]
que matan en la manera que emos dicho dizen

[40r]
que son para que bayan al otro mundo a servir a
sus amos y aderesalles la comida poniendo junto
con esto algunas ollas y platos debajo de las casas
con alguna comida colgados del enmaderamiento
de la casa, diziendo que aquello es para que los difun-
tos coman. Y a los muy prinçipales aconstumbran
enterrarlos en unos nauioos a quien llaman ba-
rangay con munchos esclauos suyos bibos y meti-
endo muncha comida bestidos y joyas diziendo que
los esclauos son para que les siruan como quando
andaban nauegando por la mar.
En las cosas de su comer no son nada curiossoss [sic]
porque no saben hazer guisados ni tienen en ello
alguna puliçia. Su hordinaria comida es vn poco de
arroz cocido en agua tan solamente y un poco de pes-
cado seco al sol que guele mal. Y esto tienen por comida.
Tanbien tienen algunas gallinas y puercos y be-
nados de que ay abundançia en las Philippinas y
bufanos que los ay en algunas partes de estas yslas
muy grandes y feroses. Tienen bino de munchas
suertes porque le hazen de arroz de palmas de cocoss [sic]
y de platanos y de otro genero de palmas que se crian
en los lugares senagosos a quien llaman en su len-
gua nipa. Este es rrazonable bino y se enborrachan
con el el que mas hordinariamente beben es el de
74 TRANSCRIPTION

el arroz y llamanle pangasi.

Quando hazen amistad con los que tienen guerra
o con otros algunos aconstumbran sacarse una
poca de sangre de los braços o de otra parte del cuerpo
y danla a beber a los que quieren ser sus amigos.
Y los otros hazen otro tanto y de esta manera dizen

[40v]
que queda el amistad y paz echa perfec­tamente
y que no se a de quebrantar.
Tanbien aconstumbran hacerse la dentadura
negra o morada haziendola muy de proposito de
esta manera con cierto çumo o yerba que para
esto aconstumbran traer en las bocas. Y al­gunos
traen los dientes engastados en oro. Especialmente
traen en este las mugeres haziendo con el oro en la
dentadura una fayçion como almeninas [sic] tan
pulidamente asentadas en el mismo hueso del
mismo diente que no parece sino que alli en la den­tadura
se nacio juntamente con ella. Y ponen esto
de manera que nunca jamas se cae el oro. Ay en-
tre ellos de este menester muy grandes y pulidos
oficiales.
No tienen genero de musica ni ynstrumento
della sino tan solamente unas como guitarras
o rrabeles que tienen tres o quatro cuerdas de alam-
bre en las cuales tañen sin primor al­guno ni con-
sierto. Vsan junto con esto algunas trompas echas
de caña que tañen con ellas de la misma manera
que nosotros con las trompas de Paris ponien-
doselas en la boca y dandoles con el dedo en
vna lengueta que tienen echa de la misma
caña. Esto solo tienen de musica. Y cuando ban
rre­mando en los nauios ban cantando a compas
como ban echando el rremo a bezes apresurada-
mente y otras yendo mas despacio.
Ffinalmente aconstumbran en el pecado de
la carne una cossa la mas nueba y nunca uista
Visayans 75

[41r]
ni oyda jamas en la qual parece el guia del bicio
y bestialidad que en este particular tienen. La qual
es que los hombres se ponen en el miembro genital
[marginalia: Drawing of penis ring]
y traen de hordinario en el unas rrodajas o sortijas
con unas puntas a la rredonda que salen de lass [sic]
mismas rrodajas o sortijas como de la fforma de
esta que esta en el margen las quales hazen de
plomo o de estaño. Y algunas ay de oro. Tienen echos
dos agujeros en la parte que haze el rredondo la sor-
tija o rrodaja uno por la parte de arriba y otro por la
parte de abajo por donde entra o meten vn pernete
o clauo del mismo metal que es la sortija que atra-
biesan el miembro del hombre por el nacimiento del
prepucio. Y asi queda la rrodaja o sortija puesta en
el mismo miembro genital de la misma mane-
ra coma quando se pone una sortija en el dedo. Y
asi tienen acceso con las mugeres. Y estan todo
vn dia o una noche pegados y asidos el uno con el
otro de la manera que quedan los perros quando
acauan de hazer semejante acto sintiendo en esto
gran delec­tacion mayormente las mugeres. Ay al-
gunas de estas ay al­gunas de estas [sic] rrodajas o sor-
tijas que son muy grandes. Tienen mas de treynta
suertes dellas y de cada suerte tienen su nombre
diferente. Y el general de todas [sic] es en su lengua
sacra. An tenido muy especial cuidado los espa-
ñoles despues que estan entre estas gentes de
quitar esta abobinable [sic] y bestial cons­tumbre.
Y an quitado munchas de ellas a los naturales
y casti­gadolos con açotes porque las traen. Y con todo
esto no aprovecha nada porque las traen y hazen

[41v]
muy de hordinario. Traen el peinete o clauo que
entra por los agujeros de la rrodaja o sortija y por
el miembro del hombre continuamente puesto
76 TRANSCRIPTION

en el mismo miembro porque el agujero no se

cierre o porque al tiempo de poner la sortija o rrodaja
no les de pesadumbre constumbre ynbentada por
el dimonio para que con ella los hombres ofen-
dan mas a dios n<uest>ro señor en este uiçio.
Esto que hasta aqui emos scrip<t>o son los rrictos y
serimo­nias vsos y constumbres que los bisayas y
gentes que auitan en las yslas Philipinas del
poniente emos sauido y esto de las personas mas
biejas y prinçipales que ay en ellas porque son
los que mejor las sauen por ynformacion bo-
cal de sus pasados que de unos en otros a benido de
tiempo ymemorial. Y lo cantan en sus cantares
donde dan a entender su principio. Y cuentan sus
g[u]erras y todas las demas cosas que emos dicho
porque no tienen otra scriputra ni cosa que se lo
diga ni enseñe sino son sus cantares a quien ellos
en su lengua llaman biaus.
 chapter 5

Moros

Constumbres y vsos de moros de

las Philipinas yslas del poniente

Los que llaman moros en las yslas del poniente no es

porque sean moros ni guarden los rrictos ni serimonias
de Mahoma porque no lo son ni tienen ninguna cossa
de moro sino solo el nombre. Sino porque luego
que aqui llegamos los españoles nos pareçio que

[42r]
eran moros y que tenian algunos rrictos de Mahoma
porque hallaron dello munchas muestras entre ellos
a causa que benian a estas yslas los naturales de
la ysla de Borney a tratar y contratar. Y estos de Borney
son moros como los de Berberia y guardan la seta de
Mahoma la cual comen­sauan a enseñar a los de las
Philipinas. Y asi comensauan a tener algunas cosas
della como era el rretajarse y no comer carne de puerco
y otras cosillas de la ley de Mahoma de esta suerte. Y
de aqui se les bino a poner el nombre de moros que
tienen. Mas ellos son rrealmente gentiles. Y tie-
nen casi las mismas constumbres y modas de vivir
que los bisayas avnque en lo de la criaçion del mun-
do y de los hombres lo sienten de otra manera que
ellos porque tienen muncha mas lumbre de rrazon
natural y mas bibos y sutiles yngenios. Y asi rri-
gen sus cosas por mejor horden y conçierto que no los
bisayas. Y porque todo lo digamos pasa de esta manera.
Tienen los moros de las Phili­pinas que el mundo
tierra y cielo y todas las demas cosas que en ellos ay
fueron criadas y echas por vn dios tan solamente
al cual dios llaman en su lengua bachtala
napalnanca calgna salahat que quiere dezir
dios criador y [c]onseruador de todas las cosas. Y por
otro nombre le llaman Mulayri. Dizen que este

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_007

78 TRANSCRIPTION

su dios esta en el ayre antes que ubiese cielo ni ti-

erra ni las demas cosas y que fue ab eterno y no echo
ni criado de nadie ni por nadie y que el solo hizo y crio
todo lo que emos dicho por sola su boluntad que-
riendo hacer una cosa tan hermosa como el cielo

[42v]
y la tierra y que hizo y crio de la tierra vn hombre
y una muger de los quales decienden y bienen todos
los hombres y generaciones dellos que ay en el mundo.
Y dizen mas que quando sus antepasados tuuieron
notiçias de este dios que es el que e[l]los tienen por
el mas prinçipal que fue por unos hombres profe-
tas cuyos nombres no sauen dezir, porque como no
tienen scriptura que se lo enseñe se an oluidado
de los nombres propios de estos profetas. Mas lo que
dellos sauen es que en su lengua les llaman tagapag-
basa nan sulatan a dios que quiere dezir declaradores
de los scriptos de dios por los quales supieron de este
su dios diziendoles lo que emos dicho de la criaçion
del mundo y de los hombres y de lo demas. A este pues
adoran y rreberencian en sus entendimientos.
Y en çiertas juntas que hazen en sus casas porque
no tienen templos para esto ni los aconstumbran
donde hazen unos conuites y borracheras donde co-
men y beben muy esplendidamente te­niendo
presentes a esto unas personas a quien en su lengua
llaman catolonas que son como sacerdoctes.
Y de estos ay hombres y mugeres. Lo que dizen que
hazen es dezir ciertas oraciones o palabras se-
cretas con alguna ofrenda de comida o be-
bida pidiendole que tenga por bien que haga a-
quello que le es pedido por la persona que haze a-
quel sacrifiçio echando juntamente con esto
çiertas suertes que tam­bien aconstumbran
con unos huesos o quentas que para esto tienen

[43r]
de rrespecto los quales catolonas o sacerdotes lle-
ban cierta paga por hazer este sacrificio.
Moros 79

Tienen asimismo otros munchos dioses que dizen

les sirben para otra cosa particular los quales dizen
que sus antepasados ynbentaron y hizieron diziendo
tener dellos neceçidad como es el dios que lla-
man Lacanbaco al qual tienen por dios de loss [sic]
frutos de la tierra. Y hazen para quando esto lo an me-
nester vn conbite y borrachera en las sementeras
en una rramada que alli hazen para este efecto
en la qual ponen una manera de altar. Y en el
ponen una estatua de palo que dizen que es el dios
Lacanbaco con los dientes y ojos de oro y la natura
dorada y del tamaño que quieren se [sic] sea la espiga de
sus arrozes. Y tiene el cuerpo todo gueco. Y alli a la
rredonda se ponen a comer y ban­quetear los que
hazen el sacrificio. Y lo mandan hazer que los
que lo hazen son los sacerdoctes que emos dicho
los quales meten al dios Lacanbaco de aquello
que alli comen en la boca y le dan a beber de la be-
bida que tienen. Y diziendo algunas palabras asi
supesticiosas [sic] tienen por cierto que les a de dar muy
buenos y cumplidos frutos de lo que le piden.
Tienen otro que dizen que es dios de los campos
y montes al qual llaman Oinon Sana y al
qual hazen sacrifiçios por los mismos sacer-
doctes [l]lamados catolonas de algunas comi-
das. Y dizen al­gunas palabras quando esto ha-
zen pidiendole a este dios que quando anden en
los campos y montes no les hagan mal ni daño

[43v]
ninguno diziendo que es poderoso para hazerles
mal y daño. Y porque no se lo haga le hazen este
sacrifiçio y conbite por tenello grato y propiçio.
Y a este mismo le tienen y temen muncho.
Tienen otro llamado Lacapati al qual le hazen
los mismos sacrifiçios de comida y palabras
pidiendole agua para sus se­menteras y para que
les de pescado quando ban a pescar a la mar di-
ziendo que si esto no hazen que no an de tener
agua para sus sementeras ni menos quando
80 TRANSCRIPTION

vayas [sic] a pescar an de tomar pescado ninguno.

Tienen otro a quien llaman Hayc. Este tie-
nen por dios de la mar al qual hazen tanbien
sacrifiçio de banquetes y comida por los mismos
saçerdoctes pidiendole que quando fueren nabe-
gando por la mar les libre de tormentas y bo-
rrascas que les de buenos tiempos y sosegadoss [sic]
bientos teniendo que para todo esto es poderoso.
Tienen tanbien a la luna por dios a la qual
adoran y rreberen­çian todas las vezes que es nueba
pidiendole que les de uida y rriquezas porque creen
y tienen por çierto que se las puede dar muy cumpli-
damente y alargalles la uida.
Tienen tanbien a sus abuelos por dioses dizi-
endo que estan en el ayre mirando siempre por
ellos y que las enfermedades que tienen se
las dan o se las quitan sus abuelos. Y asi les
hazen munchos banquetes y borracheras

[44r]
por los mismos saçer­doctes quando estan enfer-
mos. Y auiendo rrogado el saçerdocte por la salud
del enfermo estando munchos presentes a esto
toma el mismo sacerdocte vn buyo que es cierta
comida de una bellota que ay en las Philipinas y
vna oja arrebuelta en la bellota que de hordina-
rio la andan mascando todos los de estas yslas
porque es bvena para el estomago y dentadura y
vntan con aquello mascado a todos los que se ha-
llan presentes a este sacrificio para que no les de
aquella enfermedad que el enfermo tiene. Y con
esto tienen que sus abuelos les da salud en sus
enfermedades.
Tienen otros rritos y agueros como es si sueñan
algun sueño que no les benga a proposito de
lo que quieren hazer quando quieren yr fuera de
sus casas a alguna parte o estornudan o oyen can-
tar vn pajaron a quien ellos llaman bactala o a-
trabesar por delante dellos algun rraton v otra sa-
Moros 81

bandija quando quieren yr camino o estando en

sus casas para yr a ello se buelben y en tres dias no
tornan a yr a aquella parte o camino que querian
hazer. Y pasados buelben a hazer su camino. Y si
acaso alguna cosa de estas que emos dicho les su-
cede en el camino o en qualquier parte del dan
la buelta a sus casas entendiendo que no les
a de suceder bien aquello que ban a hazer. Y si ban
a la guerra hazen lo mismo que emos dicho de los
bisayas. Y lo pro­prio es en el juramento que ha-
zen y dizen las mismas palabras que diximos

[44v]
en los de los bisayas avnque demas dellas tienen
los moros unos ydolillos peqveños que tienen
en la mano quando hazen el juramento el
qual es de barro o metal y muy feo quitado al-
gun miembro del. Llamanle a este çumpa
en el cual juran diziendo estas palabras mas
que las que emos dicho. Yo me torne como este
çumpa si no es verdad lo que aqui digo teniendo
por creydo que si dizen mentira a de çuçeder
luego lo que dizen que les benga por el juramento
fuera de este juramento. Quando quieren averiguar
la uerdad entre ellos que sea muy çierta lo que
dizen hazen esto. Que se ban a vn rrio y alli en
lo hondo del agua toman cada uno una asta de
palo en las manos y dejanse yr debajo del agua
diziendo que el que mas espaçio de tiempo estuuiere
debajo dellas [sic] sin rresollar aquel dize uerdad. Y asi
a vn tiempo se dejan yr y meten debajo del agua
y el que esta mas ese dizen que dize uerdad y alcança
justiçia y el otro se da y queda por condenado de lo
que le piden o pide. Y esta es la mas evidente
prueba de dezir uerdad que ay entre ellos.
No tienen rrey entre ellos ni persona diputa-
das [sic] para que administre justiçia ni cosas de
rrepublica sino que en esto hazen lo mismo
que los bisayas que los que son prinçipales
82 TRANSCRIPTION

hazen lo que quieren quitando y dando las

haziendas a quien y mejor les parece por muy
poca ocaçion avnque es verdad que son los moros

[45r]
mas llegados a rrazon y tienen mas conçierto y puli-
çia en sus cosas y mejor modo de bibir. Y en todas
las cosas de rrazon les hazen bentaja. Tienen me-
jores casa y edifiçios y con mas conçierto avnque
tambien estan en lugares senagosos y orillas
de rrios. Andan los moros bestidos de rropa
de algodon y no desnudos como los bisayas. Sus
bestidos son unas chamarretas o saltaenbarcas
escotadas y sin cuellos y con sus mangas y sus sa-
raguelles bien echos aunque tanbien traen de la
çintura abajo unas mantas muy bien pues-
tas con que traen las carnes tapadas hasta la rro-
dilla porque de alli para bajo traen las piernas
de fuera poniendose de las pantorrillas hasta
las rrodillas munchas como cadenetas me-
nudas echas de açofar que ellos llaman bitiques.
Y esto lo traen los hombres tan solamente teni-
endolo por muncha gala. Traen asimismo munchas
cadenas de oro al cuello mayormente si son prin-
çipales porque esto es de lo que mas se preçian. Y ay
algunos que traen de estas cadenas mas de diez y
doze de ellas en la caueça. Traen unas toquillas
puestas que no son anchas ni largas que no dan
mas que una buelta a la cabeça y con vn nudo
en ellas. No tienen el cabello largo porque se lo
cortan como en España se aconstumbra. No traen
barba ninguna ni se la dexan crecer avnque son
todos en general mas barbados. Y la que les sale
se la pelan muy de proposito. Y los bisayas hazen
lo mismo. Los moros traen tan solamente bigotes

[45v]
que esto no se pelan y los dexan creser todo lo que
pueden. Los bisayas en ninguna manera no acons-
tumbran traer calçado ninguno ni traen las
Moros 83

orejas abiertas los hombres como hazen loss [sic]

bisayas las mugeres si en ellas munchas joyas
de oro porque son mas rricas que no las bisayas.
Y tanbien usan hombres y mugeres traer mun-
chas manillas y axorcas de oro en los braços.
En las piernas no las aconstumbran. Y las mugeres
traen tambien al cuello las mismas cadenas de oro
que traen los hombres. Los moros no se pintan nin-
guna cosa de su cuerpo. En la lengua ay alguna di-
ferençia aunque todos se entienden muy bien
porque es como castellana y portuguesa y aun mas
semejable. Son muy amigos de mercar y uender
y de tener contrataciones unos con otros y asi son
grandes mercadelejos [sic] y buscauidas y muy sutiles
en su manera de tratar. Y son grandes amigos de
buscar y ganar dinero y lo procuran aver por todas
las vias que pueden para ganarlo. Son amigos de
seruir a los españoles y asi siruen por meses.
Cuentan el año por lunas y es de una cosecha a otra.
Tienen çiertos carat[er]es que les sirven de letras
con los quales escriuen lo que quieren. Son de muy
diferente echura de los demas que sauemos hasta
oy. Las mugeres comunmente sauen escreuir
con ellos. Y quando escriuen es sobre çiertas ta-
blillas echas de cañas de los que ay en aquellas
yslas ensima de la cortesa. El uso de la tal tabilla
que es de ancho quatro dedos no escriven con tinta

[46r]
sino con unos punçones con que rrompen la tez y
corteza de la caña. Y con tener letras no tienen libros
ni ystorias ni escriuen cosa que sea de tomo sino sola-
mente cartas y rrecaudos unos a otros. Y para esto so-
lamente se siruen de estas letras las quales son so-
lamente diez y siete. Es cada letra una silaba. Y con
çiertos puntillos que les ponen a vn lado o a otro de
la letra o a la parte de arriba o a la de abajo hazen
diçion y escriuen y dizen con esto lo que quieren.
Y es muy facil de deprender por queriendose dar a ello
alguna persona. En poco mas de dos meses se deprende.
84 TRANSCRIPTION

No son muy prestos en el escreuir porque lo hazen

muy despacio. Y lo mismo es en el leer que es como
quando deletrean los muchachos en la escuela.
Sus pueblos tanbien los asientan y pueblan en
partes cenagosas y donde ay agua e rrios como los
bisayas porque se acontumbran bañar de la
misma manera dos o tros [sic] vezes al dia. Tienen en
ellos mas conçierto y puliçia ansi en los edifi-
çios como en lo demas que los bisayas aunque
tanbien ay arboles y palmas de cocos en las
calles. Ay en los moros los mismos oficiales de
carpinteros herreros y plateros y mas oficiales
de hazer y fundir artilleria de bronze que tan-
bien la vsan. Y tenian al tiempo que los espa-
ñoles entraron en las Philipinas donde ellos
estaban agora no la tienen porque se la an
quitado los españoles. Era toda pequeña por-
que lo mas que tenian heran algunos falcones y
muncha berseria. Pieças grandes no las tenian

[46v]
ni hacian avnque agora las sauen muy bien hazer
y ffundir. No comen carne de puerco como emoss
dicho porque esto se les pego de los moros mahometa-
nos de Borney que benian a tratar con ellos con
otras cosas de la seta de Mahoma que les enseñaban.
Comen carne de cabra bufano y gallinas y patos que
todo esto crian y tienen. Los bisayas no comen la
carne de cabra y los unos y los otros no comen quesso
ni leche porque lo tienen por cosa muy asquerosa.
Hazen munchas borracheras de hordinario por-
que esta es su principal fiesta y el hazer pele-
ar los gallos como diximos en lo de los bisayas.
El bino que beben es el que sacan y hazen de las
palmas de cocos luego que lo cojan fresco de las
palmas que es dulçe y como mosta de ubas. Lla-
manle en su lengua tupa. El bestido de las mugeres
no es tan galano ni pulido como el de las bisayas
porque se ponen unas mantas de algodon o de ta-
ffetan rrebueltas al cuerpo con may poca puliçia.
Moros 85

Los jubones y corpesuelos que traen son de la misma

ffayçion que diximos ser las de los bisayas. Y tan-
bien traen el bestido a rrayz de las carnes pareciendo-
seles por la cintura y pechos porque no usan camisas
ningunas ni calçado. Las que son prinçipales
aconstumbran quando ban ffuera de sus casas
que sus esclauos las lleben en los hombros. Y de
esta manera ban por todas las calles. Lleban to-
das encima del uestido unas mantas pequenas
que les llegan a la çintura poco mas. Son de algodon
y de colores y algunas ay de tafetan rrazo y damasco

[47r]
de lo que bino de la China. En lo de los casa­mientoss [sic]
hazen lo mismo que los bisayas. Y ni mas ni menoss [sic]
en lo de los esclauos y en el hazer amistades con
sus enemigos y con los que bienen a sus pueblos.
Tanbien aconstumbran a traer la dentadura negra
o morada y para ello hazen lo que diximos que ha-
zen los bisayas porque lo tienen por gala. No tienen
genero de musica sino tan solamente las guitarras
que diximos que tienen los bisayas en las quales
tañen con mas primor que los bisayas. Y especial-
mente las tañen mugeres. Y se entiende por el son
que con ellas hazen como si estuuiesen hablando.
Y asi munchas vezes esta una en su casa y algun
enamorado suyo en otra casa alli cerca donde se
puedan oyr las guitarras. Tañen con ellas y se estan
rrequebrando diziendo por lo que tañen lo que quieren
y asi se entienden. Y esto no lo sauen hazer todos por-
que se deprende y enseña entre ellas de la manera que
en España la jerigonza de los çiegos. Quando se muere
alguno hazian vn ataud de madera en que lo meten.
Y lababanle el cuerpo y ponianle algunos yn-
guentes olorosos con que se le vntan poniendolos
en el ataud algunas mantas y no otra cosa. Y en-
tierran el ataud debajo de tierra. No meten oro
ninguno ni joyas como los bisayas consigo. Y des-
pues los moros que quedan bibos deudos del difunto
ayunan vn año arreo sin comer mal que yerbas o
86 TRANSCRIPTION

frutas silbestres y plantanos y no otra cosa. Y esto

llaman ellas magarahe. Tanbien lo hazen
los bisayas mas no lo hazen tanto tiempo. El
moro que muere ponenle dentro de la sepoltura un es-

[47v]
clabo suyo al qual meten bibo debajo del ataud
a la parte que esta la cabeça del difunto para que en
el otro mundo le sirua. En el heredar las haziendas de
sus padres tienen parte todos los hijos avnque sean bas-
tardos o adulteros avnque no en tanta cantidad e parte
como los ligitimos. Casanse con todos sus parientes
ecepto con hermanos. No aconstumbran a dormir en
camas porque en esto hazen lo mismo que emos dicho
de los bisayas. Tienen tanbien por afrenta las que
no son casadas de parir y matan las criaturas como las
bisayas avnque las que son casadas no se afrentan
de parir munchas vezes antes lo tienen por bueno.
Y asi no procuran mal parir ni matar las criaturas
como diximos que hazian las bisayas casadas.
Son generalmente todas muy biciosas en la carna-
lidad y muy ynteresales y hazenlo demas que
las bisayas. Puedense casar con las mugeres que qui-
sieren estando bibas y hazer las mismas cosas que
diximos hazen los bisayas. En este particular guar-
dan la misma horden quando se casan. Tienen tan-
bien munchas suertes de nauios y con muy di-
fferentes nombres que les siruen asi para sus con-
trataciones como para las g[u]erras. Y son casi de
la misma suerte que los que tienen los bisayas
avnque no tan buenos ni pulidos.
Aconstumbras [sic] las mugeres traer en la caueça
sobre el cauello que lo traen suelto unas como di-
ademas echas de oro y esto los que son prinçipales
porque las que no lo son las traen de concha de
tortuga. Son muy galanas. Tienen tanbien entre si

[48r]
estos moros munchas guerras y diferençias con los
pueblos sus comarcanos y con otros en los quales
Moros 87

hazen las mismas cosas que emos dicho de los bi-

sayas. Y vsan e traen las mismas armas. Y los mas
prinçipales hazen todo lo que quieren sin auer quien les
baya a la mano en nada.
Esto es lo que aconstumbran los moros y bisa-
yas de las yslas Philipinas y lo que dellos hasta a-
ora emos sauido.

[49r–51r, Blank]

[51v, Illustration: no caption]

[52r, Illustration] Naturales
[52v–53v, Blank]

[54r, Illustration] Naturales

[54v–55v, Blank]

[56r, Illustration] Naturales

[56v–57v, Blank]

[58r, Illustration] Naturales

[58v, Blank]
 chapter 6

Tagalogs

[59r]
Relacion de los rrictos y serimo-
nias gentilesas de los yndios de las
yslas Philipinas
Aunque es uerdad que en estas yslas de Luçon Panay y
Çoebu ay ynfinidad de lenguas unas diferentes de
otras y por el consi­guiente diferentes trages unos bar-
barisimos y otros de mediano entendimiento y otros de
muy mas claro en lo que toca a rritos y serimonias gen-
tileças casi todos concuerdan. Y si en algunas partes
difieren en algo es tan poca la diferençia que seria yn-
conuiniente tratar de cada naçion de estos de por si. Y asi de
todas ellas se haze un epiligo.
Quanto a lo primero es de notar que estas gentes tenian
y rreuerençiauan un dios hazedor de todas las cosas que
unos le llaman Bathala otros Molaiari otros Dioata
y aunque confiesan a este dios por hazedor de todas las cosas
ni sauen ni tienen notiçia quando ni como la [sic] hizo ni para q<ue>
y que su morada es en el çielo.
Siempre an tenido y tienen conoçimento de que tienen
alma y que esta apartada del cuerpo ba a çierto lugar que
unos llaman Casan y otros Maca. Este dizen esta diuidido
en dos poblaçones grandes con un braço de mar en medio. El
uno dizen es para las almas de los nauegantes y estos an-
dan uestidos de blanco y esotro para todos los demas los qua-
les andan uestidos de colorado por mas preminençia. Dizen
que las almas que auitan en estos lugares mueren siete
vezes y otras tantas bueluen a rresuçitar y que pasan los pro-
prios trauajos y miserias que pa­sauan en este mundo en sus
cuerpos pero que tienen poder para quitar y dar salud. Y que para
el efecto biene por los ayres y por esta causa rreueren-
çian pidiendo ayuda haziendo borrache­ras solenes comiendo
puercos gallinas y los mejores manjares y guisados que
a su modo pueden. Juntanse los parientes y vezinos cantan

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_008

Tagalogs 89

dansan y baylan al son de atanbores y campanas con muncho

es­truendo de palmadas y gritos. Ponen altar con candelas
ador­nado de las mejores mantas y preseas de oro que tienen.
Ofrecen de todo al anito que asi le llaman al alma quando
la ynbocan. Untanse con la sangre de lo que an muerto para co-

[59v]
mer en çiertas partes del cuerpo teniendo que aquello
les a de ser causa de salud y larga uida. Y todo esto adminis-
tra un saçerdocte uestido en auito de muger q<ue> le llaman
bayog o bayoguin o una muger del proprio ofiçio que lla-
man catolonan. Y esta fiesta se biene a feneçer quedando
todos borrachos a la mayor parte. Y a esto llaman los yn-
dios maganito. Y pues esta dicho de lo que es maganito.
Digamos de los saçerdoctes y saccerdoctisas que tienen y lo
que es anejo a sus ofiçios y luego consecutiuamente los
rrictos y serimonias que en cosas particu­lares tienen y
usan los indios.
Aunque estos yndios no tienen templos tienen sacerdoc-
tes y sacerdoctisas los quales son los prinçipales maestros
de sus serimonias rrictos y agueros y a quien en todos los
negoçios de ynportançia todos se encomiendan pagando-
les muy bien su trauajo ellos hordinariamente en tra-
je mugeril. Su modo melindre y meneos es tan afeminado que
quien no los conoce jus­gara ser mugeres. Casi todos son ynpoten-
tes para el acto de la generaçion y asi se casan con otro ba-
ron y duermen juntos como marido y muger y tienen sus actos
carnales y finalmente son sometidos. Estos se llaman bayog
o bayoguin. Las sacerdoctisas hordinariamente son biejas
y estas [sic] es su ofiçio curar enfermos o con palabras supers-
tisiosas o asistiendo en las borracheras ynbocando las
almas de sus antepasados para el fin que pre­tenden y hazien-
do las serimonias que adelante se ueran. El ofiçio de los
sacerdoctes es acudir a todas las neçesidades en general a-
cudiendo a ynbocar lo que las sacerdoctisas aunque con mas
serimonias mas pompa y mas auturidad. Ay tambien otro ge-
nero destos a quien llaman catolanan el ofiçio de los qua-
les es el propio de los sacerdotisas. Y estos ni ellas son de tan-
ta auturidad como los que andan en auito de muger. Final­-
90 TRANSCRIPTION

mente los unos ni los otros son echiseros y quanto hazen

o es con echiserias o engaños para uasiar las bolsas del
pueblo yno­rante.
Estando enfermos usan de munchos generos de rrictos unos

[60r]
con mas aparato y otros con menos segun la calidad de cada
uno porque la gente principal hordinariamente hazen maga-
nitos o borrachera solene de la manera que atras se a dicho
asistiendo un sacerdocte o mas el qual ynboca sus anitos. Y dizen
que bienen y que los sircunstantes oyen un rruydo como de fla-
uta que sigun dizen los sacerdoctes es el anito que habla y
dize que el enfermo terna salud y con esto se pro­sigue la fiesta
con gran jubilo. Y si el enfermo mu[e]re auiendo dicho el anito
que tendra salud da por escusa el sacerdocte q<ue> la uoluntad de su a-
nito fue buena pero que otros anitos de mas poder lo estoruaron.
Otros ay que ensienden un hacho de sacate y lo echan por la uen-
tana diziendo que con aquello espantan a los malos anitos
causadores de la enfermedad y que con esto se uan. Otros echan
suertes teniendo colgado de la mano un pedaço de palo atado en
un hilo o un colmillo de cayman y ellos propios lo menean
diziendo quien es la causa de la enfermedad de fulano es fu-
lano o no es fulano no es sutano pues quien fulano si hablan-
do consigo propios los que esto hazen y enderesando la suerte
que menean con su mano a quien les parece de modo que se ue
euidentemente ser patraña del que esto haze. Y con todo no se
persuade nadie a que lo es sino que es aquello cierto. Otros q<ue>
no tienen tanto caudal y costilla para gastar ofrecen un poco de
arroz cocido y un poco de pescado y uino pidiendo salud al anito.
Otros con mediana borrachera ofrecen al anito y asiste una
sacerdoctisa o un sacerdocte de los ynferiores que llaman ca-
tolonan y estos administran lo necesario. Y dizen que la causa
de la enfermedad del enfermo es que el alma se le a ydo y que
hasta boluersela al cuerpo no sanara. Y luego le rruega el en-
fermo que de horden como se le buelua y para esto les pagan ade-
lantado conforme se conçierta. Y luego el catolonan se pone solo
a un rrincon hablando entre si y a cauo de vn rrato se llega al
enfermo y le dize que se alegre que ya tiene el alma en el cuerpo
y que sanara. Y con esto hazen su borrachera. Y si el enfermo mu-
ere nunca le faltan escusas para desculparse. Y en estas borra-
Tagalogs 91

cheras calientan agua con la qual se lauan la cara todos

sanos y enfermos diziendo que aquello preserva de enfer-
medad y alarga la uida.

[60v]
Lo mas general en estas yslas es enterrar luego sin dila-
çion los muertos aunque no a todos se les haze ygual
pompa porque la gente comm<un> no haze mas de amorta-
jar con una manta blanca al difunto y enterrarlo
o junto a su casa o a su sementera y luego hazer una
borrachera y con esto concluyen. Pero los prinçipales
los amortajan con las mas rricas mantas de seda
que tienen y lo echan en un ataud de madera yncorru-
ptible y dentro echan algun oro conforme a la posi-
blidad del muerto y entierranlo debajo de una casa
que para el efecto tienen echa donde se entierra toda
la paren­tela. Y sercan la sepoltura con cortinas. Y
tienen sobre la sepoltura lampara ensendida y
comida que ofrecen al muerto y esto cura confor-
me la persona es. Y asgunas [sic] vezes pasa de tres o qua-
tro años y aun ponen una muger u hombre que este
de guardia todo este tiempo. En algunas partes ma-
tan esclauos y los entierran con sus amos para que
tengan quien les sirua en la otra uida. Y pasa a
tanta desuentura esto que munchos arman un
barco con mas de sesenta esclauos y lo cargan de
comida y beuida y meten dentro a el muerto y a el
y a todo el barco con todos los esclauos bibos lo en-
tierran debajo de tierra. Y hazen las obsequias
beuiendo mas de un mes. Otros ay que tienen el
difunto en casa seys o siete dias para que destile el
xugo que tiene y en el ynterin con toda aquella
hediondez estan beuiendo que nunca paran. Y lue-
go le quitan la carne de los guesos y la echan a
la mar y los huesos los guardan en una tinaxa.
Y a cauo de munchisimo tiempo si les pareçe los
entierran con tinaxa y todo. Y si no dexan-
los estar en casa. Pero la cosa de mas asco y orror
q<ue> hazen es que en metiendo los huessos
92 TRANSCRIPTION

[61r]
en la tierra y con ella beuen siruiendoles de tasa.
Y esto es en lo que llaman batan hasta mariueles.
Otros ay que no entierran los muertos sino los lle-
ban a un serro y allo [sic] los arrojan. Y luego se bienen
huyendo a porfia porque tienen que el que quedare
postrero morira. Y por esta rrazon ay pocos que se atre-
uan a lleuarlos y los que se atreuen es porque se lo
pagan muy bien. Quando los lleuan a enterrar no los
sacan por la puerta prinçipal sino por una uentana.
Y si los sacan las sierran luego y la mudan a otra
parte porque tienen los que pasaren por donde el mu-
erto pasa moriran. Lloran a los muertos no solo en
casa pero por el camino quando los lleuan a enterrar
diziendo endechas en las quales publican las azañas
y uirtudes del difunto lo qual mas parece canto que
llanto por lo muncho que gargantean y en­tonan
la uoz casi lo mas sin lagrimas que para este efecto
buscan de yntento personas los sauen hazer y ca-
si lo tienen por ofiçio. Donde muere principal nin-
guno del pueblo a [sic] cantar ni tañer genero de ynstru-
mento de rregozijo ni aun los que pasan en barcos
por su puerta so grauisimas penas.
Los generos de lutos que estos tienen por sus difun-
tos es abstenerse de comer arroz tantos años como
trae o dio de docte. Y esto es quando a los casados por
sus mugeres que los demas cada uno dexa de comerlo
conforme lo que sintio la muerte o la falta que
le haze el difunto. El biudo se mete dentro una
cortina si es prinçipal y en quatro dias no come cosa
ninguna porque dizen que si esto no hiziese se tor-
naria loco. Y en todo este tiempo anda un sacerdocte
baylando alrrededor can­tando. Y si el muerto tenia
esclauos y sus parientes los tienen todos los rrapan
a nauaja por luto y todos los parientes varones

[61v]
hazen lo propio. Y las parientas cortan parte de los
cauellos y no todos. No se uisten de seda ni se a-
dornan con oro los parientes muncho tiempo.
Tagalogs 93

Ponense los uarones en algunas partes collares de

vejucos y ellas en las muñecas. Y no se bañan ni quitan
el luto hasta matar alguna persona y entonces
se lo quitan y hazen borrachera solene y ban fue-
ra los lutos.
Las mugeres que desean enpreñarse crian puercos
rregala­disimamente dandoles a comer de los
manjares mas gustosos que ay y desde entonces
los dedican para sacrificarlos al anito en pariendo.
Y tienen tanta confiança en que criandolo se an de en-
preñar que es cosa particular en enpreñandose. No se
quita el marido el cauello hasta que la muger pare
teniendo que si antes se le quita la criatura no sal-
dra a luz aunque esto no es en todas partes sino
en algunas.
En pariendo la muger no consienten en algunas
partes que muelan arroz debajo la casa sino le-
xos della porque tienen que si del arroz que salta
de los pilones comen las gallinas morira la
criatura. Hazen maganito en pariendo juntandose
en el toda la parentela y venzidad. Comen con gran
contento el puerco que criaron rregalado para el
efecto y todos se untan con la sangre del y untan-
do a la criatura y bañan con agua al rrezien nacido
y a la parida. Y tienen particular cuidado de pagar a las
parteras porque tienen que si no les contentan
saldra la criatura llorona. Y las parteras quando
hazen su ofiçio hazen oraçion a la primera partera
q<ue> ubo en el mundo a la qual no conocen ni sauen
quien es diziendo o tu primera partera cuyo of<içi>o
por tu boluntad agora hago dame ffauor

[62r]
para que mediante mi ayuda salga a luz
esta criatura.
Todas las uezes que los prinçipales comen ponen
en platillos en su propia mesa de por si de todo lo
que comen y beben por ofrenda a los anitos y al
Molayare o Batala criador de todas las cosas. Y del
arroz u otro qualquier fruto nueuo no co­nuidan
94 TRANSCRIPTION

a nadie ni la rropa nueua no consienten que otro

la estrene porque tienen que haziendolo an de padeser
ffalta de aquella cosa.
No consienten que en la criua donde criuan el arroz
nadie coma cosa porque tienen que el que comiere
se morira o se boluera loco.
Quando lluebe con sol y el sielo esta algo bermejo
dizen que los anitos se juntan a dalles guerra y
estan y con grandisimo temor y ni mugeres ni niños
consienten que abajen de las casas hasta que escampa
y el sielo se pone claro.
Quando la tierra tiembla dizen que los anitos lo
hazen y por esto todos dan alarydos y golpes en las
casas haziendo muncho estruendo diziendo que con
aquello se espantan los anitos y cesa el temblor.
Quando caçan tienen por aguero de que no cojeran
nada nombrando qualquier cosa tocante a la
pesqueria y pescando si nombraren qualquier cosa
de caça lo propio.
Quando ban camino por alguna tierra tienen mun-
chos agüeros. En algunas partes ay un pajaro
azul colorado y negro que llaman que llaman [sic]
Batala. Ese nombre quiere dezir dios. Y asi dizen
los yndios que este nombre le es ynproprio por-
que ellos no lo tienen por dios sino por un mensa-
jero suyo que con su canto da a entender a los hombres

[62v]
la uoluntad del mesmo Batala que es dios. Y
que por esto quando ban camino y oyen el canto
de este pajaro o se paran o bueluen o prosiguen
su uiaje conforme lo que an entendido del canto
del pajaro. Si estornuda algo u oyen cantar la-
gartija u atrauesar el camino alguna culebra
se bueluen del camino diziendo que tanbien
son aquellas señales que dios les enbia para
declararles que no es su boluntad que pasen ade-
lante y que si pasaren les a de suceder mal.
El primero [sic] dia que parece la luna nueua la
adoran y le piden mercedes unos que les depare
Tagalogs 95

muncho oro otros que les de muncho arroz o-

tros que les de muger hermosa u marido gentilhom-
bre y bien acondiçionado y rrico otros que les de sa-
lud y larga uida y finalmente cada uno le pide
aquello que mas apetece.
Yendo por agua al rrio o en barco hazen oracion
al cayman pidiendole que se baya a lo hondo
y no les atemorize ni haga mal que ellos no son
sus enemigos ni pretenden su daño sino que
antes buscan su prouecho que alla se lo aya
con sus ene­migos. Llamanle abuelo y dizen
que son sus parientes y otras bouerias a este
tono. Otros le ponen ofrenda de comida orilla
el rrio y tienen particular cuydado en esto y de
todo no pre­tenden del mas de que no les haga
daño. Y si acaso los que ban en barco lo ben andar
encima del agua lo tienen por mal agüero
y se paran hasta uer otro aguero bueno para
pasar adelante.
Creen en sueños y asi tienen cuenta en soñando
si el sueño es bueno o malo. Y si es bueno lo tie-
nen por buena señal y el malo por mala. Y siendo

[63r]
malo luego hazen maganitos ofrendas y ora-
çiones a su dios o anitos. Y estan tristes hasta que
ben aguero que les significa algun bien suyo en-
contra de lo que son.
Y a los tocados de yerua mortifera o ponsoña y
a los aposte­mados o enfermos de enfermedad
peligrosa los curan con palabras que solo en la
ysla de Burney que guardan la seta mahometana
se entienden por ser hordenadas alli. Y quando curan
juntamente con las palabras ban maxcando
una yerua que llaman buyo y tienen tanta fee
con estas palabras los que curan y los curados que
es cosa marauillosa que en diziendolas dize luego
el enfermo que siente mejoria.
El azeyte de ajonjoli con que se curan le hazen
[con] çierto con­juro a manera de uendiçion con pala-
96 TRANSCRIPTION

bras burneyas. Y este le guardan con muncho cuy-

dado para curar las enfermedades arriba dichas.
Usan tanbien de estas palabras o conjuros para
hazer a los gallos balientes e ynbensibles.
Vsan asimismo de algunos conjuros para sus a-
mores y que les quiera bien y que no les bean ni
sospechen dellos cosa los maridos de sus rreque-
bradas ni otra persona sino solos los que ellos
quieren. Y para ello traen scripto el conjuro consigo.
Usan de yeruas que las personas q<ue> las rreçiben
se afiçiona a la que la da y por el contrario usan
de otras que desafiçionan.
Usan de nonimas supertinaçias unas para no
ser uençidos en guerras otras para no poder ser
presos otras para hazerse ynuiçibles [sic] otras para
ser bien afortunados otras para que no les llebe
el cayman otras para hurtar a su salud otras para

[63v]
tener larga uida otra para que no les enpeça yer-
ba mortifera ni ponçona [sic] y para otras mill cosas.
Estas no­minas unas son con colmillos de cay-
man otras con piedra de hombre otras con caue-
llos que dizen son de duende otras con yerua que a-
fiçiona otras con algun hueso o rrayz de albor.
Finalmente les echan mill ynuençiones a este
tono y en algunas traen conjuros en lengua bur-
neya y todo esto estiman en muncho.
Y quando hazen alguna casa antes de ponelle
el techo ponen un espantajo en lo mas alto della
para que el buho no se asiente encima porque
tienen por aguero que los que en ella biben se
moriran. Y si en la casa donde biben se asienta o
entra dentro alguna golondrina y culebra o de-
xan la casa o hazen borrachera o maganito por-
que temen que se moriran si no lo hacen.
Y quando hazen algun barco al tiempo que lo echan
al agua la primer [sic] vez sueltan una flecha hazia el
çielo o un arcabuz diziendo que si aquello no hazen
q<ue> la banca que asi la llaman no sera ligera.
Tagalogs 97

Quando hazen algun nauio de los que andan

al trato mercadereando al echarlo al agua hazen
lo propio que a los barcos. Y demas desto hazen bo-
rrachera pidiendo a sus dioses y a los anitos que
lo haya dichoso y que les de muncha ganancia en
sus mercancias.
Antes de sembrar sus mieses unos hazen ma-
ganitos otros ofrecen al anito pidiendole que a-
quella sementera benga a colmo y que no se
pierda. Y si despues padece la sementera algun
trauajo de muncha agua o de poca y el arroz se
ba perdiendo tornan de nuebo a sus ofrendas
y maganitos.

[64r]
Y quando tienen alguna guerra antes de yr o entrar
en ella hazen junta y en ella tratan lo que an de hazer y
juntamente maganito general para que tengan
buen subceso. Si uensen entran con la presa en
su pueblo cantando cantos de victoria y hazen bo-
rrachera solemne. Y si son bencidos en­tran los que
quedaron con grandisima tristeza.
Y quando salen de prision o escapando algun trauajo
es cosa hordinaria hazer borrachera y ofrenda al anito
o a su dios jun­tandose a ella todos los parientes y
amigos con muncho rre­gozijo y contento.
Y quando los que se aman se apartan el que queda es
cosa hordinaria prometer al que se ba por tristeza
y en señal de amor dexara de comer cierta cosa o que
no se mudara la rropa o no se uestira de tal color o
no dormira con cauesera o en estera o no se uañara
hasta que se tornen a uer. Y casi siempre lo cumplen.
Tienen por constumbre en esta tierra acerca de sus casa-
­mientos que el uaron docta a la muger al
reues de nosotros. Y despues de auer dado el docte
hazen borrachera. Y para firmeza del casamiento
juntan a los nouios dandoles de comer con un plato.
Y estando comiendo o quando los juntan para esto
llegan sus padres y dizenles que biban munchos años
y que se quieran muncho. Y a la noche los lleuan a la
98 TRANSCRIPTION

cama d<e> la madre della o alguna uieja y alli los acues-

ta y cubre con una manta diziendoles palabras de
chocarreria. Bajan al suelo de la casa y en derecho de
la cama de los nouios [y] yncan una estaca diziendo
que aquello haze el nouio mas apto y potente
para la copula. Y esto de la estaca no es en todas
partes sino en algunas. Tienen asimesmo por cons-
tumbre que el nouio demas del docte que da da [sic] çierta
paga a cada uno de los parientes mas cercanos della
que es su mmodo [sic] de coecho para que consientan al casa-

[64v]
miento. Y sin esto y sin docte son muy rraros los que
se casan porque ellas lo tienen por notable afrenta
aunque sea la mas uil y desastrada.
En esta tierra ay algunos hombres balientes a quien
los yndios llaman bayani y el llamarles de este
nombre es por preminençia o dignidad. Estos se ponen
en la cauesa cuernos de bufano de dos palmos
de largo cubiertos de chapas de oro el ofiçio de los qua-
les es andarse como dizen den [sic] boda en boda baylan-
do. Y es de tal manera que qualquiera q<ue> le conuida
lo toma despues por blaçon y fanfarria dezir que
hizo fiesta al bayani. Y asi ninguno que tenga
mediana pasadia dexa de procurar de ha­zerle fiesta
para tomar este blason. Esto es porque la costa de
esta fiesta es muncha y no tienen todos costilla
para ello. Y como los rricos son exstimados [sic] y los
pobres desechados no a menester mas para estar en
fama de rrico que sauer que tubo costilla para hazer
fiesta al bayani. Y lo que pretenden del bayani
por esta fiesta es que tienenles [sic] ara su dios buenos
por este medio y amados del pueblo.
Y ay tanbien brujas como en España y nobrazos [sic]
las quales vsan munchas maldades. Y son temi-
das y rreuerençiadas. Y acuden todos a darles lo que
piden por el miedo q<ue> les tienen. Y pues el ofiçio de las
brujas en todas partes es un onor. Y para que dezir a-
qui las cosas que hazen.
 chapter 7

Moro Customs

[65r]
Constumbre de moros
La gente de esta tierra nunca tuuieron rrey ni sus antepa­sados
dizen auello tenido. En cada pueblo auia tres o quatro prinçipales
conforme era el pueblo. Y los que obedezian a estos eran sus escla-
vos que tenian obligaçion de les obedecer porque no les servian
dentro de sus casas sino de quando el prin­çipal fuese a la guerra
yr con sus armas y llebaban la comida de sus casas. Y si yban por
la mar abian de yr bogando. Estos tenian otras obligaçiones que
despues se declararan. Y solo el prinçipal y los yndios libres ban sin
bogar en el cuerpo del nauio. Y tanbien si algun esclabo yba alli q<ue>
fuese muy baliente le hazia el prinçipal sentar con los yndios libres.
Y esto tenian por muy gran onrra. Sus g[u]erras no son en campaña sino
de enboscadas y albasos y trayçiones. Tenian por armas para de-
fensa de sus cuerpos una manera de coseletes de cuerno [sic] de bufano que
les cubria el pecho y estomago y no les llegaua al ombligo y por
detras el proprio lugar. Y esta arma traenla tan corta por andar mas
ligeros y encubrirse mejor con sus paueses q<ue> les llega hasta el pecho
y de obra de dos palmos y medio de ancho. Suelen traer algunos sayos q<ue>
les llega hasta la rrodilla sin mangas con muncho estofo de algo-
don y muy basteados. Suelen traer unos tejidos de caña y cordeles de poco
mas de un palmo de altor. Siñenselo al cuerpo que les da una vuelta.
Las armas que trayan eran paueses como e dicho y los que los trayan
trayan tanbien lanças arrojadisas los hierros de mas de un palmo
y de tres o quatro dedos de ancho. Traen algunos en los propios paueces en-
cajado un cuchillo grande de mas de tres palmos de largo y de tres o qu<a>tro
dedos de ancho. Son rretuertos. Traen esta arma para en haziendo el
golpe con la lança echar mano de este cuchillo y pelear con el las cu-
chilladas adargandose con su pabes. Y si llegan a los braços traen
sus puñales en la çinta de palmo y medio de largo y de quatro dedoss
de ancho. Ay tanbien entre estos yndios algunos flecheros avnque
pocos que estos no traen otra arma ofenciba sino su arco de palma
montezina negro con cuer­das de cascara de arbol. No traen mas de çinco
o seys flechas en la mano porque no vsan carcaj y su puñal en la

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_009

100 TRANSCRIPTION

çinta. Tienen estos yndios algunos bersos que comprauan de los burneys
y al­gunos que ellos hazian en la tierra con metal que les trayan los chinos.

[65v]
Y estos los llebauan en los nauios quando yban por la mar. Y quando
los abian de disparar no sauian hazer punteria con ellos sino poni-
anlos en la proa y pegabanles fuego.
Si trayan alguna caueça entraban en el pueblo con gran rrego-
cijo y hazian borrachera dos y tres dias. Tienen obligaçion todos los
esclauos de los prinçipales que se llaman alipe namanahe quiere
dezir propiamente esclabo que bibe de por si. Estos tienen munchas
obligaciones. Y aqui tienen esta que an de acudir cada esclauo con
un tibor de quilan que es echa de cañas du[l]ses. Es bebida que ellos
usan della. Y tanbien acudian con tantas gantas de arroz limpio.
Ay otros esclauos que llaman tagalos. A unos llaman namamahi
otros aguiguilitl namamahi quiere dezir yndio que tiene casa de por si
y aguiguilitl yndio que esta y bibe en casa del amo y le sirue de dia
y de noche y le sustenta. Este esclauo lo puede vender el amo porque
estos esclauos que estan en casa de sus amos ninguno es casado
sino solteros y solteras. Y si es baron en queriendose casar no se lo qui-
taua el principal. Y este tal en casandose se llama namamahe q<ue>
bibe ya de por si. Y los esclauos que estaban en casa delos prinçipa-
les por marauilla les daban licençia para que se casasen. Y a los
hombres no se la estorbaban a ninguno. Tienen obligaçion los
esclabos que biben de por si a esquipar [sic] el nauio a su amo quando
ba fuera y llebar ellos su comida. Y quando haze el prinçipal borra-
chera de obligaçion como quando se casa o quando le a sucedido una
muerte o si se a anegado o si a estado preso o si a estado enfermo
todas estas cosas hazen grandes borra­cheras y esto a de acudir
el esclauo que bibe de por si con vm tibor de quilan o bino y tanto
arroz y asistir a las borracheras dichas. Y si el prinçipal no tiene casa
estos esclauos se la hazen a su costa. Solo les haze el amo al cortar
los argues una borrachera y otra quando los levantan. Y a esto
se juntan todos los yndios del pueblo. Y si a[l] lebantarlos caya algun
yndio de arriba lo tenian por aguero y no hazian la casa. Y otra bo-
rrachera hazia quando cubrian la casa. Y al hazella acudian
todos los esclauos quel prinçipal tenia y bebian de por si. Y ellos le cor-
Moro Customs 101

[66r]
tan la madera y lo necesario para la obra de la casa. Y por esto
no les da mas que la comida. Daban estos esclabos que bibian de
por si cada año a su amo tributo çien gantas de arroz en cascara
que cada ganta tenia mas de vn quartillo de almud. Y de todas las
semillas que sembrauan acudian a su amo con un poco de cada cosa.
Y si hazian quilan acudian con vn tibor y si yban a casa de benados
auian de dar una pierna al principal. Y si su amo era de los que
guardaban la seta de Mahoma y llegaban a el benado antes que
los perros lo obiesen muerto lo degollauan primero q<ue> le diesen
lançada para que comiese su amo del porque lo mandauan asi los
sacerdoctes que mostrauan la seta de Mahoma que no comiesen carne
sino fuese degollada primero. Y quando moria alguno de estos es-
clauos tenian estas obligaçiones dichas. Si tenian hijos le to-
maba uno el prinçipal para seruirse del su casa. Y estos son los
aguiguilitl que estan dentro de la casa del principal. Y si se casa vn
yndio libre con una yndia esclaua vn esclauo con una yndia libre
y an hijos los parten en esta manera el primero es libre y el que
sucede es esclauo. Y por esta horden los parten tantos a la madre como
al padre. Y de los que son esclauos no puede tomar el prinçipal mas de
vno para su casa. Y esto lo propio es que sea el padre y la madre esclauos.
Y si tienen munchos hijos quando muncho toma dos para el seruiçio
de su casa. Y si toma mas lo tienen por agrauio y tirania. Y en salien-
do que salen una vez en casa del prinçipal para casarse no buelben
a seruirle mas sino a las obligaçiones que tienen los namamahe
sino es que el prinçipal les haze fuerça. Y esto tienenlo por gran agravio
y tirania avelles dado ya licençia para que salgan de su casa y ha-
zelles bolber a ella. Y estos esclauos heredaron de sus antepasados
con estas constumbres.
Hazian tanbien a vn yndio esclavo avnque fuese libre
como le hallasen en algun hurto por pequeña que fuese. Y si era pobre
que no tubiese en que echalle pena de dinero si tenia el tal yndio parientes
rricos y pagauan por el quedaua por esclauo de sus parientes. Y esto hazianlo
sus parientes por no belle esclauo en poder de otros. Tanbien si uno halla-
ba a otro con su muger y no lo mataua y no tenia hazienda en que pe-
nalle le hazian esclauo. Si vn yndio pobre pedia alguna cosa en­presta-
102 TRANSCRIPTION

[66v]
da y quedaba de se la pagar dentro de tanto tiempo y aquello auia
de ser con logro como yba pasando el tiempo asi yba creciendo el logro
y esto de logro se vsa hasta agora quando enprestan algunos dineros.
Digo que con un toston que diesen dentro del tiempo que quedaban auia
de bolber dos y si se pasaba otro tanto tiempo sin pagallo eran qu<a>tro.
Y de esta manera yba creçiendo hasta que lo benian a hazer esclauo.
Y de estos esclauos ay munchos. Y por las deudas de los padres toma-
ban los hijos y los hacian esclauos. Y quando quedaba algun guerfano
que no tubiese quien bolbiese por el le achacaban los
prinçipales que su abuelo le deuia alguna cosa y por esto le hazian
esclauo aunque no lo deuiese. Y tanbien si no tenia padre ni madre ni
tio hermano de su padre qualquier otro pariente que fuese susten-
tandole se seruia del como si fuese su esclauo que lo obiera comprado.
Quando le biene la pribera [sic] bez a una muger su constumbre la cercan
de mantas alrrededor y tapan las ventanas de suerte que este donde
ella esta muy escuro y le bendan los ojos. Y no a de hablar nadie con
ella en aquel tiempo sino es la yndia que haze las sirimo­nias. Si es
libre esta asi quatro dias y si es prinçipal veynte dias y vn mes. Y no
come cada vez sino dos guebos e quatro bocados de morisqueta a la
mañana y otros tantos a la noche y esto es aquellos quatro dias. Y
avnque le hablen quienquiera que sea no a de rresponder porque dizen
que si entonces hablan an de salir muy parlonas. El vendalles los
ojos es porque no bea alguna cosa desonesta que dizen que si la uen
que an de ser malas mugeres de su cuerpo. Y que si les da el biento que
an de andar como tontas de la cabeça y por esto se sercan tanto con
las mantas. Y cada mañana antes que dios amanesca las coje vn
yndio y las lleba en hombros bendados los ojos a el rrio y la meten
ocho vezes en el agua. Y luego la asienta en vn asiento que tienen
echo en el rrio alto del agua que esta muy cercado con munchas ban-
deritas de papel y de manta y alli le quitan la uenda y se tapa ella
con sus proprias manos hasta que se la buelben a poner en los ojos
q<ue> la cargan en los hombros y la buelben a su casa y la untan con
azeytes que ellos tienen con almisque o con algalia y con otros
olores que ellos tienen.
Quando las mugeres estan preñadas no se quitan los maridos
Moro Customs 103

[67r]
el cauello porque dizen que an de naser sus hijos calbos y sin ca-
vellos. Y las preñadas que son primerisas tienen por abuçion en
subiendo a qualquier casa sino les dan en llegando vn poco de sal
o vn buyo pero la sal no les a de faltar para comer alli y dizen que
si no la comen les an de dar camaras quando paran. Tienen por abusion
el comer dos plantanos q<ue> esten pegados uno con otro u otra qual-
quier comida como esten dos en una que dizen que an de parir dos cria-
turas de vn vientre. Y el parir dos de vn bientre lo tienen por grande
afrenta. Tienen tanbien por abuçion el comer de dos arriba en vn
plato porque no paran munchos hijos de vn vientre. Y en pariendo q<ue>
paren tienen echo vn serco de mantas y alli las tienen quatro dias.
Y al cauo de los quatro dias hazen calentar agua y se bañan y bañan
a su hijo. Estas son las yndias prinçipales que la gente bulgar luego
en pariendo se bañan con agua caliente y a su hijo tanbien.
Crian estos yndios a sus hijos con muncho rregalo para lo que ellos
tienen y no los castigan en ninguna manera poco ni muncho. Y asi
quando son grandes no tienen ningun rrespecto a sus padres. Antes
si les enojan toman vn palo y les dan con el a los padres. Y si el padre
es esclauo y el hijo lo rrescata se sirue del como de su proprio esclauo.
Quando hazen la mas solene fiesta a su dios es quando quiere sauer
alguna muger de su marido o de su padre u otra qualquier persona
que esta ausente. Ponen su altar pequeño con su manera de manteles
colorados y de otro color y en el altar ponen vn rramo de al­bahaca
en vn jarro con agua o tasa y en una salcereta una poca de sal
molida y junta de suerte que este llana y en una oja de buyo vn
buyo mascado. Y ponen su tiesto con su braça donde echan per-
fume. Y a cada lado del altar se pone una persona pariente del
por quien quieren preguntar que anda fuera. Y el maestro de las
serimonias se sienta cruzados los pies quitada la toquilla y pone
las manos y adora al altar. Y en esto ay gran çilençio en la casa
porque ay muncha gente. Y abajo de la casa tienen puesta senti-
nela para que no aya perros ni gatos debajo que den rruydo. Y dize
ciertas palabras el maestro de las seri­monias a una escudilla
que tiene con agua. Y toma luego con unas ojas de palma blanca
y los rroçia a todos. Y dize que aquella agua quita los pecados.
Y luego se buelbe al altar y esta un rrato y le da un temblor
104 TRANSCRIPTION

[67v]
en el cuerpo. Y en quitandose le dize que miren lo q<ue> esta
puesto en el altar. Y acuden los que estan puestos a los lados y mi-
ranlo. Y si el albahaca esta lacia y las rramas se caen hazia la
banda de los que estan a los lados y miran la salcerita que tiene
la sal y si esta la sal hendida y las hendiduras ban para los lados
donde estan los parientes por quien se procura estan a los lados
dizen que esta muerto. Y por el consiguiente el buyo mascado
a de tener echas rrayas como la sal y alcansanlo de la oja en q<ue> est<a>
puesto y miranlo. Y si queda la oja mojada es mal señal que
dizen que sinifica que a de auer llanto. Y si aquellas rrayas de
la sal y del buyo y rramas de albahaca se caen a diferente parte
que adonde estan los dos yndios puestos miran hazia que casa
ban derechas. Y luego el dueño de aquella casa le promete al dios
de hazer una borrachera en su nombre porque es aquella señal de
que esta su dios enojado del dueño de aquella casa. Y si el albahaca
no senlacia ni la sal se hiende ni el buyo haze aquellas rrayas lo
tienen por buena señal. Y en acauando de mirarlo esta puesto
en el altar comiensan a hazer su borrachera.
Quando auia algun cometa dezian que significaua que se auia de de-
spoblar vn pueblo grande o que auia de morir algun prinçipal.
Quando en la luna bian algun cerco dezian que significaba muerte
de algun principal. Quando se clipsaua [sic] la luna si estaua algun
yndio para yr a alguna parte fuera del pueblo avnque le ynportase
muncho dexaua de yr por mas de un mes y munchas vezes dexaba la
yda del todo. Quando yban nauegando si les hazia mal tiempo se desnu-
dauan todos uno a uno y se miraban si tenian algun lunar delante
y si lo tenia le echauan en el plan del nauio. Y por el consiguiente se hol-
gauan si lo tenian en las espaldas. Tenian tanbien por aguero si uno te-
nia en la frente algun rremolino y este tanbien le hacian meter debajo
del nauio hasta que tubiesen buen viento. Tanbien tenian por aguero el
poner la boca de la olla hacia la proa porque dezian que abia de benir el
biento derecho a la boca de la olla. Asimismo quando ban nauegando
tienen por constumbre llamar el biento por la popa y si alguno le llama
por la proa le rriñen y echan de alli creyendo que por adonde llamaren
el biento por alli a de benir.
Tanbien vsan la gente serrana de la laguna en algunas partes
traer entre el cuero y la carne cercado de pelotillas de brea uirgen del ta-
Moro Customs 105

[68r]
maño de garbansos gruesos. Y esto hazenlo quando son ya para conocer
muger. Traenlas debajo del capullo y entre cuero y carne del miembro.
Si algun pueblo o porque a sido rrobado o por hambre o por pestilen-
çia ba cabisbajo todos dan tras del aun los amigos hasta consumirlo.
Si algun nauio se aniega o da a la costa todos acuden a rroballo aunq<ue>
sean de su mismo pueblo. Y si es gente estrangera avnque sean aliados
que bengan alli a tratar les rroban y cautiban a todos en espeçia[l] si es toda
la gente estrangera.
Asimesmo el esclauo namanahae que es el que bibe de por si si su amo
lo bendia no le daban por el mas de dos taes de oro. Y si el se rrescataua
daua por la libertad de su cuerpo al prin­çipal ocho y diez taes de oro y
uno o dos esclauos en lugar de su cuerpo. Y el que compraua este escla-
uo le compraba con las obligaçiones que atras se declararon. En al-
gunas partes dauan en lugar de tributo a sus amos tantas braças
de semen­tera y esta la labrauan y cultibaban ellos a su costa.
[68v–71r, Blank]

[71v, Illustration: no caption]

[72r, Illustration] Burney

[72v, Blank]
 chapter 8

Brunei

[73r]
La ysla de Borney donde al presente rreyna el rrey sultan
Nulaalan que por otro nombre siendo prinçipe se llamo
Sultan Lixar esta de la çiudad de Manila duzientas y o-
chenta leguas a la uanda del sudueste. Es ysla que co-
rre nordeste sudueste. Es grande porque tiene mas de tre-
çientas y çinquenta leguas de box. Descubrese yendo
de Manila en el prinçipio della una punta a la qual
llaman Tanon Salamangayao que quiere decir
punta de cosarios. Tiene su asiento y casa el dicho rrey
y todos sus antecesores la an tenido en un rrio que
se llama el rrio de Borney de adonde toma el nombre
la dicha ysla e rreyno. Esta este rrio de la punta
de cosarios siguiendo la dicha costa treynta e çinco le-
guas poco mas o menos. Haze antes de entrar en el
rrio una ensenada que tiene doze leguas de box. Tiene
la boca la dicha ensenada al norte. Es toda la en-
senada e costado toda la ysla lama y el suelo muy
limpio a cuya causa aunque aya munchos vientos
no ay rreuentasones ni demasiadas olas. Tiene de
ffondo toda la costa de Borney de veynte a treynta
brasas y asi en qualquiera parte de ellas se puede
surgir. La ensenada es limpia e baja tiene de fondo
donde mas dos a tres brasas saluo a las puntas de dos en-
bocaderos que tiene menos de media legua el uno
del otro. En estos lugares es mas fondo. Llamanse estos
dos enbocaderos el primero Mohara Basar que qui-
ere dezir Mohara grande y el otro Mohara Darmit que
quiere dezir Mohara pequeña. Toman estos nombres
de dos ylsetas que estan en las puntas de los dos en-
bocaderos que se llaman del mismo nombre. Esta en-
ffrente de la boca de la ensenada dos leguas a la mar
una ysleta poblada que se llama Labuhan y por otro
nombre Bancolasi por causa de un pueblo q<ue> la
dicha ysleta tiene llamado Bancolasi. Tiene el rrey

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_010

Brunei 107

[73v]
de Borney su casa e asiento legua e media de la mar
el rrio arriba en este rrio prinçipal que digo se llama
Borney. Tendra la poblaçon ocho mill vezinos y esta
fundada sobre agua de suerte que no se puede andar
en la çiudad sino en unas enbarcaçiones pequeñas
que llaman bancas. E para este menester tienen
muncha cantidad dellas. Ay fuera desta otras mun-
chas poblaçones los rrios arriba y en la costa porque
es ysla muy poblada espeçialmente la tierra adentro.
Son todas las casas de madera e cubiertas con nipas.
Estan muy pegadas unas con otras y asi tienen mun-
cha cuenta con el fuego. Ban a agua salada toda la
çiudad y asi es mas braço de mar que rrio. Berdad es que
arriba dos leguas es agua dulce. Tendra de ancho
el braso de la çiudad dozientos e çincuenta paços.
Esta la çiudad abrigada con dos serranias que tiene
a los lados altas. El agua dulse que gastan la tie-
nen con muncha curiosidad y a poca costa dentro en
sus casa[s] corriendo a manera de pila todo el dia e la
noche y es desta manera. En las dichas dos serranias
ay muncha agua e buena que corre por ellas. Toman
cañas gruesas e hiendenlas e poniendoles debajo
unos puntales sobre que esten a manera de caña. E
traen el agua de las dichas dos serranias a sus cassas.
Estiendese la jurisdiçion deste rreyno hasta un rrio
que esta cerca del rremate desta dicha ysla de Borney
corriendo hazia el sudueste que se llama el rrio de
Çanbas el qual antiguamente era de este dicho
rreyno. Agora lo posee la rreyna de Jaua por auello
ganado. E fuera de esta tiene otras munchas yslas
este dicho rreyno subjetas a si. Por la contra costa esta
la ysla de Jolo todas las quales le obedesen e pagan
tributo. El rreyno de Borney para que mejor se enti-
enda no es natural sino aduenediso. Y asi ay dos generos

[74r]
de gente en la ysla la que son los antiguos naturales a
los quales llamamos uisayas aunque no usan pin-
tarse como los de Zebu. Llamanles en su lengua bagangan.
108 TRANSCRIPTION

Estos no guardan el Alcoran y en sus poblaçones crian

munchos puercos y los comen asi caseros como monteses
que ay muncha cantidad en la dicha isla. Todos estos ui-
sayas por la mayor parte biben la tierra adentro. Crian e
cojen todos generos de bastimentos saluo trigo como en
la ysla de Luzon. Ellos traen a uender a la çiudad de Borney
u a otras partes sus çircunvezinas donde ay neceçidad dellos.
No tienen estos dichos uisayas señor que los gouierne
ni a quien obedescan aunque en cada pueblo ay algunos
prinçipales que hazen cauesa de bando por ser rricos e bien
enparentados e asi tienen siempre diuiçiones unos con otros.
Rreconocen basallaje a el rrey de Borney e le pagan tributo
que entre ellos llaman upati. Y este dicho tributo lo dan
mas por fuerça que de grado. Son enemigos de los borneyes
e les quieren mal y si les pueden coxer descuidados los
matan. Y esto es tan hordinario que en hallando ocaçion
para ello no la pierden. E quando los dichos uisayas tienen
pleytos unos con otros acuden a los juezes borneyes a que
les administren justicia. Y esto es confformandose los
dichos uisayas para ello que si no no les apremia el rrey
a que parescan ante sus juezes. El otro genero de gente que
en este dicho rreyno ay es los que se llaman ylsanes que
quiere dezir gente que no come puerco que nosotros llama-
mos borneyes. Esta es la gente que guarda el Alcoran
los quales son aduenedisos. E su origen e desendençia es
la siguiente. Abra t[r]ezientos años poco mas o menos
segun se cuenta dellos que de las partes e prouinçias de la
lengua malaya que cae hazia Meca un señor de una çiudad
llamada Cauin que su nombre de este era sultan Yusso
el qual segun dizen era rrey de aquella dicha çiudad de
Cauin e sus subjetos partio de su rreyno a tierra trayendo

[74v]
consigo muncha cantidad de gente en munchos na-
uios. E auiendo uenido descubriendo munchas tie-
rras llamandose siempre rrey e señor de toda la
gente que traya e llamandoles sclauos. E siguien-
do su uiaje llego a esta ysla de Borney en la qual tubo
algunas uatallas con los naturales uisayas que las
auitauan. E auiendoles suçedido bien estubo poblado
Brunei 109

algunos dias en los quales tomo lengua de la tierra

e de los frutos della. Y auiendo hallado el alcanfor
que asta agora no se saue lo aya en otras partes sino
en este dicho rreyno cosa que entre ellos e otras mun-
chas naçiones es tenido en muncho y asi mismo al-
gunas minas e lauaderos de oro q<ue> sobre la uanda del
sur tiene e algunas pesquerias de perlas. No contento con
esto como mancebo amigo de ber mas determino de
pasar adelante a buscar mas tierras. E tornandose a en-
barcar con toda su gente nabego la buelta de nornordeste
e a cauo de algunos dias aporto a tierra de China. E
pidiendo licençia para saltar en tierra se desenbarco.
E ffue a uer al rrey de China al qual rreconoçio por rrey
superior. Y el dicho rrey de China le confirmo el titulo
de rrey e le dio parte de las ynçinias y armas rreales
que el dia de oy tiene el dicho rrey de Borney. E visto que el
dicho sultan Yuso estaua soltero lo caso con una sangleya
q<ue> segund parece por la rrazon que della a quedado en el
dicho rreyno era parienta del rrey de China la qual dicha
sangleya era señora de una çiudad que se llama Namtay
en el rreyno de China. E echo este casamiento el dicho
sultan Yuso se despidio del rrey de China. E trayendo con-
sigo a su muger e gente se boluio a Borney dejando
en la dicha çiudad de Namtay quien tuuiese qu-
enta con las rrentas e hazienda de su muger. Y asi
oy dia aunque los rreyes de Borney los naturales de

[75r]
Nantay no acuden con cosa ninguna no por esso de-
xan de tenerse por señores de la dicha çiudad de Namtay
e dizen que las rrentas corridas se las tienen guardadas
para quando algun rrey de Borney baya alla por ellas.
E llegado que fue el dicho sultan Yuso a Borney poblo
con los dichos esclauos o uasallos suyos que llebaba
e puso sugeçion los naturales uisayas de la dicha ysla
haziendoles pagar tributo. Tuuo hijos en la dicha
su muger. Murio muy uiejo y heredole el hijo mayor
segund uso. E quando murio dexo una tabla de oro e se-
gun dizen seria de una braça en quadra e delgada en la
qual dexo mandado se asentasen y escriuiesen los nom-
110 TRANSCRIPTION

bres de los rreyes que del desindiesen. Y asi se asentauan

en esta dicha tabla la qual guardaua el rrey mismo
y de su mano asentaua el nombre. Esta tabla se perdio
quando el doctor Ff<rancis>co de Sande gouernador que fue
de estas yslas saqueo a Burney. Entiendese que el rrey biejo
padre de este en cuyo poder estaua la enterro u echo a la mar.
E como el dicho rrey murio en aquel tiempo y no dexo
claridad de lo que se hizo de la tabla no se saue los
rreyes que en Borney a auido sino es los que de notiçia
se pueden acordar que son los siguientes. El uisabuelo
de este rrey que al presente rreyna se llamo sultan
Soliman y el abuelo se llamo sultan Salan. Y el padre
de este que es el que perdio la tabla se llamo sultan
Aril Lula. Y este dicho rrey como dicho tengo se llama sul-
tan Nulaalan. Y el hijo que al presente esta jurado
para sucedelle en el rreyno se llama Rraja Borney.
An ydo sucediendo siempre los que an rreynado en Bor-
ney por herençia ligitima sin auer auido quiebra
sino que siempre an ydo heredando los hijos mayores.
Y asi es la decendençia derechamente del dicho sul-
tan Yuso e de la dicha su muger. El uso que tienen

[75v]
en heredarse en la casa rreal el que es uaron
mayor aunque este ausente hereda el rreyno y la
hija no aunque sea mayor. E la demas hazienda
heredan los hijos ligitimos por yguales partes. E si en
vida el padre les dio alguna cosa no entra en quen-
ta. E si tiene algunos hijos bastardos puede el rrey
dalles alguna cosa en uida con tal que no sean pre-
seas conoçidas que aya heredado de sus padres sino
cosas adqueridas por el. E en muerte heredan los hijos
uastardos por yguales partes con los ligitimos la
hazienda que el adquirio durante su uida. E la demas
gente de la casa rreal que llaman panguilanes
que es como dezir señores de titulo heredan asi hon-
bres como mugeres por partes yguales sin auer mejora
como sean ligitimos. Y ansimesmo puede el padre
dalles en uida lo que quisiere como tengo dicho
Brunei 111

con tal que no sea demasiado. E si tuuiere hijos

bastardos puede en uida dalles algo con tal q<ue>
no sea como dicho tengo presea conoçida que aya here-
dado de sus padres. Y en muerte le heredan los uastardos
la parte q<ue> les caue de la hazienda que obiere adeque-
rido que a esta hazienda llaman el calacal que quiere
dezir lo que el a grangeado. Y este mismo estilo siguen
algunas personas que ay libres q<ue> son pocos. La dem<as>
gente comm<un> que son tenidos por esclauos del rrey
quando muere toma el rrey la hazienda. Y si deja hijos
rreparteles la mitad para que busquen su uida. Y to-
ma el para si la otra mitad por uia de herençia comm<un>
que es suyo. E si no deja hijos la toma toda. E no
puede el diffunto en muerte hazer manda ni do-
naçion a ningund [sic] hermano ni pariente. E si en uida
da algo y lo saue el rrey lo quita. E si algund hombre
o muger de estas esclauas borneyas sea manceba

[76r]
o casa con algun fforastero o natural o con algund [sic]
bisaya que sea libre en muerte de qualquiera dellos
hereda el rrey la mitad de la hazienda e la mitad de
los hijos que obieren procreado por partes yguales sin
seguir ley de uientre. Y la otra mitad de la hazienda
queda para la parte libre. E de la parte que a el rrey le cupo
toma la mitad para si e la otra mitad da e rreparte
entre los hijos que por esclauos le quedan. Estas maneras
de heredar se entienden entre los borneyes que guardan
el Alcoran. Q<ue> entre los uisayas e muriendo que
muere alguno como gente libre parten por yguales par-
tes su herencia. Tiene el rrey de Borney para que admi-
nistre justiçia quatro juezes a manera de audiençia
cuyos nombres en juzgar son los siguientes ban-
dahara tamangon panguilan degaron sabandar.
Estos todos son panguilanes aunque con los nom-
bres no lo puse. Estos tienen conosidamente las
causas a que cada uno a de acudir el panguilan ban-
dahara que quiere dezir señor de titulo y gouernador
y el panguilan tamangon que es su conpañero q<ue>
112 TRANSCRIPTION

quiere dezir señor de titulo y companero del gouernador.

Estos dos son juezes de todos los pleytos y causas que
se ofrecen entre los vezinos del rreyno e naturales
del. El panguilan degaron que quiere dezir señor de
titulo que guarda la hazienda rreal es juez de la
hazienda rreal e de todos los esclauos del rrey e de
toda la gente que anda ocupada en seruiçio rreal
que se entiende en astilleros y fundiçiones. El pan-
guilan sauandar que quiere dezir señor de titulo
y general de la mar que es el prostero juez es general
de la mar y juez de toda la gente estrangera y el que da
peso y medida en el rreyno. Estos juezes juntos y
cada uno de por si puede haorcar [sic] e mandar ajusti-
çiar sin que el rrey se meta en ello porque en su ausençia

[76v]
representan todos juntos e cada uno de por si la
persona del rrey. Tienen liuertad quando se allan
juntos estos quatro juezes. Si quiere el superior
como ban por sus grados tomar la causa a el otro
juez ynfferior se la puede quitar e hazer a su
boluntad della sin cometer delito. Es el panguilan
bandahara el mayor juez y el segundo el pan-
guilan tumangon y el terçero el panguilan de-
garon y el quarto el menor de todos el panguilan
sauandar. Estos cargos nunca estan sino en
hermanos o hijos de rrey e asi los que agora los
tienen los dos mayores juezes hermanos del
rrey ligitimos. Y el panguilan degaron es primo
del rrey yerno por otra parte y el panguilan sauandar
es hermano bastardo del rrey y de mas hedad que
el rrey. Y asi no ay apelaçion destos para el rrey
sino que malo o bueno lo que hazen lo da el rrey
por echo. Estos juezes asisten siempre en la çiudad
donde el rrey esta. E quando [laen]uia algun capitan
[a] algunos pueblos de los uisayas a cobrar tributos
y a otros pueblos subjetos al rrey lleua licençia
del gouernador para conocer dellos pleytos que obiese.
Tienen estos juezes munchos alguaziles e en
su lengua dellos llaman patis. No usan traer uara
Brunei 113

ni ynsinia ninguna. Estos prenden los delin-

quentes e usan traer consigo gente a manera de
porquerones. Tiene asimesmo el rrey de Borney
tres ofiçiales que tienen cuenta de la hazienda rreal
a manera de fator e contador e tesorero. Llaman
a estos urancayas degaron y a cada uno de por si que
quiere dezir hombres principales que guardan la
hazienda rreal. De estos tres el uno tiene cargo
del gasto rreal y el otro de las armas y el otro de guardar

[77r]
la demas hazienda. Y en negoçios de ynportan-
çia se ayudan unos a otros. Destos tres ofiçiales
rreales es juez el panguilan degaron e les m<an>da
lo que an de hazer y ellos no pueden hazer nada sin
dalle a el parte. No tiene el rreyno de Borney carzel
ninguna ni menos scriuanos para las cosas de que
los juezes conocen. Y asi por marauilla dura el
pleyto mas de la primera uista que parece ante el
juez. E si acaso por ffaltar alguna de las partes se
dilata a la segunda uista que quando muncho es
otro dia los dichos alguaziles se hazen cargo de
guardalles en sus casas. E llegados delante del juez
en lo que queda aueriguado se concluye la sent<encia>
bocal e no por scripto. Y asi no ay pleyto que ture [sic] dos di<as>.
Proceden e<n> sus aueriguaçiones desta manera. Pues-
ta la demanda ante el juez si niega el rreo m<an>da
al demandante de ynfformaçion la qual da
bocal e luego se sentençia. E si acaso no ay ynfor-
maçion que dar y el otro niega dizeles el juez si se
quieren apartar de la demanda. E si dize el demand<an>te
que no quiere queda el negoçio a que se auerigue
por prueba. Son las pruebas e aueriguaçiones
desta manera. Hazen dos candelas de ygual pesso
y de ygual tamaño sin q<ue> en ellas aya fraude
y ençiendenlas a un tiempo. E la primera que se
gasta esa a perdido. Ay otra que meten los dos
a un tiempo las cauesas debajo del agua y el
que primero la saca ese pierde. Ay otra que es rre-
ñir con armas o sin ellas y el uençido pierde.
114 TRANSCRIPTION

Para uenir a estas prueuas si es negoçio de

deuda o hurto en uençiendo a de pagar. E si es
pendençia que a auido de palabras e pide q<ue> se
prueue lo que le a llamado. Si acaso le a llamado

[77v]
de hechisero que entre ellos es grande afrenta
u otras palabras de que se unjurie dizeles el juez
antes que uengan a la prueua que se conçierten
en lo que se a de hazer del uençido y en lo que alli
quedan aunque sean esclauos del mismo rrey
e consierten que el uençido muera a de morir. Y es uso
no yr el juez a la mano a ningun conçierto. Y en
el hazer qualquiera prueua destas no esta a la bo-
luntad del juez sino a la del rreo. E si acaso el deman-
dante no quiere pasar por la prueua que escoje el
rreo es dado por libre. E si acaso el rreo no quiere escojer
ninguna entonces el juez les señala la que a de ser.
Y en no queriendo alguno dellos es uençido. Las
sentençias para los delitos son de esta manera.
El que hurta hazienda rreal o falsa moneda muere
por ello enpalado e pierde toda su hazienda y esclauos
confiscados para el rrey. Y lo mismo el uezino u
estrangero que se huye del rreyno sin licençia del
rrey o de los juezes. El que hiere a otro si no le perdona
el herido por rruego o por paga manda el juez q<ue> le de
otra herida y esto se entiende depues de sano el herido
porque si acaso muere de la herida no ay rremedio
sino que a de morir por ello sin rreplica. Asimesmo
sentençian a muerte al que es ynstrumento
que otro muera. Al que es ladron cortan la mano
derecha y asi por marauilla se hallan ladrones
e<n>tre ellos. Al que deue mandan luego que pague
o uaya a seruir al deudor [sic] corrido por seruido hasta que
tenga para pagar. Las maneras de matar por just<içia>
son estas. Degollar que entre ellos llaman sinunbale
ahorcar que se llama ganton enpalar que se llama
sinosuen. Ay otra manera q<ue> hazen sentar al ajusti-
çiado en el suelo a mugeriegas sea hombre o muger
Brunei 115

[78r]
y sobre el hombro yzquierdo le ponen una oja y por
la oja y hombro le uan metiendo un puñal de tres pal-
mos hasta que la punta llega a el yjar derecho. Y luego
sacan el puñal haziendo una manera de buelta
con el para que uenga cortando hazia el coraçon. Lla-
man a este genero de muerte salan y de este genero
de ajustiçiar usan mas que de otro genero ninguno.
Y tienen otra que llaman pacuan que quiere dezir
enclauar la qual es de esta manera. Tienden al
ajustiçiado sobre una tabla y con dos clauos le cla-
uan los pies y con otros dos las manos y con otros dos los
muslos. E ponenlo en un palo alto de suerte que que-
da echado. E hazenle una manera de techumbre en-
çima por amor de el sol e alli lo dexan estar hasta q<ue>
muere sin consentirle dende comer. Ay otra manera
que llaman cauitan que quiere dezir escarpiar
que es metelle una escarpia por debajo de la barua jun-
to al gasnate y alli esta colgado hasta que muere.
Ay otra manera nueuamente ynuentada la qual
se ynuento el año de ochenta y ocho y es de esta man<era>.
Hazen dos cruzes de palo del gordor de la muñeca de
quatro palmos mas larga q<ue> un hombre y lo que es mas
que el hombre. Lo meten debajo de tierra y quedan juntas
y del tamaño del hombre que an de justiçiar. Y luego
encaxan entre las cruzes al hombre de suerte q<ue> la
una queda arrimada a las espaldas y la otra a los pechos
y alli amarrado puesto en cruz le tiran de arcabuzasos
hasta que muere. Es uso en el rreyno de Borney que el
hombre que halla a su muger con otro no haga daño
ninguno a la muger si primero no mata al adultero.
Y si hiere o mata a la muger morira por ello. Y auiendo
muerto al adultero puede matar a ella en qualquier
parte q<ue> la halle como no sea delante la persona rreal

[78v]
o de sus juezes. E para podellos matar es uso
en Borney que si apellidare el pasiente fauor
para matar al adultero o ella auiendo muerto a el
116 TRANSCRIPTION

adultero se lo den todos los que lo uieren y oyeren [so]

pena de que los castigara el rrey muy rrigurosamente.
E sucede por momentos dar fauor el padre para que maten
al hijo y el amo al sclauo. Y puede asimesmo el pa-
siente matar por terseras personas al adultero si acaso
el no se atreve sin que yncurra en delito el q<ue> lo
mata ni el que lo manda. E si acaso el adultero mata
a el pasiente u a otra qualquier persona defen-
diendose y huye muere luego la muger adultera por
el delito por auer sido ynstrumento en aquella mu-
erte. Ma[s] si el adultero huye sin dexar a ninguno muerto
no puede el marido hazer daño ninguno a la muger
mas puede apartarse della y tomar el docte q<ue> le dio
sin dalle a ella nada. Usan en sus casamientos
asi el rrey como todos sus uasallos en comm<un> de sola
una muger a la qual llaman binisungo que
quiere dezir muger berdadera q<ue> fuera desto usan tener
todas las amigas que pueden sigun el posible de
cada uno. A estas llaman gundi que quiere dezir
mancebas las quales tienen dentro en su casa e
delante de su muger se echan con ellas porque duer-
men dentro del aposento donde duerme. E quando quiere
se leuanta de su cama que en su cama no a de hazer nada
si no es con su muger e se ua al pauellon dellas porque
duermen todas juntas y alli haze lo que quiera sin
q<ue> la muger le rriña a el ni a ellas. Y esto causa el
antiguo uso e auer uisto a sus madres pasar por ello.
Pueden matar a qualquiera q<ue> en su casa cojieren
sin cometer delito. El rrey de Borney usa casar sus
hijos con los hijos del rrey de Jolo que es primo hermano

[79r]
suyo e cuñado. Y esto es de tres abolengos a esta parte
que de antes usaua casar con hijas de otros rreyes es-
tranjeros bezinos suyos. Casanse con primas herman<a>s
y a uezes con tias e sobrinas de suerte que solo hermanas
rreseruan. E tanbien usan casarse con sus cuñadas
asi el rrey como su gente. Es uso entre la gente prinçip<a>l
casar las hijas donzellas y si acaso por via de rrequiebro
aunque este consertado casamiento si llega el a ella
Brunei 117

moriran ambos por el delito. Todas las adulteras que

por justiçia mueren o otras munchas como sean mu-
geres las matan con el dicho puñal que digo les
meten por el hombro que llaman salan. Para casarse
no uan a la mesquita si la muger no es donzella. En
tratando o concertando el casamiento los pa-
rientes conuidan muncha gente a un conuite y en el
dizen como fulano se casa con fulana. Y estan a pe-
lear algunos gallos que ellos e los conuidados tienen
a manera de rregozijo. Y acauado el conuite queda
echo el casamiento. Da el hombre a la muger docte
y no la muger al hombre aunque no del docte. Luego este
docte lo guardan los padres de la muger hasta que
tienen hijos y entonces se lo dan aunque munchas
bezes se alsan con ello. E tanuien el marido esta
obligado a dar algunas cosillas fuera del docte a los
padres y parientes de la muger. E si el casamiento
es con donzella hazen todas estas dicha[s] cosas e añaden
una y es que la desposada no sale en p<ubli>co y esta me-
tida en un pauellon e cama cosa de ocho dias todos los
quales ay conuite entre el desposado suegro e pa-
rientes. Y ella como por uia de berguensa esta los
dichos ocho dias alli e<n>serrada con ella otras mugeres
y algunas donzellas como ella. Llaman esta ma-
mera de uso nananatin. Y acauado esto e los conuites
quedan casados. E si acaso se quieren descasar

[79v]
la muger no es parte para descasarse como el
hombre no quiera e si el hombre quiere por poca
ocaçion que le de se puede descasar aunque no sea m<as>
de porque su muger rriño con el. E para descasarse
no ay mas serimonias que echalla el marido de casa
e dezir no quiero que seas mas mi muger. E puede hazer
esto el hombre porque pierde el docte que dio. Tanbien
se suelen descasar boluntariamente queriendo am-
bos a dos y entonces consiertan de boluer la mitad del
docte e partir los hijos si los tienen. Y entonces se
puede casar cada uno con quien quisiere. Tienen mes-
quita a la qual llaman masiguit e alli acuden
118 TRANSCRIPTION

a encomendarse [a] Ala al qual llaman Dios y a Ma-

homa que dizen ellos es su procurador para con Dios. No
apremian muncho a que uayan a la mesquita la
gente comm<un>. E las mugeres nunca uan sino es los
hombres. Tienen a la puerta de la mesquita agua
con q<ue> se lauan los pies. Ay tres generos de rreligiosos
aunque no differençian en el auito a lo que no lo
son. Llaman a estos catif. Destos tres generos de
catif el mayor es uno solo que dizen ellos es como
obispo y a este llaman ellos catif basar que quiere
dezir rreligioso grande. A los demas que llaman
catif no mas son los que tienen cargo de adereçar
la mesquita y de dezir los dias de la semana
e de rretajar quando a quien se rretaje y acuden
a las osequias de difuntos e a los sacrifiçios
y rrogatiuas que hazen en algunos sepulcros
de algunos que los entienden como dire en su
lugar, que an sido santos. Estos catifes se ca-
san e tienen amigas como los que no lo son y
en ellos no tienen escrupulo. Acuden a la mes-
quita en lugar de domingo un dia de la semana

[80r]
el qual dia llaman jumat. Cae este dia en martes por
n<uestra> cuenta. Tardan este dia en la mesquita en sus
rrogatiuas dende por la mañana hasta las onze del
dia estan con muncho çilençio en pie las cauesas bajas
sin hablar unos con otros mientras esta el catif esta
haziendo sus serimonias que es alsar las manos lla-
mando a Ala e diziendo otras palabras quellos tienen
por oraciones. Y en acauando el catif que es cerca de m<edi>o-
dia se uan a sus casas. No acuden otra ues a la mesquita
a estas serimonias sino el rrelisioso [sic] mayor. A manera
de capellan ba en casa del rrey a hazer sus serimonias. Y
usan asi hombres como mugeres rretajarse que entre
ellos llaman narsucsunat. Y rretajanse en la mes-
quita todos asi como los hijos del rrey como la gente comm<un>.
A la muger para rretajalla le cojen con una mordasita
de la superf[l]uydad del medio del sejo e cortan muy poco
quanto sacan sangre. Y a los hombres cortan todo el
Brunei 119

capillo. Rretajanse siendo ya de hedad e pasando ocho a<ñ>os

y hazen para esto grandes conuites. Y las aues o cabras
que matan los degüellan. Usan beber uino en todos ge-
neros de conuites [e] ffuera dellos sin escrupulo ninguno.
Ay otro genero de rrelisiosos [sic] entre ellos a los quales lla-
man siac que son como enseñadores de ley. Y destos ay
tan pocos que por marauilla se hallan a uer dos o tres
en un tiempo. Estos que como digo se llaman siac quando
alguno dellos muere entierranlo y aquellos que an
sido sus disipulos e otros munchos que para ello conuidan
a cauo de tres dias e lo an enterrado ban a uisitar la se-
poltura porque dizen que si era perfecta muerte [sic] enseñador
de seta que Mahoma como amigo suyo abra uenido
por el cuerpo e se lo abra lleuado alla donde esta para
tenello consigo. E si no era perfecto siac que alli ha-
llaran su cuerpo. E abriendo la sepoltura por marauilla

[80v]
hallan cuerpo ninguno destos enseñadores de seta.
E de alli adelante es tenido en muncha ueneraçion.
Ellos tienen por sus abagados [sic] para con Mahoma. La
gente borneya no usa enterrarse en mesquitas y asi la
gente prinçipal tienen casas de entierros de por si donde
se entierran ellos e sus parientes. E los que no tienen
para enterrarse o parientes que los entierren los arre-
ueluen en un cañizo e los arrojan en el rrio sin
peso porq<ue> la menguante los saque a la mar. No anseñan [sic]
el Alcoran a unos y a otros si sino [sic] es pagandoselo. Y a esta
causa todos a una mano son amigos de escuchar
y preguntar cosas de ley asi suya como agena. Usan mor-
tajas que entre ellos llaman capot y ponen scriptos a
nombre y alguna oraçion en la qual se encomiendan
a Mahoma que les conosca por personas que guardaron
su seta. Son las mortajas de lienso blanco el mas del-
gado y fino que hallan. No apremian a nadie que
tomen su seta y hazen burla de los que la toman por-
que dizen que no debian de sauer nada pues la dexo.
El luto que usan es quitarse al cauello las mugeres
y no comen arroz sino algun genero de semillas o de
legumbres. Esto por tiempo de mas de dos meses. E lo
120 TRANSCRIPTION

mesmo entre los hombres usan quando tienen sus

mugeres preñadas dexarse creser el cauello hasta
que an parido. Es gente que obedece e se haze ouedecer
en la manera siguiente. El rrey quando esta
sentado en su asiento todos los que uienen delante del
llegando a quarenta pasos poco mas o menos del d<ich>o
rrey ponen las manos juntas e las alsan sobre la
cauesa a manera de obediençia y esto aunque sea
por las espaldas. Y si es persona que ba pasando ba el rros-
tro puesto en el suelo agachando sin boluer las espaldas

[81r]
a la persona rreal hasta que a pasado en buen trecho
de donde el rrey esta. Y si es hermano del rrey o alguna per-
sona prinçipal que ua a negoçiar despues de auer echo
esta manera de obediençia pasa adelante lle-
bando siempre el rrostro buelto a los rreyes e ua a asen-
tar en su asiento sin hazer a ninguno de los que
alli estan genero de cortesia. Y en sentando que sientan
aunque el rreyno le mire torna a hazer segunda uez
la dicha obediençia. E si acaso hablando o no ablando
el rrey le mira torna a hazer la dicha obediençia y
quantas bezes el rrey le mira a de hazer la dicha obe-
diençia. E lo menos todas las uezes q<ue> enpesare o a-
cauare de hablar el o el rrey usa el rrey tener hordi-
nariamente el rrostro alto por marauilla mira
a nadie si no es quiriendo preguntar alguna cossa.
Y este proprio genero de obediençia se hazen guardar to-
dos los parientes del rrey y gente prinçipal de sus ynfe-
riores. Como no sea menos que capitan es descomedimiento
estar en pie e por esta causa los ynferiores delante
de sus superiores estan siempre sentados en cuclillas.
E lo mesmo asi en la calle o en el rrio se encuentran
hasta que el superior pase a de estar el ynferior sentado
en cuclillas. E quando enpareje con el a de alsar las
manos juntas en señal de obediencia. E si acaso el m<a>yor
da al menor alguna cosa en tomandola la a de poner
sobre la cauesa. E luego la a de poner junto a si e hazer
la dicha obediençia alçando las manos. E quando las
Brunei 121

personas son yguales a un tiempo e por un estilo se

hazen el uno a el otro la obediencia. E si acaso bienen
de fuera el uno ua dos dias que no se uen si es de mayor
o menor haze el menor la obediençia al mayor y el
mayor abrasa al menor. E si son yguales abrasanse
y en abrasandose se asen las manos derechas una con
otra por espaçio de un credo y en desasiendose las manos

[81v]
acude cada uno con la suya a su barba a manera como quien
jura por ella. Y acauado esto se hablan y antes de hazer
esto no. Las maneras de ditados que entre ellos ay es sultan
que quiere dezir rrey rraxa que quiere dezir prinçipe pan-
guilan que quiere dezir señor de titulo urancaya que
quiere dezir hombre prinçipal mantiri que quiere dezir
capitan uranbayc que quiere dezir hombre bueno man-
lica que quiere dezir libre lascar que quiere dezir
esclauo gente de guerra quiere dezir uran barca lai.
El uestido q<ue> usan traer la gente borneya es una manta
q<ue> se llama tapi que cubre de la zinta abajo. Y algunos
usan traer unos sarague[l]les debajo della blancos
a manera de pañetes e una rropida cenzilla que
llaman basu y una toca en la cauesa que entrellos
se llama dastan. En la çintura traen un almaysal
señido que entre ellos se llama calicut. Las mugeres
usan el mesmo uestido saluo el dastal y el calicut
y ençima de la cauesa ponen una manta a manera
de couija. E la manta q<ue> le cubre de la çinta auajo
la traen larga que le arrastra por el suelo y los hombres no
sino hasta la espinilla. No usan ningun genero de calsado
en pie ni pierna hombres ni mugeres. No usan sen-
tarse en silla sino en el su[e]lo sobre petates muy finos
que para este efecto tienen o sobre alhombras. Y en
asentarse se guardan sus priminençias sentado el mejor
delante. E quando son yguales al parejo ombro con hombro.
E aunque sean en estado yguales si no lo son en hedad se
sienta el mas uiejo delante. Prefieren siempre los li-
gitimos a los bastardos. Los hijos ligitimos del rrey no
se les permite parecer delante del rrey si no es dentro en
122 TRANSCRIPTION

casa e a los uastardos si en qualquier parte. Y esto ha-

ze el rrey porque sean mas rrespectados y ouedeçidos de
su gente. Las mugeres prinçipales no usan salir a lu-

[82r]
gares publicos ni a uisitas sino es yendo sus maridos con
ellas y en los conuites aunque sean entre parientes
comen los hombres a un cauo y las mugeres a otro. A los
hombres sirben hombres y a las mugeres mugeres. Co-
men sobre mesas rredondas y pequeñas de altor
poco menos de media uara. En cada una comen dos o
tres personas y en la del rrey ninguno. No ponen manteles.
Tienen junto a si agua con que se lauan las manos a me-
nudo mientras comen. Comen munchos generos de guisados
y en ninguno echan manteca ni puerco porque no lo comen.
Usan jurar al prinçipe q<ue> juranlo de esta manera.
Sientase el rrey en un teatro que llaman mariuandon
y en el esta un estrado alto. Alli se sienta el rrey e junto a el
el prinçipe e toda la gente prinçipal que caue en
el dicho teatro se asientan por sus grados. Y los que no
cauen estan auajo en el suelo. El teatro tiene dos esca-
leras para que por ellas puedan subir los que quisieren.
E luego el gouernador que es el panguilon bandaha-
ra ulal rreligioso mayor dellos que llaman catif
basar que diga alto que todos lo oyan como el rrey q<ue> esta
presente manda que obedescan al prinçipe su hijo por
señor porque el a de heredar en el rreyno por ser mayor.
E luego el catif basar lo dize. E luego se leuanta el
dicho gouernador e se ua hazia el prinçipe lleuando al-
guna cosa que ofrecelle como oro o plata o joyas
de balor lo qual lleua en la cauesa en señal de
obediencia. Y llegando a el prinçipe se sienta en clu-
clillas e pone la ofrenda que lleua junto a los pies del
prinçipe y luego alsa las manos en señal de obediençia.
E despues las uaja juntas al rrostro quedando los pulgares
arrimados a la naris e abaja el rrostro a manera de que-
relle besar los pies. E luego alçando el rrostro torna
segunda uez a alçar las manos e dize soy tu esclauo. E
dicho se leuanta e sin boluer las espaldas al prinçipe
Brunei 123

[82v]
se ba a su lugar. E por este estilo ban todos los demas
a hazer la dicha obediençia por su horden siendo los
primeros los quatro juezes y despues los demas hijos
del rrey o parientes y la gente comm<un> ofreçiendole todos
confforme a su posible. Tiene el rrey casa de moneda la
qual tiene dentro su fortaleza. Y la moneda q<ue> hazen
es ffundida e no es de plata ni de oro aunque antiguamente
la usaua de plata la qual tenia de peso cada una quatro
rreales y medio. Llamaban a esta moneda batguin la
qual tenia el sello del rrey de borney que es de esta ma-
nera _____ por la una parte e de la otra parte desta _____.
E porque la gente estrangera que de trato y contrato alli uenia
les sacaua la moneda del rreyno a cuya causa e a no
tener monedas de pequeño ualor andaua la gente
comm<un> enpeñada e pobre. Junto toda esta moneda e
la desuarato e mando hazer dos generos de moneda
basiadas en moldes cada una de por si. La una es del ta-
maño de medio rreal e de estaño o plomo a la qual
llaman pitis. Tienen de balor trezientas y ueynte
e dos tomines que entre ellos llaman una lacsa. La
otra moneda es de cobre mesclado con plata a la ma-
nera de blancas de castilla saluo que son mas gru-
esas e de doblado peso. A estas monedas llaman
paco. Dio de ualor de a diez destas dos rreales que cada
paco biene a valer treynta e dos pitis. Estas mone-
das hizo porque los estrangeros que tratan e contra-
tan no saquen la moneda del rreyno sino que enpleen
en las cosas que en el dicho rreyno ay. Benden e com-
pran con pesos e medidas selladas con el sello del g<eneral>
de la mar a cuyo cargo esta por ser juez de las merca-
derias. Los pesos con que se pesa cosas de muncho pesso
son a manera de rromanas. Llaman a estos pessos
chinantas. El mas alto nombre de pesa que tienen

[83r]
es una bahala. Esta bahala se rreparte en tres
partes. A cada parte llaman pico e un pico se rreparte
en diez partes. A cada parte llaman chinanta e cada
124 TRANSCRIPTION

chinanta se rreparte en diez partes. Cada parte llaman

cati e cada cati se rreparte en diez e siete partes e cada par-
te le llaman tae e cada tae se rreparte en tres partes
e cada parte se llama batguin. Y este batguin
pesa justamente quatro rreales y medio de Castilla.
Este genero de pesa se entiende en todos espeçies de pesso.
El oro se pesa tanbien por esta quenta e pessas.
E para quando es cosa de poco peso lo que se a de pessar
diuiden el tae en diez e seys partes. A cada uno destas par-
tes llaman maes e cada mae deuiden en tres partes
e cada parte llaman cupa. Tanbien se pesa cosas de
poco peso con pesos de balansa que se llaman itinan.
E la medida llaman ganta tendra tanto y medio
que la de Manila. Miden colmado todas las cosas
que pueden colmar en medida e no rraydo. E no es
gente que mide por uaras y asi no la tienen. Usan
mercado o feria que llaman basar. Y esto es hor-
dinariamente dos vezes cada el dia una por la ma-
nana y otra a la tarde. Uenden en el todos generos de
comida a su usansa e las demas cosas que tienen
q<ue> vender. E como la çiudad esta toda sobre agua
andan en unas enbarcaçiones pequeñas que
se llaman bancas. Y en cada una banca destas
ba uno apregonando lo que uende. Son munchas
estas uancas que pasan de quinientas las que
se juntan al dicho mercado. E quando se quieren yr
a sus casas ban por las calles apregonando lo que
lleuan que uender. No ay postura a cosa ninguna
sino que cada uno benda a como pudiere y el no la
auer es porque los uisayas naturales de la ysla

[83v]
que son los que son labradores traygan a la çiudad
a vender lo que tuuieren y asi ay en la çiudad abasto
de todas las cosas. Ay mugeres que ganan a uender
su cuerpo publicamente las quales no ganan en
sus casas sino en siendo de noche andan por la çiudad
en munchas uancas. Y en cada uanca las mu-
geres que pueden yr tañendo y cantando con pan-
Brunei 125

deretes sin que uengan honbre ninguno con ellas.

Y en la banca traen un pauellon. E quando andan
por la çiudad e calles ban diziendo muy rrezio uran
lagui manuali paranpuan mora que quiere dezir
personas hombres compra mugeres moças. Y enton-
ces el hombre que tiene gana llama la uanca
y alli escoje la que le parece. E si quiere negoçiar con
ella en la uanca metese en el pauellon e si no
subela a su casa. E despues las compañeras bienen
por ella. E antes que amanesca se rrecojen to-
das a sus casas porque estas mugeres que acuden
a esto son solteras e casi todas esclauas. E ban
de dia a seruir a sus amos. Y quando ban a este tra-
to ban con licençia de sus amos e danles la mitad
de lo que an ganado. No tienen tasa sino en lo que
mas pueden. Llaman a este genero de trato paluguey.
Los honbres son de poco trauajo especialmente
en caminar. Y esto causalo el poco exerçiçio que en-
tre ellos tienen porque todo lo mas del dia estan
sentados a mugeriegas. Las armas q<ue> usan son
unos puñales de tres o quatro palmos de largo.
Traenlo en lugar despada e con este otro puñal
pequeño en lugar de daga. E algunos traen
alfanges e unas seuratanas [sic] con las quales
tiran unas flechitas que en lugar de hierro tienen

[84r]
un diente de pescado. Traenlas untadas con yerua de
suerte que aunque no saque mas de una gota de
sangre es mortal la herida si no tiene contra yerua.
Esta es el arma que mas usan. E son tan certeros con ellas
que no hierran a nadie a tiro. Traen en el rremate de
la sebratana [sic] un hierro de lança muy bueno para va-
lerse del si llegaren a las manos con su enemigo.
Usan de munchas lanças arronjadizas [sic] asi de
baras tostadas como de hierro. Usan arcos e flechas
e arcabuzes en los quales asi el rrey como sus uasallos
son muy exerçitados e cada dia ay terreros y tiran
en presençia del rrey. Los arcabuses usan de poco aca.
126 TRANSCRIPTION

Usa rrodelas y escaupiles estofados. En los nauios usan

de artilleria aunque no es muy gruesa porque casi toda
es de seruiçios como son falcones y medios falcones e
versos grandes y pequeños. E de esto trae muncha
cantidad porque del rreyno de Patani traen muncho
metal e siempre funden artilleria. E la armada q<ue>
tiene para guardar su tierra dentro en su çiudad son çien
nauios entre galeras e galeotas e fustas las quales
estan tan aperceuidas que dentro de seys oras que tocan
a arma en la çuidad estan todas prestas para salir
al enemigo. Y esto causa que cada capitan tiene
su galera arimada [sic] cerca de su casa e la gente del equi-
pason e pelea aperceuida y asi luego acude cada uno
a su nauio. Las galeras estan sobre agua encaxadas
sobre quinze o veynte aspas de madera e cada aspa esta
por medio amarrada ffuertemente. Y en queriendo q<ue>
cayga al agua cortan a un tiempo los cauos con que
esta atada el aspa e cae luego la galera al agua. Y el
echo esto con tanta presteza que en dos credos esta la
galera sobre el agua. Siruen estas aspas de parales
y llamanles salanguntin. Y esta es la caussa porque

[84v]
con tanta presteza saca su armada. Vsa tanbien
en tiempo q<ue> se rrezela de enemigos cosarios traen dichas
galeras en coso las quales andan beynte o treynta
leguas de la çiudad haziendo sentinela e cada semana
se rremudan. Ay munchos nauios de carga los quales
siruen de yr a tratar e consertar a otros rreynos. Y para
pelear no se siruen dellos. E sus nauegaçiones usan
de agujas de marear como nosotros con sus ocho uien-
tos cuyos nombres son los siguientes. Norte hilaga
nordeste amihan leste silan sueste timor sur
salatan sudueste habagat sueste baratapat sa arao
norueste barat laut. El alcanfor se halla en un
arbol muy grande e grueso e a de ser de mas de braça
de gordor. Para tenello a este arbol llaman payocapu
cortan este arbol por el pie e hiendenlo por medio y
en el coraçon le hallan dos o tres bujetas o rreceptaculos
Brunei 127

en los quales esta el alcanfor. Hallase quando m<as>

en cada arbol desta peso de una onza. Este alcanfor es
unos pedaçitos cuaxados q<ue> se halla en las dichas bujetas
de gordor como medios rreales. Y el mayor pedaço no es
mayor ni mas grueso que medio rreales. En color y qui-
ebras a manera de asucar cande saluo que es un poco
mas blanco. Tiene olor casi como el azeyte de [a]ueto des-
tas abujetas agallas puesto que todo es uno el alcan-
ffor que se saca e de un mesmo effecto. Se hazen tres
nombres e tres espeçies e preçios. Los pedaços mayores
que tienen por lo mexor que llaman capul capa la
que quiere dezir alcanfor cauesa esto uale a tre-
ynta pesos el cate. El otro genero es los pedaços los
menores que bienen a ser como la uña del
melgarite o poquito mayores. Les llaman capul
tanga que quiere dezir alcanfor del medio.

[85r]
Esto uale de beynte a ueynte e dos pesos el cate.
El postrero genero es algunos pedaçitos muy pe-
queños e casi echos harina que quedan. Y esto se
llama capul doquit que quiere dezir alcanfor
chiquito. Esto uale a quinze pesos el catre. Es cosa que
se tiene en muncho porque de todas partes lo
bienen alli a buscar. Son las tablas destos arbo-
les muy buenas para nauios porque no les en-
tra broma ni se pudren sino es a cauo de muncho
tiempo y asi todos los mas nauios que se hazen en
este rreyno son con estas tablas. El rrey usa dar
encomiendas a su gente prinçipal como es a los
señores de titulo e a los capitanes q<ue> le an seruido
e sirben bien. Y estas encomiendas no las da por
numero de gente sino por prouinçia o puebloss.
E dalas con pençion de q<ue> le acudan a el con la mitad
o con la terçia parte. Estas encomiendas que da son de
gente bisaya. El rrey quando sale fuera saca de
guardia que ban delante del de veynte capitanes arriba.
Estos lleban alfanges al hombro. E quando esta
en su estrado estan estos dichos capitanes con los
128 TRANSCRIPTION

alfanges desnudos espeçial si ay alguna persona

estrangera alli. E quando el rrey ba fuera e le acom-
paña algun panguilan no ba el dicho panguilan
con la gente de guardia sino detras del rrey. Rreçibe
a los mensajeros que a el ban bien e si les falta
algo mandasele den. Es uso el mensajero
al dalle las cartas que le lleua metellas en
una basija a manera de taçon con su tapadera
y un paño ençima por onrra de las cartas e po-
nella ençima de la cauesa. E de esta suerte
llegan con ellas delante del rrey. Esto haze por-
que obedesca el mensajero las cartas que lleba

[85v]
pues son de su rrey e gouernador. Y llegado desta
manera a los pies del rrey pone la uasija en
el suelo. Y luego manda al obispo dello tome
la dicha uasija e la abra e saque las cartas
e las mande [sic] leer publicamente. Es el rrey de
rrostro alegre hombre grueso y el año de mill e
quinientos y ochenta e nueue era de hedad de çin-
quenta y ocho años. E quando ba en alguna en-
barcaçion lleua por ynçima en su nauio un estrado
con una almohada y una uasija a manera de ta-
zon grande con su tapadera e un paño ençima
e una pica atrauesada baja con una uanda larga
e dos tirasoles grandes uno de un lado y otro de otro
en un tiquin largo en medio de la proa alçado.
Nenguna cosa destas puesde [sic] traer nauio nin-
guno sino es el en que ua el rrey aunque el rrey
este ausente saluo el tiquin que en ausençia del
rrey lo puede traer el que fuere panguilan mas
si no el panguilan no. Es gente que tiene año mes y dias
como nosotros e semana e son los dias de la semana
los siguientes. Arbaa lunes canis martes
jumat miercoles sapto jueues ahat biernes
ysnayan sauado salasa. Comiensan a contar
la semana dende el martes que como digo lla-
man jumat porque es su fiesta dellos e luego
Brunei 129

cuentan los demas dias como aqui ban suceçiba-

mente. Los meses del año son los siguientes
y comiensan a contar desde el mes de henero como
nosotros. Almoharram febrero safarron março
rrauiolagual abril rrabio laher mayo
jumarilagual junio jumarilaher jullio rrajap
alosto saauan septiembre ramalam otubre

[86r]
sagual nobiembre rulcayrat diziembre
rulija.
[86v–87r, Blank]

[87v, Illustration: no caption]

[88r, Illustration] Malucos

[88v, Blank]
 Chapter 9

Maluku Islands

[89r]
Las costumbres modo y mane-
ra de bida y secta de la gente
del Maluco
Son hombres membrudos y dejan creser la barua y
bigote de buena presençia y en su lengua muy corte-
sanos y de presunçion y se tratan bien sus personas.
Bistense al modo de los yndios de la ysla de Luzon
ecepto que se visten de seda y almayzales y otros
lienços finos de la Yndia.
Traen por armas espadas y paueces pectos se-
ladas capaçetes escopetas cotas uersos dardos de
hierro y de palo y otra manera de armas que llaman
toranas que son enhastadas y el hierro con solo
un filo que son arrojadizas de media bara de largo.
Y tienen otras armas a manera de fisgas y ar-
pones. Y al tiempo del pelear salen con los me-
jores bestidos que tienen y con plumas y tur-
bantes y con muncha vizarria.
El traje de las mugeres es uestido cortos hasta me-
dia pierna con sus juboncillos con mangas muy
largas que en el braso hazen munchas arrugas.
Y las mugeres prinçipales traen unos juboncillos
de terçiopelo con media manga y en las muñecas
y brasos munchas manillas de oro plata y per-
las y en la frente una çintilla vapretador [sic] con
muncha pedreria y perlas de preçio. Son mugeres
de buena estatura gordas frescas hermosas y
munchas dellas blancas.
Los rreyes moros tienen quatro mugeres prin-
çipales que los hijos de estas heredan el rreyno
aunque fuera de estas mugeres. Tienen otras
munchas hijas de prinçipales y no rreparan

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_011

Maluku 131

[89v]
en que sean sus sobrinas ni primas porque no
rrespectan sino a madre y hermana.
La ley que tienen es la de Mahoma. Tienen sus mes-
quitas. Guardan por fiesta el biernes q<ue> tienen
por constumbre de que uayan pocas mugeres y las
que acuden ban despues por las casas de los prinçipa-
les a predicar la secta a las mugeres y niños. Y las
oraçiones que hazen y fiestas que guardan en el
discurso de cada dia no se encuentra con n<uest>ra ley
sino en el tocar del Aue Maria al anochecer porque
ellos rrezan una uez antes que amanesca y otra
despues de mediodia.
Tienen su Quaresma cada año por el mes de
agosto desde que sale la luna nueua hasta que
salga otra. Su ayuno es no comer en todo el dia desde
q<ue> entran las estrellas hasta que salgan ni la-
bar la boca ni escupir sino fuere el enfermo o el
que trauajare.
Tienen esta gente una fiesta despues
de la Quaresma que se junta toda la gente mas
comarcana del lugar donde el rrey bibe y le traen
en esquadron a la mesquita rrepicando mun-
chas canpanas y disparando artilleria y ha-
ziendo otros genereros de holguras con atanbores a
su uçansa. Sacan en esta fiesta a un cabron
grande y baruado y lo suben a la mesquita donde
lo tienen mientras se les predica la secta.
Ocho dias despues tienen otra fiesta donde se jun-
tan todos los prinçipales y deudos del rrey y todos
ellos le hazen un banquete con muncho genero de

[90r]
ynstrumentos y con comidas y manjares de todas
suertes lleuandolo en hombros y andas y con
arcos triunphales.
No se entierran en las mezquitas sino en las
perthenencias de sus casas y huertas.
132 TRANSCRIPTION

[90v–91r, Blank]

[91v, Illustration: no caption]

[92r, Illustration] Javo

[92v, Blank]
 Chapter 10

Java

[93r]
La mas verdadera relacion
que se a podido tomar de los jauos y su
modo de pelear y armas es de esta manera.
Los javos son de la color de estos moros algo mas for-
nidos. Andan motilados. Quitanse la barua y el que tiene
bigote lo deja creser lo demas todo lo quitan.
El vestido que traen es una rropa serrada escotado el
cuello con mangas largas hasta la muñeca y serrada
larga hasta la rrodilla poco menos que un geme y al
cuerpo zeñida una manta que le da tres o quatro buel-
tas larga hasta la espinilla y la rropa y
manta de la color que a cada uno le da gusto y en la caue-
sa una toca larga que le da bueltas a la cauesa. Este
abito trae en paz y guerra saluo que en la guerra como
la manta es larga la recogen por entre las piernas rre-
cojiendola a la cintura. No traen çapatos ni otra cosa.
Las armas que tienen para pelear es pica y rrodela la
rrodela enbraçada y la pica con ambas manos asida. Las
rrodelas dellas redondas grandes y dellas como pabes
largo. Traen daga larga de dos palmos q<ue> se llama
cris. Es el hierro della culebreado por la mayor parte. Traen
yerua en el hierro della y la herida que con ella dan si trae
yerua el cris es de muerte. El hierro de la pica es ni mas
ni menos culebreado como el cris y al jabo que su cont-
rario le da picaso si le pasa el cuerpo base metiendo
y alando por el asta hasta llegar a herir a su enemigo
si puede. Asimismo algunos dellos tran [sic] alfan-
jes largos como cuchillos de monte corbado y traenlos
con una cinta que cuelga del hombro como tiracuello.
Suelense hazer amucos y el hazerse amucos es para
yr a morir. Y es de esta manera. Sangranse y esta sangre
echanla en agua bino y beben della y toman cierta yerua
que se llama antion que es de grandisimo bigor y fuerça.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_012

134 TRANSCRIPTION

[93v]
Los saca de sentido y alborota y pone furor y de esta
manera acometen a sus enemigos diziendo amuco amuco
de esta manera an de bencer o morir.
Traen berseria en sus nauios. Arcabuz no le usan sino es
que entre ellos ay otra nacion q<ue> lo use y se junten [sic] de conçierto
para contra otros. No tienen armas defencibas ni se saue
q<ue> las traygan. Y si algunos las traen que son mandadores
traen unos como coseletes echos de cuero de carabao.
[94r–95v, Blank]

[96r, Illustration] Siaus

[96v–99v, Blank]

[100r, Illustration] 羅 暹Sian

[100v, Blank]
 Chapter 11

Rutter of Aceh, by Dom João Ribeiro Gaio

[101r]
DeRotero y rrelaçion que don Joan
Ribero Gayo obispo de Malaca hizo
de las cosas del Aceh para el rrey
n<uest>ro señor cap<itul>o l
Primeramente el Aceh tiene una punta de la
parte del poniente que se llama por los mareantes
oest la qual los naturales llaman Panchor. Y de
esta punta a la barra del Aceh abra çinco leguas
poco mas o menos aunque en la carta aya mayor dis-
tançia. Y desde la dicha punta para el oriente esta la cos-
ta del Aceh hasta la barra que por los mareantes
se llama lest. Y esta punta esta en çinco grados poco
mas o menos de la parte del norte. Y adelante de la dicha
punta la ysla de Samatra de esta banda para el sueste
tiene otra punta que se llama la punta de Samatra
que es la punta de la contra costa. Y de la una punta a la
otra abra distançia de diez leguas. Y entre ellas ay
poblaçiones y rriachos de que en el capitulo sigui-
ente se tratara.

De las poblaçiones y rriachos

que ay entre la punta del Aceh y la de
Samatra a la parte del ocçidente
Cap<itul>o 2º
De la punta del Aceh hazia el ocçidente distan-
çia de una legua y media ay una baya pequeña que
se llama Talacuna donde ban los pescadores del
Aceh a pescar. Abra en ella diez casas. Y no se puede
surjir alli por la muncha piedra que tiene. Y desde la
dicha baya hazia el ocçidente ay una punta Aer Tauar
donde ay huertas y palmares y hasta çinquenta casas

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_013

136 TRANSCRIPTION

[101v]
y una sentinela para los que caminan. Y tiene fu-
entes donde se puede hazer aguada de marea llena.
De esta punta de Aer Tauar para el ocçidente esta
un rriacho pequeno q<ue> se llama Daya donde no
puede entrar enbarcaçion ninguna por las mun-
chas piedras que tiene en la barra. Y tiene una
poblaçion de seys çientos uezinos y munchas
huertas. Y desde la dicha punta de Aer Tauar hasta
Daya ay distançia de tres leguas. Y en toda esta costa
se puede surgir. A la mar de Daya hazia el ocçidente
quatro leguas esta la punta de Samatra donde tan-
bien ay algunos rriachuelos y huertas y casas. De
todas las poblaçiones declaradas en este capitulo
se navega para la poblaçion del Aceh. Y desde la
dicha punta de Samatra por la otra parte comiensa
la contra costa donde ay munchas poblaçiones
rrios e yslas como es Barros Priamao y otras seme-
jantes de donde nauegan para el Aceh.

Capitulo 3º
En lo alto de la dicha punta del Aceh distançia
de un tiro de arcabuz de la mar ay una estançia
a manera de baluarte donde estan algunas ca-
maras y sentinela con quarenta hombres que
segun las enbarcaçiones que bienen asi hazen
señal a la poblaçion del Aceh por esta horden. Si
es nao de paz por las señales que ben disparan
dos tiros y la fortaleza de la barra responde

[102r]
con otros dos. Y si es de guerra y desconoçida por suya
dellos tiran quatro tiros y la fortaleza de la barra
rresponde con otros quatro. Y luego la gente de la po-
blaçion se pone en arma y acuden a la barra. Y sola-
mente en la punta donde estan las dichas camaras
ay casas donde se rrecoje la gente de la sentinela.
Y desde la mar para la dicha punta no se puede des-
enbarcar ni yr gente. Y de la parte de tierra toda la
dicha punta es alta y suuida hasta que ba a dar
Rutter of Aceh 137

abajo en lo llano. Y della ay caminos por tierra

para la poblaçion del Aceh. Desde esta punta de-
l Aceh a la mar esta una ysla pequeña que se
llama Pulo Chichen que tendra media legua de
box. Y de la dicha punta a la dicha ysla abra un
quarto de legua. Y entre ellas pasan enbarcaçiones
pequeñas que bienen de la Jaua Manancauo Ba-
rros Daya y otros lugares de la contra costa y de
algunas yslas que estan a la mar hazia el poni-
ente donde dizen que esta una ysla que el señor
della tendra diez uares de oro. Y de marea llena
o de menguante corre el agua con tanta fuerça
entre la dicha punta y la ysla que contra ella
no puede pasar enbarcaçion alguna. Y si al-
guna pasa por donde la corriente va pasa lle-
gada a la dicha ysla porque de la parte de la punta
de la tierra haze el agua en aquella ensenada
un rremolino tan grande que peligran las enbar-
caçiones que dan en el. Y desde la dicha ylsa de Pulo
Chichen a la mar esta otra ysla q<ue> se llama

[102v]
Pulo Nousa de que abajo trateremos. Y entre
estas dos yslas abra distançia de casi media
legua donde se haze un boqueron por donde entran
naos grandes prinçipalmente las de Meca
Canbaya y Daabul quando desgarran para
aquella uanda con los bientos y corrientes.
Y no entran las dichas naos sino de dia y con ma-
rea llena por causa de unas piedras que estan
de medio boqueron para le tomar e ir bien por el
a la barra del Aceh con la proa al lest suest
y se an de llegar a causa de las dichas piedras mas
junto de la dicha ysla de Pulu Chichen.

Capitulo 4
De la dicha punta del Aceh para el oriente
esta una ysla pequeña que se llama Pulo
Rruesa distançia de media legua. Y desde la dicha
ysla a tierra abra un tiro de camelete en la qual
138 TRANSCRIPTION

estan dos casas y un poco de agua que mana. Y de noche

uelan en esta ysla las personas que de dia uelan
en la dicha punta del Aceh como queda dicho
en el Capitulo Tersero.

Capitulo 5
Desde la punta del Aceh que es de la parte del
poniente ay otra ysla pequeña que esta hazia
la barra y se llama por los acehes Aulo Ancasa.
Abra una legua. Y desde esta ysla a la de Pulo
Rruesa media legua en la qual ysla de Pulo Ancasa

[103r]
esta una casa de romeria de los moros. Y la guar-
dan continuamente çinco o seys hombres hache-
nes. Y asimismo ay en la dicha ysla un poco de agua
que nace de que beben y ay palmares. De esta ysla
de Pulo Ancasa hasta la tierra es playa. Y abra casi
un tiro de camelete. Y pueden entre esta ysla y la
tierra surjir galeras y fustas porque ay mas de
quatro braças de agua y de marea bazia y llena.
De esta playa hasta la barra del Aceh es arena
por lo qual se puede siempre desenbarcar por
toda la playa y quando desenbarcaren sera
en enbarcaçiones pequeñas porque salga la gente
a pie enjuto porque quien a de pelear y caminar
conbiene que salte en tierra con su persona y pol-
uora enjuta. Y haziendo olas grandes de nece-
çidad se an de yr a desenbarcar entre la dicha
ysla de Pulo Ancasa y la tierra.

Capitulo 6
Yten de la dicha punta del Aceh hasta la
dicha ysla de Pulo Ancasa como arriba queda dicho
ay una legua. Y de la dicha punta del Aceh hasta
la dicha ysla puede surjir la armada afastada
asi de la punta del Aceh y de la tierra de la punta
como de la ysla de Pulo Rruesa mas de media le-
gua hazia el oriente escorandose en los ponien-
tes porque auiendo leuantes dara la armada
en la costa. Y se guardaran de surjir junto de la
Rutter of Aceh 139

[103v]
dicha punta del Aceh. Mas de la dicha media
legua porque quando corre el agua para dentro
o para fuera haze grande rremolino hazia la
parte donde el agua corre y estando ay algun na-
uio peligrara. Y asimismo se guardaran de surjir
en la punta y en toda su ensenada serca de tierra
y de la dicha ysla de Pulo Rruesa porque ay muncha
piedra. Y entre esta ysla de Pulo Ancasa y la punta
del Aceh abra mas de quatro bracas de agua hazia
la mar mas hasta quinze y ueynte. Y ay alguna
piedra debajo del agua por lo qual conbiene tener
quenta con las amarras porque no se corten. Y
adbiertese que no solamente de la dicha punta
del Aceh a la ysla de Pulo Ancasa a la mar
ay de quinze braças para arriba mas de la
dicha punta hasta enfrente de la barra del Aceh
ay de las dichas quinze braças para arriba
a la mar. Y a la tierra ay tres y quatro braças
de buen fondo para surgir. Y de ay a la mar
multiplica hasta quinze y mas todo de buen
surjidero. Y debense de amarrar bien por las
corrientes grandes y los noruestes y bientos
que bienen de aquella uanda. La dicha ysla de
Pulo Ancasa de la banda de la mar haze un
arco y por la parte de la tierra es casi derecha. Y es
de mediana altura que abriga las enbarca-
çiones que surjen junto a ella ecepto de los
bientos leuantes q<ue> son muy peligrossoss. [sic]

[104r]
En aquella costa toda puede amparar los
nauios que estuuieren entre ella y la tierra q<ue>
seran galeones galeras y fustas. A la mar de
esta ysla esta otra que se llama Pulo Nousa de
que en el Capitulo 3 se hizo mençion donde
se ba a cortar madera para casas y piedra para
las sepulturas de los difuntos moros la qual
ysla de Pulo Nousa esta con la de Pulo Ancasa
norte sur tres leguas grandes. Y junto a la de
Pulo Nousa no ay surjidero alguno saluo qu-
140 TRANSCRIPTION

ando ban demandar el boqueron de que en el

Capitulo 3 se trato porque de frente del dicho
boqueron ay surjideros de una parte y otra donde
surjen las naos que esperan por las mareas pa-
ra entrar o decaen por el dicho boqueron como
en el dicho capitulo queda dicho. Sera esta
dicha ysla de Pulo Nousa de tres leguas en çir-
cuyto. Y de ella hazia el leuante esta otra
ysla que se llama Pulo Oe que es la Ysla de los
Desterrados como media legua. Y esta casi norte
sur con la barra del Aceh. De manera que por esta
ysla no se puede herrar la barra del Aceh. Y de
esta ysla a la de Pulo Ancasa seran tres leguas
y media. Y estan la una con la otra casi nordest
sudueste. Esta ysla de Pulo Oe tendra de box
casi tanto como la de Pulo Nousa. Y ay en ella po-
blaçion de los desterrados. Y ay palmas areca betre
plantanos agua y ñames. Y ban a ella desde el Aceh

[104v]
algunos paros a comprar y bender. Y no ay
surjidero çierto junto a la dicha ysla mas
bien lo puede auer de la uanda del sur. Pero sur-
jiendo las naos con los bientos noruestes q<ue>
bienen por ençima de la ysla enfermara de
calenturas toda la gente. Y de la parte del poni-
ente que es desde la barra hasta la dicha punta
del Aceh no ay mas yslas q<ue> las dichas. Ay
asimismo una lage negra a que los de alli
llaman Pulu Buro que de madera [sic] llena y bazia
parece rraza con el agua donde siempre la mar
esta quebrando la qual lage quando se ba a
tomar la barra del Aceh queda a la parte
del Aceh [sic] la Ysla de los Desterrados. Y estando
surtos en la barra demora la dicha piedra al
norte. Yten apartado de las dichas yslas ay
surjideros como se declarara adelante en el
Capitulo 9. Y no ay otras yslas desde la dicha
punta hasta la dicha barra ecepto las de Gomez
Pola que demoran a la mar de la dicha barra para
Rutter of Aceh 141

la parte del norte çinco y seys y siete leguas

de tierra. Son de arboledas y sin gente.

Capitulo 7
De la dicha ysla de Pulo Ancasa a la mar se
podra surgir. Mas sera con muncho trauajo por
causa de las grandes corrientes y uientos nor-
tes y otros que bienen de la banda de los noruestes.

[105r]
Y no ay abrigo alguno.

Capitulo 8
Por entre estas yslas aunq<ue> las uean aparta-
das las unas de las otras no entrara nauio alguno
de alto bordo porque corre muncho rriezgo de se perder
por causa de las munchas piedras que tienen ecepto
por el boqueron q<ue> esta declarado entre Pulo Nou-
sa y la ysla de Pulo Chichen que estan de fren-
te de la punta del Aceh.

Capitulo 9
Declarase mas que desde la punta del Aceh hasta
la dicha ysla de Pulo Ancasa y de esta ysla hasta la
barra del Aceh y desde la barra dos leguas al oriente
todo es surjidero. Y quanto mas llegado a la tierra
tanto mejor. Y con los bientos noruestes dan las
naos a la costa si no estan bien amarradas. Y es-
tos son los que cursan mas en esta costa. Y asi-
mesmo los nortes nordestes lestes y huestes pre-
judican alguna cosa mas no tanto como los noru-
estes. Y quanto mas a la mar surjen las naos tan-
to mayores son las corrientes y las mares. Y asi se
declara que entre la dicha ysla de Pulo Ancasa y la
tierra pueden surjir galeones galeras y fragatas
amparados de los noruestes y oestes. Y que de la dicha
ysla de Pulo Ancasa a la mar tanbien se puede
surjir de la manera que arriba es declarado. Y asi
tanbien entre la Ysla de los Desterrados y de la de
Pulo Nousa se podra surjir apartado della
142 TRANSCRIPTION

[105v]
asi de la parte de la mar como de la tierra.

Capitulo 10
Yten declarase mas que ay algunos truenos y
aguaseros en esta costa no tan fruequentados
ni tan peligrosos como es fama entre nos y la
mayor parte dellos bienen por ençima de la tierra.
Y la luna de mayo es muy peligrosa por ser en-
trada del ynbierno y en el mes de junio son tantas
las aguas que bajan de las sierras de la muncha
llubia que sale el rrio de madre y anega toda la
poblaçion creçiendo dos y tres palmos sobre la
tierra y dura dos y tres dias. Y en el mes de setiembre
bienen otras aguas semejantes a estas por ser
ynbierno en los dichos tiempos.

Capitulo 11
Declarase tanbien que desde la dicha punta
del Aceh hasta la ysla de Pulo Ancasa es todo
playa de arena de buen camino y hazia dentro ay
huertas y palmares campos y sementeras de arroz
y algunas cosas. Mas no ay rrio ninguno que ym-
pida el camino. Y ay caminos para la çiudad prin-
çipalmente uno que comiensa de la playa de
Pulo Ancasa derecho de la ysla hazia tierra el qual
es muy frequentado y sauido de los moros que bi-
enen en rromeria a la casa q<ue> esta en la dicha
ysla que es medio dia de camino a la dicha pobla-
çion. Y podran ser tres leguas a la dicha pobla-
çion del Aceh por el qual camino ay casas y huer-

[106r]
tas. Y esta el aldea que se llama Mraesa que
estara a medio camino para la poblaçion del A-
chen. Y en todo este camino no ay rrio ninguno
saluo dos rriachuelos el uno el de Yndergit que
adonde se biene a pasar por este camino tendra un
palmo de agua. Y pasada la dicha Aldea de Mraesa
esta otro que se dize de Loala Saban el qual sera
Rutter of Aceh 143

de altura en este lugar de dos palmos y medio poco

mas o menos. Y toda la gente q<ue> ba a la dicha rro-
meria pasa el dicho rrio a pie de marea bazia
como tanbien se pasa el de Yndergit. Y podra auer
del uno al otro una legua. Y desenbarcandose
la gente de la armada en la playa de frente de la
dicha ysla de Pulo Ancasa a de uenir por el dicho
camino a parar a la dicha aldea Mraesa y a de pasar
fforsosamente por en medio della. Y de ay a de yr
para la poblaçion como se declara adelante en el
Capitulo 17. Y nota que desenbarcandose la
gente desde la dicha ysla de Pulo Ancasa hasta
el dicho rrio de Coala Saban siempre por todos
los caminos a de yr a buscar la dicha aldea Mra-
essa. Y de ay a de yr para la poblaçion del Aceh.
Y en toda la playa es buen desenbarcadero y tiene
caminos para la dicha aldea de Mraessa. Mas
no haziendo olas ni bientos el mejor desen-
barcadero es entre el rriacho de Yndergit y a Coa-
la Saban. Y haziendo bientos y olas for-
sosamente se a de desenbarcar entre la dicha ysla
de Pulo Ancasa y la tierra.

[106v]
Capitulo 12
Yten desde la dicha ysla de Pulo Ancasa por
la playa de la mar hasta un rriacho q<ue> esta
en la playa del Aceh que se llama Yndergit sera
una legua. Y este rriacho tendra de anchura
menos de un tiro de piedra. Y serca del por la tierra
adentro distançia de un tiro de ballesta esta
vna trinchea de tierra ya uieja que siruio de
tener artilleria y aora esta yerma. Y asimesmo
ay huertas y casas tierras y sementeras de arroz.
Y junto deste mismo rrio por toda la playa ay
caminos que ban a dar al camino de Mraesa
de que queda echa minçion que es de la dicha ys-
la de Pulo Ancasa para la poblaçion del Aceh.
Y desde la dicha ysla por entre las dichas huertas
y sementeras ay caminos y por entre las mismas
144 TRANSCRIPTION

huertas pueden yr a dar en el dicho camino y estrada

q<ue> ba de la dicha ysla de Pulo Ancasa para la poblaçion
del Aceh. De manera q<ue> en toda esta playa es des-
enbarcadero como arriba esta dicho y por qual-
quier parte della se puede yr a buscar el dicho
camino para la dicha aldea de Mraesa y pobla-
çion del Aceh. Y declarase ser todo desenbarca-
dero quando no uentaren los bientos de la mar
que es de la banda del norte porque los dichos bi-
entos hazen grandes mares y forsosamente
se a de yr a desenbarcar en la playa entre la ysla
de Pulo Ancasa y la tierra como atras queda decla-
rado.

Capitulo 13
Yten deste rriacho de Yndergit hasta

[107r]
otro riacho mayor que se llama Coala Saban
que estan hazia la barra del Aceh menos una
legua y media el qual sera de anchura un buen
tiro de piedra y de aguas bibas podran entrar fustas
yr por el arriba hasta la aldea de Mraesa. Este
rriacho de Coala Saban no se puede pasar a pie jun-
to a la mar aunque sea de marea bazia pero
como ya arriba queda dicho este rriacho de
Coala Saban se puede pasar a pie de marea
basia en otros lugares distançia de una legua
de la mar. Y entre estos dos rriachos junto a la playa
y por la tierra adentro ay palmares y sementeras
de arroz. Y por qualquier parte de la dicha playa jun-
to a el dicho rrio de una parte y de otra ay caminos
para la dicha aldea de Mraesa asi y de la mane-
ra que esta declarado del rrio y playa de Yndergit.
Y desde la playa de este rriacho de Coala Saban
hasta la dicha aldea de Mraesa abra mas de
dos leguas y media. Y adbiertese que despues de
la gente desenbarcara se pueden llebar por este
rrio mantenimientos y artilleria y otras co-
sas en fustas hasta la aldea de Mraesa con
Rutter of Aceh 145

marea llena de aguas bibas. Y asimismo que no

abiendo bientos que hagan mares entre estos
dos rriachos es el mejor enbarcadero de todos.

Capitulo 14
Yten este rriacho de Coala Saban a la barra
del Aceh abra mas de legua y media que tan-
bien es de buena playa. Y por la tierra adentro

[107v]
es de palmares y huertas y sementeras de
arroz. Y tiene caminos aunque lodosos para
la poblaçion del Ache. Y de toda esta playa
de Coala Saban para la playa quanto mas se
llega la barra tanto mas lejos poca distançia
queda a la dicha aldea de Mraesa que a las
otras playas atras declaradas. Y en la entrada de
este rriacho de Coala Saban hazia la barra de-
l Aceh por el rrio adentro distançia de un tiro
de arcabuz esta una trinchea de tierra muy bieja
y derribada que no tiene fortificaçion ninguna.
En esta playa tanbien se puede desenbarcar
como en las otras ecepto haziendo bientos de
la mar que es de la banda del norte como en
las otras playas se declaro. Y desenbarcandose
de este rriacho de Coala Saban para la barra
no es tan buen desenbarcadero como los que atras
quedan declarados por causa del lodo y ser los
caminos mas enbarasados.

Capitulo 15
Por lo qual declara Diego Gil por auer estado mun-
chos años cautibo en el Aceh en poder del rrey
y continuamente espiar uelar y pensar en este
desenbarcadero para dar a nos don Joan Rribero
Gayo mejor rrelaçion de las cosas del Aceh
que todos los otros con quien hasta el presente
las comunicamos y con mas uerdad el mejor
desenbarcadero de todos ser desde la playa q<ue> esta
de frente de la ysla de Pulo Ancasa hasta el dicho rria-
146 TRANSCRIPTION

[108r ]
cho de Coala Saban por ser toda playa limpia
salbo haziendo bientos que lebanten mares por-
que entonces forsosamente se a de desenbarcar
entre la dicha ysla de Pulo Ancasa y la tierra como a-
tras queda dicho porque de qualquier parte de la dicha
playa para la dicha aldea de Mraesa todos son
muy buenos caminos. Y quanto mas junto al rrio
de Coala Saban se desenbarcare tanto mas
serca queda de la dicha aldea de Mraesa y de la
poblaçion del Aceh. Y el mejor camino de todos
es desenbarcar junto del dicho rriacho de Coala Sa-
ban de la banda de Yndergit y caminar siempre
derecho a Mraesa y a la poblaçion del Aceh.

Capitulo 16 De las cosas q<ue>

estan en la barra del Aceh de
la parte del poniente
En la barra del Aceh esta un baluarte de ta-
pia de tierra quadrado. Y tiene alguna artilleria
el qual estara apartado del rrio un tiro de arcabuz
y de la mar medio tiro de camalete. Sera el dicho ba-
luarte de dos braças y juega a la playa barra y par-
te del rrio y alrrededor lo que alcança la dicha ar-
tilleria. Y estara de la poblaçion del Aceh tres le-
guas. Entrando fustas por la barra junto a la
playa las ofendera poco la artilleria por estar
lejos. Junto a este baluarte un tiro de piedra de la
banda del sur entra del proprio rrio junto a la barra
un estero que ba por la tierra adentro poca distançia
y se buelbe a meter otra uez en el rrio casi una le-

[108v]
gua de la poblaçion del Aceh. Y en la ysla
que haze este estrecho ay algunas casas de pes-
cadores y algunos plantanos y arboles salados.
Ay mas por la orilla del rrio del dicho estrecho
para la poblaçion un estero angosto que atrabie-
sa del rrio de un lugar que se llama Canpun Pe-
gu y se ua a meter entre las huertas y casi que
Rutter of Aceh 147

llega al rrio de Coala Saban. Y se pasa cerca del

dicho lugar de Canpun Pegu por una tabla de
casi tres brasas de largo. Y desta parte de la pun-
ta del Aceh hasta la barra no ay otra aldea al-
guna sino la que esta declarada que es Mraesa.
Y cerca del rrio algunos lodasales salados tra-
uajosos de caminar por lo qual junto al rrio no
es buen desenbarcadero como esta dicho. Y el ca-
mino del dicho baluarte para la poblaçion
del Aceh o es por el mismo rrio en paroos o
por la otra banda del rrio de la parte de oriente que
es el camino bueno. Y pasan el rrio desde el dicho
baluarte en paroos como abajo se declarara.

Capitulo 17
Llegando a la aldea de Mraesa por qualquiera
de los desenbarcaderos que quedan declarados
porque por qualquiera dellos que se desenbarcare
de neceçidad se a de yr a buscar por diuisa y señal
la dicha aldea de Mraesa para desde alli yr
a la poblaçion del Aceh. El mejor desenbar-
cadero como ya tanbien queda declarado
es la playa que esta junto de Coala Saban

[109r]
de la parte de Yndergit. Y tanto que llegaren a la
dicha aldea de Mraesa caminaran desde ella para
la dicha poblaçion del Aceh por esta horden. La dicha
aldea esta en medio de un campo antes de pasar el
uado del rriacho de Coala Saban pues caminaran
por en medio della. E yendo por el dicho campo al
oriente pasaran el dicho bado de Coala Saban
desde el qual ay tres caminos. Uno dellos cae a la
mano yzquierda y ua a dar a Campun Dagao. Y por
este no se a de yr aunque es buen camino. Otro cae
a la mano derecha y ba por entre las huertas
a dar en la cerca del rrey por la uanda del poniente.
Y no es bueno por ser de muncho lodo. Ay otro ca-
mino por medio y este se a de tomar. E yran por
el hazia el oriente a demandar una punta de
148 TRANSCRIPTION

huertas que sale para el dicho campo un tiro de

uallesta mas que las otras que quedan a la
mano yzquierda. Y dexandola a la mano derecha
mas de un tiro de arcabuz y puestos con ella norte
sur yran a demandar donde la dicha punta comiensa
de salir hazia el campo y de alli derecho las huertas
donde hallaran un camino. E yendo por el entraran
en el camino q<ue> va por entre las huertas a la pobla-
çion del Aceh. Y puesto que uean otras puntas
de huertas no las sigan sino solamente la dicha
punta que demora al lessuest que es de la banda
del oriente hazia mano derecha. Y es la prostera
que esta mas para la uanda de la dicha aldea de
Mraesa. Y si bieren otras puntas que demoran

[109v]
al lesnordeste que es sobre la mano yzqui-
erda no las tomen aunque esten al oriente
y solamente la dicha punta tomaran. Y en lle-
gando al camino ancho yran por el al oriente
por entre las huertas. Y luego de ay un tiro de ar-
cabuz yran a dar a la casa de la fundiçion. Y de
ay yran a mano derecha al sur. Y pasaran por
una poblaçion que se llama Betan Rrajal y
Pacan Saridria donde moran los pacenes la
qual sera de setezientos vezinos. Y tiene dos ca-
lles de casas pajizas una que ua para la mezquita
y otra para la casa del rrey que son las prinçipa-
les. Y por ellas se ua con el rrostro al sur. La una
dellas pasa por medio de la poblaçion derecha a
la mezquita grande. Y llegando a un patio
grande de la dicha mezquita se tomara el
camino a mano yzquierda para el sueste e yran
a dar a la puerta de la cerca donde bibe el rrey. E yen-
do por la otra calle junto al rrio para el sur tanbien
ban derecho a la puerta de la cerca donde el rrey
mora. Y caminando desde la casa de la fundiçion
por el camino y horden que atras queda dicho
quedamos a las espaldas de la aduana. Y de la
dicha aduana hazia el norte esta un langar
Rutter of Aceh 149

que es casa de su rromeria. Y luego adelante

al norte esta Canpun Dagao que es una pobla-
çion grande de seys çientos vezinos donde biben
todos los estranjeros. Y luego desde este Canpun Da-

[110r]
gao para el norte esta otra poblaçion que se
llama Canpun Pegu que tendra çien vezinos
donde se aposentan los pegus. Detras destas pobla-
çiones de Canpun Dagao y Canpun Pengu esta otra
poblaçion pequeña que se llama Canpun Bengala
que tendra otros çien vezinos. Y toda la demas tierra
detras destas poblaçiones es de huertas de palma-
res plantanares y arboles grandes. Y tienen cercas
donde estan sepulturas de los moros. Y por las
dichas huertas ay casas y bibe gente en ellas.
Y las dichas huertas son sercadas de uallados y es-
pinas.

Capitulo 18 De la cerca donde

esta el aposento del Rey
El aposento del rrey esta çituado en una tierra llana
adelante de las dichas poblaçiones para la parte
del sur. Y desde la postrera de las dichas poblaçiones
a la puerta de la cerca de la bibienda del rrey sera
un tiro de arcabuz. Y esta un patio grande o plaça
en el qual a la mano derecha yendo para la casa
del rrey esta una casa grande de munchos pila-
res que se llama bunga satanguei que es la ca-
sa del estado del rrey donde rreçibe las enbaxadas.
Y desde la dicha casa a la puerta del rrey que es
la cerca sera mas de un tiro de piedra la qual
casa es de madera y pajiza. Y no bibe en ella
persona alguna. Y sera de setenta palmos de
largo y de quarenta de ancho. Y es de soberado. Y
no tiene artilleria ni hato ninguno y solamen-

[110v]
te sirue de estado. E por debajo es toda a-
bierta. E desde la dicha casa hazia la casa del
150 TRANSCRIPTION

rrey tanbien a la mano derecha esta un ualeo

o casa de quarenta palmos de largo y veynte y
çinco de ancho que sirue de auditorio a los ofi-
çiales de la justiçia que es a mano derecha. Esta
un arbol en que esta atado un elefante y ade-
lante del dicho arbol ay una entrada para la pu-
erta de la cerca del rrey donde estan quatro valeos
pequeños. Y a la mano yzquierda de estos quatro
valeos o xacales ay otros tres del mesmo tama-
ño q<ue> los quatro donde duerme el capitan mayor
e hidalgos del rrey que podran ser entre ellos y
su gente duzientas personas. Cada noche luego a-
delante de los dichos valeos esta la entrada de
la puerta que sera de veynte e çinco palmos entre
los dichos valeos y la puerta. Esta en este medio
vna puente de madera en el peso [sic] del suelo que
pasa el agua por debajo de la caua de la cerca dos
palmos de la puente hasta el agua. Y en la ffosa
sera de tres o quatro palmos de alto. El agua esta
cerca del aposento del rrey sera de media legua
en rrueda la qual es toda de uallado de la
tierra que se saco de la fosa que hizieron al de-
rredor de la dicha serca la qual cerca y vallado
sera de altura de doze palmos de la parte de
fuera y de la de dentro es de menos altura
y tendra quinze palmos de grueso. Y sobre este

[111r]
vallado y cerca de tierra asi echada y pisada con
pilones sembraron por ambas bandas y plan-
taron munchas cañas por su horden y tan jun-
tas que creçiendo hizieron una tela y fortifica-
çion asi derrama como de rrayzes por abajo que
pelotas de arcabuzes no pueden pasar por entre
ella. Estos cañauerales no son de espinas mas
seran de palmo y medio de grueso y de poco uazio
por de dentro. Y con las rrayzes tienen fortificado
el dicho uallado mas con una buena hoz rrosadera
de dos golpes cortaran cada uno de los mas gruesos
aunque esto no se podra hazer tan façilmente
Rutter of Aceh 151

por causa de estar muy texidos y juntos. Pero

la artilleria lo desara todo. La dicha cerca tiene
todo al derredor una caua que desde la dicha su [sic]
puerta q<ue> esta al norte y no tiene otra para el
poniente. Y del poniente hasta el sur y del sur al
sueste sera de largo de duzientos palmos digo de
anchura y de altura de tres o quatro palmos de
agua como atras queda dicho. Y el atolladero y lama
de la dicha fosa podra ser de dos palmos. Y siempre
en ella ay agua. Y andan munchas anades y
aues de agua. Asimismo plantaron en ella
uaras delgadas de unos arboles q<ue> luego pren-
den. Y en siendo de un dedo de grueso poco mas las
cortan y queda una punta en ellas como puas
y de estas ay munchas. La dicha fosa desde el
sueste al oriente y de ay hasta la puerta prinçi-
pal sera de anchura la mitad menos q<ue> la otra

[111v]
y de la misma altura y tiene las mismas
uaras y puas. Y del sueste hasta el oriente y al
setentrion donde esta la dicha puerta de la cerca
sera la dicha fosa de anchura de çien palmos o
menos. Y tiene la propria altura de agua y plan-
tas echas pues [sic]. Y entrando por la dicha puerta
de la cerca de la parte de dentro esta echo un
ballado de la misma manera del que esta de-
clarado el qual esta echo a modo de un corredor
de catorze pasos de largo y ocho de ancho el qual
corredor no tiene puerta ecepto una que queda
de la uanda del ocçidente al rrebes de la dicha
puerta de la cerca. En entrando por la puerta estan
puestas en el suelo tres pieças de artilleria a la
parte del ocçidente y luego por aquella parte asia
el norte estan los almasenes de mantenimi-
entos e clauason xarçia y brea y otras cossas
para las armadas. Y desde los dichos almacenes
para la uanda del ocçidente esta un monte se-
rrado de arboles siluestres y a la orilla del dicho
monte para la parte del sur esta la casa o ualeo
152 TRANSCRIPTION

rraesa donde se rrecojen de noche los ofiçiales

y criados de la casa del rrey los quales todos
con sus criados seran hasta çiento. Y desde la
dicha puerta de la cerca y su puerta falsa dis-
tançia de çiento y çinquenta palmos esta
un uallado como el que arriba esta decla-
rado que toma toda la cerca atrauesando derecho

[112r]
del ocçidente al oriente. Y en medio de este
vallado enfrente de la puerta q<ue> esta declarada
esta otra puerta que entra para dentro de la cerca
o otra plaça como la dicha aunque algo mayor
la qual puerta es de la misma manera y tiene
su puerta falsa y corredor en el qual de frente
della esta una bandera y una pieca [sic] de artilleria
que guarda la entrada de la dicha puerta. Y dentro
de esta segund plaça de la parte del ocçidente
es tanbien monte espeso y en la delantera del
un baleo que se llama Sidasida donde duermen
los capados del seruiçio del rrey.Y debajo del
dicho baleo esta toda la artilleria gruesa y
menuda que el dicho rrey tiene. Y pegado con el
dicho baleo esta una casa donde estan todas
las balas y arcabuzes. Y detras del dicho baleo
distançia de treynta palmos estan unas casillas
que siruen de poluora y de algunas muniçiones
para el artilleria. Y en la dicha plaça hazia el
oriente esta solamente una casilla pequeña y
sin gente que sirue de guardar algunas cosas
del seruiçio del rrey. Y luego del ocçidente al
oriente esta echado un muro de ladrillo y cal
de dos palmos y medio de ancho que tiene toda la
cerca del qual muro para el sur sera mayor
alguna cosa de la terçia parte de la cerca. Y al
pie de la la uanda del norte en la segunda plaça
estan algunas cañas apartadas y sin orden.
Rutter of Aceh 153

[112v]
Y en el medio del dicho muro defrente de
las dichas puertas de atras esta una puerta
solamente de la qual puerta para dentro bibe
el rrey. Y tiene sus casas de madera cuuiertas
de paja para el a la parte del oriente y de dentro
dellas tiene sus rrepartimientos donde tiene
sus mugeres cada una de por si y una cassa
grande donde abra duzientas mugeres labran-
deran [sic] enserradas que se sirue por una puerta
q<ue> la dicha casa solamente tiene. Y dentro
en este terçero patio de una parte y de la otra
enfrente de las casas del rrey ay casillas
donde biben mugeres de seruiçio. Y desde las
dichas casas del rrey al les sueste dentro de
este terçero patio distançia de setenta pal-
mos del muro esta un postigo pequeño es-
condido que sale por entre los cañauerales
para fuera por el qual sacan los cuerpos de
las mugeres que mueren dentro. Y aduiertese
que este postigo es el que se a de buscar para
entrar por el como adelante se declararara. Den-
tro de la dicha cerca no bibe honbre ninguno
sino es el rrey ni otras mugeres mas q<ue> las
suyas y de su seruiçio. Y todo lo demas es pa-
tio que no tiene arboledo. Y esta cerca del norte
para ocçidente y del ocçidente para el sur de
la parte de fuera y del sur hasta el sueste
tiene huertas y caminos comunes. Y del sueste

[113r]
para el leste y desde el leste para el nordeste
no ay caminos y solamente huertas que en-
frentan con la fosa. Y no pasan por ella sino los
moradores de las dichas huertas por no ser sauida
la dicha puerta falsa que tienen [sic] la dicha cerca y
por no ser sauida. Es de menos anchura la dicha cer-
ca por aquella parte. Y del nordeste para el norte
154 TRANSCRIPTION

donde esta la puerta de la cerca esta un uallado

de tierra y cañaueral que biene a dar por la parte
del oriente a las huertas y de la parte del norte con
el corredor de la puerta prinçipal el qual se hizo
para que no pasase persona alguna de la otra parte
hasta el oriente y sueste ni uean la dicha caua
y puerta falsa por auer menos fortaleza y ser
por alli mas façil la entrada. Y no tiene la dicha
por dentro ni fuera otras cosas de notar mas de
las declaradas.

Capitulo 19, En que se declara

donde a de surjir la armada y desen-
barcar la gente della y el camino
que an de tomar para la poblaçion
del Aceh y por donde an de entrar en
ella y en la fortaleza del rrey.
La armada que fuere al Aceh a de lleuar
mejoria de quatro mill hombres portugueses
sin la gente de mar y seruiçio. Y a de partir de Goa
en tiempo que llegue al Aceh hasta quinze de
março y si pudiere ser mas temprano sera muncho me-

[113v]
jor. Por quanto a de uenir a tiempo que pueda alcan-
car victoria antes de la luna de mayo que es muy
peligrosa en aquella costa para la armada. Y comi-
ença el ynbierno en aquellas partes. Y con la
muncha agua non nos podemos aprouechar del
artilleria y arcabuzeria. Y dura el ynbierno hasta
ffin de septiembre y parte de otubre porque de mediado
otubre por delante es uerano. Y lluebe pocas ue-
zes hasta mayo. Los bientos siguientes. Leste les
nordeste y el biento nordeste norte y el norueste
y huesnoruest y oest. Todos son perjudiçiales en
la costa del A[c]hen y no tienen abrigo prinçipalmente
el noruest muy perjudicial. Y partida esta armada
de Goa con munchas amarras y buenas aforradas
en qualquiera de los dichos tiempos y con enbarca-
çiones pequeñas para desenbarcar la gente siendo ca-
Rutter of Aceh 155

so que decayan para la banda de Daya bendran de ay

si pudieren ademandar [sic] las yslas de Gomez Pola. Y en
pasandolas gouernaran al su suest quedando si-
empre las dichas yslas y otras siempre a la mano
derecha. Y como no vieren otras yslas adelante go-
uernaran al sur quedando las dichas yslas a-
partadas a mano derecha poco mas de media legua.
Yran a demandar la costa tomando algun tanto
del su suduest hasta que hallen ffondo de seys
bracas hasta diez. Y corriendo la costa con la proa
en tierra y el plomo en la mano hasta dar en çinco
bracas quedandole la tierra a la mano yzquierda
yran asi gobernando hasta de frente del Aceh.

[114r]
Y tanto que llegaren enfrente de la dicha barra del Aceh
veran el ualuarte. Y en biendole pasaran adelante
del hazia el poniente distançia de dos leguas donde
ueran la punta del Aceh y de la dicha ysla de
Pulo Ancasa. Y surjiran en çinco braças y de ay para
arriba y abajo conforme a las naos. Y este surjidero
queda de la dicha ysla de Pulo Ancasa hazia la barra
y el proprio surjidero y mejor es de frente del rriacho y
playa de Coala Saban para la uanda de Yndergit. Y
si al tiempo que pasaren las yslas de Gomez Pola
como atras queda declarado las corrientes lleuaren
la harmada hazia el oriente que se ueia por las al-
turas dichas corriendo la costa tanto que bieren
una sierra alta que se llama Loboc q<ue> estara
ocho leguas de la poblaçion y lo mismo de la barra.
Pasaran la dicha sierra gouernando por la misma
altura guardandose de una punta que echa a
la mar que se llama Ujung Laden. Y esta en la pun-
ta de la sierra al poniente que haze una rrestinga
y luego adelante poco menos una legua. Esta otra
punta que se llama Lojor que es la punta donde se
acaua la playa de la barra del Aceh que es de la
dicha barra el oriente. Y en pasando la dicha punta
governaran como atras queda dicho has[ta] de frente
del rriacho el Coala Saban donde an de surgir.
156 TRANSCRIPTION

Pero debese tener grande auiso porque de esta pun-

ta de Lojor ultima hasta enfrente de la barra es
el fondo diferente y tiene altos y bajos. Pero los
bajos nunca seran de menos altura que de quatro
braças. Y ay piedras por entre ellos.Y desde la dicha barra

[114v]
para el ocçidente hasta la ysla de Pulo Ancasa
ay buen surgidero. Y siendo caso que pasando la ar-
mada desgarrada como arriba queda dicho de la parte
de Daya y no pudiere gouernar a las dichas yslas
de Gomez Pola entonces se llegara la dicha arma-
da de la banda de Daya para tierra de la punta del A-
chen mandando primero sondar los boquerones
y sus entradas y salidas y por ellos puede [sic] entrar. Por
el boqueron que esta a la mar las naos grandes
y por el que esta entre la punta del Aceh y la ysla
pequeña de Pulo Chichen las enbarcaçiones peque-
nas de la manera que queda dicho en el Capitulo
3. Y pasados los dichos boquerones yran a surgir de
frente del dicho rriacho de Coala Saban. Y surta la
dicha armada, los nauios de rremo que pareçiere
yran dando salba al baluarte de la barra. Y pa-
sando adelante a la parte del lebante por la costa,
distançia de casi dos leguas de la dicha barra
donde esta el desenbarcadero que es notorio a los
acehes de que ellos se temen muncho por tener
buen camino y cierto. Y por aquella parte lo
tienen fortaleçido como abajo se declarara en
el Capitulo 21. Y llegadas las dichas fustas
enfrente de este desembarcadero haran todas
señal que quieren desenbarcar para que a esta
parte acuda la gente. Y en este lugar dormiran
las fustas porque sea mas notorio a los ache-
nes el averse de desenbarcar alli. Y las dichas
fustas no lleuaran gente alguna de la que se
obiere de desenbarcar para yr sobre la poblacion.
Rutter of Aceh 157

[115r]
Y enfrente de la barra donde no llegue el artille-
ria del baluarte surgiran tanbien algunas
naos con la menos gente que pudieren porque no salga
ffuera armada ninguna del Aceh. Y sera mun-
cho mejor que siendo la gente desenbarcada que toda
la dicha armada venga a surgir de frente de la dicha
barra quedando algunos nauios gruesos en el
primer surgidero para los rrecaudos y cosas necesa-
rias. Y al quarto del alba comensara la gente a
desenbarcarse de manera que bien de mañana
en esclareçiendo lleguen a tierra. Y no auiendo
olas ni mares grandes se desenbarcaran de Coa-
la Saban para Yndergit y haziendo olas para la
dicha ysla de Pulo Ancasa y la tierra. Y desenbarcada
la gente y artilleria necesaria haran su camino
para la aldea de Mraesa y de ay para la puerta
de la cerca del rrey como arriba queda declarado
en el Capitulo 17. Y llegados a la cerca puesto el
rreal y hartilleria en orden como que quieren
hazer su entrada en la cerca por la puerta prinçi-
pal que esta al norte jugando el artilleria con la
furia posible y sin peligro de la gente. Estando
asi rrepartiran siete çientos hombres con alguna
artilleria de manera que puedan ser uistos y
los echaran de la parte del ocçidente como que
ban tanbien a acometer la fosa y entrada por a-
quella parte. Y haran el dicho acometimiento dis-
tançia de la dicha puerta prinçipal antes de
llegar al medio de la dicha cerca para el ocçidente
poco mas de dozientos y çinquenta palmos por-

[115v]
que la gente que queda atras queda ya peleando
con el primer tablero de la cerca que esta de fren-
te de la puerta primera de la cerca. Y estos seteçien-
tos hombres an de pelear con la gente del tablero
158 TRANSCRIPTION

segundo. Y jugaran la artilleria de manera que a-

punten hazia el sur para que las ualas no uayan
a dar en n<uest>ra gente que a de quedar peleando por la
parte del oriente como abajo se declara. Y luego
puestas estas dos hordenes de pelea en el mismo ti-
empo yran mill buenos soldados y mas y se pa-
saran de la otra parte de la cerca del oriente yendo al
derredor de un uallado que ba de la puerta para oriente.
Y tanto que llegaren a las huertas rromperan por
ellas y yran caminando junto a la fosa de la cerca
hasta el susuduest que es casi al cauo de las huertas.
Y luego ueran un estremo que esta en la cerca que
es la segunda puerta de esta cerca de que en el Cap<itul>o
8 se hizo minçion. Y por aqui se a de entrar tapando
y cegando la fosa con faxina y tierra llevando el
artilleria y todos los demas aparejos para hazer
camino y cortar los cañauerales de la cerca y todo
lo demas necesario porque forsosamente por este
camino se a de entrar que es por alli la fosa de me-
nos anchura y el uallado mas delgado y menos fu-
erte y de menos tierra que el de la banda del poniente
por ser la fosa por alli mas angosta y auerle
sacado mas poca tierra y en las dichas huertas ay
rrama y fajina para el dicho enchimiento. Y este
camino es mejor por muchas rrazones asi por
no aber fuerte alguno por de dentro de aquel patio

[116r]
mas q<ue> las casas y aposento del rrey y sus mu-
geres como tanbien por no dejar el rrey entrar
hombres en el sino quando sintiere que acometen.
Y acometiendose la entrada por la puerta prinçipal
de la cerca tiene dos uallados de cañas al pasar y el
muro de ladrillo y esta la fuerça de la gente en a-
quellas partes. Y auiendose de acometer la entrada
por la uanda del ocçidente tiene primero la ffossa
muy ancha y de agua y lama por lo qual con el
nombre de Jesus y boz del bienauenturado Santiago
tomando por yntercesora y guia la Sarcatisima [sic]
Birgen N<uest>ra Señora de Luz a quien nos don Joan
Rutter of Aceh 159

Rribero Gayo prometemos siendo n<uest>ro Señor ser-

uido de esta uictoria y dandonos uida de hazerle
una casa toda la entrada y fuersa se a de meter
por la dicha puerta pequeña que esta de la uanda
del oriente al les suest como arriba queda de-
clarado. Y la gente que de aquella manera se par-
tiere a de tener tal auiso que quede peleando en
todos los dichos tres tableros de la dicha çerca que
el primero es enfrente de la puerta y la que pe-
leare de la parte del ocçidente peleara llegando
al oest porque asi queda acometiendo en el se-
gundo tablero. Y la gente que pasare de la parte
del oriente antes que llegue al suest donde a de
ser la entrada peleara porque de las otras dos par-
tes an de hazer acometimientos con el menos
peligro de gente que ser pudiere.

Capitu<l>o 20 En el qual se declara el

rrio de la poblaçion del Aceh
[116v]
Desde la barra donde se mete el rrio del Aceh hasta
la poblaçion y cerca della abra tres leguas. Y desde la
dicha poblaçion hasta las sierras donde el dicho rrio
nase es lejos. Y no nauegan en enbarcaçiones gran-
des por lo qual no se tarda del dicho rrio mas que sola-
mente se declara que de la dicha poblaçion para a-
rriba es muy fresco. Y pueden yr por el en paros pe-
quenos [sic] hasta casi tres leguas. Tienen munchos pal-
mares huertas y sementeras de arroz y casas por en-
tre las huertas y aldeas. Y de la dicha poblaçion del A-
chen hasta la barra sera el dicho rrio de tres leguas.
Y de anchura en partes de tiro y medio de piedra y en
partes de un tiro. Y de marea llena entran galeras
hasta la poblaçion y de baja mar entran fustas
es el dicho rrio de algunas bueltas y la canal del
algunas uezes llega a una banda y a otra. Y tiene
algunos poços donde estan naos que entran ba-
sias con la marea. Y este rrio asi de una banda como
de la otra en algunas partes tiene barrancas prin-
çipalmente de la banda de poniente que es donde esta
160 TRANSCRIPTION

la poblacion. Tiene una barranca que comiensa

de la poblaçion de Canpun Dagao hasta enfrente del
patio de la mesquita grande que sera de altura de
diez palmos grandes. El dicho rrio se pasa a bado de
marea basia en algunas partes y da al hombre por
abajo del ombligo. Y del agua del se bebe. Y no
tiene el rrio otra rribera alguna si esta. Y las en-
barcaçiones que se hazen es de frente de su cerca.
Y las tienen en cabas a la orilla del rrio y junto del
no ay otra fortalesa ecepto los dos ualuartes que estan

[117r]
en la barra el uno de una parte y el otro de la otra
la barra. Y [sic] entrada de este rrio es buena y no tiene peli-
gro. Solamente se an de guardar de una rrestinga que haze
la qual se muda con los uientos por donde unas ue-
zes esta al oriente y otras al poniente segun los bien-
tos. Y es pequeña y es façil de conocer.

Capitulo 21 En que se declaran

las cosas que ay desde la poblaçion a
la barra de la parte del ocçidente
Desde la poblaçion a la barra en pasando el rrio a
la otra parte que es del ocçidente para oriente esta
luego una poblaçion que se llama Campum Peda-
yam que es de los rremadores casi dos tiros de piedra
de la barra del rrio y de la cerca del rrio casi dos tiros de
arcabuz. Y pasada esta poblaçion esta un camino
que ba para la barra el qual haze algunas bueltas
por causa de las huertas que esta [sic] de una uanda y de otra.
Y ay algun lodo luego al prinçipio por distançia de
dos tiros de arcabuz. Y luego de ay por delante el dicho ca-
mino ba casi derecho hasta un palmar que esta pe-
gado con el estero de Coala Chadhec, el qual estero
se pasa a uado de marea uasia que sera de dos palmos
de agua. Y de la la poblaçion que queda atras seran
dos leguas. Y en pasandole ba el camino derecho
para la barra y media legua del [sic] esta una estançia
con su çerca de uallados de cañas que es una casa donde
el rrey se ba a holgar algunos dias. Y pasada la di-
Rutter of Aceh 161

cha estançia ban por el camino derecho y ay algunas

casas de la una parte y de la otra en que biben labrado-

[117v]
res hasta la barra y baluarte que esta en ella.
Y antes de llegar a la barra un buen tiro de arcabuz
esta un uallado de tierra y cañas que atrabiesa
por toda la playa hasta cerca de Coala Chadhec
que seran casi tres leguas de la barra el qual se hizo
para guarda y defensa de aquella playa en el
tiempo que se dixo que Françisco Barreto yba a-
l Aceh. Y entre el dicho uallado y la playa estan al-
gunas cauas pequeñas con motas de espinas
y arboles pequeños. Y saliendo del dicho ballado para
la playa de la barra junto al rrio esta otro uallado
de tierra poco fuerte a manera de trinchea que tan-
bien se hizo en tiempo de Françisco Barreto para le
ynpedir la entrada. Y este segundo uallado y trin-
chea haze una plaça que sera de trezientos pal-
mos de largo y dozientos de ancho. Y llegando a
esta trinchea y uallado en un rrincon que haze
de la uanda del oriente esta un ualuarte quadrado
poco mayor que el otro. Esta de la parte del oriente
y de la misma anchura y artilleria y guarda.
Y esta del dicho rrio un tiro de ballesta y de la
playa de la mar mas de un tiro de arcabuz. Y juega
la artilleria toda la barra hasta donde alcansa.
Y esta mas al norte que el otro baluarte que esta
del osidente en la otra uanda del rrio. Y alcansa
el artilleria del un baluarte al otro. Y en toda
esta playa hasta Coala Chadhec, que seran casi
tres leguas por la costa de la mar, tiene buenos des-
enbarcaderos y caminos para la poblaçion

[118r]
del Aceh. Y se rrecelan los acehes que por alli
a de ser n<uest>ra desenbarcaçion porque de toda la
playa de la mar se puede caminar bien para la di-
cha poblacion. Y por donde no llegue el artilleria
del dicho baluarte mas como no solamente esta
162 TRANSCRIPTION

desenbarcaçion mas todas las de esta parte de

leuante ay otras que abajo se declararan. Tienen
que. [sic] Se a de pasar el dicho uallado que es estoruo y
asimismo el rrio del Aceh que es grande ynpedi-
mento por ser ondo para pasar la gente armada pe-
leando que da a un hombre por bajo del hombligo
de marea baçia. Y de la parte de la poblaçion tiene
barrancales altos de diez palmos para arriba
y cortados que no se pueden seruir [sic]. Y a pedradas se
pueden dende ellos defender el pasaje porque desde
la barranca deste rrio a la canal del donde
el agua es mas alta. Sera medio tiro de piedra.
Por lo qual rrespecto del rrio y de la barranca no
es buen desenbarcadero este de que en este capitu-
lo se hizo minçion ni tampoco por la barra a causa
de los dichos baluartes. Y por ser el rrio y su canal
enbarasado de bueltas y bajos que es necesario
sauerse bien el canal.

Capitulo 22 En que se decla-

ran las cosas que ay desde la barra
hasta Coala Chadhee
Desde la barra hasta el estero de Coala Chadhee
que es de la parte del oriente seran tres leguas

[118v]
de muy buena playa y desembarcadero. Y tiene
buenos caminos ecepto el dicho estero que atra-
biesa de su entrada para la parte del ocçidente don-
de se mete en el rrio del Aceh dos leguas de la po-
blaçion. Y este camino no es bueno por el ynpe-
dimento que tiene del dicho rrio y su barrancal
como queda dicho en el Capitulo Ueynte e Uno.
Y asi tiene mas el pasaje de este estero que de ma-
rea uaçia. Es de dos palmos y medio y el uallado
de cañas q<ue> esta junto a la playa. Y del dicho ua-
luarte legua y media de frente de su playa
para el oriente se puede seguir en çinco o seys ual-
ças y mas. Y de la dicha legua y media para el
Rutter of Aceh 163

oriente hasta la punta de lor son rruynes

surigideros como ya en los capitulos atras se
declara.

Capitulo 23 Que declara las

cosas que ay desde el estero de Coala
Chadhec hasta Loor
Del estero de Coala Chadhec para el oriente esta
una punta que sale a la mar hazia el monte [sic]
y se llama Loor distançia de una legua. Y ay
camino para la dicha punta y palmas algunas
cosas [sic] entre ellas y la dicha punta estan quatro
o çinco personas que uigian la gente que pasa y
ua para Cron Rraya y Loboc y otras poblaçiones
q<ue> estan adelante. Y asi por la dicha punta no pue-
den pasar sino la personas que lleban licençia

[119r]
y certificacion de quien son y a que uan. Tiene el dicho
estero y esta punta no ay desenbarcadero alguno.
Y a la mar se puede surgir en çinco seys siete braças.

Capitulo 24 en que se decla-

ran las cosas que ay desde Loor hasta
la otra parte de Ujung Ladem
De la punta de Loor para el oriente esta otra punta
que se llama Ujom Laden. Y de la una a la otra a-
bra menos de una legua. Y ay camino pero despobla-
do y sin palmares. Y pasa de la dicha punta al pie de
la sierra. Estan como diez casas entre palmares donde
ay criaçion de cabras y bufanos. Y no es camino
para pasar gulpe [sic] de gente ni tiene desenbarcadero
junto a la mar por tener munchas piedras. Esta
punta de Ujung Laden sale a la mar poco mas que
la de Loboc y no rreside en ella persona alguna.
Y a la mar como media legua haze una rrestinga
de que se an de guardar las naos. Detras de esta punta
para la uanda del oriente pueden surjir mun-
chas naos y todas las demas enbarcaçiones gu-
164 TRANSCRIPTION

ardandose de los ponientes porque de esta punta

de Ujung Laden para el oriente comiença la en-
senada de Loor.

Capitulo 25 En que se trata

de las cosas que ay desde Ujung
Laden hasta Cron Rraya
De Ujung Laden hasta Cron Rraya abra dos le-
guas y media. Y junto a la playa ay muy buenos des-

[119v]
enbarcaderos. Y quanto mas llegados al rriacho
mejor y esto por ser la playa de la ensenada y los
mares pequeños salbo auiendo nortes. Y todos los
bientos de aquella parte y los surgideros en toda
aquella ensenada son buenos. Y de la dicha ensena-
da a la poblaçion del Aceh abra mas de tres le-
guas. Y los caminos de esta playa para la dicha
poblaçion tienen algunos lodos y algunos mon-
tes de campos huertas y aldeas. Y son caminos
de tan rruynes bapores q<ue> los mas de los que pasan
por ellos enferman de grandes fiebres por lo qual
puesto que algunos digan que este sea el desen-
barcadero para yr a la poblaçion del Aceh declara-
se que este camino no es bueno por las rrazones
dichas y por causa del rrio del Aceh y sus barran-
cales como en los capitulos de atras queda decla-
rado. Y en el dicho rriacho de Cron Rraya pueden en-
trar fustas. Y ay una poblaçion de poco mas de
ueynte casas que no tiene artilleria ninguna.
Y es un rrio fresco. Esta poblaçion estara por el
arriba como un quarto de legua.

Capitulo 26 que trata de las

cosas que ay de Cron Rraya a Loboc
para el oriente
Del rriacho de Cron Rraya para el oriente
distançia de un terçio de legua esta una punta
que se llama Loboc y la qual es de la ensenada
de Cron Rraya. De manera q<ue> la dicha punta
Rutter of Aceh 165

[120r]
de Ujung Laden es una punta de esta ensenada y la
punta de Loboc es la otra. Y el rriacho de Cron Rraya queda
en esta ensenada mas llegado a la punta de Loboc.
Y por esta ensenada ay buen surjidero y buen desen-
barcadero y caminos para la poblaçion del Aceh. Y
son de la misma calidad e ynconuinientes que los
de Cron Rraya como se dixo en el Capitulo 25. Y en
qualquier parte que se desenbarcare en esta ensena-
da y se obiere de yr a la poblaçion del Aceh siempre se
a de tomar por diuusa la poblaçion del Cron Rraya
porque queriendo yr por otra parte ay sierras muy
altas y no pueden suuir por ellas. Y la dicha poblaçion
de Loboc es una punta que sale a la mar y haze
un arco donde pueden tanbien surjir munchas naos
y mas que en la otra punta de Ujung Laden escoran-
dose en los leuantes de manera que estas dos pun-
tas la de Ujung Laden guarda las naos de los bien-
tos ponientes y la otra de Lobuc de los lebantes.
Y este desenbarcadero tienen certificado algunas
personas a los uisorreyes ser bueno mas no lo es
por rrazon de ser los caminos de peligros para yr a
la poblaçion del Aceh.

Capitulo 27 De las cosas de Lo-

boc hasta Bato Pute
De la punta de Loboc para oriente distançia de qua-
tro leguas esta otra punta que se llama Bato Pute. Y por
toda esta playa ay caminos mas son trauajosos.
Y no ay desenbarcadero alguno. Y solamente la dicha
punta tiene un langar en lo bajo que es casa de
rromeria de los moros. Y arriba tiene otro y junto al

[120v]
de abajo. Ay una poblaçion de diez o doze cassas
de ciacas que son sus sacerdoctes y algunos pes-
cadores donde se pueden desenbarcar de marea llena
en enbarcaçiones pequeñas. Y de bajamar no ay
desenbarcadero por causa de las munchas piedras.
166 TRANSCRIPTION

Capitulo 28 De las cosas que

estan de Bato Pute hasta Bornot
De Bato Pute hasta el rriacho del Ornot a-
bra un terçio de legua. Y junto del dicho rriacho de
Bornot ay desenbarcadero. Y hazia la punta haze
una ensenada pequeña donde pueden surjir fus-
tas galeras y carauelas hasta mas de treynta.
Y en el dicho rriacho de Bornot de marea llena en-
traran fustas. Y tiene junto al rriacho de la barra
un tiro de arcabuz para dentro del rrio una pobla-
çion de quinze casas.

Capitulo 29 De las cosas de Bor-

not hasta Lantanas
Del dicho rriacho de Bornot a otro rriacho de
Lanpanas que esta al oriente abra una legua. Y
la barra de este rriacho se sierra quando bientan
los ponientes. Biben en el algunos pescadores.
Y quando la dicha barra esta tapada los pescado-
res pasan los paroos por ençima del arena. Y en
esta playa no ay surjidero ni desenbarcadero.

Capitulo 30 De las cosas q<ue> estan del

rriacho de Lanpanas hasta el de Bibar
Del rriacho de Lanpanas hasta el de Bibar abra

[121r]
dos leguas. Y en este de Bibar de marea llena entran
galeras. Y es costa de mar. Y bien pueden surgir en
ella mas no tiene abrigo de biento alguno. Y junto
al rriacho en la playa de la mar ay una poblaçion
q<ue> sera de treynta casas y en ellas un langar que es
casa de oraçion o rromeria de los moros.

Capitulo 31 De las cosas que ay

del rrio de Bibar hasta el de Laban
Del rriacho de Bibar hasta el de Laban abra tres
leguas. En este de Laban entran galerias. Y de marea
llena es mayor alguna cosa que el de Bibar. Ay
Rutter of Aceh 167

costa de mar y tiene surjideros sin abrigo. Y tiene una

poblaçion que sera de cinquenta casas q<ue> esta en la
playa apartada del rriacho un tiro de arcabuz. Y en
ella ay otro langar. De este rriacho de Laban para
oriente esta una ensenada pequeña una legua del
dicho rrio donde surjiran hasta veynte naos pequeñ<os>.
Y luego delante de esta ensenada media legua para
oriente esta un rrio pequeño que se llama Otoy
que no es auitado mas de que solamente e<n> la barra
esta un baleo donde de[s]enbarcan las personas
que pasan por alli. Y luego delante de Otoy para
el oriente una legua esta el rrio de Pedir de que se
trata en el capitulo siguiente.

Capitulo 32 Que trata de las

cosas de Pidir
La poblaçion de Pidir tiene un rrio tan grande como
el del Aceh. Y el lugar tendra cerca de mill vezinos.
Y ay en el dos fortalezas flacas. Y sus elefantes

[121v]
del rrey estaran una legua de la barra. Y en la
barra no ay baluarte alguno. Y es limpia mas
no pueden entrar sino nauios de rremo y de ma-
rea llena naos baçias asi como la barra del Aceh.
Y a la mar tiene surgideros. Esta poblaçion de Pidir
fue rreyno que el rrey biejo del Aceh tomo por
maña. Tiene munchas poblaçiones y manteni-
mientos y ganados de bufanos y bacas. Tiene
buenas huertas palmares y tierras llanas y ca-
minos para el Aceh. Y auiendo ynpedimentos en
la mar se pueden lleuar mantemimiento al A-
chen por tierra. La mayor parte de la gente son
mercaderes mas no por eso dexan de andar en
el seruiçio y armadas del rrey. Y es gente tan
desconfiada que no se fia el padre al hijo ni la
muger del marido. Y cada uno trata lo que es suyo.
Son muy mentirosos y de la misma manera es la
gente del Aceh y de toda la costa de Pasen.
168 TRANSCRIPTION

Capitulo 33 Que trata de las co-

sas que ay de Pidir hasta el rrio de Gui-
guian para el oriente
Yten de la poblaçion de Pidir para el oriente esta
un rriacho que se llama Guiguian distançia de
dos leguas. De Pidir al dicho rrio ay camino y es
costa. Y por la tierra ay huertas y palmeras semen-
teras de carroz y algunas cosas. Este rriacho
haze dos bocas que de una a otra abra menos de
quatro leguas. Y entre las dichas bocas ay una
ysla detras de la qual en la tierra ay una poblaçion

[122r]
de hasta treynta casas. Por estas bocas pueden en-
trar fustas de marea llena.

Capitulo 34 De las cosas que ay de Guiguian

para el rriacho de Enjon
De Guiguian para el oriente esta un rriacho peque-
ño q<ue> se llama Enjon el qual no es auitado de gente.
E en el podran entrar de marea llena fustas. Y ay
caminos por tierra cerca de la playa. Y estara de Gui-
guian casi una legua.

Capitulo 35 De las cosas que ay

de Enjon a Er Laban
De Enjon para el oriente esta un rriacho que se llama
Er Laban como una legua. Tiene caminos por
tierra y pueden entrar en el grandes fustas de ma-
rea llena. Y ay casas apartadas una de otras.
Sera poblaçion de çien bezinos. Y estara de la barra
una legua. Ay en este rriacho muncha pimienta
areca y huertas.

Capitulo 36 De las cosas que

ay de Aer Laban a Samarlanga
de la parte del oriente
Del dicho rrio de Aer Laban para el oriente ay
otro rriacho distançia casi una legua que se lla-
ma Samarlanga el qual rrio es ancho pero bajo
Rutter of Aceh 169

que solamente entras [sic] en el caatures de marea

llena. Tiene una poblaçion de çien vezinos huert-
tas palmares y sementeras de arroz. Y todos estos
rrios tienen camino por tierra.

[122v]
Capitulo 37 De lo que ay de
Samarlanga al rrio de Pidada
Deste rriacho de Samarlanga para el oriente
esta otro rriacho que se llama Pidada distançia
de legua y media el qual tiene casas. Y pueden
entrar catares en el de marea llena. Y tiene ca-
mino por tierra huertas palmares y sementeras
de arroz. Y la poblaçion sera de dozientos vezinos

Capitulo 38 De las cosas que

ay de Pidada hasta el rriacho de Lidey
De este rriacho de Pidada para el oriente esta
otro rriacho que se llama Ledey distançia de legua
y media. Y podran entrar en el fustas de marea
llena. Y tendra çiento y setenta vezinos en una
poblaçion que estara de la barra un terçio de le-
gua por la tierra adentro. Y de ay mas de una le-
gua esta otro rriacho que se llama Xancar q<ue>
no tiene gente. E entrambos tienen caminos por
tierra palmares y huertas y labranças de arroz.

Capitulo 39 De las cosas que

ay de Xancar hasta el rriacho de Pasangan
De este rriacho de Xancar para ocçidente esta
otro que se llama Pasangan distançia de un t<erçi>o
de legua. Y tiene una poblaçion de quinientos ve-
zinos. Y en ella una estançia que es como forta-
leza. Y estara de la barra por la tierra adentro
un terçio de legua. Y en el dicho rriacho de marea lle-

[123r]
na entraran catures. Y tiene palmares huertas
y arroz.
170 TRANSCRIPTION

Capitulo 40 Que trata de lo que

ay de Pasangan hasta el rriacho de Labu
Del rrio de Pasangan al oriente esta otro que se lla-
ma Labu un terçio de legua. Y tiene caminos por
tierra como todos los de mas rriachos. Y de marea lle-
na entran en el catares. Tiene una poblaçion de
çien vezinos y ay en el nipas huertas y palmares.

Capitulo 41 De lo que ay de La-

bu hasta Pucan
De Labu para el oriente esta otro rriacho distan-
çia de una legua que se llama Pucan en el qual
de marea llena entraran catares. Y tanto de la barra
como un terçio de legua abra çien vezinos. Tiene
nipas huertas y sementeras de arroz.

Capitulo 42 de Pucan hasta

Samavey
De Pucan para el oriente ay otro rriacho que se lla-
ma Samauey un quarto de legua. Y en el de ma-
rea llena entraran fustas. Y de luengo de la tierra
de este rriacho a la mar tiene buen surgidero para
fustas y galeotas escorandose en los poni-
entes. Tiene una poblaçion de sesenta vezinos
y un langar o casa de rromeria de moros. Y de este
rriacho para el oriente es todo plasel [sic] hasta ade-
lante de Aru. Abra dende este al rrio de Pasen
una legua. Y en todo ay huertas y caminos por

[123v]
tierra por todos estos rriachos.

Capitulo 43 De las cosas

de Pasem
Pasem fue antiguamente un rreyno mas po-
deroso que el de Pidir ni el del Aceh y de mas ti-
erras y mantenimientos gente huertas y rrique-
zas y de muy grande nauegaçion quando fue
rreyno donde ya tuuimos un baluarte n<uest>ro en
la playa que despues tomaron los acehes.
Rutter of Aceh 171

Este rreyno fue tomado del Aceh por trayçion.

Tiene la barra en el placel y de marea baçia
parece toda la tierra del placel ecepto tres cana-
les que ban para el dicho placel a la barra por
los quales podran entrar de marea llena con
señales que les ponen galeotas. Y la poblaçion
sera de mill e quinientos vecinos. Es tierra bas-
teçida de mantenimientos donde se prouee el
Aceh. Y tiene muncha caça de benados y
munchas aldeas por la tierra adentro. Y es muy
buena tierra ay. Tiene una fortaleza flaca.

Capitulo 44 de las cosas que

ay desde Pasem hasta Gouri
De Pasen hasta Gouri que es el rrio de Aru
y esta al oriente podra auer 28 leguas poco
mas o menos. Y en esta distançia ay los rria-
chos y poblaçiones siguientes. De pasem al
oriente esta un rriacho que se llama Madina

[124r]
un terçio de legua donde no ay casas ni gente. Y
al oriente de este esta otro tanto otro [sic] donde tan-
poco ay gente. Y luego otro distançia de diez le-
guas que se llama Parlac donde ay poblaçion de 400
vezinos por la tierra adentro. En este rriacho de Par-
lac ay unas peras de que se saca azeyte que sirue
para munchas cosas y se quema en lamparas
cerradas de metal porque auiertas si le toca el fue-
go quemase todo. Y es tan fuerte que si le echan
en agua sobre ella misma se arde todo sin quedar
nada pegandole fuego. Esta este rriacho de Parlac
del de Carti distançia de seys leguas. Y del hazia
el oriente esta otro que se llama Bauaan qua-
tro leguas. Y no tiene gente. Y adelante una legua
esta otro que se llama Taijan el qual por la tierra
adentro junto a las sierras tiene una poblaçion
de dozientos vecinos. Y adelante de Taijan otra
legua esta el de Baçitan donde ay un langar.
Y por este rriacho arriba çerca de las sierras esta
172 TRANSCRIPTION

una poblaçion de 150 vezinos. Al oriente [de]

Baçitan media legua esta el rriacho de Batin
Sarangan donde ay poblaçion por el rrio arriba
de çinquenta bezinos junto a las sierras. Y al
oriente deste como un tiro de escopeta esta el
de Cayo Lupan que no tiene gente. Adelante de
este una legua esta el de lancate tanbien
sin gente. Y adelante de este de Lancat esta el rrio
de Uri que es el de Aru del qual y de su pobalaçion

[124v]
estara delante. De Gouri hasta Pasem todo
es placel como ya queda dicho. Y pueden andar
en el fustas y gallotas.

Capitulo 45 Que trata de las

cosas de Aru
Aru es una poblaçion de mill e quinientos
vecinos. Y fue antiguamente rreyno podero-
so de gente belicosa que todos los rreyes comar-
canos le temian como hazen ahora al Aceh.
Tuuo este rrey de Aceh munchas guerras con el
antes que lo tomase. Tiene este rreyno manteni-
mientos aunque no tantos como el de pasem.
Y la mayor parte de la tierra esta ynauitable.
Y echa montes por ser grande y la gente poca.
Esta poblaçion tiene un rrio donde entran en-
barcaçiones de rremos fustas y galeotas. Y de
la barra a la poblaçion ay camino de un dia
por yr contra la corriente. En algunas partes
de este rreyno ay gente que come carne umana.
Y ay entre ellos algun oro. De esta poblaçion
al oriente ay los rrios siguientes: el rriacho
de Cota Bagun Bele que es que estara de la pobla-
çion un tiro de arcabuz y tiene casas junto a la
sierra. Y delante de este una legua esta el de
Tajon Sarrdan que es tanbien ay casas por la
rribera cerca de los montes. Y legua y media
de este ay otro que se llama Care con casas al
Rutter of Aceh 173

modo del de arriba. Y un quarto de legua de este

ay otro que se llama Caro y no tiene gente. Y una le-

[125r]
gua de caro esta Bato Bara. Y este al oriente ay otro
que se [l]lama Tanjon Pulo Pito distançia de media
legua el qual tiene gente y poblaçion junto de
los montes. De este rriacho de Tanjon Pulo Pito
distançia de quatro leguas esta otro que se llama
Asahan que asimesmo es poblado cerca de los
montes. Hasta este rriacho de Asahan llegan los
limites de los rreynos y señorios del Aceh. Y to-
dos estos rriachos que se declaran en este capitulo
tienen caminos por tierra para Aru. Y por la mar
todo es placel por donde pueden nauegar fustas
y galeotas y otros nauios mayores porque tiene
dos y tres braças de agua. Y los moradores de estos
rriachos se pasaron junto a las sierras desde el
tiempo q<ue> los Acehes tomaron a Aru porque
antes auitauan en los dichos rrios que son muy
frescos y buenos. Y por la tierra adentro hasta el
Aceh es el Aceh señor de todo hasta la contra costa
de la otra uanda. Y hasta Priaman que le paga
tributo y Barros que esta mas al oriente de la
uanda del Aceh. Y del dicho Aceh y todas las
mas poblaçiones y rriachos de la contra costa
que todo es suyo y de las poblaçiones que estan
en la contra costa para el Aceh no ay caminos
por tierra a causa de las grandes serranias que
son muy asperas y espesas. Esto es lo que seño-
rea de la ysla de Samatria el Aceh. La qual ysla
es muy grande que tendra mas de trezientas y
çinquenta leguas de box y munchos rreynos
y señorios. Y toda ella es en si de gran prouecho asi

[125v]
por ser las tierras singulares para labranças
como por sacarse della muncho oro y muncha
pimienta que solamente en lo que es [s]ubjeto
174 TRANSCRIPTION

al Aceh se cojen cada un año treynta mill

quintales de pimienta que se carga para Meca
Canbaya Dabul Bengala Pegu de mas de la que
se gasta en la tierra. Tienen mas estos señorios
del Aceh pimienta luenga que tanbien lle-
ban para Meca y Canbaya. Tienen seda aunque
no tan buena como la de China y se lleua para
Canbaya. Tiene algun añir muncha arreca
y cosas. Tiene en Barros meijui de lomas fino
y canfora muy buena sangre de drago singu-
lares tierras y muncho ganado de bufanos
bacas y gran cantidad de benados en los montes.
Todos los años bienen al Aceh quatro o cinco
naos de Meca y de Canbaya dos o tres de Dabul
una de Pegu çinco y seys y de la costa de Charaman-
del dos tres las quales traen rropa y muncho acero.
Por causa del qual acero los menancabos acons-
tumbran a uenir con oro a Malaca una ahora
por la contra costa de Samatria al Aceh. Y las
de Canbaya y Dabul traen rropa anfian agua
rrozada y trigo las de Pegu rropas y los agrosera [sic]
arroz aceyte mantecas binos y plomo. Y las de
Meca traen arcabuzes terçiados esclauoneses
y ginoviscos cuchillos bidros y espejos agua
rrozada anfian paños y sedas y algunos rruanes [sic]
hilos de oro munchos de oro y rreales de plata
y turcos mercaderes y lombarderos y algunas

[126r]
pieças de artilleria y otras munchas cosas. Jun-
tara el Aceh en espaçio de diez dias treynta mill
hombres de toda biosa [sic]. Tiene continuamente
en cauas por la orilla del rrio enbarcaçiones en
que pelea esta gente a costa della misma y no a
la del rrey que seran hasta trezientas enbarcaçiones
las veynte galeras y las setenta fustas y gale-
otas. Y las demas son catures y lanchas y paroos
y [sic] pequeños. Terna el dicho rrey mas de çien pieças
de artilleria gruesa de metal y asimismo al-
Rutter of Aceh 175

gunas gruesas de hierro y duzientas de artilleria

menuda y grande numero de arcabuceria que
todos los nauios les bienen de Meca. Y tiene
echa muncha y buena poluora y gran suma de
ualas de toda suerte y munchas flechas no tan
rreçias como las turquesas grandisima çuma
de puas de un palo negro que continuamente las
estan haziendo por lo qual es necesario que la
gente llebe çapatos de dos suelas gruesas. Tiene
tanbien munchas lanças y terçiados buenos
xinouiscos y esclauoneses y rrodelas. Tiene
seysçientos elefantes en quel rrey estriba to-
das sus fuerças y poder mas que en la artilleria.
Todo esto ay en el Aceh. Mas con el nombre
de Jesus y boz del bienauenturado apostol San-
tiago a ynterceçion de la Sacratisima virgen de
Luz Señora N<uest>ra N<uest>ro Señor nos dara uictoria
porque ellos en el tal tiempo cada uno a de acu-
dir a su muger e hijos para los poner en saluo por
donde su poder sera muncho menos.

[126v]
Captiluo 46 Que trata de las
cosas que ay desde el cauo de Comorin
hasta Xapon y de como estas partes
del sur son las mejores y mas rricas
de la Yndia donde metiendose caudal
sera Su Mag<esta>d el mas poderoso que nun-
ca ubo en el mundo y de las armadas
que agora el Aceh puede hazer y de co-
mo cesando el Aceh balora muncho
las aduanas de Su Mag<esta>d
El Aceh mientras bibe y no es destruydo ynpi-
de las rriquezas de la Yndia. Y no rrentan los de-
rechos de las aduanas de Su Magestad muncho
asi en estas partes del sur como en la Yndia y
rreynos de Portugal. El dicho Aceh en septiem-
bre de ochenta y dos salio con çiento y beynte
velas en que auia siete naos de alto bordo y
176 TRANSCRIPTION

catorze galeras y las de mas eran galeotas

y fustas y otras enbarcaçiones de lanchas
y bantines. Y segun las espias que tomamos
biniendo quinze mill hombres. Y pusieron cerco
a esta çiudad de Malaca que duro casi todo sept-
embre. Y este año de ochenta y quatro tenemos
por çierto que a salido y esta en Pera setenta
leguas de aqui con trezientas enbarcaçiones
don[de] dizen bieron quarenta galeras y el en per-
sona. Y las mas enbarcaçiones son fustas
lanchas y bantines. Y dizen biene sobre
esta çiudad de Malaca o al estrecho de Çincapura

[127r]
a hazer una fortaleza para estoruar la naue-
gaçion de la China y de todas aquellas partes
por lo qual deue Su Magestad con breuedad acudir
a esta ynpresa en que esta todo el rremedio y rri-
quezas de la Yndia. Y se puede conquistar de la ma-
nera siguiente. V<uestra> Mag<esta>d deue mandar hazer
en el rreyno çinco mill hombres y enbarcallos
a la Yndia donde se escojeran dellos dos mill y otros
dos mill de los soldados viejos que alli estan. Y
con estos quatro mill siendo el uisorrey persona
que trate del seruiçio de dios y V<uestro> y no de si que el
mismo dexando gouernador en la Yndia. En el en-
tretanto que le acuda con lo necesario de la manera
que el se lo dexare hordenado que el mismo uisorrey
benga a esta conquista con los dichos quatro mill
hombres derecho al Aceh por la horden del derrotero
q<ue> va con esta y que los otros tres mill hombres que
binieren del rreyno queden en la Yndia para su con-
seruaçion. Y tomado el Aceh por la horden del
derrotero y memorias de atras dexando en ella
conseruaçion necesaria con fortalezas y capita-
nes q<ue> las acauen el mismo uisorrey con la
demas gente se uenga sobre Joor donde esta
una fortaleza y aduana del rrey de la tierra
muy perjudiçial a la cristiandad y V<uestra> rreal ha-
zienda q<ue> rrentara esta de Malaca muncho si a-
Rutter of Aceh 177

quella fuera destruida o estuuiere por n<uestr>ra. Y

Joor es n<uest>ro vezino. Y por la tierra y por la mar siem-
pre nos da munchos trauajos y rrecoje las ar-
madas del Aceh quando bienen sobre esta çiudad.

[127v]
Y paçificado el Aceh y Joor el dicho uisorrey en-
biara a Maluco hasta mill hombres que basta-
ra para desbaratarle. Y todo lo puede hazen [sic] en
una monçon q<ue> le dure desde quinze de março
hasta quinze de henero. Y en enero se puede bol-
uer para la Yndia dexando en estas partes gouer-
nador y capitan mayor de la armada al que le
pareçiere. Y de esta manera tendra V<uestra> Mag<esta>d
quietas estas partes del sur y sera señor dellas
donde ban todas las rriquezas para Meca y para
la Yndia de Portugal. Y del Aceh que es toda la
ysla de Samatra que son mas de trezientas le-
guas de costa uan cada un año mas de mill
quintales de pimienta la mejor de la Yndia
y muncha canfora menjui de boninas oro
y seda y todos los mantenimientos y otras
munchas cosas muncha madera para naos
como en el derrotero q<ue> va con esta se declara.
Y dezian [sic] muncha pedreria y rruuies menjui seda
y muncho palo de brasil y otras munchas co-
sas que se declaran en el dicho derrotero. Y de
Maluco muncho clauo y de Banda muncha nues
y masa y de la China todas las haziendas rro-
pas y otras rriquesas y de Borney muncho oro
y tortuga de la Sumda muncha pimienta y
de Timor muncho sandalo y de las yslas de Jaba
que es tierra singular munchos mantenimi-
entos y munchas enbarcaçiones que se llaman
juncos y de Xapon muncha plata y del Chincheo

[128r]
todas las haziendas como de la China mas [s]on
mas bajas. Y de Cochinchina aguila calamda [sic]
y tortuga. Y pan aguila y oro de Quedan pimien-
178 TRANSCRIPTION

ta de Tenazarin nipa palo de braçil aguila y peltre.

De Patane pera y Barbas peltre de Labe pedrerias
de diamantes rroca vela. Asimesmo ay en estas
partes munchas piedras besahares almisque y
piedras de puerco y otras munchas cosas y rriquezas.
Estas son las partes del sur y otras munchas ys-
las que lo menos que dan corre para la Yndia y
Portugal. Y lo prinçipal ba para Meca y otras par-
tes de ynfieles. Y estando quieto el Aceh todo
pasara por las aduanas de Su Magestad y rren-
taran muncho. Y no yran las drogas especieras [sic]
y rriquezas a los moros turcos e ynfieles. Y podia
Su Magestad sustentar poder para quietar la
ysla de Seylan que es muy grande. Y a munchos
años que nos dan munchos trauajos y gastos.
Y es una ysla que da muncho prouecho y mun-
chas perlas y mantenimientos. Y tanbien se
quietara toda la costa de Charamandel donde
esta la casa del cuerpo del apostol San Tome
y ay munchas rriquesas de rropas finas y man-
tenimientos. Y se pasificara Mengala que
tanbien tiene munchas rriquesas de rropas
ffinas y mantenimientos y açucares. Y Masule-
patan que tiene munchas rropas finas y otras
rriquesas. Pegu tiene munchas rropas rrubies
oro plata cristal plomo hierro almiscles

[128v]
y munchos mantenimientos en grandisima
cantidad. Y otros rreynos hasta Malaca. Y de
la otra parte hasta Coachin tanbien se hara
señor y conquistara las partes de China Çian
Canboxa Cochinchina. Y asimismo se hara
señor y tendra quieta la costa del Malabar
Chaul Basayn Daman y Dio y Ormuz y toda la
demas costa hasta Maçanbique y Sofala. Por-
que como estas partes del sur estuuieren quietas
que son las mejores del mundo y el Aceh fuere
destruido rrentaran los derechos de Su Magestad
muncho. Y como los uisorreyes despues que se
Rutter of Aceh 179

hallan en la Yndia se acuerdan muy poco de

este tan gran seruiçio de N<uest>ro S<eñor> y de Su Mag<esta>d
y bien de Sus vasallos a todos parece mejor que
elixa Su Magestad en el rreyno una persona
digna de esta ynpresa que no solamente sea
prudente en la guerra noble rrico y birtuosso y
catolico mas que tenga don de Dios para dar
y rrepartir con los soldados y que no trate de si
sino del seruiçio de Dios y del de Su Magestad. Por-
que siendo este que es tal como fue Alonso de
Alburquerque y don Joan de Castro para con
N<uest>ro Señor alcançaran muncho de tantos
cuentos de xpristianos como se esperan hazer
en estas partes y de tantas rriquezas para la
rrenta de Su Magestad y de Sus uasallos que toda
al presente gosan ynfieles y se pierde por no acu-
dirle. Y sepa su magestad que desde el cauo de Como-

[129r]
rin hasta Xapon que se cuentan por las par-
tes del sur son las mejores partes del mundo por-
que en ellas ay todas las rriquesas piedras pre-
siosas todas las haziendas del mundo drogas y
muy grandes rreynos e ynperios y con estos qua-
tro mill hombres y gasto de ochoçientos o nu-
eue çientos mill crusados todo se alcansa. Dara
N<uest>ro Señor a Su Magestad munchos y largos años
de uida para poner en efecto esta uictoria de
tanta gloria y mereçimiento para con N<uest>ro Señor
y prouecho de Sus rreynos y uasallos.
 chapter 12

Ribeiro Gaio’s Rutter of Patani

Relacion que hizo don Joan Rribero

Goya [sic] obispo de Malaca con Antonio
Diez Enrrique Mendez Francisco de
las Nieues Joan Serrano de las co-
sas de Patane y poblaçon del Aceh
y Panarican Capitulo Primero
De frente de la ciudad a la parte del oriente jun-
to a la playa de la mar de frente de la barra esta
una plazon [sic] grande que se llama Chachen y Pa-
narican de la qual poblaçion a la çiudad de Pa-
tene en partes abra distançia de un tiro de lom-
barda y en partes mas y menos. E nesta pob[l]azon
biuen todos los chinas y chincheos y demas
estrangeros y naturales que pasan de tres mill
hombres y todas buena gente. Toda la playa de
la punta de Tanjon Lulo hasta Coala Baça que
es salida de la ensenada y mar para el norte
es playa de arena enjuta. Y por la tierra adentro

[129v]
hasta la çiudad de esta parte tanbien es pla-
ya de arena y campo enxuto hasta en frente
de la çiudad de la parte del rrio de la çiudad. Y quan-
to mas en frente de la çiudad de la parte del oriente
y de la mar tanto es mejor playa y mejor tierra
y campo y arena enjuta. Y de la parte de la mar hasta
donde llega la marea toda es basa y suelta muy
alta. Y en esta poblazon no ay fortaleza alguna.
Y las casas todas son de paja y cañas y no tiene
rresistençia salua [sic] con fuerça de gente porque
la desta poblaçon es la mejor que tiene el rrey
de Patane. Y en esta playa forsosamente a de ser
el desenbarcadero de marea llena y en desen-
barcaçiones que con una plancha se llegue a
tierra por causa de la basa. Mas otro desenbar-
cadero parese mejor como abajo se trata.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_014

Rutter of Patani 181

Capitulo Que trata de la çiudad de

Patane y de las cosas que ay en ella
La çiudad de Patane tendra de çircuyto una legua
y media poco mas o menos. Y desde la punta de
Garzen hasta la de Tanjon Lulo para el sur desde
Tanjon Lulo hasta la vuelta de Ro a el occidente y
y de la buelta de Rro hasta la punta de Rro para
el occidente que son las tres partes de la çiudad
tiene una caua de anchura de quinze braças
y de altura que nada una fusta de marea llena
la qual es echa a mano. Y tiene basa si no es por
la parte del norte que es a la parte de la poblaçion
de Panarican que tiene arena. Y toda la dicha caua

[130r]
por dentro y las orillas tienen munchas puas. Esta
esta çiudad cercada toda de uigas gruesas de seys
braças. Tiene esta çiudad nuebe ualuartes de tama-
no cada uno de setenta palmos quadrados. Y cada ua-
luarte destos tiene tres andamios de artilleria gru-
esa y menuda. Y cada ualuarte doze piezas las
quales sobrepujan en la altura a los muros tres
braças. Uno dellos esta en la punta de Gorsen a la
uanda del norte y juega para la uanda de la mar
que es para Panarican y para el rrio con sus rrebe-
ses de luengo de los muros. Y junto al dicho baluarte
para el norte esta una punta grande. Y de la dicha
punta de Garsen para el sur es a la uanda de la punta
de Tanjon Lulo distançia de un tiro de falcon esta
otro ualuarte muncho mas fuerte y mayor que todos
los otros baluartes con mas de treynta pieças de
artilleria. Y entre ellas una culebrina muy grande
de mas de otras munchas pieças gruesas y porque
en este lugar es la frontera por donde ellos temen
la entrada. Y junto de este ualuarte para la punta de
Gransen esta la puerta prinçipal de la çiudad. Y en
frente della una [sic] anteparo de madera. Y este ualuarte
es de la misma manera que la çerca y mas fuerte
y de tres soberados. Y en todos ellos ay estançias de ar-
tilleria. Y desde este ualauarte al que queda atras
estan dos estançias de artilleria una de artille-
182 TRANSCRIPTION

ria gruesa a rrayz del suelo con sus portañuelas

y otra en el mismo andamio de los mismos muros
de falcones y uersos. Y toda esta artilleria esta asen-
tada por su horden en las dichas estançias apartada

[130v]
una de otra tres braças la gruesa y la menuda
no tanto. Y desde el ualuarte que esta junto de la
dicha puerta prinçipal que se llama Pinto Garban
hazia el sur en la punta de Tanjon Lulo esta otro
valaurte de la misma manera quel de la punta
de Garsen. Y desde esta punta hasta la punta prin-
çipal ay la misma horden de artilleria q<ue> la
del muro que queda atras. Y de la misma manera
todo el muro de la çiudad entorno eçepto esta
frontera de la puerta de Garsen hasta la punta de
Tanjon Lulo que tiene mucha mas artilleria
y asentada mas menudamente. Y siempre de esta
parte tiene sentinela y todo el peso de la çiudad.
Y de la punta de Tancon Lulo donde esta el ualuarte
de que arriba se hizo mençion para el sur esta
otro ualuarte de la misma manera distançia
de un tiro de arcabuz y una puerta junto a el.
Y desde el dicho ualuarte para el ocçidente esta
otro ualuarte de la misma manera y distancia
donde estan algunas puertas pequeñas. Y de
este ualuarte al ocçidente esta otro donde ay
tanbien algunas puertas pequeñas que sirben
a limpiar la çiudad. Y de la buelta de Rro hasta
la punta de Rro no ay ualuarte alguno. Y en la pun-
ta de Rro esta un baluarte de la manera que los
demas. Y junto de este para el ocçidente esta una
puerta. Y entre este de la punta de Rro y la punta de
Garsen esta la puerta leuadisa que atras se
hizo mincion. Y luego adelante esta una puer-
ta grande hermosa que se llama Pinto Quidiya.

[131r]
Delante della los muros adentro estan los pa-
laçios del rrey. Y tras dellos esta otro ualuarte co-
Rutter of Patani 183

mo los demas y adelante otra puerta y luego

junto a ella otro ualuarte de la misma manera.
Y tiene esta çiudad mas en si que esta arruada de
calles y seruidumbres por las dichas puertas. Y ti-
ene una calle prinçipal muy ancha que comien-
ça de la puerta prinçipal que es Pinto Garuan y cor-
ta la çiudad por medio hasta la otra parte y pala-
çios del rrey.
Las casas de esta çiudad todas son de paja y ma-
dera y de la misma suerte son sus mesquitas. Y la
casa rreal podra tener de artilleria gruesa y me-
nuda hasta esta çiudad mill pieças conbiene
a sauer de saluajes camellos y esferas çinquen-
ta pieças en que entra la dicha culebrina. Y en la
demas artilleria entran canes falcones medios
falcones y bersos y mosquetes y tienen muncha
arcabuseria que se labra en la tierra muy buena.
Abra en esta çiudad quatro mill moradores gente
de guerra. Y para ella puede juntar este rrey de los
labradores de fuera veynte mill hombres. Es
esta çiudad fuerte de gente rreçia y luzida cortesa-
na afable y de guerra la qual nunca tubo
con los portugueses.

Capitulo que trata de la desen-

barcaçion y caminos para la çiudad
Para yr sobre Patane ase de partir de Manila
en el tiempo que atras queda declarado. Y lo mejor

[131v]
es al cauo del porque en aquella costa no ay bi-
entos de peligro siendo al cauo de la monçon.
Y al prinçipio corre la armada muncho rriesgo
por causa de los bientos que son muy rrezioss
en aquella costa. Y la armada uendra en conjun-
çion de aguas bibas para que la gente della pu-
eda desenbarcar mejor asi en la playa de Pana-
rican como en la otra por causa de la basa. Y lo
mejor es llegar a Patane e<n> la entrada de hebrero
porque en el ynbierno que es nobiembre dizi-
184 TRANSCRIPTION

embre henero no se puede hazer nada. Y llegada

la gente se desenbarcara de marea llena. Y ase
de notar que ay dos desenbarcaderos el uno
dellos es desde la poblaçion de Panarican
para el norte hasta el rrio de Coala Saba el qual
de marea llena es muy bueno y de buena playa
de arena y campo sin lama alguna y el otro es
al fin de la ensenada para el ocçidente de
frente de la punta de Rro. Y este se halla ser
mejor. Y desenbarcando la gente por el primero
dellos tendra alguna rresistençia de la gente
de Panarican que es la mejor que el rrey tiene
de guerra. A de caminar la gente para la uanda de
tierra junto del estero que sale de la basa de la
çiudad. Y se ba a meter en el rrio de Coala Baça.
E yendo asi caminando junto al dicho estero
que es para la punta de la çiudad que se llama
Grasen antes que lleguen a la dicha punta
pasaran el dicho estero de la otra parte que
es de la parte de tierra por donde el artilleria

[132r]
del baularte de Grasen no les ara daño. Y asi y-
ran marchando con el rrostro a la çiudad hasta
llegar a otro estero que es el de la boca del rrio. Y se
torna una ves a meter en el. Y en la ysla que haze
este estero puede estar toda la gente de la armada
porque esta çercada del rrio y estero. Y desde el cauo
della quanto mas llegados al sur se puede uatir la
çiudad porque por esta parte tanbien es menos fuerte.
Y es tomando los caminos q<ue> vienen por tierra. Y este
camino se halla ser muy mejor. Desenbarcandose
en la playa de Panarican donde tanbien puede lu-
ego sin pasar el dicho estero caminar para la çiudad
que es buen camino y sin estero. Mas por esta parte
esta la puerta prinçipal que se llama Pinto Gar-
uan. Y esta la çiudad muy fuerte y tiene muncha
artilleria y mayor ualuarte. Y esta toda la fuerça
de la gente porque por esta parte teme el rrey y los
suyos que se a de acometer como lo hizieron los jauos
Rutter of Patani 185

quando fueron sobre Patane. Y pareçiendo mejor

se desenbarcara la gente por el otro desenbarcadero
de la ensenada de marea llena y con el plomo en
la mano porque ay algunos bajos. E yendo ua [sic] en-
barcaçion delante con este auiso la podian seguir
las demas que an de ser fustas y otras mas peque-
ñas. E yendo por la dicha ensenada para el sur
vn pedaço bolueran para el ocçidente hasta el cauo
de la dicha ensenada donde el rrio se junta con ella
q<ue> se llama la punta de Rro desuiandose del arti-
lleria de aquel fuerte de la otra parte del rrio que
es al ocçidente se podia desenbarcar sin tener rre-

[132v]
sistençia. Y podran lleuar toda el artilleria en
las fustas y otras enbarcaçiones y asimismo
mantenimeintos y todo lo demas que quisieren.
Y tanto que la gente fuere desenbarcada caminara
la orilla del rrio apartandose del artilleria del
valuarte de los muros para el norte. Y pasaran un
estero uajo. Y llegando en frente del medio de
la çiudad que es donde el rrio da la buelta para
la tierra que es a la puerta que llaman Larap en este
lugar lo mas llegado que pudieren a la orilla del
rrio para la uanda de la çiudad asentaran su rreal
porque el rrio en este lugar tiene de ancho un tiro
de piedra. Y se puede muncho mejor uatir la çiudad
que de otra ninguna parte. Y se toman aqui casi
todos los caminos que bienen por tierra a Patane
ecepto algunos de la parte del norte. Mas en este
lugar se toman todos aquellos por donde se traen
mantenimientos a la çiudad. Y tanbien por
la dicha ensenada se puede traer alguna galeota
de mar llena con artilleria que entre por la
boca del rrio para ayudar a uatir la çiudad. Que
tenga el plan de manera que pueda nadar
en poca agua. Y por esta parte parece mejor el des-
enbarcadero a todos por donde tanbien se puede
hazer façilmente por auer en este lugar madera
pasaje del rrio con traer algunos xuncos baçios
186 TRANSCRIPTION

y dandoles barreno para que se enbasen. Y pase la

gente por ellos a la otra parte.

Capitulo del rrio de Coala Baça q<ue>

esta a la parte del norte

[133r]
De la poblaçion de Panarican al norte distançia
de un tiro de falcon esta un rrio q<ue> se llama Coala
Baça. Y en la barra del ay surgideros de fustas
y galeras. Y de la barra de este rrio distançia de un
buen tiro de arcabuz se mete la caua que biene
de la punta de Garsen al dicho rrio de la qual esta
echa minçion. Y este rrio de Coala Baça entra por
la tierra adentro. Y junto del ay poblaçiones y huert-
as y es muy fresco y de munchas frutas y man-
tenimientos.

Capitulo de las cosas que ay des-

de el rrio de Coala Baça al de Coala Tauar
hazia el norte. Baça
Del rrio de Coala Baça al norte distançia de un dia
de camino esta un rriacho que se llama Coala Tauar
en el qual por ser pequeño no pueden nadar enbar-
caçiones grandes. Y por la tierra adentro ay pobla-
çiones pequeñas de gente pobre tienen huertas y
frutas poco mentenimiento.

Capitulo de las cosas que estan

de Coala Tauar hasta el rrio de Coala Tiua
para el norte
De este rrio de Coala Tauar al norte esta otro rrio
que se llama Coala Tiua distançia de mas de medio
dia de camino. Y en este rriacho tan bien entran sola-
mente enbarcaciones pequeñas y es mas fresco y
mas poblado y fertiuar [sic] de gente pobre.

Capitulo que trata del rrio de Co-

ala Tiua hasta el de Sangora para
el norte
Rutter of Patani 187

[133v]
Del rriacho de Coala Tiua para el norte distan-
çia de un dia de camino esta otro rriacho que se
llama Sangora en el qual solamente nadan
enbarcaçiones pequeñas. Y ay poblaçiones de
gente pobre como los de arriba.

Capitulo que trata del rriacho

de Sangora hasta la çiudad de Bardalu
Del dicho rriacho de Sangora al norte distançia
de dos dias de camino esta un rrio grande y fondo
donde entran juncos y galeras junto del qual
por la tierra adentro esta una çiudad que se llama
Bardalu donde ay rrey subjeto al de Patane. Este
rrio es muy fresco y da munchas frutas y man-
tenimientos de arroz y carne y es muy buena
tierra y tiene buena playa y buenos desen-
barcaderos. Y de frente la boca del rrio para el sur
distançia de dos tiros de lombarda esta una ysla
muy hermosa. Y al derredor della ay surgideros
muy buenos. Y adelante desta ysla por la tierra
adentro ay munchas poblaçiones. Y de esta çiudad
se probee la de Patane de munchos mantemien-
tos por tierra y por mar y hasta esta çiudad llega
el rreyno de Patane. Fue antiguamente del rreino
de Çian. Es sercada y tiene una fortalesa.
 chapter 13

Rutter of Siam, by Dom João Ribeiro Gaio

Relaçion y derrotero del rreyno de

Çian para el rrey N<uest>ro S<eñor>
Capitulo 1
La çiudad y poblaçion de Çian esta de la parte
norte en 16 grados poco mas o menos. Y de Mala-

[134r]
ca para la dicha çiudad ay monçon que es en el
mes de agosto y en hebrero. Tanbien podran
yr de luengo de la costa y porque de esta nauega-
çion ay munchos pilotos y derroteros rremitiendo-
se a ellos no se trata aqui mas largo.

Capitulo 2
Queriendo nauegar desde las yslas Philipinas
para Çian o de la China para Çian tiene su monçon
de mediado hebrero hasta fin de março. Y en este
tiempo y mas temprano es mejor haziendo su derro-
ta y camino conforme a los derroteros que dello ay.

Capitulo 3
La barra de Çian esta en catorze grados de la
parte del norte. Tiene por seña para conocerla un
ysleo norte sur de la barra. Y del dicho ysleo a la
barra abra çinco leguas. Y este ysleo tiene otros
muy apartados de si. Y en todos pueden surgir prin-
çipalmente en este que esta norte sur de la barra.
Y puede estar detras de este ysleo toda la armada
por grande que sea sin ser sentida de la gente de la
tierra y poblaçion de Çian por rrazon de que Çian y
todos sus puertos estan metidos por la tierra aden-
tro. Y a toda la armada q<ue> fuere para Çian le conbie-
ne tanto que llegare a uista de unos montes
altos a manera de organos que se llaman Peynes
que estan de la parte del oest no llegar a tierra

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_015

rutter of siam 189

por no ser sentidos y nauegaran luego para el dicho

ysleo. Y en el y en los demas puede estar la armada
un mes y dos sin auer quien los vea. Y partiendo de este

[134v]
ysleo con marea y uiento en quatro oras a lo
mas llegaran dentro de la barra la qual tiene
vn placel de diez y ocho palmos de agua y lama
norte sul de la dicha ysla. Y por las partes dere-
cha e yzquierda todo es placelado para enbarca-
çiones que demandan muncho fondo q<ue> las de rre-
mos a todo tiempo pueden yr por qualquiera de
las uandas. En la entrada de la uarra a mano
derecha esta un estero que se llama el estero del
Manderin en el qual estan continuamente 10
o 12 hombres los quales estan alli por man-
dado del rrey con paroos ligeros para dar rrebate
en la çiudad quando entran enbarcaçiones.
La boca del estero es muy façil de tomar por
no tener otra salida ninguna al rrio. Y con dos
bantines se podia ynpidir lo qual se a de hazer
primero que dellos se avista la armada por que
no lleuen la nueva a a poblazon. Y se pueda [sic] entrar
en ella sin ser sentida porque los dichos ombres
no siruen mas que de espias para este efecto.

Capitulo 4
E[s]t[a] ensenada de Çian desde los dichos montes
Peyne hasta la barra tiene algunos puertos
como es Obibancosea. La çiudad de Perferir tie-
ne un rrio muy hermoso la qual antiguamente
ffue muy grande y en el año del 1582 bino sobre
ella el rrey de Canboxa y la tomo y llevo toda la
gente a vivir en sus tierras sin dexar en la çiudad
cosa biba sino yerma y despoblada la qual esta ya

[135r]
oy en dia tan rreformada como si nunca por ella
obiera pasado la dicha destruyçion y rruyna.
Son estos puertos arriba dichos de muy buenos
190 TRANSCRIPTION

surxideros y de grandes ensenadas mas el fondo

solamente es des tres braças. Ay en ellos muncho
palo braçil de que en España hazen tintas. Y ay
otras mas poblaçones la tierra adentro de que no se
trata por ser pequeñas.

Capitulo 5
Desde la uarra de Çian a la çiudad abra treynta y
çinco leguas o quarenta. Y qualquier nauio de rre-
mo las andaria en ueynte e quatro oras si fuere es-
quipado por quentra [sic] la marea por ella con muncho
ynpetu hasta una poblaçion que se llama Tabanga
de la qual hasta la çiudad seran tres leguas. Andan por
este rrio de Çian abajo y arriba munchos parooss [sic]
continuamente porque a cada legua ay una aldea
con munchas y frescas huertas las quales aldeas se
despueblan en auiendo nuevas de enemigos y la
gente dellas se rrecoje a la çiudad y asiento deste
rrio. No ay quien pregunte quien soys ecepto e [sic] una casa
que es como aduana que se llama peridiagui donde
preguntan a la gente de los nauios que entran que
declaren quien y quantos son y de donde bienen
y a que y tanto que a esta aduana de peruidille-
gui alguna enbarcaçion. Echa con ella las dichas
diligençias luego se despacha un paroo muy li-
gero a la poblaçon de Enbanga a hazerselo sauer.
Y llegada alli la tal enbarcaçion la hazen surgir
y que no pase adelante hasta dar la obediençia

[135v]
al ofiçial del rrey que ay esta puesto de su ma-
no. Y dada la dicha obediençia se ba su camino
para la çiudad donde haze su hacienda confor-
me a la constumbre de la tierra.
Ay por todo este rrio de Çian arriba munchas
ventas donde an de comer a su guisa y constum-
bre. Y las casas de estas uentas son los mismos
paroos en que andan. Y todas las cosas de comer
no las uenden sino mugeres y ellas mismas
son las que rreman los dichos paroos en que
rutter of siam 191

asi andan. La prinçipal comida de esta tierra de Çian

es fideos cosidos con caldo de pescado y camarones
guisados con pimienta y tamarindos.

Capitulo 6
El rey de Çian muy pocos años antes que fue-
se destruydo por el rrey de Pegu fue ynperio y es
el mas uenerado rrey que agora en n<uest>ros dias
se saue porque nadie habla con el que le mire
derecho sino con las manos entrambas leban-
tadas y el rrostro en el suelo. Y de esta manera es-
tando de su lado del muncha distançia dize lo
que quiere un manderin suyo que a n<uest>ro mo-
do es como persona del despacho del rrey. Y este
manderin esta con la misma cortesia sus ma-
nos leuantadas y dize al rrey lo que la tal
persona quiere y pide el qual con el mismo man-
derin rresponde muy despaçio la m<e>r<ce>d que haze
a la tal persona. Y para hablar con el rrey
de esta manera primero que despache a de sauer

[136r]
que presente o dadiua a traydo. Y si es tal que le
satisfaze entonces le habla y no de otra manera.
Y se buelue el tal negoçiante sin hablarle.
Ffue este rreyno de Çian como atras queda dicho
un grande ynperio y se llamaua antiguamente
señor de todos los rreynos sus vezinos y le paga-
uan tributo. Y oy en dia le enbia Patane un çierto
rreconoçimiento a que esta obligado por sus ante-
pasados. Y en uerdad se puede dezir por Çian auer sido
una de las cosas del mundo en el ynperio q<ue> las
tierras que oy en dia tiene. Y sus ensenadas y abun-
dançia dellas son de las mejores del mundo como a-
bajo se declara.

Capitulo 7
El rrey de Çian que ora rreyna es puesto por el
braama rrey de Pegu y es un hombre muy viejo.
Tiene dos hijos. Uno dellos pide el rreyno al padre
192 TRANSCRIPTION

solo para sustraerse de la obediençia del braama

el padre se lo desea dar es muy peruerso y de malas
constumbres y tan soberuio que entiende ser
el mundo poco para el es gran tirador de arca-
buz q<ue> los hazen en çian mejores que en Goa por
n<uestr>os pecados.

Capitulo 8
Tiene este rreyno de Çian en si todas las cosas
necesarias a la uida umana y esto en tanta a-
bundancia que munchos años para enserrar
la cosecha desperdiçian la del año pasado prinçipal-

[136v]
mente arroz que est tanto que todos los rre-
yes vezinos ecepto el de Canboja se proueen
de Çian. Para lo qual entran todos los años por
este rrio mas de trezientos juncos de los rreynos
de Ligor Patane Pan Bintan Joor Janbean
Drugun Palinban Banca Banxaimasen
y de Arrimata y otros munchos puertos suso<dich>os.

Capitulo 9
Tiene mas este rreyno de Çian que es muy a-
bundante de ganado. Y uale una baca muy gran-
de dos paas que es poco mas de un cruzado. Ay
muncha cantidad de puercos y son tantos los
uenados que no tienen numero. Y quando bie-
nen las creçientes los toman a manos y se
meten dentro de las casas. Y matan tantoss [sic]
que todos los años uenden veynte y treyta [sic] y
quarenta mil cueros para xapon y otras par-
tes.
Tiene mas esta tierra muncho añil poluo y
tinta de que se prouee toda la Xaua y Menan-
cauo y hazersean todos los años veynte mill
tinajas de este añil y uale muy barato añil
y jaras. Tiene muncho sapao que es palo
braçil de que se pouee toda la Yndia y toda la
rutter of siam 193

China y Xapon. Tiene muncho menjui blanco

de pedaços tan grandes como ladrillos y muncha
rropa gruesa y por este rrespecto la fina uale mun-
cho en Çian. Es abundante de madera para naos
y galeras mas que otra tierra de las de n<uest>ros tiempos.

[137r]
Es tan grande el trato de comprar y uender en Çian que tod-
dos los dias ay feria. Y en cada ocho dias se haze una
feria general en su domingo que es el dia de luna
nueva y otro al quarto y otro en la luna llena y al
quarto prostero [sic] el otro. Tiene esta çiudad grandiçimas
creçientes de auenidas que se aniega toda y la
tierra de junto a ella con un codo de agua sobre la
tierra y entonces no tienen comunicaçion sino en
paroos. Y en ellos y en otras enbarcaçiones tienen
todos sus tratos compras y uentas y otros quales-
quier negoçios.

Capitulo 10
El rrio de esta çiudad de Çian es de muy buen fondo.
Entran en el naos grandes y juncos que demandan
diez y ocho palmos de agua. Y llegan por el rrio arriba
hasta la çiudad y muncho mas si quieren porque
todo el dicho rrio es bueno y de buenos surgideros.

Capitulo 11
La çiudad de Çian esta çituada en una tierra ane-
gadiza. Y es toda cercada de ladrillo y tierra que ca-
uado de hazer el muro el mismo se deshaze de por si.
Y es en munchas partes el dicho muro de çircuyto
mas de ocho leguas que en dos dias una persona
andando bien tenor a que hazer en andarla al de-
rredor. Y como es de tierra y ladrillo tiene poca de-
fensa de mas de estar edificada por horden y
manera que façilmente se puede entrar. Y tan-
bien por la grandeza della tiene munchas partes
por donde entrarse por causa de los munchos esteros
que ay dentro della. Por ellos se sirue en paroos.
194 TRANSCRIPTION

[137v]
Y todos estos esteros tienen sus puertas en la dicha
cerca que son faciles en su defensa. Y todos ellos se
pueden pasar a bado de marea uazia.
Tiene mas esta çiudad de Çian dos ualuartes de la par-
te del rrio con algunas pieças de artilleria echas en
la tierra sin proporçion ni medida porque no tienen
uso de hazerlas los quales ualaurtes tanbien son
de poca defensa como la dicha cerca. Toda esta çiudad
es de madera y cañas y paja y en toda ella podia a-
uer beynte o treynta casas de ladrillo que algunos
hombres rricos tienen por temor del fuego a que
es muy subjeta y se quema munchas vezes. Y por
este rrespecto tiene cañauerales junto de las casas
para ynpedir que no pase el fuego de una a otra.
Ay dentro de la çiudad munchas varelas que son
sus iyglesias. Y sus sacerdoctes son muy estimados
y tienen lo mejor de la tierra. Abra en esta çiudad treynta
mill vezinos gente flaca que no saue pelear por
lo qual es de muy poca fortificaçion. Y se puede en-
trar por qualquier parte sin muncha rresistençia
por ser tanbien la gente couarde y de poco esfuerço.

Capitulo 12
Ay dentro de esta çiudad munchos hombres rricos
que tienen muncho oro no porque en la tierra lo
aya mas cada año uiene de China para comprar
el palo brasil que dalli se lleua. Asimismo tiene
muncha plata. Y todo corre por peso. Y quando quieren
abonar a un mercader dizen fulano tiene de suyo
tantos mill cates de plata y tantas tinajas de oro
y toda esta rriqueza tienen en unas enbarca-
çiones que hazen dentro en los esteros de la çiudad

[138r]
que se llaman memas. Y sirven de casas quando
ay nueuas de guerra porque en ellas se ban por el
rrio arriba y se meten por los esteros que ay en la
çiudad. La moneda menuda de esta tierra son cauries
que son unos caracolillos blancos que ay en la
rutter of siam 195

ysla de Maldiua y en las de Philipinas. Es esta tierra

en si muy barata de todas las cosas como atras
queda dicho.

Capitulo 13
Tiene este rreyno de Çian por la tierra adentro mun-
chas çiudades y poblaçiones. Y se ua desde la de Çian
a Pegu por tierra y a Tenazarin. Tiene este rreyno
de Çian de la parte del oriente los rreynos de Can-
boxa que son muy abundantes de ganados y man-
tenimeintos y munchas maderas. Y asimismo
los rreynos de Champa donde ay muncho palo evano.
El rreyno de Cochinchina donde ay muncho palo
de aguila y los rreynos de la gran China donde ay
todos generos de hazienda. Ay asimismo los rreynos
de Japon donde ay muncha plata. Y de Çian para todas
estas partes ay nauegaciones y tratos. Yten
para la parte del ocçidente tiene el rreyno de Ligor
donde ay muncha pimienta y Patane lo mismo
Pan donde ay oro y piedras de diamante y Besa-
hares y aguila. Tiene Jor y Malaca y todas las
yslas de Borney y Philipinas Maluco Java y to-
das las demas yslas de aquella parte que de
se puede nauegar a ellas. Y por la parte del norte
es tierra firme. Y tiene Pegu como ya esta dicho
y otros rreynos y çiudades hasta llegar a la contra

[138v]
costa de la parte de Pegu y Tenazarin.

Capitulo 14
Esta çiudad y rreyno de Çian por lo que esta dicho se
pueden [sic] conquistar con mil hombres por esta horden.
Que para quitar estas partes del sur en el tiempo que
Su Magestad enbiare la armada al Aceh por uia
de la Yndia conforme a la rrelaçion que dello se le
enbia que en el mismo año enbie por la uia
de Nueva Spaña y Philipinas dos mill hombres
sobre Patane como se declara en la rrelaçion de Pa-
tane q<ue> va con esta. Y conquistado Patane dexando
196 TRANSCRIPTION

en el mill hombres para su conservaçion luego

en el mismo tiempo los otros mill bayan sobre Çian
que bastan para paçificarle. Y asi quedaran todas
estas partes del sur quietas y façilmente se podra
conquistar lo de adelante dexando primero allana-
do el Aceh Patane Çian Cohinchina y China y ser
Su Mag<estad> gran señor y tener aquella çiudad de Canton
tan rrica y suntuosa y de todas aquellas partes
del sur q<ue> son munchas y muy grandes y de grandes
rriquezas. Y sera el mayor señor que nunca ubo
en el mundo como largamente se declara en la rre-
laçion del Aceh que ba con esta. Y adbiertese q<ue> la
breuedad en la conquista del Aceh Patene y Çian
ynporta muncho porque al presente cuesta solamente
seys mill hombres que se ynbien a estas partes
y adelante costaria muncho por yrse haziendo estos
gentiles cada dia mas poderosos y despiertos en
las cosas de la guerra demas de los munchos quen-
tos de xpristianos que se harian en estas partes
rriquezas y aprouechamientos de las rrentas

[139r]
reales de Su Magestad y de sus uasallos que no
tiene numero. N<uest>ro S<eñor> la rreal persona de Su Mag<estad>
guarde por largos años para le hazer seruiçios. De
Malaca a 27 de diziembre de 1584 años.
 chapter 14

New Guinea, by Miguel Roxo de Brito

Relaçion que Migel Rrojo de

Brito da de la Nueua Guinea

Parti de Bachan a 17 del mes de mayo de 1581 en

dos caracoas de yndios basallos del rreysuelo de Ba-
chan n<uest>ro amigo a mi costa en las quales llebaba
140 hombres naturales de una ysla que llaman Obe
la qual esta de Bachan para el sur obra de dos le-
guas y de otra ysla que llaman Tapa junto a esta los
quales me entrego el dicho rreyzuelo para q<ue> en todo
me siruiersen y acompañasen. Y fue [sic] con ellos caminando
al sur y tome la dicha ysla de Obe donde me provey
de bastimentos y mejore de gente dejando los muncha-
chos tomando hombres de fuerça para la boga. Y de
aqui camino del susueste tiene una ysla que lla-
man Tape y luego al mismo rrumbo tome otra que
llaman Tapaeba las quales ambas son despobla-
das y yslas pequeñas. En ellas alle muncho pescado
cangrejos de la tierra que son muy excelentes.
Ffui caminando al leste tome la ysla de Tamilonga
la qual tiene un bolcan que se parece de lejos ni mas
ni menos como las yslas de Baras. En esta ysla ay
una poblaçion de obra de çien yndios que me dieron
la obediençia. Y les hize botar una caracoa a la
mar con la qual me acompañaron todo este tiempo
e por estas partes. Andube de esta ysla de Tamilonga
camino del leste. Parti con tres caracoas. Halle las
yslas de Boo que son munchas y despobladas.
En ellas alle muncho genero de pescado y puercos del

[139v]
monte. Y de estas yslas de Boo al mismo rrumbo leste
tome una ysla que llaman Labey la qual halle po-
blada de un rreyzuelo acompañado de obra de dos mill
hombres que tanbien me dio la obediencia. Y se es-

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_016

198 TRANSCRIPTION

panto de ber gente blanca porque sola notiçia tenia

de nosotros mas nunca nos auia <uist>o. Estas yslas
estan una de otras casi un dia de camino. Y de aqui
me lleuaron a una ysla que llaman Mesol en
la qual halle un rrey acompañado de quatro
o cinco mill hombres que me rrecibio como cosa es-
traña y nunca uista. Este me tuuo en un pueblo
obra de treynta dias haziendome muncho rregalo
dandome preseas de oro en rreconoçimiento
de amistad. Y preguntandole si auia por aquella
parte mas yslas y gente me lleuo camino del les-
nordeste a unas yslas que llaman de Baygeo
las quales halle pobladas y en ellas un rrey
por la misma manera que el pasado me rreçibio
haziendome munchos rregalos y echandome
una cadena de oro al cuello de la caracoa en q<ue> yo
uenia que pesaria 90 ducados. Esta ysla que
se lla<ma> Maçol es una ysla cumplida y en mun-
chas partes tiene serrania. Tendra de box 40 le-
guas en el cabo de la qual por la parte del nordeste
tiene su poblaçion çituada e<n> una laguna de
agua salada. Y tendra en la boca anchura de
una lança. Y luego entrando para dentro se haze
en toda torno de media legua en la qual tienen
echas sus casas sobre grandes bigas metidas en
el agua. Abra en este pueblo obra de 4 <mi>ll hombres
que obedecen a un rrey que tienen elegido ellos.
Llamanle Suntien. Tiene munchos yndios por la
tierra adentro q<ue> les hazen sus sementeras y huertas

[140r]
de landan que es un pan que ellos comen que es muy
semejante a uiscocho y de muncha sustancia. Aqui
me trayan muncho oro labrado por labrar para
si lo queria comprar. Preguntando yo a aquel rrey
donde auia aquel oro me rrespondio que todoss [sic] años
mandaua juntar a su gente a una ysla que llaman
Cerdeña q<ue> esta junto a la ysla de Seyron en la qual
abria çinco mill hombres que son todos mercaderes
y muy rricos. Y con la gente que cautiuan mis [sic] basa-
new guinea 199

llos por ellos rrescatan oro y campanas y munchas

mantas y que tanbien lleban a uender estas cam-
panas a la Nueua Guinea a quien ellos llaman Botan
que quiere dezir tierra firme un rreyno q<ue> esta
en una punta de tierra firme el qual se llama One a
trueco de oro. Y asi poseen muncho como digo porq<ue> en
toda esta gente no ui persona como no fuese esclauo
que no traxese en sus orejas oro a su usança que cada
uno podria pesar mas de una onza. E por esta cudiçia
son estos de Maçol muy dados a hurtar. Por lo qual
hazen unas enbarcaçiones muy ligeras que cada
jornada andan mas de doze leguas. Y traen en ellas
quatro hordenes de rremos una por de dentro en el
cuerpo del nauio y tres por fuera. Y andando yo en
ellas por ninguna manera podia tener en pie por
ser muy ligeros y a cada bogada hurtan el cuerpo
al hombre. Estos de Moçol en ninguna parte hur-
tan sino es en la ysla de Sardenha que dicha tengo
estar a esta de Maçol por la parte del sur 30 leguas
poco mas o menos. Y lo hazen de tal manera que ba
una armada de treynta quarenta nauios. Y ninguno
dellos buelbe sin hazer presa. La primera q<ue> la
toma rrescata los cautiuos y se bue<l>be para su tierra.
Y no ay año que no tome 70 o 80 serdanhos

[140v]
por el preçio q<ue> se rrescatan una vez. Por el mismo
preçio se rresctan quantas vezes fueren cautivos
sin le quitar de preçio nada. Y si no tienen con que
rrescatarse los matan. Por la qual trayçion porq<ue>
no pasen este trance quando no tienen con que se
rrescatar piden a otros serdanhos rricos q<ue> los com-
pren y ansi quedan por esclauos. Y los mismos ser-
danhos me dixeron. Yendo con este rrey treynta
caracoas para hazer con ellos pases con tal condi-
çion que auian de quedar los de Serdanha por uassa-
llos de este dicho rrey. Y por le tener yo asi aconse-
xado lo qual cometiendoles yo el dicho pacto me
rrespondieron que no auia serdanho que no
obiese sido cautiuo cinco uezes. Y en quanto
200 TRANSCRIPTION

tuuieremos belas con que podamos yr a bus-

car n<uest>ra uida por las mercançias no queremos
ser uasallos pues podemos con n<uest>ra hazienda
comprar n<uest>ras liuertades. A lo qual este rrey
papua rrespondio q<ue> en quanto ellos tuuiesen
remos y calauales que son las arma [sic] de que ellos
usan a el ni a los suyos no les faltara oro ni que
uestir a su costa dellos. Y asi nos partimos de Ser-
danha. Y fuimos a tener a una ysla y lugar que
llaman Daro el qual esta en la tierra firme de
Seyron. En el hize a este rrey hacer paces por
ser yndios que me dieron nueuas de portugueses
de la ysla de Uanda. Y quedo este rrey papua de
se las guardar en quanto bibiere y desde este
lugar mandar rrescatar los cautiuos que to-
maren en Serdenha por que en ello les de grande
ganançia. Tiene esta ysla de Serdena de box ocho
leguas e por la parte del sur tiene su pueblo situado
al luengo de la playa. Ay en un otero una cerca de

[141r]
piedra puesta que ellos tienen por ffuerça en la qu<a>l
tienen algunas guritas com [sic] munchos versos. Tiene
este pueblo partido en ocho prinçipales los quales
cada uno tiene tantos hombres que le obedesen
y asi el de una sola no puede ser juez en la otra. Y to-
dos los años uan dos prinçipales destos con gente
en sus nauios a hazer sus mercançias y queda la
demas gente en guarda y defençion de la tierra.
Y quando se bueluen a recojer los que fueron ban
luego los otros que les caue de entrar y asi se gouier-
nan sin tener los unos de los otros ninguna dife-
rençia. Tienen estos de Serdanha quatro depositarios
en cuyo poder tienen lo que traen. Y recoxen el
oro y hazienda la qual juntan alli para las nececi-
dades y bien comun de todo este pueblo. Y todas las
uezes que uienen de fuera los nauios dan un tanto
que meten en este deposito. Y quando tienen al-
guna neceçidad o guerra con algunas prouinçias
como fue la que tuuieron con las yslas de Banda
new guinea 201

pagan gente que hallan por un çierto preçio en la ysla

de Siron por la uanda del norueste y con estos
hazen armada para se defender y ofender al-
gunas uezes con ella. Tanbien tienen este
tresoro [sic] para que si los de Maçol cautivan al-
gun honrado de Serdenha y no tiene pusible para
se rrescatar lo sacan del deposito y lo rrescatan
porque no se pierda del pueblo aquella persona y
no pase detrimento su honra. Los de esta ysla
de Serdenha me an dicho q<ue> se espantauan como no
se tenia notiçia de su ysla con muncha riqueza
que tienen. Tienen munchos bersos que entre todos
abra 600 con sus camaras de metal que es lo
que ellos tienen por grandeza sin sauer usar dellos.

[141v]
Nauegan estos de Serdanha en sus nauios loss [sic]
quales hazen muy buenos como juncos jauos por
todas la yslas de Timor por la banda de dentro
y por las donde se coje el palo oleroso que llaman
sandalo y por todo el rreyno de Bale don [sic] sacan
muncho oro y mantas y por todo el rreyno de Bima
donde se halla muncho oro y ambar y cera y por
la mayor parte de la Xaua mayor. Y tanbien
tienen comerçio con los de las yslas de Marcho
y con las de Botan donde rrescatan muncho oro
y mantas y algodon ylado. Tanbien tienen comer-
çio con el Tanbuco donde traen muncho hierro
y del lleuan a uender a la Nueua Guinea en un
rreyno que llaman Magusia y alli lo truecan
por un palo que se llama masol lo qual uenden
despues a los xauos que lo tienen en mucho para
sus enfermedades porq<ue> lo muelen y se untan
el cuerpo con ello y los sanos tanbien por lo qu<a>l
se gastan muncho todos los años. De aqui me torne
a rrecoxer a la ysla de Maçol y de ay me fue [sic]
a las yslas del rrey de Baygeo las quales son
munchas y pobladas. Y en la que el rreside se
llama Boron. Tendra de uox quinze leguas
ay en ella muncho landa gallinas puercos de
202 TRANSCRIPTION

monte. Podra tener este lugar mill hombres

que todos obedecen al dicho rrey. Este me rreciuio
muy bien y con muncho amor diziendome mun-
chas uezes que deseaua muncho estuuiera yo
en su tierra para enseñar las constumbres
de nuestra Santa Fee Catolica, que era el gentil y
bibia como uestia. Y asi su gentilidad le prohiuia
no comiese puerco y porque se lo mande comerlo
comio luego. Y me pidio que pues teniamos por ynsignia

[142r]
la cruz le quisiese poner yo una en su pueblo para
adorar en ella asi como nostoros hazemos lo qual
mande yo hazer por dos maestros muy grande y her-
mosa y se le arbole en su pueblo a lo largo de la
playa disparando los uersos y arcabuzes que yo
llebaba de que el dicho rrey reçibio muncho con-
tento y alegria y su muger y hijos entanto llor-
auan de placer. Tanbien le di una bandera q<ue> yo
llebaba con la cruz de Cristo para que quando tu-
uiese algunas rrefriegas con los de la misma
ysla digo con los de Nueua Guinea la arbolase
por su quadra que n<uest>ro Señor le defenderia y le
daria uictoria con lo qual quedo muy satisfecho.
Y luego apresto su armada y se fue conmigo
camino del lesuest [sic] y tomamos una ysla que
se llama Garau la qual hallamos despoblada
por causa de una çerpiente que en ella anda la
qual a comido la mayor parte de los naturales
que alli uiuian. En esta ysla uaramos el
armada la qual era de treze caracoas e estuuimos
aqui concertandonos y haziendo bastimentos
para la chusma de landa y pescado y por auer a-
qui muncho lo qual acauado echamos el armada
a la mar y nos fuimos camino del lesueste
y hallamos una ysla pequeña la qual se llama
Onelor. Y en ella auia obra de dozientas personas
y nos dieron la obediençia y algunas prendas
en rreconoçimiento de uasallaje lo qual el
new guinea 203

rrey mando q<ue> se me diese a mi y que yo era el gene-

ral de aquella armada y gente. Y de esta misma
ysla camino del leste un dia de camino dimos
en el rreyno de One que es en la tierra firme
de la Nueua Guinea de la banda del sur.

[142v]
Y podia estar en medio grado poco mas o menos. Y
destos tanbien nos dieron la obediençia al-
gunos lugares que tenian ruyn defenssa
y por estar çituado por el agua a lo largo de la
playa. Y algunos pueblos que estauan en
parte dificultosa nos resistian. Y con todo au<n>-
que se resistian truximos uno a la obediençia
por muertes de algunos de nuestra compania con
flechas porque es el arma que usan y estan dies-
tros en ellas. Y no ay por toda esta tierra otra
arma sino son flechas y dardos y sin yerua nin-
guna. La gente de esta prouinçia son todos negros
como los de Guinea y son todos mercaderes
porque uan a un rreyno que esta debajo de la
equinoçial el qual se llama Segat donde ay
un pueblo que ay en el una gran feria y rescate
de negros que estos de One compran aqui y
lleban a uender a Serdenha. Y como los de Ser-
denha son muy rricos los compran y los meten
en la ysla de Çitan para la grangeria de sus
huetas [sic] en ella tienen. Y es cierto que ay yndio
serdenho que tiene mill esclauos negros.
Y le hazen estos muncha landa a modo de biscocho.
Y lo tienen junto para lo uender a los xauos
y con ello rrescatan la nues moscada en masa
y en banda y porque las caresen de bastimento.
Tienen tanbien estos de One muncho oro
labrado que traen en las orejas y en el pescueso.
Preguntando yo de donde coxian aquel oro rres-
pondieron que por aquella uanda y costa adelante
de la uanda del sur estaua un rreyno que llaman
Ufia y junto a este estan dos rreynos muy poderosos
204 TRANSCRIPTION

[143r]
de gente en una prouninçia que llaman Ugar en que ay
muncho y fino oro. Y diziendo yo al rrey de Baygeo
que fuesemos en busca de esta gente dixeron los de One
que corriamos muncho rriesgo por tener munchas
enbarcaçiones y muy ligeras y que si obiese
quarenta o çinquenta que se le podria tomar el
pueblo aunque era muy grande porque de oyr los
arcabuzes auran todos de huir y que este oro
de Ugar lo uan a buscar por la tierra adentro y que
tanbien allan muncho oro en rrios y que de-
mas de esta prouinçia mas alla ay otras que
tanbien lo tienen que no sauen si lo compran
en Ugar o si lo tienen en la tierra y que todo este
rreyno de Ugar es nombrado por rrico de oro. Y el mis-
mo rrey de Baygeo que siempre oyo dezir de Ugar
que tienen en el mucho oro esta en otra prouinçia
que queda entre Ugar y One que se llama Sufia
que ay en ella mas de 40 <mi>ll hombres. Son todos ne-
gros como los de Guinea. Aqui uienen los de Sardenha
a comprar el palo que llaman masor que es lo que
tiene ualor en la Xaua y lo rrescatan a trueque
de hierro y espadas que se llaman talisas las
quales estos despues uenden por otras prouinçias.
Y asi son los mas destos de la banda del sur todos
mercaderes. Tanbien tienen estos de Sufia mun-
cho oro porque lo traen por las orejas y pescuesso
como he dicho. Por estas y otras partes el bastimento
que ay es landa que lo hazen muy bueno y tal que
puede pasar por pan y es duro para uiscocho y pone
muncha sustancia. Ay munchas gallinas y pu-
ercos de monte y ay muncho genero de pescado
muy bueno. Y tienen asimismo algunas cabras

[143v]
y bufanos brauos y ay munchas riueras de
agua. Y de luengo desta tierra firme de esta uanda
del sur ua corriendo una cordillera de yslas
todas pequeñas y todas pobladas de gente al-
guna negra y entra amulatada donde dizen q<ue>
new guinea 205

en algunas yslas ay gente blanca y de la cauellos

rrubios e sardos porque significan tenian
salpicas pardas e bermejas por el rrostro. Que
tanbien estos tienen oro y sandalos. Por aqui alle
la concha en que nacse el aljofar en muncha can-
tidad por lo que parece y no deue de faltar por aqui
si lo supiesen bucar [sic]. Tanbien por aqui entrauan
los yndios y negros por el monte y trayan pedaçoss [sic]
de panales de miel. Y uenian como bestias mordidas
de las auejas por lo qual es claro de uer que aqui ay
cera. De aqui nos tornamos yo y el rrey de Bayceo
y ffuimos corriendo la costa camino del leste
y pasamos por la prouinçia de Segat donde nos
hizieron una enboscada de mas de 3 <mi>ll hombres
en una ensenada que esta por alli el desenbar-
cadero de aquel peublo en el agua asta la çinta todos
almagrados y con munchas plumas de gallo en
las cauesas asi de la manera que lo usan en Guinea.
En esta enboscada los negros arrojauan mun-
chas flechas y dardos y del primero arcabusado que
se tiro de nuestros nauios echaron todos a huyr por
el monte como si el diablo fuera atras ellos. Y de
ay obra de media ora uinieron a mirar lo que
haziamos desde lexos todavuia coximos al que
con la bala del arcabuz herimos por una pierna
y lo metieron en mi nauio. Y luego uinieron
los negros a la playa con munchas cañas de tura y

[144r]
gallinas a pedirnos el negro herido y que querian
nuestra amistad. Y el rrey de Baygeo hablo con ellos y los
hizo traer una campana de quatro palmos de largo q<ue>
ellos extimauan muncho. Y la dieron en rrecono-
çimiento de nuestra amistad. De aqui nos fuimos ade-
lante corriendo la misma costa por la banda del
norte. Y en una punta por estar la chusma can-
sada de auer uogado todo aquel dia dimos fondo y
echamos gente en tierra que nos coxesen un poco de
pescado. Y detras de esta punta de la otra banda 160
enbarcaçiones de remos los quales estauan
206 TRANSCRIPTION

e<n> tierra comiendo y holgandose como despues supimos.

Y parece que uieron luego el humo de fuego q<ue> los n<uest>ros
hazian. Se enbarcaron todos y binieron luego a la
mar descubriendo la punta y tanto que reconoçieron
n<uest>ros nauios. Y estuuieron parados como hombres
que se querian determinar. Luego se uinieron hazia
nosotros en una media luna trayendo en cada cuer-
no treynta e çinco nauios y todo lo demas con-
puesto no como barbaros sino como gente diestra
y de rrazon. Lo que me puso espanto y temor fue por
los uer tantos que cubrian la mar a lo qual me dixo
el rrey de Baygeo que no tuuiese pena porque era
aqeulla gente flaca. Y asi nos fuimos para ellos
por la misma horden qu[e] el tiempo nos enseñaua
y arremetiendo con ellos disparando dos uersos y
dos arcabuzos que yo lleuaua se lansaron todos
en la mar sin quedar ninguno en sus nauios. Fue
tan grande el miedo que reçiuieron que des-
pues el rrey de Baygeo se metio en un baroto pe-
queño y los hizo enbarcar porque sauia muy bien
la lengua. Y me truxo el rrey y señor de aquella armada

[144v]
con algunos parientes y principales. Me uinieron
a abrasar por los pies y uiniendo primero pidiendo
que escondiese los uersos apuntados para ellos
porque tenian temor que tornasen a hazer otra
bes fuego. Yo les asegure y les hize el mexor rre-
çibimiento que pude. Estauan tan espantados de
ber nuestro modo que estuuieron mas de media ora
como mudos sin hablar palabra. Esta gente
son negros çafios como los de Guinea y mas ne-
gros. Y son de una prouinçia que esta poco menos
de un grado de la banda del norte. Serian en esta
armada siete mill hombres los quales se sa-
lian a holgar y a desechar la tristeza que tenian
por la murte de su rreyna que parece ser aquella
su constumbre. Esta prouinçia se llama Apaa
y es muy poblada de gente los quales todos andan
desnudos en cueros saluo algunos prinçipales
new guinea 207

que traen algunas mantas coloradas y negras.

No bi a estos oro ni plata ni hazen caudal dello
por lo qual me parece no lo pasen [sic]. Huelganse
muncho con el hierro. Su riqueza son campanas.
Rrespondian que yban a hurtar a una ysla que
llaman de Gele y que por la gente que cautibaban
les dan las campanas y que estos de Gele traen
muncho oro como el que yo les enseñe quando
les pregunte si tenian de aquello y que ellos no lo
querian porque muncho mejor era el hierro
lo uno por ser mayor y lo otro porque es seruiçio de
munchas cosas y el oro no les seruia de nada.
Tienen estos en su tierra munchas palmas ga-
llinas puercos. Hazen sus sementeras de arroz.

[145r]
Quando andan enbarcados traen por su bastimento
landa. Las yslas que dizen de Geue estan por el
nordeste algunas setenta leguas conforme
a las jornadas que ellos andan. Y yo anduue con ellos.
Y mas adelante de estas de Geue dizen que ay otras
munchas poblaciones. Estos de Apaa me dieron
nueuas de tres hombres blancos que estauan en
esta tierra firme de la Nueua Guinea y que eran
munchos mas mas [sic] que murieron y agora que no
auia mas que tres. Y preguntandoles yo que bes-
tido trayan mando este rrey buscar en su nauio
un baqueruelo y un sombrero uiejo que auia
muncho que lo tenia mostrandome que aquel
era uestido dellos y que estos tres estauan casa-
dos. Mandeles preguntar si les dieron ellos aquel
uestido. Rrespondio el rrey que peleando con algunos
nauios de un rrey su enemigo le tomaron dos
nauios en los quales hallo esta ropa e que la
gente que cautivuo en ellos le dixieron que mas a-
lla de su tierra en la misma costa estauan es-
tos hombres. Y despues que yo bolui al Maluco
supe como eran estos de aquellos leuantados de
San Geronimo porque tanbien estos dieron nueba
que auian poblado una ysla de gente con baruas
208 TRANSCRIPTION

cumplidas por la qual rrazon estos son los bar-

budos a do fue a tener San Geronimo. En la carta la
pintan tan lejos de la tierra firme de la Nueua Gui-
nea y conforme a lo que los negros dizen que uan
alla algunos en sus nauios esta muncho mas
cerca y auiendo tanto golfo como lo pintan en
las cartas no puede ser en ninguna manera.
Por lo que el rrey de Baygeo se ynformo de estos

[145v]
negros y con otros que allamos supo como por
esta banda del norte se usa tanbien oro mas
le parece que muncho mas ay por la banda del
sur porque los mas dellos lo traen generalm<en>te>. [En ]
este rreyno de Apaa ay unos arboles cuya casca
los negros quitan y la ponen al sol y les sirue
para munchas enfermedades a lo menos por
el dolor destomago. Me hallaua yo muy bien
con el. Tiene un color muy bueno como de canela
y un ardimiento muy singular y quando se
come abrasa la cara como si comiese buyo. Este
deue de ser muy exstimado en tierras frias y se po-
dria tener por dioja porque en el color y sabor lo pa-
rese. Esta tierra por donde anduue con ser debajo
de la equinoçial y quando muncho un grado es muy
templada y de muy buenos ayres. El sol no quema
sino quando anda enpinado sobre la cabeza. To-
das las noches cae tanto rocio que hasta las
nueue del dia aun no tiene el sol acabada de
consumir con lo qual me allegue siempre muy
rreçio y bueno. Por auer mas de dos meses que
andauamos por etas yslas y la chusma muy cansada
nos tornamos con la proa al huesnoru-
este. Tomamos una ysla despoblada adonde
coximos muncho pescado y langostas como las
d’España. Y de aqui corriendo una cordillera
tomamos la de Noton que es del rrey de Bay-
geo adonde estuuimos mas de un mes hol-
gandonos y sus uasallos que alli tiene trayen-
donos munchas frutas gallinas y cabras
y muncho genero de pescado. Con determinaçion
new guinea 209

[146r]
de nos juntar con el rrey de Moçol y hazer una jornada
en busca de estos tres españoles que arriba e
dicho. Estando en este tiempo que digo en esta ys-
la Noton con el rrey de Baygeo por ser el muy cu-
rioso en preguntar munchas cosas. Era tanbien
leue en me contar algunas que el estimaua
por estrañas entre las quales fue preguntarme
si entre nosotros auia gente que no tenia fuego
y comian el pescado crudo. Yo le rrespondi que no ay
y le pregunte que con que se alumbrauan y
el me rrespondio que auia en aquella ysla donde
estos uiuian unos animales que era de grandura
de gatos grandes y que estos de noche uenian a co-
mer y que en la frente tienen una piedra la qual
traen cuuierta con un capillo.Y quando uienen
de noche a buscar de comer la descubren con la
claridad della lo buscan y sienten [sic] algo cu-
brenla con el capillo y asi quedan a scuras [sic]. Y
que los de estas yslas los espian y con sus arcos y
flechas los matan y quitan la piedra q<ue> les sir-
ue de lumbre. Preguntele si auia de aquellas
piedras munchas y dixome que no auia cassa
que no ubiese siete o ocho y que tomauan un
bexuco y lo abrian por medio de la punta y me-
tian alli la piedra y la tomauan de noche y an-
dauan de luengo de los arrazifes [sic] buscando
marisco con la claridad de la piedra. Dixele
que porque no tenia un par de aquellas piedras.
Rrespondiome que mexor era su lumbre porque
quando queria la apagaua y ensendia. Pregun-
tele si fue el alla o los suyos a esta ysla o de

[146v]
donde tenia notiçia della. Dixome que en uida
de su padre toparon los suyos yendo a buscar
una enbarcaçion toparon un nauichuelo
en el qual uenian cinco indias y de esta ysla
le dixieron eso marauillandose de nu<est>ra
lumbre. Y le dieron rrelaçion en esta isla.
Le dixeron auia un rrio que uenia de un bol-
210 TRANSCRIPTION

can que ella tiene adonde se alla muncho y

fino oro y que por este rrespecto apresto su
padre dos nauios y los enuio con dos destas
yndias. Y hasta oy no an parecido mas. Sospe-
chan que los comio la mar. Y la [sic] rrazones por
que los nauios son pequeños muy delgados
y que asi los hazen para ser ligeros. Y como las
corrientes son muy grandes parece que algun
rremolino de agua los coxio e quebro. Y asi
se perdio la gente porque de otra manera se su-
piera de ellos. Dixele si queria que fuesemos
alla y que ariamos enbarcaçiones fuertes
con que fuesemos seguros. Rrespondiome
que piloto que supiese alla no le auia porq<ue> las
quatro yndias que quedaron <e>n su pueblo eran
muertas por no ser aconstumbrados [sic] al uso suyo.
Y asi no durauan dos años. Preguntele si seria
lexos. Dixome que no y conforme a lo que me
dixo demora esta ysla al nordeste y deue destar
por alli cerca de las yslas de Jeue. Por la qual
rrazon si carbuncos ay en el mundo lo son estos
porque el rrey de Baygeo en todas las cossa [sic]
que conmigo auia tratado le alle siempre muy uerda-

[147r]
dero y no ynteresaua en esto cosa alguna.
A este rrey de Baygeo esta Su Majestad en
obligaçion de le hazer merced por el muncho zelo
que tiene de le seruir haziendose uasallo suyo sin
nadie lo costreñir a esto y quando uenia ocaçion
contar la magestad del rrey Don Phelipe nu<est>ro señor y el
muncho mundo que posee e como era señor de la
mexor gente del mundo que era la naçion españo-
la que agora nueuamente çucedio en el rreyno
de Portugal por donde junto otro nueuo mundo a su
rreal corona. Y me a rrespondido que se tenia por
muy dichoso pues en su uida uino a ser uasallo
de un rrey tan poderoso que plega a Dios le diese
uida para que un hijo suyo que tenia le dejase en-
señado a seruir a tal gente como nosotros eramos
new guinea 211

que en nu<est>ras constumbres bien dauamos a en-

tender quien nu<est>ro rrey podia ser. Esto todo tra-
taua conmigo con naguatato que yo auia lle-
uado desde la ysla de Tamilonga. Mas el tiempo
adelante lo escuse porque aprendia la lengua y la
tome muy bien y con breuedad. Allaua tan-
tas rrazones en este buen rrey que si no me acor-
dara de lo muncho que conuenia al seruiçio de Dios
y de Su Mag<estad> ynformarle de estas cosas me que-
dara con el por algunos dias. La gentilidad
de estos tiene çiertas çirimonias que façilm<ent>e
se pueden quitar. Tienen a sus antepasados por
dioses y ansi les guardan los huesos quando an-
dan enbarcados. Los lleuan metidos en una caxa
y quando comen les dan de comer y beber. Y quando

[147v]
ban a pelear comen un cierto palo y dizen que
no pueden ser heridos por la uirtud dello. Tan-
bien traen uno palo consigo para si encontra-
ren uientos lo desuiaran con el. Tienen otras
gentilidades destas. Este rrey no tiene mas
de una sola muger y asi manda que se
use en su rreyno. Es gente desynteresada y a-
fable. Andan siempre siruiendo con la boca
llena de riza lo que no tienen los de las yslas
del Maçol que son muy ynteresables y
dados a luxuria y a hurtar. Y quando los llebe
a la Nueua Guinea que fueron tres nauios
de Maçol todo era pedirme que fuera hurtar
a Serdeña. Y porque me acordaua que conuenia
al seruiçio de Dios y de Su Magestad tener estos
mas conoçimiento de nosotros les aconseje
que muy cerca de Cerdenha esta la una forta-
leza de Su Magestad adonde ellos fuessen a dar la
obediencia. Porque la buena uoluntad que
ellos me mostrauan tenernos no lo podia yo
pagar mas que aqui les seria satisfecho y a-
gadresido [sic] y tanbien porque ellos uiesen nue-
ba fuerça y la manera y uso della y uiesen
212 TRANSCRIPTION

nu<est>ra artilleria que es lo que ellos mas se ad-

miran y uiesen n<uest>ras yglesias y constumbres
de nu<est>ra fee. Y todo les auia de agradar muncho
porque siendo yo un solo portugues y otro que llebe
conmigo les agradauamos tanto. Y tanbien
para que con testigos pudiese tirar algun premio
de este pequeño seruiçio que a Su Mag<esta>d tengo comen-

[148r]
çado. Sin ningun rrefuxio ni contrariedad
me dixo el rrey de Baygeo que por quanto era
lejos queria yr con dos enbarcaçiones para que
toda la demas de su gente quedase en guarda
y defençion de sus yslas no uiniesen los de Apaa
sobre ellos por la afrenta que rrecebieron en
la pelaça que tuuieron con nosotros quando se
echaron a la mar porque luego auia de correr
la nueua de como yo era fuera de aquellas ys-
las. Y asi partimos con çinco nauios para la ysla de
Maçol donde el rrey echo dos. Y con siete nos
fuimos camino de Serdenha. Y luego coximos
la ysla de Siron. E corriendo la costa della por la
banda del norueste allamos por alli munchos
pueblos de quinientos y seyscientos hombres
cada uno hasta que llegamos al pueblo de
Atula donde alle nueuas que Rreboanje
capitan del rrey de Ternate andaua en la mar
con una gruesa armada de caracoas y que con
ella fue a la fortaleza que su magestad tiene en
Anbohin a hazer una enboscada en la qual
matara algunos yndios christianos. Por lo qual
de aqui adelante fue con una centinela y tanto
auante como el pueblo de Anaade nos ama-
neçio. Y a clara la mañana vinos [sic] hazia contra
el pueblo de Beramita munchos nauios. Y lu-
ego ynuie dos de los mios los mas ligeros y
meti en cada uno dos yndios ladinos que fue-
sen a rreconocer si eran aquellos nauios de bas-
timentos y si era armada que echasen a huyr
new guinea 213

[148v]
para la parte donde ellos uenien porque ansi
tuuiese yo tiempo para me rrecojer. Porque los
dos nauios que yo llebe del Maluco eran muy
pesados por auer casi un año que andauan en
el agua y la chusma cansada y trauajada de
bogar. Y si fueron las dos que conociesen el
armada se hizieron la uuelta de la mar y los
terrrenates que eran ueynte e çinco caracoas
fueron en su alcanse. La qual uiendo yo me
bolbi coxendo su alcanse digo la tierra para
que no tuuiesen uista de mi. Y me meti en un pu<ebl>o
que se llama Sabay el qual es uasallo del rrey
de Bachan adonde halle un primo suyo que se
llama Quilmontere de qual rrecebi muy
buen tratamiento. Y como fue no se uoluieron
los dos nauios que yo enuie a rreconocer el
armada la uuelta de tierra. Y al otro dia por la
mañana fueron a dar comigo en el dicho pue-
blo adonde estuuimos doze dias. De aqui despe-
di a los dos rreyes de Baygelo e de Maçol para
sus tierras diziendoles que yo queria yr a la for-
taleza a buscar portugueses para boluer
otra uez a la Nueua Guinea con todos tres por
la rrelaçion de los de Apaa y de que ansi estu-
uiesen aparejados con sus nauios para hazer
esta jornada. Preguntome el rrey de Baygeo
que quantas lunas auia de tardar yo le ase-
gure que tres o quatro a mas tardar. Y ansi se
despidio de mi los ojos llenos de agua dandole
yo un ferreñuelo [sic] de escarlata. Se fue muy sa-

[149r]
tisfecho y muy triste por mi ausencia porque se
an echo de consejo. [El] capitan de Anb[o]ino tubo nuebas
que yo estaua en la contra costa de Çiron como con-
taua por una carta que tengo e tenia nueuas por
cartas de Maluco como auia mas de un año q<ue> yo
sali de Ba[cha]n en dos caracoas me tenian por muerto
214 TRANSCRIPTION

por hasta entonces no sauian de mi. Lo escriuio a

Diego de Asanbuja lo qual sauido mando luego
al rrey de Ba[cha]n que enuiase una caracoa en mi
busca la qual me hallo en el pueblo de Tolimanta
cerca de este otro de Sauay adonde tenia un fuerte
echo de madera por tener nueuas que uenia sobre
mi el Areboanje para estoruar que los portugue-
ses no tomasen esta contra costa de Anboyno. Y de
aqui me uine al Maluco auiendo 19 meses
que auia salido dela [sic] donde al presente alle a Diego
de Açanbuxa capitan mayor que entonces era
de Tidore al qual presente un sclauo de la Nueba
Guinea y oro labrado y por labrar y este palo mose
y el otro palo que parece canela y la concha del
aljofar lo qual tuuo en muncho. Y me dixo que
dello auisaria a Su Magestad por lo qual me pareçio
ser mas conueniente azerlo yo por mi persona
pues por mis proprios [sic] ojos ui y pise la tierra para
que Su Rreal Magestad conforme a lo que quiere
que conbiene mas a su rreal seruiçio disponga
a lo que le pareçiere. Por lo qual le dio esta rrela-
çion uerdadera sin acrecentar ni poner cosa al-
guna mas de la uerdad. Tiene esta tierra de la
Nueua Guinea por la parte e camino por donde andu-

[149v]
be munchas uajas y coronas de arena e piedra y
munchas rrestingas y corrientes por entre las ys-
las porque son munchas. Tanbien ay munchas
rrolleras de agua porque no pueden por este ca-
mino yr nauios de alto bordo a la Nueua Guinea
de la uanda del sur. De aqui se puede hazer una con-
trataçion para la Nueua España de las cosas que
e dicho y de munchos esclauos porque son como
los de Guinea y seria muy facil y breue. Los
bientos que aqui corren son estos oesuduestes
que son los que siruen para yr a buscar altura.
Pueden lleuar de por aqui le nues moscada y masa
porque las yslas de Banda de la Nueua Guinea
sesenta leguas poco mas o menos hazia el sur. Y
new guinea 215

con una orden que yo dare se puede pasar por aqui.

Con lo qual concluyo.

[150r–151v, Blank]

[152r, Illustration] 本日 Japon

[152v, Blank]
 CHAPTER 15

Japan

[153r]
El rrey que agora rreyna entre estos xapones se lla-
ma Cauacundono. Dizen que su orijen fue que este
seruia a Nobunanga tio de otro prinçipe que poseya
parte deste ynperio o rreyno de Xapon de manera que
entre ellos estaua diuidido. El sobrino con deseo
de señorearlo todo y ser solo en el mundo determino
hazer guerra al tio Nobunanga y junto su ejer-
çito contra el. Y sinole [sic] en una çiudad suya entran-
dole por fuerça hasta matalle a el. En este tiempo
este Cauacundono era ydo por capitan con una ar-
mada a pelear en defensa de su amo Nobunanga
con otros enemigos. Y auiendo bençidolos tornando
supo la muerte de su señor Nobunanga y con la gen-
te de guerra que tenia a su cargo y la demas que pudo
juntar hizo guerra al sobrino de su s<eñor> en bengança
de su muerte. Y uino a tomalla matandole a el
y a todos sus capitanes y gente auiendolo esperado
en çierto paso en enboscada adonde le rrompio
y uençio. Y echo esto sin aguardar mas se hizo rrey
de lo que lo era su amo Nobunanga. Y el sobrino
a quien bençio luego sin dilaçion dio en hazerse
señor ausoluto de otros munchos rreynos q<ue> estauan
e<n> su tierra e que nunca auian tributado a sus ante-
cesores. Antes eran de por si. Y diose tan buena maña
que en tres años despues de auerse h<ec>ho rrey señoreo
y uençio a todos los demas rreynos y rreyes que
auia haziendose s<eñor> ausoluto de todo. Fue a conquistar
un gran rreyno y tierra de Core frontera de China. Este
temiendo el poder de Bacabundono pagole
parias. Y auiendoselo rrendido este rrey boluiose

[153v]
a su tierra y rreyno de Xapon donde dizen esta
haziendo grandes aparatos de guerra para entrar

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_017

Japan 217

en tierra de China haziendo osucala [sic] en Core.

Y tiene aperceuidos 2,500 y quinientos nauios
con otras munchas preuençiones de guerra a esta
naçion de China. An echo ellos de munchos años a-
tras y hazen de hordinario grandes rrobos en las
partes maritimas de la costa saqueandoles
munchos lugares y çiudades. Y encontrandose na-
uios e<n> la mar de japones y chinas luego se aco-
meten lleuando siempre lo mejor los xapones
por ser muncho mejor gente y mas animosa que ellos.
Y asi los temen tanto los chinas que aun desp<ues>
entrando un nauio de japones todos los q<ue>
estuuieren en el Puerto Sangleyes por otro nombre chi-
nas le hazen salua a su uso con unos atauales
dando golpes en unas como calderas o sarte [sic] aço-
far poniendose dos otres hombres en la popa
del nauio y al son de estos atauales o caçuelos.
Hazen sus rreuerençias con todo el cuerpo hasta
el suelo. Y luego a de rresponder el nauio quentra.
Y si no es señal que biene de guerra y asi unos como
otros se aperçiuen a pelear. Tanbien dizen con-
quisto otra ysla grande comarcana Xapon que se
llama Madiuyn. Dizese del ser hombre pequeño
de cuerpo y flaco los ojos rredondos pero muy
graues en el mirar. Es muy temido y rrespe-
tado de los suyos. Dizen es amigo de xpistianos y
que antes que fuese rrey lo era. Y cuentase del
q<ue> un dia estando en çierta junta bino alli un p<adr>e

[154r]
de la compania a exhortar a el rrey e pedille les
diese licençia para predicar el euangelio e que no fue-
sen perseguidos los cristianos q<ue> fueran ya y los que
de alli adelante lo quisiesen ser. Y estando el rrey con
alguna manera de ynclinaçion a conceder lo que se le
pedia un sobrino o pariente muy cercano temiendo no
se le concediese quiso estoruallo com [sic] matalle. Y asi
poniendo mano al espada le tiro un golpe con que le
quitara la cauesa si Bacabundono se abrasara con el
estoruandole este yntento. Dizen que el mismo Boca-
218 TRANSCRIPTION

bundono lo rrefirio despues all mismo p<adr>e siendo el

rrey a proposito de que se enojo con los cristianos y
padres de la compania y les desterro de su rreyno m<andando>o
espresamente que dentro de 10 dias saliesen de toda
su tierra y que nadie fuese cristiano. Y aunque esta pro-
secuçion y trauajo fue muy temida de los padres al
fin con su muncha discreçion y cristiandad por cierta
yndustria que tuuieron y ayudados con la gr<açi>a de N<uestr>o S<eñor>
la bençieron y boluieron a graçia de Bacabundono.
Fue pues el en uien por porque Bacabundo es muy dado
a ddeleytes [sic] y censualidades y aunque tiene su muger
mayor en su casa digo consigo. Tiene otras 80 en otra casa
diputada para esto solo y [diez?] son de cada mes a cada muger
para su uestido y sus afeytes 10 taes de oro. Y estas
son las mas hermosas y prinçipales de su rreyno. Fuera
desto tiene sus criados q<ue> le siruen de solo yr por todo
sus rreynos mirando las mugeres donzellas mas
hermosas de todas y estas se las lleuan para q<ue> las
corrompa pues siendo ministro de este abobinable [sic]
ofiçio un biejo sacerdocte de Bacabandono y mayor

[154v]
priuado suyo. Tuuo encuentro con los padres de la comp<añi>a
sobre algunas donzellas cristianas que quiso llebar.
Y como ellas se rresistieron a esta abobinable ley por
consejo de los padres fue tanto el enojo deste maldito
biejo que se fue a Bacabundono y lo yndino de suerte
contra los padres y cristianos que fue la causa de promul-
gar aquella sentençia de destierro.
Estos xapones son en si gente bizarra y animosa. Y tie-
nen en alguna manera aquella bestialidad
antigua que usauan los rromanos por bizarria de
matarse a si mismos antes de benir a manos de sus
enemigos. Pero estos aun se auentajan a estotros
en esto porque no solo tienen por desonrra morir a manos
de sus enemigos pero qualquiera muerte tienen
por afrentosa sino se la da a si mismo con sus manos.
Y aqui se bio por exsperiençia ser esto asi en un Xapon
que pasando un trecho o braço de mar tubo un poco tor-
menta y por ser nabichuelo rruyn de los que aca usan
Japan 219

que llaman chanpan se trastorno. Y el biendose asi saco

una catana q<ue> son las armas que de hordinario ussan
como nosotros las espadas y se abrio la barriga con
ella y tras esto dio munchas pañaladas [sic]. Con todo le
sacaron y preguntando la causa de auer echo aquello
rrespondio que no queria morir sino por su mano y no
en agua. Y me alargo en esta rrelaçion porque
ya alla por la uia de los padres de la compañia la ay
muy larga y ampla [sic]de las cosas deste rreyno cons-
tumbres y cerimonias.
[155r–155v, Blank]

[156r, Illustration] 軍趾交 Caupchy

 CHAPTER 16

China’s Tributary Neighbors

[156v]
Es tierra que confina con China y tributan a el
rrey della. Dizen que los soldados y gente de guerra
andan de esta manera desnudos y los hombres
çiudadanos y de letras bestidos segund ban adelante.
Guardan los mismos rrictos y çerimonias que las
gentes de la China.
[157r–157v, Blank]

[158r, Illustration] 趾交 Caupchy

[158v–161v, Blank]

[162r, Illustration] 南廣 Canglan

[162v]
Es prouinçia grande y son uasallos del rrey
de Caupchi y guardan los mismos rrictos que
los de China.
[163r–165v, Blank]

[166r, Illustration] 客畲 Xaque

[166v, Blank]

[167r]
Los de Xaque son chinos labradores
qu<e> andan bestidos de esta manera. Y no
pagan ningun tribto a el rrey porque no
andan en tratos ni contratos sino solo a-
tienen a bibir de su trauajo en el campo.
[167v–169v, Blank]

[170r, Illustration] 籠雞 Cheylam

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_018

China ’ s Tributary Neighbors 221

[170v, Blank]

[171r]
Es Cheylam rreyno junto a Japon. Tienen su
rrey que los gouierna al qual tributan. Es
tierra muy abundante de açufre y pelean y
pescan con fisgas.
[171v–173v, Blank]
[174r, Illustration] 城 尖 Chamcia
[174v, Blank]

[175r]
Chamçia es reyno de por si y confina con
el de Caupchi. Es gente baliente y atreuida.
Son muy ynclinados a rrobar a las demas
gentes que confinan con ellos y tanbien son
cosarios.
[175v–177v, Blank]
[178r, Illustration] 水淡 Tamchuy
[178v, Blank]

[179r]
Tamchui es reyno de por si. Confina con el
de Cheylan. Es de suyo. La que en el auita gente
soberbia e ynclinada a guerras y dissençiones.
Son grandes flecheros. Y de hordinario andan
rrobando y tienen sus guerras. Y por constumbre
que todas las personas que uno mata les
quita las caueças y desuellanlas y dexan solo
el casco el qual doran. Y despues de doradas las
encaxan en las paredes de la sala mas prinçi-
pal de la casa en que biben alrrededor con mucho
conçierto. Y esto tienen por muy gran tropheo pa-
ra que se conoz[c]a que son balientes. Y la caueça
del hombre mas prinçipal que an muerto trae
siempre en la mano la muger del que le mato
para que la estimen y rrespecten como a muger
de hombre baliente.
[179v–181v, Blank]
222 TRANSCRIPTION

[182r, Illustration] 瑁玳 Taipue

[182v, Blank]

[183r]
Taypue es gente que guarda los rrictos de
la ysla de Luzon y ay munchos dellos aqui.
[183v–185v, Blank]

[186r, Illustration] 寨坡柬 Tampochia

[186v, Blank]

[187r]
Tampochia es rreyno de por si y confina con
el de Çian. No se saue por aora nada de sus
rrictos y constumbres.
[187v–189v, Blank]

[190r, Illustration] 嶷磯丁 Temquigui

[190v, Blank]

[191r]
Temquigui es rreyno de por si y tanbien con-
fina con el de Çian. Es muy abundante de pimi-
enta.
[191v–193v, Blank]

[194r, Illustration] 連大 Tohany

[194v, Blank]

[195r]
Tohani es rreyno de por si junto a Tampochia.
Es tanbien muy abundante de pimienta.

[195v–197v, Blank]
China ’ s Tributary Neighbors 223

[198r, Illustration] 子呾 Tartaro

[198v, Blank]

[199r]
Los tartaros son los mayores enemigos
que tienen los chinos. No se alarga esta
rrelaçion por tocar en la de China las gue-
rras que entre ellos y los chinos tienen adonde
se podra uer algo de sus constumbres.
[202r, Illustration: no caption]

[202v–203v, Blank]

[204r, Illustration] 來常 Sangley

[204v–205v, Blank]

[206r, Illustration] 將大 Capitan general

[206v–207v, Blank]

[208r, Illustration] 官文 Mandarin letrado

[208v–209v, Blank]

[210r, Illustration] 子太 Principe

[210v–211v, Blank]

[212r, Illustration] 帝皇 Rey

[212v, Blank]
 CHAPTER 17

Tai Ming, by Fr. Martín De Rada, O.e.s.a.

[213r]
Relacion de las cosas de China que
propriamente se llama Taybin
La tierra que commu<n>mente llamamos China la lla-
mo Marco Polo beneciano el rreyno del Catay quisa que
en lenga tartaresca se deuia de llamar ansi entonces.
Porque quando el bino a ella la señoreauan los tar-
taros que fue cerca del año de 1312. Llaman los
naturales de estas yslas a la China Sangley. Y loss [sic]
mesmos mercadores chinos la llaman Tun Sua. Pero
su proprio nombre de agora es Tay Bin el qual nombre
le puso el rrey Hombu que echo los tartaros de le China.
Como antes en diferentes tiempos hubiese tenido otros
nombres que son Hanton Tuntzon Guan Tong Gu
Cantay. En las cosas que aqui trataremos de este
rreyno sera parte dellas bistas de n<uest>ros ojos partes
sacadas de sus mismos libros ynpresos y descripciones
de su tierra. Porque tienen una curiosidad ellos para
si mismos que no solo tienen disscrepciones univer-
sales y particulares de su tierra pero aun libros dello
ympresos adonde estan discriptas en particular todas
las provincias ciudades y villas y fronteras e guarni-
çiones y todas las particularidades della e las fami-
lias y tributantes e tributos y aprovechamientos
que de cada una dellas biene al rrey. De los quales libros
binieron a mi poder siete diferentes ynpresiones de
diferentes autores y años para que cotexados loss [sic]
unos con los otros se pudiese conocer mejor la verdad,
aunque como gente que save muy poco de otografia [sic]
ni geometria ni aun aridmetica. Ponen muy tosca-
mente sus pinturas y aun las distancias y circuytos
muy falsos que es imposible consertarlos en mun<c>has

[213v]
partes. Pero siguiendo aquello que me parecio mas ver-

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_019

tai ming 225

dadero cotejandolo todo y algunos derrateros suyos

que binieron a mis manos en quanto a las distancias.
Me acortare muncho en algunas partes de lo que
en sus libros esta scripto porq<ue> aun tomandolas
en particular las distancias y despues de sumando-
las muy falsamente sumadas en los libros.
Ansi que en quanto a la grandeza de la tierra y dis-
tancias lo que aqui dixere sera muy mas corto de
lo que por sus libros se hallara pero entiendo que
mas verdadero. Y rremito la uerdad a la scripcion y
exsperiencia quando toda la tierra se ande mas.
En todo lo demas seguire al scripto de sus libros.
Y llamaremos a la tierra Tay Bin pues es su
proprio nombre porque el nombre de China o Sina
no se de donde lo pudieron tomar los Portugueses
sino es de algun pueblo o punta que por estas
partes topasen de ese nombre y asi toda la tierra
llamasen de ese nombre que en estas yslas
los burneyes con llamallos tanbien burney-
nen los llaman tanbien China. Pero no ay q<ue>
disputar de nombres que el primer descubridor
le pone el nombre que quiere y se queda con el
para siempre.

De la grandeza del Reyno de

Taybin y de como esta situado
El rreyno de Taybin sera casi mill leguas de largo
y quatrocientas de ancho. Terna de sercuyto casi
dos mill e quinientas leguas. Tiene por terminos

[214r]
la parte del oriente e por la de mediodia el mar
oriental yndiquo de la yndia <que> los anti-
guos llamaron Serica. Por la otra parte del osidente
un rrio muy grande que nase <en> unas lagunas como
cinquenta leguas de la mar. Y corriendo munchas le-
guas hazia el norte pasa por el ffin de la serca que di-
vide los tartaros. Y corriendo casi cien leguas por de
ffuera de la serca rrebuelbe hazia el oriente y entra
por la China y casi la parte por medio. E biene a entrar
226 TRANSCRIPTION

en la mar en la provincia de Nanquin despues de aver

corrido de la [sic] una vuelta. Y de otra mas de mill leguas
de tierra por la parte del norte una muralla o cerca
brabisima de piedra de silleria que es una de las mas
ynsignes obras que se an echo en el mundo porque sera
de largo seyscientas leguas y es alta siete braças
y ancha abajo seys bracas e arriba tres. Y segun dizen
toda ella esta cubierta de tejado de teja. La qual cerca
o muralla la hizo el rrey Cincio segun sus historias
a casi mill y ochocientos años. Y aunque de fuera
de la dicha muralla tienen munchas ciudades o
villas como fronteras de guarnicion contra los
tartaros en las quales provee el rrey de la China
dos visorreyes y tres capitanes generales. Pero por
ser cosa anadida y adquerida despues de echados los
tartaros no se quentan en el rreyno de Tabin
aunque estan sujetas [sic] a el. Y en este rreyno
de costa de mar casi ochocientas leguas. Y comen-
sando de veynte grados de altura de polo hasta
los veynte e cinco que esta la ciudad de de [sic] Hocchiu
corre la costa casi al lesnordeste. Y desde alli

[214v]
hasta los veynte e nuebe grados corre la costa
al nordeste. Y desde alli vuelve la costa al nordeste [sic]
y a rratos al nor nordeste hasta cerca de quarenta y
cinco grados desde donde rebuelbe la costa al este
sacando un mar como el adriatico o golfo de be-
necia que entra en la provincia de Santuanton
hazia el norueste cien leguas, del fin del qual hasta
la cabecera o ciudad principal del rreyno de Taybin
do rreside el rrey que se llama Suntien no ay mas de
tres jornadas por un rio arriba por donde no pueden
subir navios grandes. Estara a mi parecer Sunthien
cerca de cincuenta grados de altura de polo. Toda esta
costa hasta los veynte e nuebe grados do esta la ciudad
de Ninpo o segun ponen en las cartas Linpo es limpia
e de muy buenos puertos segun dizen. A lo menos
lo que nosotros adibinamos de la costa de Hocquien
toda era puertos y muy hondable e limpios porq<ue>
tai ming 227

haze por toda la costa grandisima suma de

yslas que todas se cuentan en la misma tierra
de Taybin munchas dellas pobladas y munchas
despobladas. Y asi la mar entre ellas es como rrios.
Pero desde Ninpo para arriba hasta passar
toda la provincia de Nanquin ay muy mun-
chos bajos. E despues dizen ser la costa limpia
aunque la entrada de aquel golfo que dixe
entrar por la provincia de Santun dizen ser peligro-
sa y brava de suerte que no osan atrevesar de
punta a punta sino yr costa a costa. De mas de estas
yslas que estan pegadas a la costa ay muy gran suma

[215r]
de yslas y grandes y pobladas. Pondre las que ellos
en sus pinturas asientan. Comensando de la ultima
de la prouinçia de Canton que diximos estar en
veynte grados, desde alli casi quarenta leguas a
la mar dizen estar la ysla de Cauchij grande
e poblada y que da parias a la China. En frente
de la prouinçia de Hocquien fuera de Tacao que
nosotros bimos segun en la rrelaçion se cuenta
esta hazia el nordeste della la ysla de Zuansin.
Y della hazia el nordeste Lusin de la qual al leste
Siaugij y de ay hacia el norueste esta Leuquui
el menor el qual esta al leste de Hocchiu. Lu-
ego hazia el norte esta Leuquui el grande, las
quales yslas en las cartas llaman los Lequios.
Mas hazia el norte esta Humal en frente de
Chetcan. De alli al norte esta Gitpon que no-
sotros llamamos los japones. Y mas al norte
de los japones esta Tauçian. Y junto al estrecho
del golfo que entra en Santon esta Tanhay.
Y sobre el fin de toda Taybin esta Halecan.
No tuuimos tiempo ni lugar para poder sauer los
nombres de las gentes y naçiones q<ue> confinan por
tierra con Taybin y asi no se ponen aqui mas de
los que nosotros llamamos tartaros ellos lla-
man Tacsuy. Y son los con quien an te-
nido mas guerras e pendençias que con
228 TRANSCRIPTION

ninguna otra naçion y con quien les a dado

mas en que entender.

[215v]
De las prouinçias en que se rre-
parte el rreyno de Taybin
Este reyno de Taybin todo lo que se conpre-
hende dentro de la muralla ya dicha aquel
rrio grande y la mar se rreparte en quinze pro-
vinçias que ellos llaman çe de las quales las
dos se goviernan por audiençias que son Pac-
quiaa y Lamquia. Es Paquiaa o Pacquin donde
el rrey rreside y goviernase por su audiençia
y Lamquia o Namquin era el asiento de los
reyes antiguamente y ansi se quedo tanbien con
governaçion de audiencia. Y quiere dezir Paquiaa
corte del norte y Lamquiaa corte del sur porque
las çiudades prinçipales de entrambas a doss [sic]
prouinçias que son Suthien e Ynthien estan
vna con otra norte sur y esta la una de la otra
trezientas y quarenta leguas. Otras treze prouinc-
çias que llaman Pochinsi son gouernadas por
virreyes. Y comensando a contar desde Paquiaa
que es la cauecera y es prouinçia cuyos terminos
llegan a la muralla ya dicha. Tienen [sic] hazia el
oriente la prouinçia de Santon o Suatan q<ue>
llega a la mar y tanbien a la muralla por
q<ue> la cerca comiensa desde la mar. Y la parte
del osidente te [sic] Pacquiaa esta Sancij o Su-
ansay e luego Simsay en la qual prouinçia
fenece la cerca o muralla despues de auer pa-
sado desde la mar alli seyçientas leguas. Y de
Siamsay hazia el sudueste esta Susuam cuyos

[216r]
terminos hazia el poniente llegan a el rri [sic] grande
que arriba diximos. Y desde Susuan hazia el medio-
dia esta Cuychiu e luego Olam o Onnam que
es lo ultimo de Taybin hazia el mediodia. Y tiene
hazia el poniente las lagunas grandes donde
tai ming 229

nace el rrio arriba dicho e unas grandes sie-

rras de la parte del mediodia llega cerca de
la mar por donde entiendo que por alli es tierra
aspera y despoblada la costa de la mar pues no
ponen aver por alli gente que more. Desde Onam
hazia el oriente esta la prouinçia de Cuansij o Ac-
ynsay [sic] que aunque llega cerca de la costa tan-
poco llega a la mar. Luego sobre la misma mar
esta la de Cuanton o Suyntan do estan pobla-
dos los portugueses. E prosiguiendo hazia el
oriente sobre la costa esta la prouinçia de
Fuquien o Hoquien adonde nosotros fuimos.
Y mas adelante esta Chetcan en la qual rre-
buelbe la costa hazia el norte y ençima della
Namquin o Lanquiaa y luego la ultima en
la costa Santon que arriba diximos. Y estass [sic]
son las prouinçias que cercan toda Taybin.
E quedan mediterraneas tres prouinçias
q<ue> son Holam Oucun y Cansay. Esta Olam
cerca de las prouinçias de Paquiaa Santon Lam-
quiaa Ouçun y Sançij. Y biniendo desde Olam
hazia Quansij esta en medio Ouçun casi
al sudueste. Y desde Oucun hazia Obquien esta
Cansay en medio casi al sueste. Ponemos a cada

[216v]
prouinçia casi dos nombres el uno es en len-
gua cortesana y el otro en lengua particular de
la prouinçia de Hocquien.

Del numero de las ciudades vi-

llas del rreyno de Taybin
Tiene el reyno de Taybin en las quinze
prouinçias dos maneras de çiudades unas que
llaman hu o fu y otras que llaman chuy.
Las mas prinçipales suelen llamar fu de
las quales cada una suele tener su governador
puesto por el rrey sacado las cabeçeras de las
prouinçias adonde suelen rresidir los visorreyes.
Pero las que llaman chui suelen ser subjetas
230 TRANSCRIPTION

al governador de algun hu y aunque al-

gunos chues ay no subjetos sino que tienen
governador por si y al rrebes algunos hus
sujetos al governador de otro fu. A las villas
llaman coa. Ay pues en toda Taybin quinze
prouinçias trezientas e noventa çiudades
de las quales las çiento y çinquenta y çinco son hus
y ay mill y çiento y çinquenta y çinco villas.
Y el numero de las aldeas es infinito que cada
çiudad y cada villa tiene subjetas a si gran
suma de alde[a]s unas mas y otras menos. Y es-
tas çiudades y uillas se rreparten desta
manera. Q<ue> en la prouinçia de Pacquiaa ay
veynte y siete çiudades de las quales las ocho son
hu y ay çiento y quinze villas. En las [sic] de Santon

[217r]
veynte tres ciudades q<ue> las seys son hu y ochen-
ta y nuebe villas. En la de Sansi ay beynte
e tres ciudades las quatro hus y 29 villas.
En la de Holam 20 çiudades las 8 hus y 97
villas. En la de Siamsay 28 çiudades las 8 hus
y 94 villas. En la de Susuan 28 çiudades las
8 hus y 105 villas. En la de Oucum 31 çiuda-
des las 15 hus y 95 villas. En la prouinçia
de Chetcan 12 çiudades las 11 hu y 75
villas. En la de Cansay 14 çiudades las 13
hu y 74 villas. En la de Hocquien 9 çiudades
las 8 hu y 58 villas. En la de Cuanton 17
çiudades las 10 hu y 71 villas. En la de
Cuynsay 55 ciudades las 12 hu y 58 villas.
En la de Omlam 60 çiudades las 22 hu
y 34 villas. En la de Cuynchiu 13 çiudades
las 8 hu y mas 8 villas. Tiene fuera de estas
ciudades y villas otras que no entran en la go-
vernaçion ni quenta de las prouinçias que son
siete çiudades hus de salineros y en fronteras
otras onze que llamam comien que [sic] llaman
samuysi y onze canbusi y quinze ambusi
y una cantosi y çiento e quinze tionco. Asi
tai ming 231

que son por todas çiudades y uillas mill y

seteçientas y veynte todas sercadas de mu-
rallas de piedra altas. Y sin estas ay otros
munchos lugares cercados donde estan las
guarniçiones por todas las fronteras asi
por mar como por tierra como topamos nosotros

[217v]
a la yda a Tinhayue pueblo muy grande
cercado que dizen tiene diez mill hombres de
guarniçion. Y despues Tionçoçou de quien
arriba diximos los quales pueblos no en-
tran en el numero arriba dicho que por la
misma manera por toda la costa ay en las
fronteras de tierra esta quaxado todo de
fuerças do estan las guarniciones. Y estas
no entran en la quenta de las çiudades y vi-
llas. Bien pudiera poner en particular todos
los nombres de cada çiudad villa que todoss [sic]
se sacaron pero por evitar proligidad y por
parecerme cosa superfula [sic] no las asiento. Una
cosa ay que aduertir q<ue> en cada prouinçia ay
vna çiudad que es la cauecera della o metropolis
y aunque esta tiene nombre proprio pero tan-
bien les suelen alla dar el nombre de la misma
prouinçia. Y ansi a Hocchui que es la metropolis
de la prouinçia de Hocquien tanbien la suelen
llamar Hoquien. Y en la prouinçia de Cuanton
la cauecera es Quinchiu y tanbien se llama
Cuanton. Ansi tambien la provinçia do rreside
el rey que llaman Paquin o Pacquiaa la prin-
çipal çiudad do siempre esta el rrey se llama Sun-
tin [sic] que quiere dezir poblaçon del sielo tan-
bien la llaman a la misma çiudad del nombre
de la prouinçia Pacquiaa. Y siempre en las mas
de las scripturas e ynprisiones la nombran
Quinsay o Quiansay que quiere dezir la gran cor-

[218r]
te. Y asi tanbien Marco Polo llamo Quinsay
232 TRANSCRIPTION

avnque el ynterpreto que el nombre de Quinsay

queria dezir çiudad del sielo lo qual no lo significa
sino su proprio nombre que es Hunhien. Y es la
mayor çiudad de toda la China que segun dizen en
sus libros tiene de trauesia derecha dos jornadas.
Estan alli los palaçios del rrey tan grandes que se-
gun dizen ocupan espaçio de una çiudad adonde
tiene todos generos de rrecreaçiones. Y dizen q<ue> xa-
mas sale de su palaçio ni aun le be nadie si no son
los que le siruen y alguna gente muy principal.
Y a el lo tienen asi como medio dios que dizen al-
gunas patrañas que ningun ave estorcula por
ençima de la casa rreal ni animal e<t ceter>a.
Ay desde Hocchiu adonde nosotros estuuimos
hasta Paquiaa segun dizen en sus libros ochen-
ta jornadas y leguas seyscientas y doze. Y ay
tanbien sacado por sus libros desde Cuinchiu
que es la cauecera de Cuanton hasta Zunçien
que es Paquiaa çiento y tres jornadas y leguas se-
tezientas y ochenta e tres. Y de las demas çiudades
e villas no quiero asentar las distançias a Pa-
quiaa por parecerme cosa superfula [sic] avnque to-
das las tengo sacadas.

De la gente de guerra que ay

guarniçiones y armass [sic]
Por todas las prouinçias de Tauin [sic] ay muy gran
çuma de gente de guerra de las quales unos son natural-

[218v]
les y de la misma provincia a los quales llaman
cun y esta es la mayor parte dellos. Los quales ni
traen armas ni las usan ni aun creo q<ue> las
tienen en sus casas porque en ninguna cassa
bimos armas avnque entramos en munchas.
Solamente es gente que tiene cargo de acudir qu<an>do
ay neceçidad a la muralla a defenderla. E tiene
cada uno señalado su lugar donde a de acudir.
Y donde bimos esto por estenso fue en Hochiu
adonde como esta cuuierta la muralla con teja
tai ming 233

tiene munchas ventanillas. Y en cada una

estava scripto el nombre de la uanderilla que
avia de acudir alli. Y aquellas vanderillas
son de a diez hombres. Y esos mismos tienen quen-
ta de rrehazer si se cayere algo de techo o pared
de la muralla de su pertenençia e de otro. A trecho
avia una sala con su sobrado ençima que
es la garita lugar de centinela para el tiempo de
çerco. En cada sala de estas esta el nombre del
capitan que ellos llaman çey o çon que a de
acudir alli con su gente. Avia en la muralla
de Occhiu entre sala y sala diez y siete veynte
o veynte e dos ventanas. Y abria como çien pasos
comunes poco mas o menos. Y lo mismo en las
demas çiudades y villas. Aunque no estaua
cubierta la muralla tenia sus auerturas
entre las almenas con los nombres adonde
avian de acudir estos que llaman çun. En
este ofiçio y cargo eredan los hijos a los padres

[219r]
e no pagan tributo con titulo de soldados. La
otra manera de gente de guerra son forasteros
de otras prouinçias q<ue> siruen a sueldo. Y entre estos
se an de contar las guardias de los birreyes y gover-
nadores y capitanes e justicias y toda la gente de
serviçio de estos ministros de justiçias alguazi-
les corchetes y sayones ecta y aun todos los ma-
rineros que andan en armadas y nauios reales.
Y asi como cuentan todos estos entre la gente
de guerra e guarniçiones crece el numero en suma
yncreyble que bienen a ser la gente de a pie
quatro millones y çiento y setenta y ocho mill
y quinientos y de a cauallo seteçientos y ochenta
mill rrepartidos en esta forma. En la provinçia
de Paquiaa de a pie 1141100 y de a cauallo
229000. En Canton de a pie 223800 de
a cauallo 99000. En Sansi de a pie 152600
y de a cauallo 32900. En Holam de a pie 140000
de a cauallo 15900. En Siamsay de a pie 130000
234 TRANSCRIPTION

y de a cauallo 161000. En Susuan de a pie 1200

y de a cauallo 10000. En Ocun de a pie 310000
y de a cauallo 72600. En Lanquiaa de a pie 84000
y de a cauallo setenta mil. En Chitean de a pie
160000 y de a cauallo 40000. En Cansay de
a pie 110000 y de a cauallo 30000. En Hocquien
de a pie 200000. En Cuanton de pie 197000. En
Holam de a pie 170000 y de a cauallo 80000. En
Cunsay de a pie 100000 y de a cauallo 12000.

[219v]
En Cuichiu de a pie 160000 y de a cauallo
37400. De estos forasteros las guardias
de los capitanes y gouernadores y guardias de
las puertas de çiudades que en ellas continuam<ente>
tienen guardias estan alli continuamente
con sus armas que son arcabuzes picas y rroncas
y otros generos de armas en astadas unas como
alfanjes otras a manera de hozes para cor-
tar las piernas y otras de tres puntas yten al-
ffanjes y rrodelas. Tanbien vsan arcos y flechas
en la guerra asi a pie como a cauallo. Y estos ca-
da mes hazen su rresena y estan muy diestros
en sus armas. Bimos una en Hocchiu de dos
capitanes cada una de a 600 soldados y fue
cosa de ver quan diestos [sic] y prestos estauan
e<n> lo que auian de hazer avnque sus acometi-
mientos no yban en horden n<uest>ra como lo vsa-
mos nosotros sino de tropel muy juntos y a-
pretados. El artilleria que tienen a lo menos
la que nosotros bimos toda es rruyn pieças
pequeñas y de hierro avnque entramos e<n> una
casa de muniçion en Hocchuy. Y en las mura-
llas no tienen bestiones [sic] ni caualleros de
donde jugar el artilleria sino toda su fuerça
ponen en las puertas. Vsan muncho de bon-
bas de fuego de polbora en especial a los nauios
y meten dentro munchos abrojos de hierro para
q<ue> juntamente con el fuego hincha toda la cu-
tai ming 235

[220r]
bierta del nauio de abrojos para que nadie
pueda andar por ella. Yten flechas ardiendo para
abrasar las belas con ellas. Yten gran cantidad
de hazes de gorguses grandes con las puntas de
hierro en astadas en astas [sic] largas. Y tienen el
hierro largo de mas de media braça para sabordar [sic].

De la gente que ay en el reyno

de Taybin y tributantes y tributos
Aunque dezir enteramente el numero de la
gente que ay en rreynos tan grandes y tan poblados
sea ynpusible ninguno de sus libos se halle
pero conocerse a en algo que ay ynfinitas gentes
por la quenta de los tributantes y otras cossas
q<ue> se hallan scriptas avnque en algo se pueda
notar la multitud en ber que sola la gente de
guerra es casi cinco millones. Pero quanto a los
tributos es de notar en las provincias de Taybin
esta la gente repartida en familis [sic]. Y estas unas
son de hidalgos otras de pecheros. Y conocense los
hidalgos en el bonete que lo traen quadrado como
bonete del clerigo y los pecheros rredondo. Y son casi
tantos los hidalgos como los pecheros segun
lo uimos por donde quiera q<ue> pasauamos. Y de
las familias de los pecheros unos pagan por
seys o ocho o menos tributantes con tener
muncha mas gente como nos lo dixeron muchos
entre los quales uno llamado Jacsiu nos dixo

[220v]
que en su familia auia setenta hombres e
que no pagauan mas de siete tributos. Y otro nos di-
xo que en la suya serian cerca de sesenta hombres
y que solos quatro tributos darian. De suerte que la
quenta de los tributantes es muncho menor avn q<ue>
el numero de los pecheros. Esto asi aduertido en
la quenta de las familias y tributantes de cada
provincia, la que se sigue. En la provinçia de Paquiaa
236 TRANSCRIPTION

ay familias 418789 tributantes 3413254.

En Santon familias 770555 y tributantes
6759675. En Sansi familias 589959
tributantes 5084015. En Holam familias
589296 tributantes 5106107. En
Siamsay familias 363207 tributantes
3934176. En Susuan familias 164119
tributantes 2104270. En Oucun fami-
lias 531686 y tributantes 4325590.
En Lamaquiaa familias 1962818 tribu-
tantes 9967339. En Chetcan familias
1242135 y tributantes 4515471. En
Cansay familias1583097 y tributan-
tes 7925185. En Hocquien familias
509200 y tributantes dos quentos y ochen-
ta y dos mill y seysçientos e setenta e siete.
En Cuanton familias 483380 y tributan-
tes 1978022. En Cuynsay familias
186090 y tributantes 1054767. En
Omlam familias 132958 y tributantes

[221r]
tes 1433110. En Cuynchiu familias
148957 y tributantes 513289. De
suerte que las familias que ay en todas quinze
provincias es nueve millones y seyscientas
y setenta e seys mill e duzientas y cuarenta e
seys y los tributantes son sesenta millones
y ciento y ochenta y siete mill y cuarenta e siete.
Y en esta quenta no entran las ciudades de ssa-
lineros [sic] ni las demas que diximos que eran fue-
ra de la gouernacion y quenta de las quinze pro-
vincias porque ellas y sus subjetos ban fue-
ra de quenta con otras munchas que por no ve-
nir dellas provecho al rrey mas de sustentar las
guarniciones de las fronteras por la parte del poni-
ente. No ponen los libros nada de ellas mas de
solos los nombres. E no esta tampoca gente
que en solas las siete ciudades de salineros po-
nen en los libros. El numero de las aldeas
tai ming 237

subjetas yncreyble que dizen que ay un millon

y ciento e setenta e siete mill e quinientas e ve-
ynte e çinco aldeas que aunque no tubiesen una
con otra mas de a treynta uezinos eran mas de
treynta e çinco millones de gente. Por donde se
jusgara quan infinita gente ay en este rreyno.
Y çierto todo lo que nosotros anduuimos era
un hormiguero de gente que no creo aver tierra tan
poblada en el mundo. Los tributos que dan cada
año al rrey rreducidos a n<uest>ro peso y medida son los

[221v]
siguientes. En plata 2863211 duca-
dos. De arros limpio 60171832 haneg<a>s.
De seuada 29391982 hanegas. De otro
genero de grano 139535 quintales. De
sal 55990262 hanegas. Pieças de
seda de a catorze uaras 205598. Telas de
algodon 130870. De seda cruda 47676
libras. De algodon limpio 12856 arrobas.
Pieças de lienço 3077. Petates 2590. Todo
esto es lo que dizen que pertenece al rrey fue-
ra de todo lo que se da a los oydores gobernado-
res virreyes justiçias y capitanes y soldados
que eso no entra en esta quenta. Solamente
metimos en el arroz ochoçientos de hanegas
que es lo que se da para comida de la guardia
del rrey e de la çiudad de Paquiaa.

De la antigüedad del rreyno

de Taiuin e las menuden-
çias que en el a auido
En sus coronicas que tanbien binieron a
mas [sic] manos tratando del prinçipio de
la poblaçion de su tierra ponen veynte patra-
ñas porque dizen que el sielo y tierra y agua es-
tauan juntos ab eterno e que uno a quien lla-
man Taehu aparto la tierra del sielo e luego na-
çio un hombre llamado Pancou que nunca se
caso ni tuuo hijos. Y tras el naçio Tonho con treze her-
238 TRANSCRIPTION

[222r]
manos. Y del linaje de estos poseyeron la ti-
erra mas de diez y ocho mill años. Despues bino Te-
yoncon con onze hermanos. Y bibieron los de
su linaje casi otros tantos. Y despues Sinhon con
nueve hermanos. Y bibieron otros munchos años.
De suerte que desde la diuision del sielo y tierra hasta
q<ue> vbo el linaje de hombres q<ue> agora ay pasaron
mas de noventa mill años. Y estos todos los tie-
nen por santos. Despues de esto cayo del sielo a la
provincia de Santon vn hombre llamado Ochi-
salan y una muger q<ue> los crio el sielo. Y de estos de-
cienden todos los hombres del mundo. Tras del bino
Sinon e luego Usau el qual como la gente an-
duviese como salvaje hizo congregaciones y
e<n>seño hacer casas <en> los arboles. Despues bino
una muger llamada Tayhou cuyo hijo fue
Hoquiu Yntey. Y de este fue hijo Vitey que
fue el primer rrey de China. E rreyno cien años.
Hasta aqui son patrañas. Desde aqui entiendo
ser historia uerdadera. E por euitar prolijidad
no pondre los nombres de los rreyes ni el tiempo
de cada uno de ellos rreyno sino yre sumando
las mudanças que a tenido. Duro el rreyno en
el y en sus desendientes dos mill e duzientos
y çincuenta e siete años y fueron çiento e diez
y siete rreyes. Tras destos se levanto uno
llamado Cinçion q<ue> hizo aquella cerca o
muralla de que arriba emos tratado q<ue> tiene
seyscientas leguas de largo en la hazer la

[222v]
terçio toda la gente de todo el reyno
mandando yr de todas partes de tres hombres uno
y de çinco dos. O [sic] como yban de tan lejos tierras
y a temples differentes murio ynfinita gente
en la fabricaçion della. Por lo qual se
alsaron contra el e lo mataron a el y a un hijo
suyo despues de auer rreynado quarenta años.
Y vbo el rreyno Hancosau e vbo de su linaje
tai ming 239

veynte e çinco rreyes q<ue> rreynaron quatroçient-

tos y diez años. Contra el vltimo q<ue> fue Yan-
tey se leuanto vn sobrino suyo llamado Laupi
y con ayuda de dos hombres muy balientes el
vno bermejo llamado Quanhu que tienen los
chinos por santo y el otro negro dicho Tihunhuy
bino a rreynar avnque el rreyno se partio
entonces en tres. E duro esta diuiçion
quarenta e un años. Al cauo dellos se leuanta
Chinbutey contra el hijo de Laupi llamado
Huctey y apoderose de todo el rreyno. E ubo de
su linaje quinze rreyes q<ue> rreynaron çiento
y setenta e seys años. Contra el ultimo
q<ue> fue Quiontey se leuanto Tzou. E ubo ocho
rreyes de su linaje q<ue> rreynaron sesenta
e dos años. Al vltimo q<ue> hera Suntey quito
el rreyno Cotey e vbo çinco rreyes de su li-
naje q<ue> rreynaron veynte e quatro años.
Y al postrero q<ue> hera Hoctey lo mato Dian
e vbo de su linaje quatro rreyes q<ue> rreynaron çin-

[223r]
quenta e seys años. Luego se leuanto Tin
e ubo çinco rreyes de su linaje en treynta y
dos años. Al tiempo quito el rreyno Tanco-
tzou e vbo de su linaje veynte e vn rreyes
q<ue> rreynaron duzientos e nouenta e quatro años.
Luego se leuanto Dian y entre el y su hijo
poseyeron la tierra diez y ocho años. Levan-
tose despues Outon q<ue> con otros tres de sus de-
sendientes rreynaron quinze años. Tras des-
tos Houtzin e su hijo rreynaron nueue años.
E luego Cotzo e su hijo quatro años. E luego
Auchiu e hijo e nieto diez años. E luego
se leuanto Taytzon e vbo diez e siete rreyes
de su linaje que rreynaron trezientos e
veynte años. Contra el ultimo llamado Tey-
pin peleo Tziptzou rrey dellos tartaross [sic]
e lo mato e se apodero de toda la China. E poseye-
ron nueue rreyes tartaros nouenta e tres
240 TRANSCRIPTION

años. Y al cauo dellos se leuanto Hombu de

linaje rreal y echo los tartaros de la tierra.
Ubo desde que se començo a hazer la cerca has-
ta q<ue> los tartaros fueron echados segun
esta quenta mill e seysçientos e quarenta
e vn años. No se pudo sacar e<n> tanto a que
Reyna este linaje porque no pudimos
aver su ystoria a las manos mas de
que dizen que el que agora rreyna llamado
Bandic el dozeno rrey de su linaje. Y a tres años
q<ue> rreyna con ser de hedad de treze añoss [sic]

[223v]
poco mas o menos. Dizen que abra duzientos
años q<ue> se echaron los tartaros. A los quales si
juntamos los mill e duzientos e cinquenta y
siete años q<ue> ubo rreyes antes de la cerca pone en
admiraçion que aya estado este rreyno tan
entero e yntacto de gente estrangera sacado
el poco tiempo q<ue> lo poseyeron los tartaros q<ue> si
esta ystoria es verdadera no munchos años
despues del dilubio comensaron a tener
rreyes y an estado sin mescla de gente estran-
gera.

De la manera de la gente
y de sus constumbres y trages
Es la gente de Taybin toda a una mano
blanca y bien dispuesta. Y quando niños son muy
hermosos pero en siendo grandes se paran feos.
Y son mal barbados y tienen los ojos menudos.
Crian el cauello largo y se precian de tener
gran cauellera la qual la retuersen, rrebuel-
ben y anudan sobre la coronilla de la cauesa.
Y luego se ponen una escofieta partida y a-
gujerada por medio para detener y afirmar
la cabellera luego encima su bonete echo
de cerdas de caballo. Esto es lo comm<un> aunq<ue>
los bonetes de los capitanes son de otro hilo
tai ming 241

sutilisimo y debajo una de [sic] rredesuela sobre-

dorada. Tienen buen rrato en que en tender

[224r]
cada mañana en peynarse y componer
sus cauellos. Las mugeres no se ponen tocado
ninguno sobre la caueça mas de o una guir-
nalda o joyas de plata o doradas q<ue> encajan
en las enrroscaduras de cauellos. Y es gente
muy rrecojida con estas las mugeres que
por marauilla en las çiudades e pueblos
grandes biamos muger ninguna si no era
alguna muy vieja. Solamente en las aldeas
q<ue> parece auia mas simpliçidad andauan
mas comm<un>mente las mugeres y aun
por las labranças. Y usan desde chiquitas
de rretorserles e fajarles da tal manera
los pies q<ue> las mancan. Y dexan todos los de-
dos debajo el pulgar rretorçido el pie. Crian
comm<un>mente los hombres e<n> una ma-
no las uñas muy largas q<ue> se preçian dello
q<ue> bimos a munchos que tenian tan largas
las vñas como los dedos. Su uestido comm<un>
de lienço d [sic] algodon teñido azul o prieto
si no es quantro [sic] traen luto q<ue> entonçes asi
el vestido como el bonete es de otro genero de
lienço crudo. Y quanto mas çercano fuere
el parentesco del difunto es mas basto el
lienço de su rropa. El bestido comm<un> es
vn sayo largo hasta media y unos sara-
guelles estrechos y largos y unos alparga-
tes echos de paja. Y algunos ponen en lugar
de camisa debajo del sayo una camissa

[224v]
de red de malla gruesa q<ue> puede entrar
el dedo por la rred. Y aun por casa los capitanes
que con nosotros andauan como hazia calor
quitauanse los sayos y quedauan en la
242 TRANSCRIPTION

dicha camisa de Red e saragueles [sic]. Los pa-

jes de los capitanes comm<un>mente andan
en cauello enrroscado arriba y atado con
vn hilo y un punson q<ue> lo pasa. Traen medias
calsas e çapatos de paja tanbien tejidoss [sic]
que no parecen sino de punto de sedra [sic] cruda.
La gente prinçipal y capitanes gouernadores
traen vnas rropas largas de seda comun-
mente de damasco hasta el suelo con unas
mangas muy grandes y anchas e unas bo-
tas tapetadas anchas y grandes rretorçida la
punta del pie para arriba. E para ponerselas
bendanse primero los pies e piernas con una
venda grande de lienço. Y estas botas y el bone-
te que es de diferentes la ynsignia de que tie-
nen cargo de justiçia o es capitan y mas. Suelen
traer en la rropa de seda vn leon grande broslado
delante los pechos y otro detras. Los bonetes
de la gente comm<un> son rredondos los de los hi-
dalgos qudrados como bonetes de clerigo. Y to-
dos estos son de cerdas de cauallo sino es que
trayan luto como diximos arriba. Los virrey-
yes gouernadores capitanes ministros de
justiçia traen por casa vn bonete a manera
de mitra pequeña de obispo con unas tiras

[225r]
e labores doradas. Mas por las calles o quando
estan en su trono lleban unos bonetes que en la
mitad trasera se leuantan casi un geme e mas.
Tenen dos como alas o orejas grandes puestas de-
rechamente a los lados. Y este bonete lo usan todos
los ministros de justiçia y capitanes e virreyes.
Pero si alguno de sus capitanes o justiçias entra a
ver a otro mayor que el no lleba el bonete sino vn som-
brero. El bonete del rrey segund lo lo e uisto pintado en
munchas partes es de la misma forma q<ue> el de
las justiçias saluo que es quadrado. Y aquellas dos
alas que diximos no las tiene tan grandes ni a los la-
dos sino por la parte trasera en lo alto derechas ha-
tai ming 243

çi [sic] arriba como cuernos. El bonete de los scriu<an>os o se-

cretarios tanbien tiene sus orejas pero es muy
diferente echura de esotros. Los bonetes de los oy-
dores e consejeros del rrey diferençian de los demas
en la postura e forma de las orejas. Los bonetes
de los estudiantes son a modo de portacartas o co-
ffreçillos muy dorados e pulidos. Los de sus frayles
son a manera de mitra deferente [sic] de la que dixi-
mos de los capitanes. E de los dobleses del mismo bo-
nete se hacen una como rrosa e<n> la parte delantera.
De suerte que por el bonete se conoce quien es cada
vno o que ofiçio tiene. Es gente llana y umilde y
seruiçial sacando los mandadores q<ue> se hacen
adorar. Son grandes trauajadores y liberalisimos
e<n> sus ofiçios que ponen espanto ver quan li-
beralmente concluyen las obras. E son en
eso ingeniosos. Hallaran calles enteras de

[225v]
cada ofiçio. Sacando los mandadores e gente de
guarniçion todos tienen sus ofiçios que avnque
tienen sus acemilas y asnillos y cauallos de
carga vsan tanbien los hombres cargarse como
los naturales de la nueua Spaña. Pero lleua tan-
ta carga vn chino como tres indios de la nueua Sp<añ>a.
Y asi cargado anda tanto casi como vn cauallo. E m<as>
facilmente hallaran hombres para carga que
animales antes. Munchas vezes andauan a
porfia y apuñeandose sobre quien tomaria la
carga. Quando llegauamos cerca de do auiamos de
hazer la jornada en deuisandones [sic] del pueblo o de
las aradas acudia corriendo muncha gente a quien
mas podia para tomar alguna da [sic] las cargas. Y las
tomauan a los q<ue> las llevaban munchas vezes
a media legua antes del pueblo por tener poseçion de
aquella carga para el otro dia solo por la ganancia e
paga. Y a las vezes se apuñeauan sobre quien lleba-
ria la carga. Su manera de cargarse es dos lios o
petacas en un palo al hombro y si es gran carga o caja
e<n>tre dos la lleuan con una palanca. Y andan comm<un>-
244 TRANSCRIPTION

mente siete leguas cada dia. Y en dexando la carga se

buelben hazia su pueblo. Entiendo q<ue> buelben a el
a dormir. Su manera de andar de la gente prinçip<a>l
aunque sea por la ciudad a uisitar a un amigo es
en unas sillas grandes con sus cuuiertas como
andar a hombros de hombres. La demas gente
o a cauallo o a pie. E por los grandes soles lleva ca-
da vno su tirasol en la mano y un mosqueador
por pobre o bajo q<ue> sea. Y si algun hombre comund por

[226r]
enfermedad o cansado quisiere yr en silla a
de yr en vnas silleras rrasas de caña. Porque en
las grandes y cuuiertas solos los capitanes e justi<çia>s
pueden andar en ellas. Y segund su dignidad tanto
mas rrica silla lleua. E los principales llevan
las sillas todas guarneçidas con unas sintas an-
chas y muy labradas de marfil sobre unas plan-
chas doradas q<ue> son muy galanes y salen muncho
a la uista. Y ay en cada casa de las de comunidad
muncha cantidad de vnas sillas y de otras para
andar en ellas la gente que alli viniere segund la
calidad de la persona. Es gente q<ue> vsa de muncho cum-
plimientos de palabras y comedimientos. E no
quitan a nadie la gorra o sombrero sino quando se
topan en lugar de quitar el bonete meten las manos
en las mangas y asi juntas las alsan y llegan
a sus pechos. Y quando quieren hazer mas cortesia
en lugar de que nosotros hazemos rreuerencia ellos
metidas como he dicho las manos en las mangas
hacen una profunda ynclinaçion que llegan casi
con las manos al suelo y la cauesa mas abajo
de las rrodillas. Y en estandose llegan las manos
junto a los pechos. Y estas ynclinaçiones no se con-
tentan con hazer vna sino tres y quatro y mas.
Y si topan con quatro o cinco con cada uno hacen
sus ynclinaçiones y aun quando estan hablando
algunos negocios por momentos metidas las
manos en las mangas las juntan a los pechoss [sic].
tai ming 245

Y otros veynte generos de serimonias asi en

asientos como en rreceuir o salir a acompañar.

[226v]
Quando hablan o ban a saludar o a otro mayor
que no el hincanse entrambas las rrodillas y me-
tidas las manos en las mangas e juntas a los
pechos inclinan la cauesa que llega con la frente
a el suelo y esto tres vezes e mas. Y mientras le ha-
blan jamas se leuantan sino de rrodillas y en lo
que les dizen e rresponden y aun a nosotros la gente
comm<un> algunas vezes nos hablaban de rrodillas
y dauan cauesadas en el suelo. Y algunos de los que
avian estado en Manila se rreyan de q<ue> los espa-
ñoles en la iglesia no yncauan mas de la una rrodi-
lla. E dezian que si a uno de sus mandadores alguno
yncara de aquella manera la una rrodilla
sola que luego les acudieran muy buenos açotes.
E por esta causa a [sic] los que an de tratar munchas
vezes con algun mandador vsan traer vnas
rrodilleras colchadas. Usan tanbien quando al-
guno viene a uisitar o a traer una cedula en la qu<a>l
dize que le uiene a uesar las manos la qual se la da
despues de auer echo sus ynclinaçiones. Y en lleg-
gando qualquiera que baya a uer a otro despues
de auer echo sus ynclinaçiones y sentadose viene
vn criado de casa e trae e<n> vna tabla tantas
ueuidillas con agua caliente quantos son
los que estan alli sentados. Y aquel agua es co-
sida con ciertas yeruas algo amargas. Y dentro del
agua un bocado de conserua alguna frutilla.
Y dan a cada vno su escudilla con una cuchari-
ta muy pequeña y comen aquel bocado y sobre [sic]
el agua caliente. Y aunque a los principios no sabia

[227r]
bien aquel agua caliente cosida pero ya nos hizi-
mos a ella y sabia bien que a nadie yran a uisitar
q<ue> luego la primera cosa no sea aquello.
246 TRANSCRIPTION

De la manera del comer

y de sus convites
La comida prinçip<a>l de todos los chinos es el
arros que aunque tengan trigo e seuada pan ama-
sado del pero no lo comen sino es por fruta. Y su prinçi-
pal pan es el arroz guisado y aun del tanbien hacen
el uino y aun bueno q<ue> puede competir con el rra-
sonable de ubas y aun en ganar por el. Comen sen-
tados en mesas pero no ponen mantelas ni panisu-
elos porque no tocan cosa ninguna que ayan de
comer con los dedos sino todo lo toman con unos pali-
llos largos. Y estan tan diestros que por pequeña cosa
q<ue> sea la toman con ellos. Y la pasan a la boca y aun-
que sea rredonda como siruelas y otras frutas co-
men al prinçipio la uianda sin pan y despues en
lugar de pan comen tres o quatro escudillas de arroz
cosido el qual tanbien lo comen con los palillos
aunque algo puercamente. En los conuites para
cada uno le ponen su mesa. Quando el conuite
es solene cada uno munchas mesas. E para esto
quiero contar los conuites que a nosotros noss [sic]
hizieron el modo que en ellos vbo. En una sala
grande ponian en la cauesera de la sala para cada
rreligioso por si siete mesas en rringlera y lu-
ego por los lados a çinco mesas para cada español
de los que alli yban e a los capitanes q<ue> yban en n<uestr>a

[227v]
compañia a cada uno tres mesas. Y junto a las
puertas de la sala en frente de los rreligiosos se ases-
tauan los capitanes que nos conbidauan cada
vno en su mesa. En otra sala por si tenian puestas
a cada vno de n<uestr>os seruiçios tres mesas. Todas estas
mesas estauan llenas quanto podian cauer
de platos con comida salbo que en sola la mesa
primera estaua la comida guisada y en las dem<as>
mesas que era para fausto y grandeça la poni-
an cruda. Alli auia ganços enteros y anades ca-
pones y gallinas perniles de toçino e<n>teros y otras pos-
tas de puerco frescal pedaços de ternera e baca pes-
tai ming 247

cados de munchos generos gran çuma de fruta de

todas maneras alcarraças tinajuelas elefantes [sic]
y otros brinquiños todos echos de açucar y otras cossas.
Todo esto que se ponian en las meças en leuantan-
donos dellas lo echauan en unos canastos y lo lle-
baban a n<uest>ra posada. De suerte que aquello q<ue> se pone
alli por grandeza todo es de los conuidados. Fuera de
la puerta de la casa do se hazia el conuite estaua
en su horden toda la gente de guardia que aquel que
nos conbidaua con sus armas y sus atambores
y musica los quales en allegando nosotros los co-
mensauan a tocar. E salian los capitanes
que auian de asistir al conuite a rreceuirnos mas
de a la mitad del patio e sin hazer mesura ni yn-
clinaçion ybamos juntos hasta un rreceuimien-
to que estaua antes de la sala del conuite donde
haziamos n<uestr>as ynclinaçiones uno a uno a su uso
dellos. Y con munchas serimonias nos sentaua-

[228r]
mos alli en sendas sillas. E luego trayan el agua ca-
liente que arriba dixe. Y bebida aquella despues de
auer estado vn poco parlando yuamos al lugar del
conbite adonde con munchas serimonias y cortesias
que por euitar prolijidad no las quento lleuan uno
a uno a cada uno de nosotros a la mesa do se auia de
sentar. E le ponian los capitanes el primer seruiçio e
vna tasuela llena de uino. E sentados todos comen-
çauan la musica de vnos tamboretes y sonajas e rra-
ueles y uiguelas de arco grandes. Y mientras duraua
la comida continuamente tañian. Otros en mitad de
la sala rrepresentauan alguna comedia y las que no-
sotros uimos eran gentiles rrepresentaçiones e to-
das ffueros [sic] historias y guerras que auiendonos pri-
mero contado la ystoria aunque no entendiamos
las palabras bien preceuiamos lo que se hazia. Y
en Hoccheu fuera de las rrepresentaçiones ubo un
volteador que hizo hermosas vueltas asi en el suelo
como sobre un palo. Y aunq<ue> la mesa esta llena de comida
nunca cesan de seruir potajes e guisadillos mien-
248 TRANSCRIPTION

tras dura el convite. Y brindan ellos brauamente aun-

que no con taças grandes sino con unas como salcerillas
que en esto de beber. Son gente templada a lo que
bimos. E no beben bino a la continua sino agua. Y
quando beben bino lo beben muy caliente y a sorbos
como caldo avnque a nosotros como sauian que no
lo bebiamos caliente nos lo daban frio. Y ellos
tienen por poquedad que el que no [sic] convida acaue
con la mesa sino mientras quieren estar los con-
bidados nunca dexan de seruir otros y otros manjares

[228v]
hasta que quieren leuantarse. Y aun despues que
nos leuantamos nos tornan a hazer sentar rro-
gandonos que aguardamos otro o otros dos seruiçios
e es<t>o por dos o tres uezes. Su manera de rrepesen-
tar [sic] es cantando y tanbien suelen rrepresentar con
titeres que hacen todos sus meneos y los hombres
detras hablan lo que se a de decir. E<n> sus comidas no
son muy carniceros antes su mas continua comida
por lo que anduuimos es pescado y gueuos y uerduras
e potajuelos y frutas. Las cosas que uimos se-
mejantes a las n<uestr>as fuera de munchas diferen-
çias de pescados y trigo es seuada e arroz frisoles
millo y borona. Auia bacas bufanos dizen que la
tierra adentro ay tanbien carneros yten
puercos y cabras y gallinas como las n<uestr>as y otras
que tienen la carne prieta e mas saborsoa yten
capones y francolines. Caças no las uimos por-
q<ue> en lo que anduuimos no auia baldios don-
de las obiese. Dizen que la tierra adentro las ay. Bi-
mos aues de rrapiña yten ganços y patos rreales
en gran çuma y palomas y tortolas. De las frutas
ay vbas blancas y prietas en parrales avnque no uimos
uino dellas y creo que no lo sauen hazer. Yten naran-
jas y limones de munchos generos y zidrones
grandes peras y mansanas peruetanos y siruelas
priscos moras nueces y castañas azufeyfas cala-
basas pepinos y badeas coles y nabos rrabanos a-
tai ming 249

jos y sebollas y otras munchas frutas e ber-

duras particulares de la tierra. E tienen muncho azucar

[229r]
e hacen munchas e muy buenas conseruas. Y aun
por las plaças y calles tienen en tiestos y tinas ar-
bolillos que no se con que yngenio los hacen que tan
chicos frutifican porque los uimos cargados de fru-
ta. Ay tanbien vnos arboles que da la fruta delloss [sic]
sacan uno como sebo de que hacen candelas con que se
alumbran e<n> toda la tierra que nadie juzga sino ser
sebo de ganado. Ay palmas de cocos en las prouinçias
medidionales pero no las ay en Hocquien ni dende
para arriba hazia el norte. Ay cauallos aunque pe-
queños y asinillos mulas y machos. Bimos buenos
e rrequas dellos.

De los ediffiçios minas

otras cosas que ay e<n> la tierra
Una manera de edificar es todo bajos sin altos
aunque en algunas partes esas muy pocas bi-
mos algunas casillas con sobrados y sobre las
puertas de las ciudades suelen tener unos corredores
y salas grandes. Tanbien ay algunas torres de
ydolos quadradas bien altas a todas quatro partes
llenas de uentanajes do tienen sus ydolos. Y estas
uimos dos en Chuinchuiu y otras dos en Hocchiu
y otras tres en los altos de algunas sierras de las
quales una esta a la misma entrada del puerto
en un gran serro que ellos llaman Gousu q<ue> se
devisa bien lejos de la mar y puede seruir de se-
ñal para el puerto. Las casas de los ombres prin-
çipales aunque no tienen altos son muy grandes
y ocupan muncho espacio porque tienen patios y mas pa-

[229v]
tios e grandes salas e munchos aposentos y
guertas. Y estas salas estan comm<un>mente leuan-
tadas del suelo como tres o quatro gradas con muy
250 TRANSCRIPTION

lindas loças y grandes. E los simientos comm<un>m<en>te

son de piedra de silleria e se leuantan sobre el suelo
de cada sala como una uara de medir. Y después
arman unos pilares o postes de pino sobre baças
de piedra y ensima sus llaues muy bien labradas
y el techo cuuierto de teja el suelo en ladrillado
de ladrillo muy junto aunque sin cal y a las uezes
enlosado. Entre poste y poste hacen tauique de cani-
zo tejido fortaleçido con sus barrotes de palo y des-
pues enbarrado de una parte y de otra y luego enca-
lados. Las paredes de los patios y huertas son de
tapias encaladas por de fuera. Una casa uimoss [sic]
en Tangoa muy de uer con un estanque muy grande
todo enlosado y sus senaderos y caminos en-
sima del agua y mesas muy hermosas de solo una
piedra. Y de esta forma de casas son las casas de
comunidad rreales que diximos que auia en to-
dos los pueblos unas mayores y estas menores.
Las casas de la gente comm<un> son como casillas
de moriscos. Ocupa da [sic] vna como catorze pies
de calle. Y tienen comm<un>mente dos quadras
e un pateçuelo pequeño en medio y la primera
quadra que sale a la calle esta rrepartida en dos
que sirue la parte delantera de tienda. Las calles
prynçipales son muy anchas y por todas ellas
ay gran çuma de arcos triunfales vnos de pie-
dra muy bien labrados y otros de madera que cada

[230r]
hombre prinçipal se preçia dejar un arco en memoria
en el nombre del que lo hizo y el año y otras cosas yn-
signes si hizo. Y estas calles grandes siruen de plaças
que en ellas hallaron todo genero de carne y pescado
frutas y uerduras y tiendas de libros papeles cuchillos
y tijeras bonetes çapatos alpargates e<ceter>a [sic] que
como son tan anchas dejando harta calle en
medio. Ay tiendas de un cauo y otro y entre las tiendas
y las casas ay pasaje. Las demas son callejuelas muy
Ruynes. La manera de las murallas arriba se de-
claro. Todas son de piedra de silleria avnque pe-
tai ming 251

gadas con barro sin cal despues encaladas por de

ffuera las junturas. La cal la hacen de conchas de
ostrones y de almejas. Los caminos rreales son cal-
sadas de loças e ay munchas puentes de piedra y bien
labradas. Los enterramientos de la gente prinçip<a>l
es tan comm<un>mente ffuera de las uillas e ciudades
y son labrados de piedra y delante del en el camino
esta una sola muy grande enhiesta sobre una
tortuga u otro animal echo de una pieça de
piedra grande en aquella sola estan escriptas
las cosas q<ue> hizo aquel que esta alli enterrado.
Todas las mas de sus labranças son de rregadio
en lo que anduuimos y es abundantisima
de aguas e rrios y con ciertos arcaduzes de palo
ffazilmente las rriegan todas sus cementeras.
Y aun encima de los serros tienen sementeras
de regadio. Y creo que poco dexan olgar la tierra
porque quando yuamos a Hocchiu hallamos
toda la tierra de la misma manera ocupada
y el arroz aun no en almaçiga otro rreçien traspues-

[230v]
to otro mayor y otros espigado y otro segandose. A la
vuelta hallamos la tierra de la mesma manera
q<ue> lo que se auia cojido estaua otra vez sembrado
y otro se andaua cojiendo. Labran la tierra con a-
rado y açadones. Tienen molinos asi para mondar
el arroz de la paja como para hazer harina. Y son
molinillos de a mano avnque algunos pocoss [sic]
vimos de agua. Ay por toda la tierra muncha a-
bundançia de seda y algodon y azucar y almisque
con munchas drogas. Ay minas de todos generos
de metales hierro azero cobre laton en gran-
dicima abundancia y baratisimo y el plomo
y estaño. De azogue duzen [sic] que ay minas en la
prouinçia de Namquien. Las minas de plata
y oro que en sus libros estan scrip<t>as son las siguien-
tes. En la prouinçia de Paquiaa en la ciudad
de Poam en su termino ay minas de plata.
En la de Santon en el termino de la ciudad de
252 TRANSCRIPTION

Tinchiu minas de oro. En la de Namquien en el

termino de la ciudad de Linquoy ay minas de
plata. En la de Chetcan en el termino de Un-
chiu oro. En la de Hocquien en el termino de Hocchiu
ay plata y en la de Cuichiu oro e plata. En la de Cuinsay
en el termino de Quinoan ay plata. Yten ay
pesqueria de perlas en la prouinçia de Quanton
en el termino de la ciudad de Yanchiu. Con to-
do eso en comm<un> es la gente pobre por ser infinito<s>.
Y asi ualen todas las cosas muy baratas y
todo lo uenden por peso hasta las aues y aun la
leña. No uimos genero de moneda sino fue
en el termino de la ciudad de Cunchiu

[231r]
y sus subjetos que auia una moneda de cobre
sellada y agujerada pro medio. Y dauannos della
trezientas y doze y trezientas y ueynte por quatro
rreales. En todo lo demas y por alli se compra todo
con pedaçitos de plata por peso que tienen una pesa
que ellos llaman nio que peza onze rreales de
los nios y un nio son diez lacun y un lacun diez
phou y un phou diez dic. De suerte que onze rreales
de peso lo rreparten en mil partes. Bimos tanbien
pobres que andan a pedir limosna por las calles
especialmente siegos. Como es tanta gente ninguna
cosa echan a mal que ni pierden hueso ni cuerno
para mil cosillas que hacen dello y de la paja
y yerua de todo se siruen para munchas cosas. Los
nauios son algo torpes e [sic] mala echura aunque se
ban muncho al uiento y son buenos de bolina.
No tienen carta de marear pero algunos derro-
teros escriptos de mano. Y tienen aguja de mare-
ar pero no como la n<uest>ra porque no es mas de una
lenguesita de azero muy subtil q<ue> la tocan en
piedra yman y la echan en una salcerita llena
de agua de mar en la qual estan pintados los
uientos. Y rreparten el aguja en veynte e quatro
partes y no en treynta e dos como nosotros. Su pa-
pel dellos dizen que se haze de las telillas ynte-
tai ming 253

riores de las cañas. Es muy delgado y no se puede

bien escreuir de entrambas a dos bandas
porque se pasa muncho. Benden la tinta
en paneçillos y desaçiendola en un po-
quillo de agua escriuen. Sus planas [sic] son unos pin-

[231v]
celillos. La letra es la mas barbara y dificel [sic] q<ue> se
a descuuierto porque mas son carateres q<ue> le-
tras e para cada palabra o cosa tienen letra di-
fferente. De manera que aunque uno conosca
diez mil letras no saue leer todas las cosas.
Y asi entre ellos el que mas saue leer es el mas
sauio. Binieron a n<uest>ras manos libros ynpesos [sic]
de todas sus sçiençias asi de cosas de astro-
lojia y estrellas como de fiçionomia chiro-
marrçia [sic] y arismetica [sic] de sus leyes y de medicina
y desgrima [sic] e de toda manera de sus juegos y
de sus dioses. En todo lo qual sacando las co-
sas de medicina que como sinpliçitas por
exsperiençia conoceran las uirtudes de
las yeruas y las traen pintadas como noso-
tros en el libro de Dioscorites todo lo demas
no ay que echar mano que no tienen mas de
solo el olor o nombre dello pues ni sabuen cosa
de geometria ni tienen compaz ni usan del
ni sauen contar mas de solo sumar y rres-
tar e multiplicar. Y creen el sol y luna ser
hombres y el sielo ser llano y no rrodeado [sic] la tie-
rra. Verdad es q<ue> como tan bien los natura-
les de esas yslas conocen munchas estre-
llas y por los nacimientos dellas sauen
los tiempos del sembrar y coger en [sic] quando
comienzan las brizas e bendauales y quando
es tiempo de calmas y tormentas pues es-
tos bestiales la sauen muncho mejor
la sabran los chinos tanbien. Ui rrelojes

[232r]
de sol en la ciudad de Hocchiu pero como de gente
254 TRANSCRIPTION

ynorante mal echos y que no señalaran

la ora çierta. Todas sus adiuinanças comm<un>m<ent>e
son por suertes. En sauiendo alguno de linaje de
hidalgos les uiene exsaminarlo uno que lla-
man Ajaju e hallandolo auil de leer grado como
asi digamos de bachiller e ponele dos rramille-
tes de plata a las orejas e lleuanlo a cauallo
a dar un paseo por la ciudad con banderas y menes-
triles delante. De estos bimos uno en Hocchiu
y a un harto muchacho y desque tienen aquel grado
queda auil para ejercitar algun cargo de
justicia porque ninguno que no sepa bien leer
y screuir e demas de eso la lengua cortesana no pu-
ede ser gouernador ni justi<çia> porque en cada
prouinçia tienen diferente lengua en que to-
das conbinan como portugues ualençiano caste-
llano. Y en esta particularidad la letra de la China
q<ue> como no son letras sino carateres una misma
carta la leeran en todas las lenguas de la
China avnque ui cartas scriptas en lengua cor-
tesana era diferentes de la de Hocquien pero en
la una letra y en la otra leeran entre ambas
a dos lenguas.

De las justiçias e modos

de gouernaçion
En todo el rreyno de Tayuin dizen que no ay
señores de vasallos. A solo el rrey esta todo
subjecto. Pero ay esclavos de los mismos natura-

[232v]
les porque tanbien dizen que no reçiben
extranjeros. Y destos esclavos partes son na-
cidos en seruidumbre parte dellos mis-
mos se uenden por pobreza. Otros que por de-
litos los uenden por esclavos por algunos
años mas. La gente que tiene cargo de just<içi>a
es tanta que es casi sin numero. Pondremos
la manera de gouernaçion de la prouin-
cia de Hocquien que de la misma manera se
tai ming 255

deuen de rrejir las demas provincias q<ue> tie-

nen uisorreyes. Mas las provincias de Pa-
quien y Nanquien tienen diferentes ma-
neras de ofiçios e gouiernanse por audien-
çias. En la çiudad principal de la prouinçia
de Hocquien que es Hocchiu rreside siempre
el virrey que ellos llaman comm<un> e la
segunda persona despues del tentoc
que es capitan general de toda la gente
de guerra. Y estos dos tienen mando sobre
toda la gente y gobernadores de toda
la prouinçia. Ay despues de estos el al-
ferez general que ellos llaman cancunto.
Y el pauchiu es el tesorero del rrey y el pouchinsi
que es teniente del thesorero y sanchian
theniente del capitan general y el ansasi
que es como gobernador a Uiansay y como
alcalde mayor y tres que llaman tihu como
alcaldes hordinarios. Todos estos son
justiçias que pueden castigar a los delin-
quentes aunq<ue> los mayores por marauilla

[233r]
castigan sino es algun capitan o persona prin-
çipal o algun graue delicto. Porque a los demas
los rremiten con una cedula a los alcaldes hor-
dinarios donde señala el castigo q<ue> se le a de dar como
lo uimos algunas vezes. Todos estos es cosa de es-
panto la grauedad que tienen asi en sus casas como
quando salen en publico. Y cada uno tiene canti-
dad de alguaziles cuya ynsignia es traer un pluma-
je de plumas de pauon yten munchos sayones
que [sic] sus açotes y palos y cordeles. Los açotes son u-
nas como palas del tronco de las cañas sacadas q<ue>
son las cañas de esta tierra muy grandes y grue-
sas. Sera cada pala de seis palmos o mas alta
y ancha quatro dedos y gruesa como el pulgar
y es bien pesada. Y comm<un>mente açotan con esta
pero quando quieren castigar mas rreçio açotan
con unos bastones o palos rrollizos tan grue-
256 TRANSCRIPTION

sos como el braço. La manera de açotar es que

en dando un grito el mandador luego arrebatan
al pobre delinquente cinco o seys sayones y
e<n> un momento dan con el en el suelo e le quitan
los saraguelles. Y tendidos [sic] boca abajo asele
uno de los pies y otro de la cauesa y otro con la d<ic>ha
caña o baston enp[l]inadosse [sic] dale con toda su
fuerça en la parte trasera de los muslos hasta
que digan q<ue> basta. Y den [sic] çinco en cinco le rrebuel-
ben el cuerpo para darle en el otro lado. Y esta
otro de los sayones puesto de rrodillas que a uo-
ces cuenta los açotes los quales son de tal
manera que a los que pasan de sesenta por
maravilla escapan de muerte. Y al que quieren

[233v]
dar mayor tormento amarranlo primero
de pies y manos y muy peor de lo que llaman
la ley de Bayona y asi amarrado lo açotan.
E no ay diferencia de personas en esto sino q<ue> es el
mayor en haciendo porque haze açotar el me-
nor por mas honrrado que sea y aunq<ue> tenga
ofiçio rreal. Estando nosotros en Hocchiu hizo
el Teutoc açotar a un capitan de los honrrados
por bien poca cosa y le mando dar ochenta açotes
y al otro dia espiro. Cada mañana quando quie-
ren abrir su puerta que es comm<un>mente
a las ocho o nuebe y esta aguardando toda
guardia fuera de la puerta. Y tiran primero tres
uersos y tañen su trompeta y atanbor
grande e luego los menestriles y asi abren.
Esta asentado con la ma<jest>ad que diximos del In-
suanton en la rrelaçion de uiaje en Chinchiu
y aun con mayor segun la mayoria e la dignidad.
E luego entran munchos capitanes a hazerle
su acatamiento como arriba diximos desde
lejos yncados de rrodillas y llegan con la
cauesa al suelo tres o mas uezes. Y acauado
de hazer esta beneraçion los capitanes ha-
zen otro tanto juntos todos los de la guardia
desde fuera de la puerta q<ue> estara casi un tiro
tai ming 257

de arcabuz de donde esta el mandador. Echa es-

ta ueneraçion los capitanes al comm<un>
luego los que no an de asistir alli o no tie-
nen negoçios ban a hazer otro tanto al Tontoc
y a los demas. Ffuera de estos mandadores q<ue> son

[234r]
los mayores ay uno que llaman tanpoa que es
prouehedor de bastimentos y haze que siempre
aya uastimentos y castiga a los que no acuden con
tiempo a las cosas que les mandan traer. Yten
uno que le llaman choyqua q<ue> castiga a los uaga-
bundos. Que por todos los barrios ay otros manda-
dores menores que oyen pleytos y hazen just<içia>
en cosas menudas e rrondan de noche. Y estos son
a los que suelen enbiar los mayores a los de-
litos que entre aquellos castiguen. En las
demas çiudades de la prouinçia tienen sus go-
uernadores aunque diferente nombre segun
la preminençia del cargo. Porque a uno llaman
ynsuanto a otro hayto otro pinpito otro
tiacto et<ceter>a y tienen en lugar de bauchiu uno
que llaman soupu. Los alcaldes e prouehedores
como en la cauesara. Pero en las villas ay uno
como correjidor llamado ticon y su alcalde mayor
cansin y uno como alcalde de hermandad
tensu y su prouehedor e justi<çia>s menores por
los uarrios. Por las aldeas tienen sus alcal-
des y alguaziles y mandadores subjetos a su
cauesera. De suerte q<ue> las villas y su jurisidiçiones
son subjetas a las çiudades y cada çiudad y uilla
tiene munchas aldeas subjetas. Todos es-
tos tienen sus sayones con sus cañas para
açotar. Y ban ciempre delante dellos donde-
quiera q<ue> vayan y ban dando gritos q<ue> hagan
todos lugar y se aparten. Y no lo haziendo luego
los mandan açotar. Y es tanto el ynperio
y mando que tienen sobre los otros que quando pa-

[234v]
sa alguno delante qualquiera q<ue> ba a cauallo
258 TRANSCRIPTION

se apea del y se desuia a un cauo y el que ba en

silla la haze poner en el suelo y sale de ella y el
que trae tirasol lo bate y el que a mosqueador
lo coxe y lo mete en la manga. Y dizen que
ninguna justiçia puede condenar a muerte
si no son en la guerra los capitanes. Pero si al-
guno merece pena de muerte tienenlo en
la carzel hasta que dan auiso de su causa al
rrey e por su mandado es condenado. Y asi tie-
nen munchas carzeles y algunos estan
en ellas munchos años. Sus prisiones las
que nosotros uimos son unas esposas en
las manos de palo un gran tablon en
el pescueso a manera de sepo aunque anda
leuantado con el e trae una carga y tra-
uajo y en el trae scripta la causa de su prision.
Dizen ser las carzeles muy escuras y he-
diondas. Y los castigos comunes que dan los
juezes y justiçias fuera del de la carzel que
dan por castigo son los açotes arriba dichos
a todos generos de pe[r]sonas sin hazer distin-
çion de pe[r]sona alguna y a unos palotillos
q<ue> ponen entre los dedos y los aprietan for-
tisimamente con unos cordeles que se esti-
ran los dedos y esto dando bozes el mise-
rable hasta que el juez lo mande soltar.
Y esto tanbien sirve para dar tormento.
Y a las mugeres mas usan de palotillos
que de açotes aunque tambien las açotan

[235r]
segun dizen. Y tanbien usan castigar a los
hijos o hermanos o padre del delinquente
faltando el como uimos e oymos de algunos.
E segun dizen si el delicto es graue aunque
tengan presente al delinquente castigan no
solo a el mas a todos sus parientes. Todas es-
tas justiçias y gouernadores an de ser de otra
prouinçia y no de aquella que gobiernan
y los mudan de tres en tres años. Y a bien de
tai ming 259

de [sic] esto enbia el rrey cada año a cada prouin<çi>a

un bisitador q<ue> lo llaman sanhe el qual
desagrauia algunos agrauios e hacen [sic] sus yn-
fformaçiones si usan bien su ofiçio
el uisorrey y capitan general gouernado-
res y enbiales o lleuales al rrey o si rreçiben
dones porque en esto son rrecatadisimos
aunque muy amigos dellos y apenas se
negoçia bien sin untarles las manos
pero a de ser muy en secreto que en publico
no rreçiben nada. Y esto digo q<ue> los que no-
sotros uimos otros munchos puede auer de
otra condiçion. Castigan muncho a los
bagabundos y asi son todos muy grandes
trau<a>jadores. Y son enemigos de mercaderes
que dizen ser gente bagabunda y que no los con-
sienten sino por euitar que no se hagan
salteadores que dizen que ay munchos en
la tiera adentro asi como cosarios por la
mar. E nadie puede salir del districto
de su çiudad aunq<ue> sea la misma prouin-

[235v]
çia sin licençia scripta q<ue> luego daran con
el en la carzel e lo castigaran. Suelen dar
la licençia en papel con munchos sellos
y cedulillas de los alcaldes y otros manda-
dores. Mas quando alguno ba por publica
causa o le quieren c[h]ont[r]ar dan una patente
e<n> un tablon como arriba diximos y nos la
dauan a nosotros. Y los correos que enbian con-
despachos fuera de que en el uestido son se-
ñalados uan en cauallos con un pretal de
cascaueles gordos. No admiten tampoco gente
estranjera aunque dizen q<ue> en Suntien
do esta la corte ay munchas diferençias
de naciones y cada una bibe en su barrio y
en la puerta del esta scripto el nombre de
la naçion y gente que es. Dieronnos por minuta
a uer alli estas naciones: Cauchin Lonquia
260 TRANSCRIPTION

Chienlo Malaca Payni Campuchi Chauçin

Tata Cauli Gitpon Uyue y otros ultimos
dizen ser moros que biben la tierra adentro
entre la China y Bengala. Todas estas
naçiones dizen que pagan parias al rrey
de China. Bimos nosotros en Hocchiu unos
hombres de Lauquiu que nosotros lla-
mamos lequios q<ue> uenian a traer sus pa-
rias o tributo. Fuera de estos mandadores
ay otros munchos pequeños y capitanes
e munchas maneras entre los quales
los que l[l]aman pettzon q<ue> son munchos.
Tanbien tienen jurisdiçion y aun auturidad

[236r]
de andar en silla grande e traer delante de si
sus sayones con las cañas para açotar y corde-
les para amarrar y tanbien castigar. Y todos
estos no solo en el lugar do rresiden mas donde
quiera tienen poder para castigar a la pobre
gente y asi los tienen abasallados.

De los dioses ydolos sacri-

ffiçios y ffiestas
Es tanta la çuma de los ydolos q<ue> uimos por
todo lo que anduuimos que no se pueden contar
porque demas q<ue> en sus templos y casas par-
ticulares para ello ay munchos. Q<ue> en una
en Hocchiu auia mas de çient estatuas de
mill maneras unas con seys o ocho o mas
braços y otras con tres cauesas que dezian ser
prinçipe de los demonios y otras de negros ber-
mejos y blancos asi hombres como mugeres.
No ay casa que no tenga sus ydolos y aun por
los serros y caminos apenas ay peñascos gran-
des donde no tengan entallados ydolos. Con todo
eso a quien por uerdadero dios tienen es el
sielo y a todos los demas ponen por ynter-
cesores para que rrueguen al sielo que ellos
llaman Thien q<ue> les de saluo o hazienda
tai ming 261

o dignidad o buen uiaje. Y entienden que

todo lo cria y haze el sielo. Y al mayor de los
q<ue> estan en el sielo llaman Yohon o Yocon
Sautey el qual dizen q<ue> fue ab eterno como el
sielo aunque es su ynferior y que no tiene

[236v]
cuerpo. Y su criado de este es Sansay q<ue> fue
echo del sielo e tanpoco tiene cuerpo a cuyo
cargo dizen estar todas las cosas debajo
del çielo e la uida e muerte. El qual tiene tres
criados q<ue> por su mandado gouierna neste
mundo Tianquan que tiene cargo de las
aguas y Cuicuan de la mar y nauegantes
y Teyquan de los hombres e frutos de la tierra.
Tienen tanbien a uno que dizen ser portero
del sielo y otros munchos desta manera.
Y ffuera de estos otros munchos que ellos
tienen como por santos que ellos llaman
Fut y otros Pousat. Y adoranlos o por q<ue> hizie-
ron bida solitaria y casta y gran penitençia
o por auer sido muy balientes como es un
bermejo llamado Quanhu de que arriba hizi-
mos minçion que ayudo a leuantarse con el
Reyno a Laupi. Pero a quien mas honrra hazen
es a una muger llamada Quanin hija de
un rrey dicho Tonsou q<ue> hizo uida solitaria
y a su modo santa. Pero los nauegantes a otra
muger llamada Neoma natural de la
prouinçia de Hoquien de una aldea de Hynhua
llamada Puhi. Dizen q<ue> hizo uida solitaria
en la ysla de Uichui despoblada do dizen que
ay cauallos que esta apartada de la costa como
tres leguas. Adoran tanbien a los demo-
nios porque no les haga mal. Suelen poner
tanbien tres estatuas juntas de una misma

[237r]
persona. E preguntados dizen que aquellos
tres no son mas de uno como uimos en La-
262 TRANSCRIPTION

ulo tres grandes estatuas de Neoma asen-

tadas juntas y una rreja adelante y su altar
e luego a los lados una estatua de hombre ber-
mejo y otra de negro q<ue> rreciben las ofrendas.
Lo que suelen ofrecer despues de echas sus yn-
clinaçiones y oraçiones es perfumes y olores
y gran suma de moneda de papel que despues la
suelen quemar tañendo campanas. Tanbien
suelen quemar estos papeles sobre los muer-
tos y si es hombre rrico juntamente pieças de
seda. E tienen sus lamparillas ardiendo
delante de sus ydolos aunque no es gente
muy debota. Tanbien ofrercen [sic] a sus ydolos
bacas enteras y puercos patos pescados y frutas
todo crudo puesto sobre un altar. Y despues de
echar munchas serimonias y plegarias
toman tres tasuelas de uino con grandes
umillaçiones y derramanla una para su dios
que es el sielo y las demas se beben y rrepar-
ten entre si toda aquella comida y la comen
como cosa santificada. Fuera de estos rrictos
y serimonias tienen otras muy rridiculas
como uimos q<ue> en el nauio do beniamos
ya que estauamos cerca de las yslas porq<ue> se
boluiesen segund dezian neoma q<ui>s<o> darnos
prospero uiento nos abia benido acompañando.
Hazen un nauichuelo de caña con sus belas
y timon y echanle dentro con munchas

[237v]
serimonias y [sic] un pescadillo asado y un poco
de arroz cosido y una tasuela de uino y asi lo
echan en la mar. Y para echar el demonio fuera
del nauio ponense todos por los bordos del na-
uio con sendos garrotillos. E bienen dos con sendos
grandes casos de arroz guisado derramandolo
a la mar de una cabo y de otro comensando desde
la proa hasta la popa. Y tres dellos otros dos ar-
mados con alffanjes e rrodelas esgrimiendo
e haziendo bisajes e los demas con sus garro-
tai ming 263

tillos dando en los bordos con grande al-

gazara y otras cosas my rridiculas. Tanbien
suelen hazer algunos botos e promesas
y ofreçimientos. Bimos uoctos de ayunos de
no comer por munchos dias cosas de carne gue-
uos ni pescado no mas de arroz yerbas y frutas.
Yten unos como frontales de seda que en-
uiauan a ofrecer do yua scripto el que lo ofre-
çia y por que causa y a quien. Es gente muy
dada a suertes y asi en todas las partes y aun en
los caminos hallaran las suertes y sus ydolos
a los quales echa primero su oraçion toman
gran cantidad de palillos e rrebolbiendolos
toman el que primero se les ofrece sin mirar
y miran la palabra que en el esta scripta y
por ella uan a una tabla do estan puestas
todas las rrespuestas. Yten escriuen en un
palillo esquinado por todas las partes y echa
su oraçion armando un altar con sus sahu-
merios echan el palillo y lo que sale arri-

[238r]
ba aquello tienen por çierto y otras maneras.
Selebran por fiesta todos los primeros dias
de luna y los dias quinzenos pero prinçipal-
mente el dia de su año que cae agora por hebre-
ro. Tienen su año segun dizen dos años arreo
a doze lunas y el terzero a treze. Y [sic] siempre ua
seguido a esta quenta aun no llega a n<uest>ro año
porque en 57 años n<uest>ros berna a tener
dos lunas menos y asi se rretrasara el año. Se-
lebran tanbien muy gran fiesta la opusiçion
a quinzendia de su septimo mes la qual fiesta
uimos nosotros en Hocchiu porq<ue> la hazen en
todas las casas de comunidad y asi uinieron
a hazerla tanbien a la posada do posauamos.
Y la fiesta de los difuntos a honrra de Siquiag
que fue el ynstituydor de las hordenes que ay
en la China. Armaron en una sala la ymagen
de Siquiag con otras munchas ymagenes q<ue>
264 TRANSCRIPTION

estauan de rrodillas delante del. Y alli un altar

grande y siete u ocho mesas aparte llenas
de comida. E luego a prima noche comensaron
a cantar por su libro tres hombres uno
como sacerdocte y los otros cantores. Y cantauan
unas bozes a manera de salmos y otras como
himnos tañendo siemp[r]e unas sonajas y en
tamborete. Y de quando en quando tomaua
el saçerdocte un platillo de aquellos con
la comida y dezia su oraçion y asentaualo
en el altar y esto hasta que to[d]os los pla-
tos se concluyeron que duro casi hasta
medianoche.

[238v]
De los ffrayles hermitanos
y monjas que ay en taybin
Ay en el rreyno de Taybin dos generos de
frayles segun su manera de rreligion unos
que ni comen carne ni gueuo ni pescado sino
se sustentan con arroz solo y yeruas y fru-
tas. Y de estos munchos biben como hermita-
ños como uimos unos en un zerro pegado a la
muralla de Hocchiu el qual estaua en una
celdilla muy chiquita. Y tenia alli tres ydo-
lillos y al parecer es que estaua en contem-
plaçion. Y alrrededor sus uerjelcillos do te-
nia sembrados calabaças pepinos badeas
berenjenas y otras hortalisas y su arroyo de
agua. Y todo este termino sercado con un caña-
veral alto y espeso desuiado de las casas del
pueblo como un tiro de arcabuz. Otros ay por
los montes y serros. Y de esto uimos algunos
que trayan rrosarios mayores y diferente-
mente rrepartido q<ue> los n<uest>ros. Otro genero de
frayles ay q<ue> biben en comunidad en pu-
eblos. Y estos segun nos dixeron el rrey
les tiene dadas poseçiones de q<ue> se sustentan
aunque tanbien bimos en Hocchui
tai ming 265

que andauan por las calles pidiendo limosna

cantando y con unas sonajas y con un
gran auentador ynclinandolo a una parte
y a otra para que el que quisiera dar limos-
na la ponga o eche alli. Estos comen de todo.
Posamos e<n> una casa dellos en Chinchiu
y leuantauanse comm<un>mente mas de dos oras

[239r]
antes que amaneciese a cantar sus
maytines. E juntamente se tañia mientras
cantauan una campana grande y un
atambor y sus sonajas. Y era al mismo tono
que diximos de la fiesta de los difuntoss.
No les uimos otra cosa cantar sino era a-
quellos maytines q<ue> los acababan casi al
alba. Y de noche y de dia delante de sus yd-
olos ardian perfumes. Tanbien dizen que
ay monesterios [sic] de monjas. No bimos nin-
gunos. Ellos y ellas traen rrapadas las cauesas
y baruas. Llamanlos a ellos huxio. Tienen
uno como general e biben en corte que lla-
man çisua el qual pone a cada prouinçia
uno como prouinçial que llaman toucon.
Y el mayor o prior de cada casa llaman ti-
onlo. Al ynventor de estas hordenes lla-
man Siquiag que tienen ellos por
santo. Y era extranjero. Dizen q<ue> hera de la
prouinçia de Tiantey aunque unos de sus
frayles nos dixeron que de Ciria. Creen los
chinos ser las animas ynmortales y q<ue> los
santos ban al sielo. De los otros noss [sic]
dixeron que se tornauan demonios. Son
en poco tenidos y estimados los frayles y so-
los los capitanes y mandadores son esti-
mados por el castigo. Finalmente es la
tierra muy frutifera y abundante y de
ynfinita gente aunq<ue> ynfieles y con eso
los mas [sic] q<ue> se siguen aqui no conocen a Dios
266 TRANSCRIPTION

[239v]
al qual sea la honrra y gloria pa<ra> siem-
pre jamas y los conbierta y traya a su cono-
çymiento. Amen.

[240r–241r, Blank]

[241v]
Estas figuras que se siguen son los dioses y ydolos que adoran en China.
 Chapter 18

Chinese Imperial Ceremony

[242r]
El modo y horden que atras queda figurado es el que
se tiene siempre en la salida del rrey de China fuera
de sus palaçios al qual es bien rraras rezes porque ay
rrey y a auido muchos que en toda su uida no an salido
de su casa. Los personajes graues que salen en su guarda
y acompañamiento son todos los manderines y se-
gun la grandeza del cargo y mando que cada uno tiene
ba mas cerca o lejos de la persona del rrey. De la demas
gente es ynfinito el numero que le acompaña. Tiene
por constumbre cada año dentro de su casa hazer
una salida y es a echar el arado en la tierra el
mismo rrey por su propria mano porque tienen por
fee que sera el año muy fertil y abundante de
todos los mantenimientos haziendo el rrey este
acto. Uibe con tanto temor y rrecato que las
vezes que sale fuera de su casa o en ella a hazer
esto es de la manera y horden que se sigue. Haze
que baya por todos sus rreynos la persona de mayor
confiança que tiene acerca de la suya y este ua
mirando las personas mas parecidas a la del rrey
asi en cuerpo como en la fisonomia del rrostro. Y
de estos escoje doze i los trae a la casa rreal. Y estos
asisten en ella siempre. Y la vez que a de salir el
rrey los uisten con las mismas uestiduras y yn-
signias rreales que el lleua y ponen a cada uno
en su carroza que es como la propria en que ba el
mismo rrey sin discrepar un solo punto della. De
manera que salen treze carrozas o coches todos
de una misma echura a los quales tiran a cada
uno seys uenados la uez que sale a este efecto

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_020

268 TRANSCRIPTION

[242v]
de echar el arado (a diferençia de los cauallos que
lleba en la salida principal). De suerte que nadie de
los que uan con el saue qual es el rrey ni mas de que
le acompañan y sino es las personas de su casa y ser-
uiçio. No ay otros que le conozcan. Y bibe con todo
este rrecato muy temeroso de alguna trayçion.
Delante de la gente que ba en su acompañamiento
que ya se a dicho que no se puede numerar bandos
pendones o enseñas que en el medio de la una ba
scripta esta palabra: Huyr. Y el que lle-
gando este pendon no huye o se esconde de manera
que no le uean y le cojen e açotan cruelisimam<en>te.
Y si llega el segundo pendon que trae por titulo
en el medio del: Que biene el rrey y le cojen
a uista del luego le cortan la caueza. Y para es-
tos castigos ban ministros diputados que con
grandisima breuedad los executan en los trans-
gresores. Las demas ynsignias que lleba son
militares eçepto los payos que son como quita-
soles en España y los auanillos grandes que
estos lleban los mas priuados del rrey.
[243r–243v, Blank]
 Chapter 19

Chinese and Tatar Cavalries

[244r]
De la forma que queda pintado atras se juntan
en sus batallas los chinos con los tartaros los
quales tartaros no traen en su exercito mas que
solo un estandarte al qual siguen y guardan
toda la gente del. Los chinos rreduzen toda la
cantidad de gente de guerra que tienen en su exer-
çito a çinco banderas y estandartes de las colores
y manera que ban pintados. Aduiertese que los
mas de estos chinos y tartaros pelean a cauallo
y con armas en astadas y otras diferençias dellas
que es fuerça se ocupen las dos manos en jugallas.
Y auia muncha duda en el modo de gouernar el ca-
uallo teniendo las dos manos ocupadas y ase sa-
lid[a] della porque se a sauido por çierto que gobi-
ernan los cauallos con los pies como nosotros
con las manos y los tienen aconstumbrados y
enseñados a esto y asi no lleban rriendas mas
de unas caueçadas por adorno.

[244v–245r, Blank]

[245v, Illustration] Husin

[246r, Illustration] Hanc Pia

[246v–247r, Blank]

[247v, Illustration] Yusam Concho

[248r, Illustration] Yuayçon Concho

[248v–249r, Blank]

[249v, Illustration] Lochia

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_021

270 TRANSCRIPTION

[250r, Illustration] Sansaico

[250v–251r, Blank]

[251v, Illustration] Siamcoa

[252r, Illustration] Siamcou

[252v–253r, Blank]

[253v, Illustration] Tobte

[254r, Illustration] Quilam

[254v–255r, Blank]

[255v, Illustration] Chimbu

[256r, Illustration] Tiansu

[256v–257r, Blank]

[257v, Illustration] Tengançue

[258r, Illustration] Puaqua

[258v–259r, Blank]

[259v, Illustration] Amtam

[260r, Illustration] Quamya

[260v–261r, Blank]

[261v, Illustration] Chinsim

[262r, Illustration] Chincum

[262v–263r, Blank]
Chinese And Tatar Cavalries 271

[263v, Illustration] Tirhu

[264r, Illustration] Quoxian

[264v–265r, Blank]

[265v, Illustration] Tiosiam

[266r, Illustration] Honsun

[266v–267r, Blank]

[267v, Illustration] Chiau Gançue

[268r, Illustration] Juabchu

[268v–269r, Blank]

[269v, Illustration] Sunhonsi

[270r, Illustration] Chendiem

[270v–271r, Blank]

[271v, Illustration] Congançua

[272r, Illustration] Ungançua

[272v–273r, Blank]

[273v, Illustration] Loocun

[274r, Illustration] Honcsungançue

[274v, Blank]
 Chapter 20

Chinese Deities

[275r]
Husin
Este ydolo llamado Husin fue el primero que en-
tre estos chinas ynuento el arte de nauegar y que
primero hizo nauios. Antiguamente le llamauan
en sus tormentas y trauajos y siempre le sacrifica-
uan aunque agora no le tienen en tanta ueneraçion
saluo los de Canton como son los que bienen a estas
yslas y an de nauegar. Asi es dellos mas rreuerençiado.
Y esto de sus ydolos es propriamente como nosotros
tenemos memoria de hombres famosos y balero-
sos que ubo en n<uest>ra España y en otras partes y les estima-
mos por su ualor. Ellos ni mas ni menos a los prime-
ros ynuentores de qualquier arte y ofi<çi>o y a todos a-
quellos que an sido entre ellos hombres famo-
sos en la guerra los adoran y toman por abogados
para con dios conuirtiendo la honra que nosotros
hazemos a los n<uest>ros ellos a los suyos en adoraçion
aunque sobre todos rreuerençian a un solo dios
porque dizen que este es amo y señor de todos los
demas y que ellos son sus criados y que asi los tie-
ne en el çielo acomodados en ofiçios segun lo
que ellos fueron.

[Marginalia] Hantea
Hantea es ydolo de los de Chincheo y no adoran a otro
porque deste son socorridos y fauoreçidos en todas sus
neceçidades.

[Marginalia] Yusanco<n>cho
Yusanconcho es dios de todos los montes. Adoranle
generalmente en toda la China y le hazen sacrifiçios
quando an de yr a caça.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_022

Chinese Deities 273

[Marginalia] Ybaico<n>chu
Ybayconchu. Le sacrifican los pescadores por q<ue> le
tienen por dios de la mar.

[Marginalia] Lochia
Lochia es grandemente tenido destos chinas
porque dizen que naçiendo de alli a tres dias se fue
a bañar a la mar y el dios della se enojo con el de
manera que Lochia entro en su casa y se la quebro
toda echandosela por el suelo. Y al cauo pelearon los

[275v]
dos y Lochia quedo bençedor y el dios de la mar ben-
çido. Luego acauada esta contienda tubo otras
munchas con otros dioses y hombres ualerosos
de su tiempo y siempre salio bençedor. Esto duro
hasta los siete años de su edad. Y en llegando a cum-
plillos y con una junta de su padre y madre. Y al padre
le dio los guesos de su cuerpo diziendo que aquello
tenia del por auerselo dado y a la madre boluio la
carne diziendo lo proprio. Y en acauando este rrazona-
miento se subio al çielo. Y que el dios mayor le rreçibio
muy bien y le hizo capitan general de todos los sol-
dados del çielo. Y que este castiga a los demonios
quando hazen algun desacato contra dios. Que en esto
parece conocen y se arriman a la soberuia de Luci-
fer conoçiendo que la tubo y que fue el y los de su qua-
drilla desposeydos del çielo por ello. Y que este Lochia
fue el que hizo el castigo. Y agora lo haze siempre que
los demonios hazen mal a la gente. Dizen que todos
estos soldados los tiene metidos en aquel cerco o
rrodesno que tira con la mano y que de alli los saca
mill o çien mill o los que a menester para hazer
el castigo y luego los buelue a enserrar en su fuerte
o cerco. Tanbien dizen que quando ay algunos mos-
truos en la tierra dañosos que este baja a mata-
llos. Y por todas estas fabulosas causas es adora-
do y tenido en gran beneraçion desta gente.
274 TRANSCRIPTION

[Marginalia] Sansayco
Sansayco. Este adoran porque les dize y da auiso
de todo lo que les a de suceder. Como si uno esta en-
fermo echan suertes con unas monedas de la-
ton como contadores d’España y escrip[t]o en ellos
çiertos carateres y echanlos como quien juega a
Castillo y Leon. Y sigun caen estos carateres hazia
rriba o hazia bajo pronostican su subceso. Para
echar estas suertes el sacerdocte o por mejor dezir

[276r]
hechiçero que las a de echar ayuna primero dos dias.
Y dizen no a de estar con pecado para echallas. Y luego
hazen sus oraçiones ensendiendo candelillas
y çaumerios y ban rrogando a Sansay que si a de
morir aquel enfermo que tantas señales de
aquellas caygan hazia arriba o hazia bajo como
ellos quieren pedir o señalar. Y si sale como lo piden
tienen por fee que asi sera. Por estas suertes consul-
tan todas sus nauegaçiones guerra jornadas cami-
nos y todo lo demas que an de hazer hasta los partos
de las mugeres. Y como e dicho tienen tanta fee con
esto que si la suerte le dize que no saliendo mal
no aran el camino en la cosa que fuere aunque les baya
la uida en ello hasta que la suerte le buelua a salir
buena entonçes lo hazen. Y esta es la causa de adorar
a Sansayco.

[Marginalia] Siamcou
Ffue en su tiempo una muger que sanaua de to-
das las enfermedades que auia con agua o bino
o binagre segun ella queria. Esta bebida traya en
una calabaça. Y no curaba sino a hombres desau-
çiados y adeuidos [sic]. Y esto hazia por mas prueba y mu-
estra de su sauer y poder. Despues de muerta creen se
subio al çielo y asi la adoran. Tanbien dizen fue
muger ualerosa y que peleaua como un hombre
muy ualiente y asi la ponen con una spada desnuda.
Chinese Deities 275

[Marginalia] Siancoa
Siancoa fue marido de Siancou. Tuuo el propio
poder o ofiçio de curar que su muger Siancou y asi en
el mismo grado es rreuerençiado. Tanbien dizen
de la espada de Siancou que quando algun diablo
queria llebar algun cuerpo de algun enfermo que
ella con la espada se lo quitaba. Confiesan que ay di-
ablos y que lleban a los malos aunque por diferen-
te bocablo porque para dezir que uno es gran bellaco
y mal hombre lo ynfluyen en dezir tiene mal coraçon

[276v]
y por el contrario dezir que uno tiene buen coraçon
es dezir todo el bien pusible.

[Marginalia] Toute
Toute es dios de la tierra y abogado de los gana-
dos y que sana asi los animales del campo como
los de mestiços de sus enfermedades.

[Marginalia] Quialara
Quialara tien [sic] a quenta de mirar la tierra y es
abogado de los edifiçios. Y asi quando se a de hazer
alguno suntuoso le sacrifican.

[Marginalia] Tiansu
Tiansu. Este dizen ata los demonios y quando
hazen mal a los chinos que los açota. Y finalm<en>te
que es el dios y señor de los demonios. Y queriendo
una uez el rrey hazer exsperiençias de si era asi le
dio un baso lleno de agua y le dixo hiziese algo. Y el
puso el baso en el ayre y hizo estuuiese quedo. Y pre-
guntandole el rrey que quien tenia aquel basso
rrespondio que un diablo criado suyo. Este tiene mun-
chos parientes oy bibos. Y quando este murio luego
quedo otro de su linaje en su lugar y con el mismo pod<e>r
que el. Y asi ba en faltando uno saliendo otro. Y este
que a de ser naçe unas señales en las manos que
es testimonio de que a de ser o es el que a de mandar
276 TRANSCRIPTION

y gouernar los demonios. Este Tansu tanbien esta

con los demas en el çielo segun ellos creen. Y dizen
que quando el que queda en su lugar le quiere con-
sultar alguna cosa graue o tomar su consejo que-
ma un poco de ençiençio y unas pocas de uñas de
las que eran suyas que se las corto quando se qui-
so morir para este efecto y que luego baja del
çielo y le abla y dize lo que a de hazer. Esto es lo que
creen de su dios Tiansu.

[Marginalia] Chinbu
Chinbu fue un gran soldado en vida de grande
esfuerço y animo y acabo grandes ynpresas. En-
tre ellos depues fuese al çielo y el dios mayor

[277r]
diole por uelle tan baliente las llaves de las puer-
tas del çielo y la guarda dellos. Y asi las abre a los de
buen coraçon que son los que an bibido bien. Y a los
de mal coraçon que son los malos las sierra y asi los
lleba el diablo.

[Marginalia] Tengançuçe
Tengançuçe. Dizen que tiene un libro en que tiene
hecha memoria de todos los hombres de China como
se llaman. Y quando uno es muy bellaco y de mal
coraçon quel enojado desto le quita del libro borran-
dole y que luego muere el que es borrado de su libro.

[Marginalia] Puacoa
Puacoa tiene otro libro como Tengançuçe en que ay
todos los nombres de todos. Y quando uno es de buen
coraçon le asienta y haze merçed de los dias o años
mas deuida de los que abia de vivir porque es de bu-
en coraçon. Este error ba con los demas.

[Marginalia] Hamtam
Hantam fue hombre de munchas trasas y ar-
dides asi en cosas de paz como en guerra. Fue baliente
Chinese Deities 277

y tanbien tubo poder de atar los diablos con aquella

cadena. Y este Hamtam y Quanya estan en el çielo
y son como criados de Chimbu que es el que guarda
las puertas del çielo.

[Marginalia] Quanya
Quanya tanbien fue gran soldado. Y es tenido en-
tre ellos como entre nosotros el apostol Santiago
porque dizen que en las guerras que ellos an tenido
y tienen con los tartaros le bieron munchas vezes
pelear en el ayre en fauor suyo y daño de los tartaros
y que mato tantos que fue causa de una grana uictoria
q<ue> entonçes tuuieron.

[Marginalia] Chinteym
Chinteym fue un gran medico de erbolario. Hizo
grandes curas y por esto le adoran tanbien.

[Marginalia] Chincun
Chincun tanbien fue del arte de Chintin y asi le es
ygual en los sacrifiçios.

[Marginalia] Terhu
Terhu esta en el çielo y tiene este ofiçio que quan-
do se pelea en la tierra le dize a Dios lo que passa

[277v]
en la uatalla. Y diziendoles que como es ese su
dios si tiene menester que otro le diga lo que p<ass>a
rresponden que Dios todo lo ue pero que quando se
pelea que no lo quiere mirar y que buelue el rrostro
y los ojos a otra parte y queste Terhu le dize entonces
lo que pasa.

[Marginalia: Goujian] Goujian tiene cuidado desde el çielo. Quando los dia-
blos hazen algun mal a la gente toma munchos
puñados de ladrillos de oro de çiento en çiento y mill
en mill. Arroja tantos que los demonios de miedo
se rrecojen y nosan salir a hazer mal.
278 TRANSCRIPTION

[Marginalia] Tiosian
Tiosian es el dios a quien sacrifican quando la mu-
ger esteril. Y dicen que sacrificandole y haziendole
fiesta luego les da hijos y mas que si el diablo quie-
re llebar algun muchacho el le tira con el arco de bo-
do [sic] que sy se lo quita.

[Marginalia] Honsun
Honsun fue un moço entre ellos muy baliente y
de gran esfuerço. No bibio mas de hasta edad de quin-
ze años y asi por su ualor le adoran.

[Marginalia] Hiaugancue
Hiaugancue es tenido por dios de las nubes. Dizen
que quando son bellacos y de mal coraçon este haze
muncho rruydo y estruendo en el çielo y echa rrayos
a la tierra que es quando truena y esto piensan. Suçede
por pecados y culpas de los hombres.

[Marginalia] Juabchu
Juabchu dizen que sanaba con palabras de qualquier
mal o enfermedad y les daua salud. Es abogado
contra los benenos mordeduras de biboras sierpes
y cosas ponçonosas.

[Marginalia] Sumhonsi
Sunonsgy. Este saue pelear y dizen que oye todo
quanto se abla en el mundo o por mejor dezir en su
China por paso que hablen. Y por esto le adoran como
persona que saue todos sus tratos y conçiertos.

[Marginalia] Chendiem
Chendiem a sido tanbien hombre famoso y creen
que ue todo quanto se haze en el mundo y asi por el

[278r]
consiguiente que al otro porque oye y a este porque be
entrambos son destos adorados y tenidos en bene-
raçion.
Chinese Deities 279

[Marginalia] Honsungancuen
Honsungancuen es un gran dios a quien adoran y rre-
berençian mas que a otros munchos de los sobre-
dichos por auer sido de particular e [sic] esfuerço entre
ellos. Y entienden que este es alla en el çielo un
gran dios y asi le estiman en mas.

[Marginalia] Loocum
Loocum es el dios mayor señor de Honsungancue
y de todos los demas. Este es el gouernador de todas
las cosas y finalmente el que mas rreberençian
de todos como a mas poderoso que todos los de mal.
Este no a sido entre ellos como estotros sino que le
adoran por dios supremo a todos los demas.
 Chapter 21

Chinese Bestiary

[278v]
Lo que aora de aqui adelante se a de proseguir
y uer es algunas aues y animales y moustros [sic]
que algunas por tiempo y otros muy de hordi-
nario se uen en China y lo que se dize de cada
una de las propiedades malas o buenas que
tienen. Y acerca de estas dizen grandes disla-
tes que el demonio les deue de persuadir por
ser munchas de las cosas que se dizen dellas
ynpusibles de creer. Y de algunas aues y an-
nimales no se dize nada en su quadro porque
la breuedad del tiempo no dio lugar para po-
derse sauer enteramente ni ninguna parte
de lo que dellas se pronostica y dize. O-
tras que son aues las quales ay muncha a-
bundancia en China se pusieron por curiosi-
dad para que se uea la diferençia que hazen
a las de España.

[279r]
[upper left quadrant]
Quando se biere esta aue dizen
que abra munchas guerras.

[lower right quadrant]

Llamase de esta manera
porque su canto es este.

[lower left quadrant]

Quando se biere esta
aue abra grande falta
de aguas en la tierra.

[279v, Illustration] [a] Chu [b] Gac [c] Gurom [d] Quiy

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_023

Chinese Bestiary 281

[280r, Illustration] [a] Tiap [b] Loam [c] Huv [d] Pit

[280v]
[upper right quadrant]
Quando se biere esta
aue en aquel tiempo
abra gran paz.
[upper left quadrant]
Tiene tal propiedad es-
ta aue que si se quema
alguna çiudad y la traen
a bista del fuego lue-
go cesa y de esto tienen
esperiençia.
[lower right quadrant]
Quien biere esta aue
dizen que bibira mun-
chos años.
[lower left quadrant]
El que comiere esta
aue si esta enfermo
sana. Y si esta bueno
conserua la salud y
se libra para adelante
de enfermedad.
[281r]
[upper right quadrant]
Tiene tanta fuerça este
animal en el cuerno de
la caueça que aunque de
en una peña la rrompe
como si fuese de blanda
sera.
[upper left quadrant]
En un rrio de China se a-
ogaba gran numero de
gente y en echando en el
este animal ceso el a-
ogarse y no se aoga de
mas ninguno.
282 TRANSCRIPTION

[lower right quadrant]

Tiene boz de niño este
mostro [sic] y sustentase de
carne umana.
[lower left quadrant]
Si ay pestilençia en al-
guna çiudad trayendo
este animal y meti-
endole dentro dizen que
cesa.
[281r, Illustration] [a] Giemyam. [b] Quansou. [c] Binhoay. [d] Mateam.
[282r, Illustration] [a] Chac Çin. [b] Souv. [c] Quiyrin. [d] Xiauq<u>y.
[282v ]
[upper right quadrant]
Si alguno comiere este
animal se enchira de
pestilençia.
[upper left quadrant]
Este pajaro esta en un
monte y generalmente
para tener gratos a sus
dioses le ofrecen las gen-
tes piedras preçiosas y no
otra cosa.
[lower right quadrant]
Quando se biere esta aue
abra gran guerra. Y dasele
el nonbre de su mismo
canto que es este.
[lower left quadrant]
Quando este animal
se uiere abra paz. Tie-
nen por çierto que el que
rreynare en el tiempo q<ue>
se biere este animal se-
ra muy rrecto y gouer-
nara con muncho amor.
Y no sauen de que nase y
como ni que ay a mas que
Chinese Bestiary 283

uno y este no se be sino

en el tiempo de paz.

[283r]
[upper right quadrant]
Esta aue no se be en tiempo
de calor sino en tiempo de
frio. Dizen que el que cojiere
una pluma suya trayendo-
la consigo no le tocara nin-
gun rrayo.

[upper left quadrant]

Dizen un dislate como los
demas que es que quando
este animal quiere que
aga muncho ayre lo haze
y quando quiere que llueba
lluebe y no le tienen por
dios aunque le atribuen
este poder.

[lower right quadrant]

Si alguno comiere esta
aue le naseran lampa-
rones.

[lower left quadrant]

[blank]

[283v, Illustration] [a] Homtae. [b] Touhi. [c] Biym. [d] Ec.

[284r, Illustration] [a] Huy. [b] Cho. Ym. [c] Fuçiac. [d] Simlioc.

[284v]
[upper right quadrant]
En abriendo los ojos este animal
dizen que es de dia y en serrando-
los que es de noche. Y que quando
284 TRANSCRIPTION

sopla haze ayre y es ynbierno

que quando rrecoje el aliento es
uerano y hace calor. Y no come ni
bebe. Y si buelue la caueça hazia
el norte haze muncho biento y
que tiene el cuerpo de çien le-
guas de largo.

[upper left quadrant]

Este moustro [sic] o demonio
por dezir mejor se a uisto
entre ellos.

[lower right quadrant]

Es adorado de nueue çiuda-
des en China y en dexando
de sacrificalle entra en la
çiudad que se le rreuela y ha-
ze muncho daño.

[lower left quadrant]

Este pescado anda en
un rrio y canta como
pajaro. Si se quema al-
guna casa y le sacan
dizen que cesa el fuego.

[285r]
[upper right quadrant]
Dizen que an uisto este
moustro comiendo cule-
bras.

[upper left quadrant]

Este animal dizen que
saue cantar y baylar
y que es muy rregocijado
de alegre y su echura es
como parece.
Chinese Bestiary 285

[lower right quadrant]

Este moustro [sic] dizen que
donde asienta el pie se
seca y no buelbe mas a rre-
uerdeser.

[lower left quadrant]

Este moustro se a uisto
entre ellos.

[285v, Illustration] [a] Teycam. [b] Qioamleam. [c] Chasisin. [d] Sinpuat.

[286r, Illustration] [a] Tian. Gou. [b] Quiau. Tion. [c] Sianecsi. [d] Yoc. Siu.

[286v]
[upper right quadrant]
Tanbien este moustro [sic]
dizen se a uisto en China.

[upper left quadrant]

Este mostro [sic] dizen se a vuisto
tanbien en algunas
partes de China.

[lower right quadrant]

Dizen que el demoio se
les a apareçido en esta
figura.

[lower left quadrant]

Este mostro [sic] se a uisto en-
tre esta gente como los
demas.

[287r]
[upper right quadrant]
Quando el rrey es birtuoso
y de buen coraçon como
ellos dizen se be este ani-
mal.
286 TRANSCRIPTION

[upper left quadrant]

El rreyno o prouinçia
en que este animal se
biere se perdera segun
ellos pronostican.

[lower right quadrant]

Quando bieren este ani-
mal abra paz uniber-
sal en toda China.

[lower left quadrant]

Este animal tubo un rrey
por grandeza en su casa.

[287v, Illustration] [a] Quiv. Bihou. [b] Sui. Siu. [c] Haychay. [d] Ytcac. Çiu.

[288r, Illustration] [a] Hec. Hou. [b] Luy. [c] Chemhim. [d] Manchu.

[288v]
[upper right quadrant]
El que comiere de este ani-
mal bibira tan contento
que no abra enbidia a
nadie.

[upper left quadrant]

Tanbien dizen lo que
de otros atras que quando
se biere este animal
abra muncha paz.

[lower right quadrant]

Este animal dizen la-
dra como perro.

[lower left quadrant]

Este animal lle-
uaron en presente de
otro rrey no comarcano
al rrey de China.
Chinese Bestiary 287

[289r]
[upper right quadrant]
Este pescado tiene nu-
ebe cuerpos.

[upper left quadrant]

Quando se biere este pescado abra gran
dessecas en la tierra.

[lower right quadrant]

El que este pescado co-
miere dizen que xamas
le bendra sueño.

[lower left quadrant]

[blank]
[289v, Illustration] [a] Cozhu. [b].Olohu. [c] Caphu. [d] Yamhui.
[290r, Illustration] [a] Siuhu. [b] Liom.ma. [c] Lioc. [d] Emliom.
[290v]
[upper right quadrant]
Deste se dize lo que de o-
tros que parece quando
ay buen rrey en China.
[upper left quadrant]
Pusose aqui por su ech-
ra. Es pajaro que dizen
siempre anda en el
agua.

[lower right quadrant]

Este animal o sierpe
se a uisto en China.
[lower left quadrant]
Este animal muere
con el frio del ynbi-
erno y torna a bibir con
la calor del uerano.
[291r, Blank]
288 TRANSCRIPTION

[291v, Illustration] [a] Locto. [b] Hou. [c] Qiirin. [d] Y. Yo.
[292r, Illustration] [a] Rau [b] Chay. [c] Çay. [d] Tou.v
[292v]
[upper right quadrant]
Este animal come tigueres.
[upper left quadrant]
[blank]
[lower right quadrant]
Dizen que quando nace la lu-
na nacen estos conejos por la
boca de otros y que no tienen en
todo el cuerpo otra auertura
y que por aqui comen y hazen
todo lo de mas necesario.
[lower left quadrant]
Este animal tienen por
rrey de los animales como
nosotros tenemos a el
leon. Y el rrey de China lo
tiene en su casa.
[293r]
[upper right quadrant]
Es animal de grandisima
fuerça y se siruen del como en
Spaña de azemilas. Y dizen
que hasta que le echen çien
quintales no quiere andar.
[upper left quadrant]
Es animal que anda en el
agua
[lower right quadrant]
[blank]
[lower left quadrant]
[blank]
[293v, Illustration] [a] Chuibe [b] Pecte [c] Chem [d] Chiho

[294r–294v, missing]

[295r, Blank]
Chinese Bestiary 289

[295v, Illustration] [a] Toc Bo [b] Conyui [c] Ha [d] Tzoatziao

[296r–296v, missing]

[297r, Blank]

[297v, Illustration] [a] Honen [b] Emco [c] Louchi [d] Quimquey

[298r, Illustration] [a] Suahou [b] Lienchiac [c] Chequia [d] Rahui

[298v, Blank]

[299r, Blank]

[299v, Illustration] [a] Huabiy [b] Quechiao [c] Checlen [d] Gan

[300r, Illustration] [a] Conchio [b] Tanhon [c] Soariy [d] Lousi

[300v]
[upper right quadrant]
Tan hon. Este pajaro nunca
se aparta de la uista y rra-
yos del sol y dizen se susten-
ta del.
[301r, Blank]
[301v, Illustration] [a] Enm [b] Petaucan [c] Tiovam [d] Suamhou
[302r, Illustration] [a] Queytir [b] Raalem [c] Yni [d] Ho
[302v, Blank]
 Chapter 22

Champa

[303r]
Relaçion de las Constumbres [sic] del Reyno de Chanpa
Es tierra muy fertil de mantenimientos y ganado
mayor e muy sana si la gente que tiene no es muncha.
Son de color basa e gentiles. Bisten como los moros de
esta ysla de Luzon, y desde el prinçipio hasta agora no an que-
brantado ninguna de sus constumbres antiguas en
este rreyno. No ay moneda ni plata adonde se uenda
cosa alguna e para auer de comprar lo que se tiene me-
nester truecan mantenimientos por mantas y otras
cosas q<ue> hazen al proposito entreambas partes del que
compra y el que uende y asi se negoçia aunque sea en
tratos de mayor quantia. Esta gente no comen ninguna
cosa guisada sino cruda o podrida y para desistir e dix-
erir estas comidas son grandes bebedores de agua ar-
diente fortisima y bebenla muy poco a poco y mun-
chas uezes. Y no tienen por afrenta caer de beber mun-
cha. Mas antes quando los grandes y el rrey an de con-
sultar algun negoçio de ynportançia comen primero
todos juntos y beben a discreçion y despues determinan
lo que se a de hazer del negoçio y se cumple ynfali-
blemente. La justiçia de esta gente es estraña por-
que no es crimen para cosa alguna sino conforme
a su parecer. Y quando la cosa es graue con dos testigos
lo aueriguan. Sus juramentos son de fuego y
aseyte hiruiendo y los culpados a la muerte se ex-
ecuta en ellos con grandissima crueldad la senten-
çia. A unos condenan a morir debajo de pies de ele-
ffantes otros a açotes otros teniendolos penando
dos o tres dias sacandole bocados y partes de su
cuerpo con tenasas y cortandolas hasta que mu-
ere. Y por cosas muy leues y hordinarias les cortan

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_024

Champa 291

[303v]
pies y manos braços y orejas y con esto satisfa-
zen la culpa de qualquiera delito y no con açotes ni
dineros ni prisiones. En este rreyno por la rrazon dicha
se concluyen luego los negoçios de ynprouiso y los
juezes de estas causas son el rrey y los que gouiernan
la tierra que son quatro manderines. Nadie puede an-
dar calsado sino solo el rrey ni puede ser casado con mas
de dos mugeres. El rrey y los prinçipales de este rreyno
ninguno dellos dexa de tener su ofiçio y todos lo
usan por su contento. Tienen el año repartido en
seys fiestas. La primera que hazen es que todos los
mas de sus uasallos le pagan tributo en esta
primera fiesta de lo que poseen. Base el rrey a un
campo y alli se juntan todos estos tributos y ellos
da [sic] luego por las animas de sus difuntos de limosna.
Y haze grandes obsequias y honrras en memoria
dellos alsando un arigue que es como una uiga por
memoria. Cada año este arigue esta gueco por
de dentro y alli le meten sus uestidos para que se
vista. Y al pie del arigue ponen grandes comidas hechas
a su uso. Y luego suben a cauallo en unos anima-
les que llaman carabaos que son propiamente
bufanos de Ytalia y en algunos cauallos que tie-
nen y corren munchas carreras en ellos y en los
carabaos. Y tienen por uisarria y honrra salir des-
calabrados al cauo de esta fiesta. Y asi el que mas
caydas a dado sale mas honrrado. En estas fiestas
estan dos meses. La segunda fiesta es que dura otro
tanto tiempo como esta y gastanla solo en can-

[304r]
tar de manera que no se a de hazer otra cosa ni
dexar de cantar por cosa ninguna y esto saluo a ora
de comer. Esta fiesta se haze en la plaça donde el rrey
bibe adonde comen espléndidamente. A las noches
hazen comedias rrepresentando las constum-
bres rritos y trajes de otras tierras vezinas suyas.
292 TRANSCRIPTION

Tienen liuertad las mugeres en estas fiestas de

qualquier estado que sean de que no les sea pedida qu-
enta de sus personas en tres dias sino que hagan lo
que quisieren dellas. La tercera fiesta es que
se ban a la orilla del mar y alli estan otros dos me-
ses pescando. Y el rrey es el primero que echa su rred
a la mar y luego los prinçipales tras el y asi por
su horden los demas. En esto se guelgan todo este
tiempo trayendo pescado para todo el año echandolo
en sus tinajas con muy poca sal. Y de esta manera lo
comen podrido. Y esto tienen por gran rregalo. Y quando
fresco lo parten muy menudo y con genxibre berde y
pimienta rrebuelta lo comen y su uino de arroz
muy fuerte encima. Y con este mantenimiento andan
muy rreçios y rrebustos [sic]. Quando el rrey se buelbe
a la çiudad se ordenan luminarias de noche y de
dia con algunas comedias y corridas en publico que
haze el rrey. Esta quando buelue el rrey es la
quarta fiesta que tienen. La quinta es que
ba el rrey a casa de elefantes que en esta tierra ay
munchos lleuando consigo los grandes y
prinçipales de su rreyno. Y en sus elefantes hen-
bras y con quinientos o seyscientos indios con sus
redes de mecates que son de cuerdas de bexuco. Y

[304v]
sercan el monte donde ellos andan. Y entran las
hembras en el lugar donde andan los elefantes
brauos los quales se uan atras ellas hasta entrar-
se en un pequeño lugar que para esto tienen ser-
cado y muy fuerte. Y alli los tienen presos algunos
dias hasta que se amansan. De esta manera cojen
grande cantidad aunque matan munchos dellos
por aprouecharse de los cormillos [sic] de marfil.
La postrera fiesta que hazen es una casa de
tigueres. Y antes que uayan a casarlos se hazen
grandes comidas y bebidas porque dizen que con
esta fiesta y alegria que ellos toman bajan
los tigueres a comer los bufanos que tienen ama-
rrados en çiertos puestos en un arbol. A estos ponen
Champa 293

sentinelas para que quando los tigueres bajen

a comer uengan a dar auiso al rrey. Y esto se
haze con muncho cuydado. Y en el punto que le uie-
ne el auiso esta el rrey aprestado con muncha
cantidad de yndios y rredes. Y haze con ellos lo que
con los elefantes sercandolos una uez y alli
los mata. Es constumbre de estos yndios que en el
ynter que andan haziendo esta casa despacha el
rrey y su muger çien yndios o mas por esos caminos
con mandato expreso de que no se bueluan sin
que traygan dos baços de oro que les dan llenos de
yel de gente la qual a de ser de su misma naçion y no
de otra. Y ellos lo cumplen como se les manda no
perdonando a ninguna persona que hallen sea chica

[305r]
o grande como ellos la puedan cojer por los cami-
nos. Y luego lo amarran a un arbol y alli le sacan
la hiel y en su lugar le meten en la herida un poco
de çacate que es la yerua de estas tierras. Echo esto
uienen al rrey y el trae ueynte o treynta tigueres
y estos matan en la çiudad echandolos a bufanos
y matandolos con açagayas. Esto se haze en una
plaça echa al proposito para esto. En esta se junta to-
da la gente de la tierra a uerlos. Al cauo de todo esto sa-
le el rrey y su muger a una rribera que tienen en la
çiudad muy linda ençima de sus elefantes y alli
se bañan y laban con esta yel de gente. Y dizen que
con esto se lauan de sus culpas y pecados y biben con
este engaño. Tienen por dioses a sus prinçipales
y antepasados a los quales piden todo lo que an me-
mester. Tienen otra constumbre ynuentada por
el mismo demonio y es que quando se muere alguna
persona prinçipal quemanla y antes dello esta
ocho u diez dias el cuerpo hasta que se le haze el a-
parato conbiniente a su estado. Quemanlo en el
campo y en muriendo que muere prenden a todos
los criados familiares de este que muere y guar-
danlos hasta el mismo dia que queman el cuerpo
del amo o de la ama y alli los echan bibos con
294 TRANSCRIPTION

el lleuando consigo todas las cosas con que aca

le seruian para que en el otro mundo les siruan. Por-
q<ue> este engaño tienen entre los demas. Echanlos
todos en una gran oguera o corral de fuego
que tienen para este efecto que son entre ellos sus
sepulcros y entierros. Otra constumbre guardan

[305v]
de arto trauajo para las mugeres y es que quando el
marido muere queman a la muger con el y por
el consiguiente todos los criados del y della. Esta
ley dizen se hizo porque las mugeres no diesen
yerua a sus maridos porque ay grandisimos e-
chisos y uellaquerias en estas tierras y grande
aparejo en el conocimiento de las yeruas que tienen
que es muncho de las quales se aprouechan para
estos efectos. Dizen que sabiendo la muger
que no a de uiuir mas de lo que bibiere su marido
que procurara su uida y rregalo y no se atreuera a
matallo como dicho tengo con yerua. Otras
munchas cosas guardan pero por euitar proliji-
dad no se esriuen por ser estas las prinçipales
de que se tiene noticia y que ellos guardan entre si.

[306r–306v, Blank]
 PART 2
Translation

∵
Ladrones 297

Illustration 1 [Professor Charles R. Boxer’s ex-libris and a copy of the description of the
Boxer Codex from the 1947 sales catalogue].
 298

Carrera de Indias and Manila Galleons

eons
Feeders and distributors
La Plata - Peru overland route
Carreira da India and extensions

London Amsterdam Alternative spice routes to Levant,

reviving 1560 and in later 17th century
Genoa
Lisbon Dutch approach to Indies 1613+
Seville Aleppo
Atlantic Ocean Basra Nagasaki
Alexandria Hormuz
Tropic of Cancer Mexico Macao
Havana Surat
Vera Cruz Aden Goa Manila
Acapulco
Cartagena Melaka
Panama Pacific Ocean
Aceh
Guayaquil
El Callao/Lima Banten
Pacific Ocean Bahia Indian Ocean
Arica
Potosí
Rio de Janeiro
Tropic of Capricorn

Buenos Aires Cape of

Valparaiso Good Hope
Translation

Map 1 On Seas and Lands: Spanish and other Europeans’ Global Connections.
 Ladrones

Illustration 2 Reception of a Manila Galleon by the Chamorro in the Ladrones Islands, ca. 1590.
299
 300

Japan
China
Pacific
Ryukyus
Tropic of Cancer
Taiwan New Spain
Mexico
Ladrones Ocean Acapulco
Manila

Philippines

ACAPULCO To Mexico City

Equator ca. 300km

LADRONES
LA 171m Farallon 379m
Maluku New Guinea MANILA del Obispo
Puerto de Acapulco
Cast. de San Diego 393m
de

Acapulco
Bataan El Grifo
Manila 92m
Manila
Gran

Mariveles Bay Apra

A 130m
Tropic of Capricorn Puerto
Cavite Harbor
H a
hic del Marquez
Boca

Corregidor caC Isla de 0 2km

Guam Bo
los Chinos
Translation

Map 2 The Pacific Ocean and the Manila Galleon: Islands, Ports and Routes.
Ladrones 301

Illustration 3 Ladrones Warrior.

302 Translation

Illustration 4 Ladrones Warrior.

 chapter 1

Island Of Ladrones

[3r]

An Account of the Island of Ladrones1

This race of people2 called Ladrones live on some islands located 400
leagues3 from Cape Espiritu Santo,4 the first islands sighted by ships5 hailing

1  Ladrones was the name of (1) an archipelago or group of some fifteen formerly volcanic
mountainous islands that form an arc extending from south of Japan, north of New Guinea,
and east of the Philippine Sea between the 12th and 21st parallels north along the 145th
meridian in the north-western Pacific Ocean; and (2) the southernmost island or end of
that archipelago, located at 13°30′0″N, 144°48′0″E, which was also known as Ladrones and
eventually became known as the Marianas. This chapter is an anonymous report, which, as
mentioned in the Introduction, reads more like an extended caption for its accompanying
fold-out illustration (Illustration 2). The author of this section on the Ladrones informs us
that it is a second-hand report, since he had neither seen nor visited them because the galleon
in which he was traveling outward from New Spain (Mexico) to the Philippines did not stop
to take on fresh water or food there in 1590. The name Ladrones literally means ‘thieves’ in
Spanish; it was used to describe the people and, subsequently, the places in the north-western
Pacific Ocean where the Chamorro people were encountered; see n. 2. The Portuguese
explorer Ferdinand Magellan led a Spanish expedition which was the first to circumnavigate
the world and which brought the first Europeans into contact with the Ladrones. Magellan’s
expedition sighted an island group and landed on one of them on 6 March 1521; they
were received by the local inhabitants, the Chamorro. In a classic and oft-repeated tale of
cultural misinterpretation, the Spanish received supplies that they understood to be gifts
and which the Chamorro thought had been traded. When the Chamorro took objects from
the Spanish as repayment, the Spanish viewed their actions as theft and conflict between
the two groups ensued. Apparently, Magellan was so impressed with the Chamorro sailing
craft, as was the author of this account (see below), that he named this island group and
island after them—hence the designation Islas de las Velas Latinas, meaning ‘Islands of the
Lateen Sails’. Ladrones became the name most commonly accepted at the time. The strategic
importance of the Ladrones resulted in Spanish colonial and Catholic missionary efforts in
these islands that centered on Guam but included the entire archipelago, which was formally
named the Marianas after Spain’s Queen Mariana of Austria in 1667. These islands remained
part of the Spanish Empire till the end of the Spanish-American War at the end of the 19th
century. For the classic study of Spanish interests and efforts in exploring the Pacific Ocean,
see Spate, Spanish Lake. For a contemporary eyewitness account of Magellan’s expedition
and its circumnavigation of the globe, see Pigafetta, First Voyage.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_025

304 Translation
2345
from Acapulco en route to these Philippine Islands.6 Ships usually take on
water in one of the ports7 of these islands—many of these ports are excellent.

2  While composing this account of the Ladrones, clearly written post-1590, our anonymous
Iberian author either did not know or chose not to provide further information on the names
for the indigenous inhabitants of those islands. It was not until the early or, more probably,
mid-17th century, after the Spanish initiated colonial control over the Marianas, that they
began to refer to all of the island’s indigenous population as Chamorros, an adaptation of
the endonym Chamoru. The Chamorros probably called themselves Tao Tao Tano (people of
the land). Primarily an Austronesian people in origin, the Chamorro language is a sub-group
of the Malayo-Polynesian language family. The Chamorros were skilled weavers, pottery-
makers and expert seafarers that migrated from South-east Asia to the north-western Pacific
several millennia before the birth of Christ. They are most closely connected to other peoples
of Austronesian origin who live to the west in the Philippines and on Taiwan and to the south
in the Carolines. For an ethnohistory of the ancient Chamorros, although clearly written for a
juvenile readership, see Cunningham, Ancient Chamorro Society.
3  For this term and others used to measure distances, see the Glossary. The author’s estimate
of the distance from Guam to the closest easterly headland in the Philippines as 400 leagues
(approximately 1,280 miles or 2,060 kilometers) is quite accurate. The actual distance from
Guam to Samar Island is approximately 1,298 miles or 2,089 kilometers.
4  After their encounter with the Chamorro in the Ladrones, Ferdinand Magellan’s expedition
sailed eastward. On 16 March 1521, the Feast Day of the Holy Spirit, they sighted the
mountainous northernmost headland of Samar Island, which formed part of an archipelago
that became known as the Philippine Islands, located at 12°24′25″N, 125°20′17″E, and
accordingly named it Cape Espiritu Santo.
5  The author of this account also alludes to the strategic and vital importance of these islands
in providing fresh water and succor to Spanish trans-Pacific commerce, communications and
colonial development efforts in the Philippines. This was effected by annually dispatching
what was for the time a rather large ship or ships, specifically a galleon or a convoy of galleons,
from the port of Acapulco, New Spain (Mexico) to Manila in the Philippines; these galleons
would then return to New Spain. This system, known as the “Manila Galleon,” operated
from 1565 until 1815 with relatively infrequent but spectacularly rich losses, as galleons were
either captured as a result of naval actions with Spain’s imperial enemies or shipwrecked
because of typhoons and the treacherous physical geography (reefs and atolls) of the Pacific
Ocean. The Ladrones Islands (later known as the Marianas) and Guam in particular provided
fundamental support for this system. See Map 2 for the outbound and return routes of the
Manila Galleon from the New World to the Philippine Islands, which comes from the map
of it on the frontispiece and back-piece of Spate, Spanish Lake; the insert of Acapulco also
follows Spate, Spanish Lake, 216. For further discussion, see Schurz, Manila Galleon, which,
while dated, remains unsurpassed.
6  An archipelago comprising 7,107 islands located between 116°40′-126°34′E and 4°40′-21°10′N.
The Philippines are today a sovereign nation-state with Manila as the capital (see p. 397, n. 4).
They are divided into three broad geographical categories: Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao.
The Philippines are surrounded on the south-west by a few hundred kilometer stretch of
Ladrones 305
7
And if the ships fail to do so, as happened during this voyage in the year [15]90
because there was no lack of water (ships only come to port for that reason),
the Ladrones row two or three leagues out to sea in small boats8 so narrow
that they are less than two and a half spans9 wide and half a span high.10 The
accompanying drawing contains accurate depictions of these boats,11 with
bamboo counterweights on both sides to prevent them from capsizing. But
capsizing does not bother them because these people are like fish in the water:

the Sulu Sea, on the south-west by the island of Borneo, on the north via the Luzon Strait
by by the island of Taiwan, on the west by the South China Sea and Vietnam, on the south
by south-west by the Celebes Sea and Maluku Islands (Moluccas) and Sulawesi (Celebes),
and on the east by the Philippine Sea and Palau, an island in the Western Pacific Ocean
which is part of Micronesia. There were a number of polities and state systems present at
the end of the 16th century on the island as the MS discusses in varying degrees of detail
and focus. Magellan’s expedition of 1521 was the first Spanish encounter with the islands.
Because of Spanish interest in spices and in its defense of its imperial claims vis-à-vis
the Portuguese, their contacts with the Philippines intensified. They referred to them as
Islas del Poniente (Islands of the West), a practice which would continue informally and
even appears in the MS, although during the expedition or Ruy López de Villalobos to
the islands of Leyte and Samar in 1542, they were officially re-named the Philippines in
honor of the Prince of Asturias, the future King Philip II of Spain.
7  The unnamed port mentioned here is most probably Apra Harbor on Guam, although
there are other acceptable harbors and anchorages found among the other islands.
8  The small boats referred to in this passage are really outriggers, a type of canoe whose dis-
tinguishing feature is one or more lateral support floats fastened to one or both sides of an
unballasted hull. Such boats are known as bangka in the Philippines (see p. 381, n. 51) and
jukung in Indonesia. Double-hulled outriggers are known as catamarans, while those with
a single hull with floats on both sides are called trimarans. Outriggers enjoyed a long tra-
dition throughout Oceania, for several reasons. First, the distance between their hulls as
against the shape of each individual hull provided them with an increased hydrodynamic
efficiency and stability that allowed for lengthy voyages. Their very shallow draughts
also led to reduced drag on the water, permitting faster speeds. Additionally, they could
be paddled and sailed in rougher water than a single-hulled canoe. Furthermore, the
absence of ballast was an added safety feature because upturned outriggers or catama-
rans were less likely to sink. Finally, outriggers sailed extraordinarily close to the wind
when equipped with lateen sails (see p. 306, n. 13). Although it is believed that there was
no diffusion of technology between Oceania and South Asia, there is a heritage of simi-
larly designed canoes among the Dravidian peoples of South Asia.
9  Approximately 1.8 feet or 55 centimeters.
10  Approximately 21 inches or 53 centimeters wide by 4 inches or 10 centimeters high.
11  I.e., in Illustration 2. This is one of three instances where the text of the MS makes refer-
ence to the accompanying illustrations. MS: Son de la forma que ay ban pintados. Driver,
103, has “Above the water line they are painted in their own unique way.”
306 Translation

if a boat does happen to take on water, an Indian12 dives into the water and
bails it out with half a coconut that he uses like a bowl, or he may use a small
shovel that they row with.
The boats carry lateen13 sails made from palm reed petates,14 the sort of sails
used extensively in these parts. They are fashioned by Moors,15 especially those
from Borneo16 and Ternate,17 with many colors and delightful designs, making

12  MS: indio; due to Columbus’s error in supposing he had discovered Asia, early-modern
Europeans called the lands of South and South-east Asia the East Indies in distinction
to the so-called West Indies; consequently, the peoples of South and South-east Asia
were referred to as “Indians” even as late as the 19th century, although this term usually
excluded Muslims.
13  Also known as a Latin-rig, the lateen is the earliest fore-and-aft sail. It was triangular in
shape, mounted at the middle or toward the top of the mast and angled so as to permit
it to extend far above and aft of the mast; it also reached forward and downward nearly
to the deck. Since its free corner was secured near the stern of the vessel, it could take
the wind on either side, thus enabling the vessel to tack into the wind. Because square
sails only permit sailing large, or sailing before the wind, the introduction of the lateen
sail greatly enhanced the potential of the sailing ship. While debate continues regarding
its diffusion, the lateen sail arose autonomously in three different regions of the world
(the Mediterranean-Atlantic Ocean, Indian Ocean and the Oceanic or Pacific Ocean) well
before the Manila Galleon began to make its trans-Pacific voyages. Their descriptions and
illustrations in the MS form some of our earliest historical evidence of them in Oceania.
See Campbell, “The Lateen Sail.”
14  A Nahuatlism, meaning ‘a mat woven with fibers obtained from the leaves of the petate
palm (Thrinax radiata)’.
15  MS: moros. While this designation originally referred to residents of Mauretania, north-
ern Africa, among Iberians it became a generic designation for Muslims. It was also used
by Iberians in the Philippine Islands in reference to certain indigenous peoples of the
Mindanao region, as well as to other native peoples on Panay, Cebu and even around
Manila who had embraced Islam; the Iberian term, as well as the neologism Bangsamoro
(old Malay for ‘nation of Moros’) is used today as both an endonymn and an exonym for
these peoples. In this work we shall thus distinguish between “Moors” and “Moros.” See
Y&B, 581–583 s.v. Moor.
16  MS: burneys; elsewhere burneyes, burneyas; in the MS Borneo is rendered Burney.
Borneo is the largest island in Asia and the third largest in the world. It is situated in
the Indonesian Archipelago, north of Java, west of Sulawesi and east of Sumatra, with
the Malay Peninsula to the west and the Philippines to the north-east; it is surrounded
to the north and north-west by the South China Sea, to the north-east by the Sulu Sea,
to the east by the Celebes Sea and Makassar Strait, and to the south by the Java Sea and
the Karimata Strait. Its approximate center is 1°0′0″N, 114°0′0″E. See Lagoa, I, 121, 127 s.v.
Borneu, Bornéo, Borney, Bruné, Bruney, Brunay; and Y&B, 107 s.v. Borneo. Today, the island
is divided among three nation-states (the approximate total percentage of the island’s
land area are given in parentheses): Indonesia (73%), Malaysia (26%), and Brunei (1%).
Ladrones 307
17
them quite charming. These boats are so swift they can travel two or three
leagues from port, drawing nigh to a ship in an instant, even if she is already
under sail. And their manner of navigation is peculiar in one other respect:
they can sail no matter which way or how strong the wind blows, adjusting
their sails to steer any direction they want. These vessels are more like very
tamed and disciplined horses than boats. So many of them head out to encoun-
ter large sailing vessels that they positively cover [3v] the sea; it seems they had
sprouted on the water.18
They come out to the ships to trade for iron,19 because it is gold to them. In
fact, they value it even more than gold, employing it in all their farming and
threshing. They bring out many coconuts and delicious fresh water, along with
fish caught on a hook and rice prepared according to their custom. Wrapping
all of these things in leaves, they throw them aboard to the ship in exchange
for iron. They also bring fruit, such as bananas20 and other kinds that we had

As already mentioned, there were a number of polities and state systems on the island at
the close of the 16th century; these are mentioned in the MS to varying degrees of detail
and focus. The MS focuses on the Islamized sultanates present on the northern (Brunei)
and south-eastern (Banjarmasin) coasts with riverine locations and access to the interior.
The non-Islamized polities and Dayak peoples on other parts of the island (for example,
toward West Kalimantan) are not mentioned.
17  MS: Terrenate; elsewhere Ternate, an island situated off the west coast of Halmahera, a
larger neighboring island, in the Maluku Islands (Moluccas) in the eastern Indonesian
Archipelago, located at 0°47′0″N, 127°22′0″E. Ternate and another neighboring island,
Tidore, are both visually and dramatically cone-shaped. At the time of the composi-
tion of the MS, Ternate and Tidore were the world’s single major producers of cloves.
Ternate also refers to a powerful and wealthy polity and sultanate found at this location
that bitterly contested and rivaled the sultanate of Tidore for regional political and eco-
nomic dominance in the Maluku Islands, which were also called the “Spice Islands.” In
general, Ternate was the more successful of these two sultanates in projecting its local
and regional power, while simultaneously contesting and maintaining relationships with
both Spain and Portugal prior to the union of the Portuguese and Spanish Crowns in 1580
and prior to the arrival of two other European powers (the Dutch East India Company
and the English East India Company) in the region during the early 17th century.
18  MS: o quella los brota. Driver, 104, has “The sea tosses them about,” mistaking brota for
bota.
19  MS: Su benida es a rrescatar hierro; Driver, 104, has “the islanders board the ship to fetch
iron.”
20  MS: plantanos, elsewhere platanos; lit. ‘plantains’. In the Ribeiro Gaio section, we find
figueira in the Portuguese (see SA&M, 62), undoubtedly representing figo da India
(lit. ‘Indian fig’) where the Spanish has plantano, proof that the latter is used to represent
‘banana’. See Y&B, 715 s.v. plantain.
308 Translation

never seen before. After arriving within a stone’s throw21 of us, they stand up
and shout arrepeke, arrepeke, which, according to some people, means ‘friends,
friends’, and according to others, ‘put away your harquebuses’.22 Whatever the
meaning, they shout arrepeke. In their hands they carry large gourds filled with
water and coconuts or fish. In short, each one displays a sample of what he has
to offer.
As soon as they draw near, they tack with extraordinary speed and dexter-
ity. Upon catching sight of iron, they come close and offer to trade everything
they have for it. They tie one end of their boat to the stern of the ship to facili-
tate a trade. And from the stern, or from other parts of the ship, the people
throw them lots of old nails and broken cask hoops. This whole scene is quite
something to behold: they grab onto the rope that the iron is tied to and then,
slicing through it with their teeth as if it were butter,23 they tie the coconuts or
whatever is being requested of them using hand signals. Something especially
peculiar, considering how much they lust after iron, is that they give no more
for a big piece than for a small one. This was proven out during our encounter.
And if a chunk of iron is tossed into the sea, they are such great divers and
swimmers that before it sinks too far, they retrieve it and return to their boat.
This is exactly what one of them did—as soon as the iron was thrown to him,
he lowered his sail and threw it [4r] into the water; he then dived in after it and
grabbed the iron. He next climbed back into his boat and brought in the sail,
which was so wet and big that it seemed that three or four men would have

21  In this and in other passages throughout the MS, the authors express a number of appar-
ently imprecise measurements of distance in terms of the propelling of a projectile:
“a stone’s throw” and “a spear’s throw;” or the physical instrument responsible for launch-
ing an object: “a camelete shot,” “a crossbow shot,” “a falcon shot,” “a harquebus shot” and
“a Lombard shot.” This practice is observed in other contemporary manuscripts and pub-
lished works by Iberian authors, some of which provide internal textual evidence that
links potentially imprecise and variable expressions to exact measurements of distance.
However, no contextual data appears in the MS that might clarify or provide precise mea-
surements in relation to the above-mentioned phrases. Consequently, we have grouped
those entries and their treatment in our Glossary and note them individually as they
appear in the translation.
22  The harquebus was a mid-15th century Spanish invention that was later superseded by
the larger musket during the mid-16th century. It was a smoothbore matchlock gun fired
from the shoulder with a variable sized bore and a stock that came to be used by rifles.
Present-day experts estimate that its effective range was less than 650 feet or 200 meters.
The term appears to derive from the German for ‘hooked gun’. Both harquebuses and
muskets appear in the MS, and while the harquebus was smaller, both guns were often
fired from a support or hook designed to transfer the weapon’s recoil.
23  MS: un rabano, lit. ‘a radish’; this is a common Spanish idiom.
Ladrones 309

been necessary to raise it. Yet he brought it in all by himself with great ease
and raised it up, and without trading for any more iron, returned to his place.
We wanted to know if they were acquainted with our weaponry, so I took a
naked sword and made as if to throw it, and as soon as they saw it they let out
a great shriek at the top of their lungs—all of them wanted me to throw it, but
each one wanted it for himself, and so they made gestures indicating that they
would offer all their water, fruit, fish and more for it. One of them who wanted
it very badly brought up a lot of his petates and several exquisite small chests
and offered the lot to me. In the end they went away empty-handed, but twice
more they came back with the same desire, offering to trade what they had.
All this was clear evidence of their intense longing for the sword and also for
an old knife that one of them had received in a trade and which they fought
over. Finally, the one who took it ended up with it; by his appearance he must
have been their main leader and their greatest warrior, and even the shrewd-
est, judging by the things he sought to trade for. He danced around with it and
waved it around in the air, apparently in order to entice them to buy it from
him by convincing them that it was good and valuable.
They are quite thick-set with large and stout limbs, which are proof and
evidence of their great strength, of which they are certainly possessed, con-
sidering what the Spaniards who were anchored at one of these islands for
six months have seen them do.24 Several times they attacked the Spaniards
without inflicting any harm on them, though they themselves suffered some as
they threw themselves onto the mouths of the harquebuses; only after several
fell did it give them some pause as they began to realize what they were. [4v]
But getting back to the topic of their strength, this is a people who can take a
green or dry coconut with a shell four fingers25 thick (or a little less), so densely
woven that one must split it with a hatchet if it is dry, dealing several blows to
it in order to remove just the shell. And yet they swear that they can split them
with just one blow, which they do by striking them against their heads.26 It is
also reported that while they were trading with Spaniards on land, one of these
Indians stepped away from or got ahead of the rest, and three men wrapped

24  The reference may be to the San Pablo, which was forced by a typhoon to stop for an
extended period in the Marianas in 1568; see B&R, 3:33.
25  Approximately 2.6 inches or 6.6 centimeters.
26  MS: . . . es menester si es seco partillo con una acha y le dan artos golpes antes que le desnu-
dan de solo la corteça. Y ellos de una puñada me afirman le parten todo y dan con el en la
cauesa y hazen lo mismo; Driver, 105, has “it is necessary, when dry, to open it with an axe,
yet they [simply] whack it several times before removing the husk. Then, I am told, with a
single fisticuff, they break it apart—or bang it on their head to accomplish the same thing.”
310 Translation

their arms around him in order to seize him and take him away with them. And
he grabbed them and ran away, dragging them with him. Harquebusiers had
to come to their aid,27 and he finally let them go. Nothing more need be said
about their strength.
As I have said, they are much larger in stature than are we. They are men
with very well-shaped bodies, and even better legs; all of the Indians of this
land have been favored in this way. Their faces are wide and flat, though of
pleasant appearance, notwithstanding these people are very dark. Their
mouths are quite large, and they file their teeth down so they are as sharp as
dog teeth, if not sharper, tinting them with a permanent red stain so that none
of them will fall out, even in old age. Others color their teeth black, the stain
having the same property as the red. The Moros of this land [the Philippines]
do the same thing.28 They wear their hair very long. Some wear it loose, while
others knot it in the back. Neither the men nor the women wear a stitch of
clothing, or anything else. They go about exactly how they came into the world.
They bear few arms, nothing more than their bows and arrows tipped with
fish bone and a few small throwing javelins, to which they attach a very stiff
point half a geme29 wide made of fish bone; the javelins have very strong fire-
hardened shafts. They use slings which they shoot with great force, and they
wear bags full of stones for this purpose. It is unknown if they have other weap-
ons apart from some crude knives or other things made from the iron they
obtain through trading.

27  MS: para que los soltase fue menester acudiesen otros con arcabuces; Driver, 105, has “it was
necessary for others to threaten him from above with arcabuces.”
28  MS: Y esto hazen tanbien los moros desta tierra; Driver, 105, has “The moros of another land
also do this.” Tooth sharpening and staining were two extreme forms of body modifica-
tion practiced by the Chamorro. It has been suggested elsewhere that they also practiced
tooth etching, but the author of the present passage does not mention it. None of these
practices were unique or peculiar to the Chamorro or to other peoples of Oceania; in
fact all of them were relatively widespread in Asia, especially in East Asia (e.g., ancient
China and Japan), parts of South-east Asia, the Americas and in other parts of the world.
These practices were normally performed for spiritual purposes and as rites of passage;
aesthetic considerations in some cases appear to have been a more recent phenomenon.
Filing was the more common method of sharpening teeth, although for example on
Sumatra other blunt instruments could be employed to chisel or etch the teeth of female
Mentawaians. While the staining of teeth was the consequence of chewing betel, addi-
tional processes using other dyeing agents did occur, especially in producing colors other
than red. It has also been suggested that the practice was beneficial, as our author reports,
since tooth stain acted as a sealant and prevented tooth decay. For an account of how the
Moros viewed and practiced teeth staining, see p. 364.
29  Approximately 1.25 inches or 3.18 centimeters.
Ladrones 311

Something quite odd is said about these islands, namely that no animals of
any kind are found on them, harmful or useful, nor are there any fowls or birds.
We did not witness this firsthand because we did not lay anchor there, but
those who spent time there declare it to be so.
This is what is known at this time regarding the people of these islands,
called Ladrones.
312 Translation

Illustration 5 Cagayan Woman.

Cagayans 313

Illustration 6 Cagayan Warrior.

314 Translation

Nueva Segovia

Sierra Me r a C entral
Cagayan

e
adr
Lingayen Cagayan River
Gulf
ll
rdi
Co

South China Philippine Sea

Sea
Luzon
Zambales
Manila
Subic Bay

Mindoro

Samar
Romblon

Visayas
Panay Leyte

Cebu
Mactan

Palawan Negros Bohol

Sulu Sea

Mindanao

Jolo

  .LORPHWHUV

Map 3 Philippine Islands

 chapter 2

Cagayans

[9r]

Description of the Land of the Province of Cagayan and its State,

the Manner of Dress of the Natives, their Customs and their Rivers
and Streams,1 is as Follows2

At the mouth of the Tajo River,3 the biggest in this province, lies the Spanish
settlement called the City of Segovia.4 This river runs north and south, rising
from its source 60 leagues away, and on its banks are numerous communities of
Indians. And on the banks of this river are many Indian villages. Many streams
feed into this river, on the banks of which there also reside a good number of
Indians. And there are some streams which require four or five days’ travel in

1  M S: esteros; this word usually denotes a lagoon, but throughout the MS it clearly refers to
rivulets or streams.
2  This second section is also anonymous and undated, although there is strong evidence that
it was written post-1581 and most probably later. It deals with Cagayan—the northernmost
region on the island of Luzon, which is the largest island in the Philippines. For a map of the
Philippines, see Map 3. Luzon is also the name of one of the three primary island groups
that form the archipelago, the other two being the Visayas and Mindanao. At this time, the
Spanish envisioned Cagayan as the region of Luzon between the Cordilleras and the Sierra
Madre mountain ranges and equated it with the valley of the eponymous Cagayan River
(see below), the country’s longest, which runs through its center and in the north flows and
empties into the Luzon Strait, the body of water that connects the Philippine Sea to the
South China Sea in the western Pacific Ocean. The Spanish sent an expeditionary force in
1581 to explore the region, convert indigenous inhabitants (which included Negritos, see
below) to Catholicism, and establish ecclesiastical missions and towns throughout the val-
ley with the objective of securing Manila and developing agricultural and mineral resources
for the colony. Today, however, Cagayan is one of five provinces that form the same region
in the early Spanish colonial period. While not all of the regions on Luzon are discussed in
the MS, it may be generally construed that the second and third sections deal with the entire
island.
3  The Cagayan River, located on Luzon; the Spaniards called it the Tajo after the Iberian river.
Each is, respectively, the longest river on Luzon and on the Iberian Peninsula.
4  Nueva Segovia, capital of the Cagayan province, present-day Lal-Lo, Luzon; it was founded in
1585 by Juan Pablo de Carrión and named after Segovia, Spain, his native city.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_026

316 Translation

barotos5 to reach the Indian villages. On the banks of the great river and these
streams they grow great quantities of rice, maize,6 sweet potatoes7 and yams,8
which are their food and sustenance. Upcountry from the streams in the sheer
mountains9 live a great number of Negritos,10 who subsist on sweet potatoes,

5   Tagalog for ‘dugout canoes’; see Scott, Barangay, 62.

6   MS: borona; maize (Zea mays), also known as corn, is the large grain plant that was
domesticated in Mesoamerica and which between 1492 and the 1550s spread throughout
the world, including the Philippines.
7   MS: barotes; a large, starchy, sweet-tasting tuberous root vegetable from a plant (Ipomoea
batatas) that originated and was domesticated in the New World (Central or South
America) and, like corn, spread throughout the globe after 1492. It is only distantly related
to the potato (Solanum tuberosum). See Y&B, 886 s.v. sweet potato.
8   MS: autia, modern Spanish yautía. Yam is the common name for an edible, starchy, versatile
tuber from some plant species in the genus Dioscorea (family Dioscoreaceae), which origi-
nated and were domesticated in Africa, Asia, Latin America, the Caribbean and Oceania.
Although there are many cultivars of yam, it is probable that the MS is referring to one or
more of the three most commonly found in South-east Asia and China: the Dioscorea alata
(known as ube in the Philippines); Dioscorea esculenta (one of the first cultivated yam
species, native to South-east Asia as is the alata); and Dioscorea opposita (native to China).
The yam should not be confused with sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas), which belongs to
the totally unrelated morning glory family Convolvulaceae.
9   MS: Apartados de los esteros en las montañas agrias; Q&G have “Isolated by the streams in
the harsh mountains.” The mountain range mentioned is the Cordillera Central.
10  MS: negros, elsewhere negrillos; we assume these to be the aboriginal inhabitants of the
Philippine Archipelago. Today they comprise twenty-five widely scattered ethnolinguistic
groups totaling a very small number and located on the following major islands: Luzon,
Palawan, Panay, Negros, Cebu and Mindanao. As suggested by the Spanish term negritos,
lit. ‘little blacks’, these people are Negroid in appearance; however, the currently accepted
theory is that they are descendants of groups of Homo sapiens who migrated from main-
land South-east Asia to the Philippines during the Upper Pleistocene (some 25,000 years
ago) and subsequently developed their phenotypic traits in situ. They are dark skinned,
have kinky hair and are small in stature. Their present-day average height and weight
are, for men, 60 inches (153 centimeters) and 99 pounds (45 kilograms), and for women,
56 inches (144 centimeters) and 84 pounds (38 kilograms). They were and remain today
animistic nomadic hunter-gatherers who speak Austronesian languages, as do all indig-
enous peoples from the Philippines. Since this section of the MS treats the province of
Cagayan, and although the peoples in question are referred to as Negritos, which they still
are today, they were most probably from the Aeta or Agta, which represents eight of the
twenty-five ethnolinguistic groups where Negritos live and which are located towards the
eastern side of Luzon between 14°-19°N and 121°-123°E. Like all Negritos, they have suf-
fered a severe decline in number from the time of the composition of the MS. See Scott,
Barangay, 252–256.
Cagayans 317

yams and other wild fruit, as well as on betel,11 which is a highly valued plant
throughout the province and a important source of nourishment.
The entire province is very fertile, having numerous high and bare hills12
and several plains and marshes13 where a great deal of rice is planted in the
summer. They have a winter, which is from the first of October to the end of
February. The north wind prevails during this season, which makes it impos-
sible to sail along the coast of this province because of the contrary winds and
the rough seas. During this season the river overflows onto the plains, causing
general damage to the rice paddies, but also trapping buffalo and deer.14
The natives possess great quantities of gold. There are reports of numerous
goldmines15 in the mountains that they do not want to reveal to the Spaniards
because the latter would appropriate them. They also possess stones called
bulagani16 and bahandi17 which they value very highly; these are gems worn by
women. It has not been determined, nor can they explain, if these stones are

11  MS: buyos; betel (Piper betle) is the leaf of a vine found in South and South-east Asia that
belongs to the Piperaceae family, which also includes pepper and cava. It is consumed
by chewing, creating a quid, to which are added the areca nut and slaked lime, and at
times tobacco. It is known to have medicinal properties, being a mild stimulant that may
induce euphoria with the potential of becoming addictive. See Y&B, 89 s.v. betel; and Y&B,
689 s.v. pawn. For the practice of betel chewing transitioning to tobacco smoking, see
Reid, “Betel chewing,” 529–547; and for the subsequent transition from tobacco chewing
to opium chewing to opium smoking, which originated with the use of betel, see Souza,
“Developing habits,” 39–56.
12  MS: munchos altos serros pelados; Q&G have munchos altos serros peleaos, which they
translate as “many warlike mountaineers,” apparently mistaking pelados for peleados, lit.
‘fought, battled’.
13  MS: sienegas, for modern Spanish ciénagas; Q&G have “valleys.”
14  MS: Ay en este tiempo en el rrio munchas avenidas que por los llanos la venida del suele
hazer daños en los arrozes y trae munchas vezes con las avenidas los bufanos y benados
que coxe. Q&G mistakenly transcribe arrozes as arrodes; their translation of this sentence
reads “At this time there are many paths to the river from the plains, passage through
which the knees are usually hurt and [illegible]. Many times buffalos [sic] and deer are
caught in these paths.”
15  For a thorough discussion of the Igorot goldmines and how the Cagayans hid them from
the Spaniards, see Scott, Discovery of the Igorots, 9 and 39.
16  Elsewhere in the MS bulacanes.
17  MS: bulaganes y bahandines; Q&G cannot identify bulagani, but bahandi means ‘trea-
sures’ in Tagalog and ‘wealth’ in Cebuano; for Encarnación, writing in 1885, bahandi
meant in Visayan ‘jewelry, furniture, property, golden jewels and silver’; see DBE, Part 2,
35. According to Jocano, bahandin were the sections of certain houses where valuables
were kept; see Jocano, Philippine Prehistory, 164.
318 Translation

gotten from mines18 [9v] or just where they are found, but everyone says they
are inherited from their ancestors and so are highly valued and greatly prized.
They are black with white rings.19
The customary clothing worn by men are bahagi20 and wide, long black
pieces of cloth that reach to mid-thigh. Most of the natives go about naked.21
There is a stream called Delobo22 where the people wear bahagi made from
the dried bark of a tree,23 and on their heads they wear a band of the same
bark. This is the same attire used in mourning throughout this country, except
by those mentioned above for whom it is their everyday apparel.24 While in
mourning they do not eat rice or drink wine, eating only eat maize, sweet pota-
toes and other plants. They wear their hair long, shoulder-length, and short in
the front to the temples, and sport wreaths of fragrant herbs on their heads.
Their weapons are lances and a pavise25 one fathom long and three quarters
of a fathom wide.26 They wear dyed quilted armor and a helmet-like cap and
sport daggers more than eight fingers wide and one and a half spans long,27
with ebony28 tips, with which they can lop off a head with one stroke. Others
use bows and arrows, although most of these archers are Negritos. The arrows

18  MS: si las sacan de mina; Q&G were unable to transcribe or translate this phrase.
19  MS: a çercos; Q&G transcribe this as part of the next sentence, Acercos de su traje . . .,
confusing a çercos with acerca de.
20  MS: bahaques; Tagalog bahag means ‘loin cloth’.
21  MS: La mayor parte de los naturales andan en cueros; Q&G have “The majority of the
natives use leather soles.”
22  MS: que se dize delobo. Q&G parse this phrase as que se dize de lobo, apparently meaning
‘which is called of the wolf’. Perhaps because there are no wolves native to the Philippines
they translate it simply as “there is a creek where people live.”
23  Bark cloth is a versatile fabric that was commonly found in Asia, Africa, and the Pacific
before and during the time period the MS was written; it was made by retting and beating
the bark of certain trees (primarily from the Moraceae family).
24  MS: Y este mismo traje tienen por luto toda la tierra sino estos de arriba que es su uso hordi-
nario; Q&G have “This same apparel they have for mourning. All the people, except those
mentioned above, ordinarily use this dress.”
25  A long, oblong shield; see OED s.v. pavise.
26  According to the common use of fathom during this time period, these dimensions are
approximately 5.78 feet or 1.76 meters long by 4.34 feet or 1.32 meters wide, which are
improbably too great.
27  Approximately 1 foot or 0.3 meter square.
28  A dense or heavy, deep black and valuable hardwood from different species in the genus
Diospyros found in Africa (Gabon) and Asia (Mauritius, southern India, Sri Lanka and
Indonesia) that is prized for its finely textured, luxuriant, smooth finish and grain, which
Cagayans 319

are laced with so much poison29 that if they draw just one drop of blood30 the
victim will die very quickly unless an antidote is administered. The Indians of
Purrao,31 which is near the source of the Tajo River, use cured buffalo hides for
arms—cuirasses,32 helmets and pavises—, which are strong and impenetrable
and which they use in their wars. In this province one village fights against
another,33 and they do not take anybody alive, even women and children, but
cut off their heads.
Each village has a chief who is obeyed and respected, and most of these are
courageous Indians who because of their feats have become lords over the oth-
ers, [10r] who obey them. They are inclined to steal each other’s gold and to cut
off a head; they are a very treacherous and cruel people. All their feasts are rev-
els. They solemnize every feast by drinking to the point of intoxication, which
is when they begin quarreling and end up killing each other. And then they
hatch treacherous plots to go and steal gold from the chief of whichever village
strikes their fancy and to take the heads from its Indian men and women.
They worship the devil, to whom they pray. They describe him how they
imagine him to be,34 and his usual name is anito.35 They also have a bird called

properties make it a prized ornamental wood. The handle of the dagger mentioned here
was most likely made from Makassar ebony (Diospyros celebica).
29  MS: yerba, lit. ‘herb’; according to DA, 152 s.v. hierba, this word could also mean ‘poison’
because so many herbs are poisonous.
30  MS: Tienen muncha yerba que en sacando una gota de sangre morira con muncha brevedad;
Q&G have “They have many herbs, a drop of which in the blood would cause quick death.”
31  Unkown location. The language of the MS (naçimiento, lit. ‘birth’) confirms that this vil-
lage was in the interior towards the source of the river. Q&G, 392, conjecture this this
might be Aparri at the mouth of the Cagayan, but it is extremely difficult to construe
naçimiento as denoting the mouth of a river.
32  MS: coseletes; according to the OED s.v. curiass: “A piece of armour for the body (originally
of leather); spec. a piece reaching down to the waist, and consisting of a breast-plate and
a back-plate, buckled or otherwise fastened together.”
33  MS: tienen guerras unos lugares con otros; Q&G have “the people have wars, one against
the other.”
34  MS: y de la figura que se les aparece lo pintan; Q&G have “painting it in the form in which
it appears to them.”
35  Anitos originally referred to the spirits of dead ancestors, but with time the notion
expanded to include gods or divinities; lower ranking evil or beneficent spirits; idols;
the souls of dead human beings; and even a set of common religious ideas, symbols and
events; see Kroeber, Peoples, 175–184; Gagelonia, Filipinos, 343–344; Scott, Barangay, 83;
Jocano, Philippine Prehistory, 217–218; and Brewer, Shamanism, 85.
320 Translation

a bantay,36 and whenever they leave their village, even when on business,
if it sings to them from the left side of the river or stream, they return home
and abandon their journey in the belief 37 that this is a bad omen. The same
holds with a grey heron38 if it rises on the right side of the river or road they
are traveling on and alights on the left; but if it flies in the opposite direction,
they go merrily on their way, especially if they are going to war, believing they
will emerge victorious. And if they are victorious and return with plunder or
with heads of their enemies, they celebrate this too with drinking while ring-
ing some bells of theirs while some dance and others drink, including women,
with everyone celebrating the victory feast by putting many yellow quills of
gold on their wreaths—these are worn by the brave Indians who have taken
heads. These celebratory dances and revels generally last at least two or
three days.
The maganitos39 they celebrate, which is their form of worship, is cruel.
They do what some old women and Indians dressed as women40 order them
to do. When they want their anito to tell them what will come to pass, they
[the priests] order that a number of saucers filled with rice, crabs, oil, water
and green herbs be collected and placed in a room or bedroom, in addition
to other items they ask for, and that all of this be cooked and mixed together.
If the [mag]anito [10v] is held for a sick person, they lay him down with
his children surrounding him and sing and dance with a shawl in their hands,
gesticulating wildly; they are aided by other native women who do nothing
more than dance and return to their places. And the mistress of this ceremony
stays at the side of the sick person and talks to herself, making many gestures,
almost in a trance;41 she then comes to and approaches the sick person and
anoints his head and other parts of his body with oil, telling him that the anito
will give him health. Once the [mag]anito is finished, the sick person partakes
of the food in the saucers, together with his children and the other members
of his household, and their neighbors come asking for the leftovers as if it
were blessed bread. And when the maganito is not for a sick person, but for

36  Q&G, 393, note that the word bantay means ‘guard’ or ‘sentinel’ in most of the major
Philippine languages; it was given to this bird “because of its habit of being invariably
found around human habitations or settlements.”
37  MS: teniendolo, which Q&G read as temiendolo and accordingly translate as “fearing.”
38  MS: garça parda (Ardea cinerea), native to Europe and Asia, including Luzon.
39  Maganitos were rituals in which sacrifices were performed for anitos; the author of this
section of the MS occasionally confuses the two terms; see Q&G, 393–394.
40  This is a reference to katalungan and bayog, respectively; see pp. 358 and 374.
41  MS: traspuesta; Q&G parse this has tras puesta, rendering it “falters.”
Cagayans 321

a betrothal or harvest, each man wears all the gold and precious gems he pos-
sesses, and the women bedeck themselves with all their jewelry. They hold their
wedding gatherings in the groom’s house or in the house of the father-in-law.
And they also celebrate a gathering for the planting42 in a house43 that is
specially designated for this purpose. It begins with eating and drinking and
the ringing of bells and the making of other music while the women and young
people dance; they continue singing and dancing for the duration of the feast,
which is 20 or 30 days. And the dancing never ceases; as soon as one group gets
tired another one takes its place. All the while the other important people and
valiant Indians eat and drink until they fall down drunk, at which point they
are carried home on the backs of their slaves or wives to sleep it off. When they
regain consciousness, they return to the celebration at the house and get drunk
again. And after all this has happened during the time of the maganito, the old
mistress takes some red beads44 and gives them to the chief and the valiant
Indians and their wives, who value them very highly, and keep them as we do
our blessed45 beads. And the dishes, saucers and pots that were used in this
maganito are broken and thrown out of the house, for they do not want anyone
to use them.46 The next day those who will be planting the fields [11r] head off
for the paddies and set themselves to the task of cultivating them.47
If the celebration is a wedding, the man gives arras48 to the woman who is
to be his wife, which she keeps from that time forward, with the condition that
if she is responsible for the breakup of the marriage, she must return to him
everything he has given her. But if he is responsible for the breakup, she keeps
the entire dowry. As a rule the husband gives the wife a dowry, and if he does
not, they do not marry. It is also customary for them to marry and to divorce
as they please.

42  MS: simenteras; Q&G have “harvest.”

43  MS: en una, referring back to una casa; Q&G have “on a field.”
44  MS: cuentas; Q&G have “necklaces.”
45  MS: las benditas; Q&G parse this passage incorrectly, thinking benditas ‘blessed’ refers to
the eating ware mentioned in the following sentence.
46  MS: no quieren que nadie se sirva dellas; Q&G have “as they do not want anybody to be
served from them.”
47  MS: Y luego otro dia como salen de alli los que an de hazer simenteras acuden a ellas y ponen
por obra y las cultivan; Q&G have “Later, on another day, as those who have to work in the
fields leave, others come to cultivate the place.”
48  A ceremonial wedding practice commonly found in Spain and Hispanic societies whereby
thirteen coins are presented by the groom to the bride as a symbol of his commitment to
provide for her and make his wealth hers.
322 Translation

What they do when a child is born is they take it to the river and wash it;
the mother also washes herself. The child’s49 umbilical cord is cut, thoroughly
washed and set out to dry; it is then presented to the father for safekeeping. He
receives it and places it in a bag containing small pieces of gold. When boys
turn eight years old they are taught to shoot with a bow and arrow, or to wield
a lance and a pavise,50 and over time they become excellent archers. And if a
chief has a young son, he tries to bring him a boy or a [grown] Indian from the
wars he goes off to so that he can cut their heads off 51 and thus cultivate in him
a taste for it.
They are a very jealous people and they kill their wives if they are found
with other Indian men, and on this account wars are sometimes waged among
them, leading to numerous deaths.

The Following are their Burial Customs52

The deceased wear a string53 of bahandi and bulagani, five large and the rest of
average size; the bulagani are of very high quality.
Five strings of bulagani and bahandi of many kinds are wrapped around the
belly.
Earrings that usually weigh fifteen taels54 of gold.
A choker of beaten gold which is said to weigh two taels.
They wear55 a piece of black cloth on their bellies and chests with many
golden lions and other embroidered figures, all of high value.
Some small golden sticks with feathers, usually with a dagger at the tip like
when they go to war, all of gold and of great value.

49  MS: criatura; Q&G have here and elsewhere “creature.”

50  MS: paves; Q&G have “spears.”
51  MS: Y si algun prinçipal tiene algun hijo pequeño procura en las guerras donde el ba traelle
vn muchacho o yndio para que les corte las caveças; Q&G have “If a chief has a small boy, it
is brought to war by a servant or Indian to cut off heads.”
52  We concur with Q&G, 396; the following section on Cagayan burial customs appears to be
an outline that was intended to be fleshed out.
53  MS: sarta; Q&G have “set.”
54  MS: taes; a traditional measurement of weight in South-east and East Asia and also used
to denominate a unit of currency in the weight-denominated silver currency system in
imperial China (liang); the term comes to English from tahil meaning weight in Malay via
Portuguese; it is equal to one sixteenth of a catty or 1.3 ounces; see Y&B, 888 s.v. tael.
55  MS: lleban; Q&G have “carry.”
Cagayans 323

They are buried in a hole two fathoms deep, four fathoms long, and a fathom
and a half wide,56 in which they place a baroto sawn down the middle. The
lower half is whole, and the upper half is in two pieces, like doors, with a board
covering the opening;57 two petates are placed on top and there [11v] they put
one basket58 filled with areca nuts,59 another with lime and a third with betel
leaves. They place two baskets lined with cloth on each side, and a basket con-
taining jars filled with regular and perfumed oils.
Two trays, one at the head and another at the foot.
Covering everything with earth, they later construct a chapel over the
sepulcher.
The women’s dress is the chinina,60 which reaches to the navel; it has long
sleeves and is tied at the back with a ribbon. They wear short skirts that reach
to the knees, open on one side. On their heads they artfully braid a thin piece
of rattan61 into their long hair, which they treat with their oils. They go about
barefoot, even if they belong to the upper class.

56  Approximately 11.5 feet deep, 23 feet long and 8.7 feet wide.
57  While Plasencia claims that only deceased chiefs were placed in boats, and this only tem-
porarily before burial (B&R, VII, 195), the type of boat-coffin burial described in this pas-
sage has been corroborated by archeologists; see Tenazas, “Boat-Coffin,” 20.
58  MS: chicubite; Q&G have “small bits”; this Nahuatl word is not found in standard Spanish
dictionaries, see Boyd-Bowman, “Two Country Stores,” 241. According to Loarca, Relación,
a chicubite is equivalent to one fanega; see B&R, V, 137.
59  MS: bonga; the seed of the Areca palm (Areca catechu); see Y&B, 711 s.v. pinang.
60  According to Morga (Sucesos, 248), a chinana is a “certain collarless garments of cangan
[a rough cotton fabric], sewed together in the front, and with short sleeves, and reaching
slightly below the waist; some were blue and others black, while the chiefs had some red
ones.”
61  The long stem of Asiatic climbing palms of the genus Calamus and Daemonorops.
Although they superficially resemble bamboo, rattan stems are solid. See Y&B, 757 s.v.
rattan.
324 Translation

Illustration 7 Negritos Couple.

Sambal 325

Illustration 8 Sambal Hunters.

326 Translation

Illustration 9 Sambal Hunters.

Sambal 327

Illustration 10 Sambal Couple.

 chapter 3

Sambal

[21r]
Among the many customs of these Sambal1 is that if they kill someone, they
immediately cut his head off, and, using their bararao,2 they make a crown-
shaped incision and suck out his brains. They then save the skull or head,
because in addition to keeping it as proof of their feat, it is an honor and a
trophy to show their fellows. Whoever kills the most men and commits the
cruelest acts is considered the fiercest and bravest among them.
They generally live in the hills and rugged mountains.3 They are a very dis-
solute, frivolous and audacious race who commit wicked and treacherous acts
and show their boldness when doing so, but otherwise they are cowards.
They practice a damnable and supremely cruel ritual, namely that if a man
has numerous children, he calculates how much gold and property he owns
and parcels it out as he sees fit to his first and second sons, killing his remain-
ing sons or selling them into slavery. When a son is to be killed, they celebrate a
maganito, which is their drunken feast, and when everyone is good and drunk,
they kill the boy. Also, if a close relative dies or is killed, they seek to kill others
in retaliation for his death, and until they do so they wear mourning apparel,
cutting their hair in back, because it is not worn long in front, and they stop
eating rice and promise not to do other things until they take their revenge.
They eat their meat raw, even more thoroughly than dogs do, because when

1  This third section is also anonymous; it deals with the Sambal people from Zambales, the
centermost region on Luzon that lies to the north of Manila and the Bataan Peninsula.
Zambales consists of the ragged western shoreline of the island facing the South China Sea
with an imposing natural harbor at its southern end at Subic Bay. Over 60% of the total land
area of this region is mountainous. Juan de Salcedo led a Spanish expedition in 1572 that
established towns at Subic and Botolan. Today Zambales is a province that borders Pangasina
to the north, Tarlac and Pampangato to the east, Bataan to the south and the South China Sea
to the west.
2  A double-edged dagger; see Morga, Sucesos, 252.
3  The Zambales Mountains are located primarily in the eastern parts of the Zambales region
and, as already mentioned, occupy about 60% of its total land area.

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Sambal 329

they kill a carabao,4 which is a buffalo, they cut it open and eat its unwashed
intestines, and this they consider a great delight.5
They have sundry other customs that closely resemble those followed by
the other Indians of these [21v] islands, but to avoid prolixity and because
they are repeated in the other accounts that accompany this one, they are not
treated here.

4  Low, wide, large and horned bovids of heavy build, both wild and domesticated, found
throughout Asia; the domesticated animals are used for agriculture (especially for the
tilling of rice fields), food (meat and milk) and as draught animals. There are two different
species of Philippine water buffaloes: (1) the wild water buffalo (Bubalus arnee), native to
South-east Asia and the most likely ancestor of the second species; and (2) the domesticated
water buffalo (Bubalus bubalis). Based on morphological and behavioral criteria, there are
two types of the domesticated water buffalo: the river buffalo of the Indian subcontinent
and further west (it may have originated and been domesticated in India some 5,000 years
ago), and the swamp buffalo, which is found from Assam in India throughout all of South-
east Asia and into China’s Yangtze valley (it may have originated and been domesticated in
China some 4,000 years ago). The carabao (the female is called a caraballa) is a domesticated
swamp type water buffalo found in the Philippines. Its name is derived from Malay kerbau
and is also called kalabaw in Tagalog. Its horns are sickle-shaped, curving backward toward
the neck, and they are light grey to slate grey in color. Mature male carabaos weigh between
930 and 1,100 pounds (420–500 kilograms) and the females between 882 and 937 pounds
(400–425 kilograms); the height of the males at the withers ranges between 50 and 54 inches
or 127–137 centimeters and that of the female between 49–51 inches or 124–129 centimeters.
5  See Illustration 9. This is one of three instances in the MS where the text refers to one of the
illustrations.
330 Translation

Illustration 11 Visayan Tatooed (Common) Couple.

Visayans 331

Illustration 12 Visayan (Noble) Couple.

332 Translation

Illustration 13 Visayan (Royal) Couple.

Visayans 333

Illustration 14 Visayan (Royal) Couple.

 chapter 4

Visayans

[27r]

Customs and Ceremonial Usages and Rites of the Visayans1

It is the custom of the Visayans to tattoo their bodies with very elegant fig-
ures. These are made with red-hot brass2 irons by highly-trained artisans who
are masters at their art.3 The figures are drawn with such order, symmetry
and coordination that they elicit admiration from those who see them. They
are done in the manner of decorations. The men tattoo their bodies all over,
including their chests, stomachs, legs, arms, thighs—some men even tattoo

1  This fourth anyonmous account deals with the residents of the Visayas, one of the three
previously-mentioned principal geographical regions of the Philippine Islands (along with
Luzon and Mindanao) that comprises several islands, including Panay, Negros, Cebu, Bohol,
Leyte and Samar. The Visayas may be considered the north-east extremity of the Sulu Sea,
which includes or surrounds the Visayan Sea. As with most peoples of the Philippines, the
Visayans were animist tribal groups of Austronesian or Negrito origin that migrated from
mainland and maritime South-east Asia; they maintained contact and trade with Malaysian
and Indonesian kingdoms, and by the 14th century some converted to Islam.
2  M S: azofar, a synonym of Sp. (a)latón, meaning ‘calamine brass’; see DA, I, 160 s.v. alatón.
Calamine brass was an alloy of copper and zinc (i.e., brass) that was produced by a particular
alloying technique which used the zinc ore calamine directly rather than first refining it
to metallic zinc. This method was used for centuries; in fact pure metallic zinc was largely
unknown in Europe until the 18th century. Metallurgists interested in producing brass thus
used calamine, which was actually a mixture of the virtually indistinguishable zinc ores
smithsonite and hemimorphite, as the zinc component of brass. This was accomplished
through a cementation process in which a mixture of copper and calamine was brought to a
high temperature for several hours, allowing zinc vapor to distill from the ores and permeate
the metallic copper. By using ore rather than metallic zinc, it was difficult to accurately
control the desired proportion of copper to zinc. For further particulars and early successes
by the Chinese around the late 16th century in the smelting, refining and commercialization
of metallic zinc, see Souza, “Ballast Goods.”
3  This description of tattooing techniques is contradicted by Morga, Sucesos, 214, and by
Loarca, Relación; see B&R, V, 109.

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Visayans 335

their faces.4 The women tattoo only their hands, and do so most elegantly.
For the men these tattoos function as clothing, giving them an acceptable
appearance,5 even though they are generally naked, wearing nothing more
than a cotton cloth two fathoms long, or a bit more, and three-fourths of a
fathom wide,6 which with a few expert turns they wrap around their waists
and between their legs so as to cover their privates and posteriors, the rest of
their body being exposed. This cloth is called a bahag in their tongue, and in
this way their tattoos look as fine as if they were dressed very elegantly. They
have another kind of apparel, which consists of cotton cloth which they fash-
ion into something like house robes, closed at the front. The men wear very
fine headdresses of many colors, which call to mind a sort of Turkish turban.
They call these podong7 in their language, and they are certainly delightful and
elegant. The young men look very refined in them, complete with their numer-
ous strips of gold.
The dress and garments of Visayan women consist of brightly-colored
striped cotton fabric, though others are made from one of their plants from
which they fashion these garments.8 And some of the women wear plain taf-
feta and damask from China. All of these garments are made by sewing a cloth
on both sides to form [27v] what looks like a big wheat sack with two open-
ings. As they slip it on, they insert their heads through one of the openings and
turn the fabric down to their waists with both openings falling below. They
then cinch a knot in it above the waist; the fabric is loose-fitting enough to
make this possible. The garmet hugs their bodies, the knot off to one side in
a very elegant manner and the dress looking like they are wearing two pet-
ticoats, one longer than the other because of the fold they make, resulting in
the dress I have just described. They accompany this with a bodice or doublet
with ruffled half sleeves that reach down to the elbows, although some are full
sleeved. They are close fitting and collarless and have no neckline; they fasten
in front with braids or cords of silk. And many of the women wear a lot of
gold jewelry which they use as fasteners; these have small gold herring-bone9

4  M S: muslos, y algunos, los rrostros; Q&G misread the last word as rrastros, and translate the
phrase as “muscles, and, among some, the posteriors.”
5  M S: y asi parecen bien; Q&G have “and thus they seem.”
6  Approximately 11.5 feet or 3.5 meters long and approximately 4.3 feet or 1.3 meters wide.
7  M S: purones; apparently ‘crown, wreath’ in Visayan; cognate is purung in Hiligaynon; see DBE,
Part 2, 407 s.v. podong; and Q&G, 397 and 406.
8  The garment described here is a malong (akin to the sarong), a kind of tube skirt common to
South-east Asia.
9  M S: vespigueta; Q&G omit this word.
336 Translation

chains attached to them, each woman according to her means.10 It is not their
custom11 to wear any kind of chemise; the garments just described are worn
next to the skin; their waists and stomachs, together with their legs, are uncov-
ered almost the length of one span.12 When they venture out of doors they
wear a white cotton mantle-like wrap, or sometimes one made from taffeta of
different colors. When women leave their homes to visit others, they walk very
slowly, making a thousand movements with their bodies, with one arm swing-
ing freely;13 they consider this very fashionable. The men do the same thing.
And if the women belong to the upper crust, they wear crowns and wreaths
on their heads made of tinsel imported from China; lacking these, they wear
wreaths of flowers and roses picked from the fields.
[28r] The beliefs held by the Visayans regarding the origin and beginning
of the world are ridiculous, riddled with a thousand absurdities. They say that
before there was land, there was only sky and sea, which existed ab eterno,14
and that a bird flew back and forth between the sky and the sea without ever
finding a place to alight. This bird was a kite.15 It was so exhausted from its con-
tinuous flying that it decided to stir up a quarrel between the sky and the sea
to see if it could find somewhere to alight and rest from its constant flight, for
there was nowhere for it to rest in the sky, much less in the sea. So it flew up to
the sky and told it that the sea had said it was going to rise up and flood it with
its water. And the sky told the kite that if the sea did what it said, and tried to
flood it, it would hurl so many islands and rocks onto it that its water would
never reach the sky or do it any harm, because the sea would have to go around
the islands and rocks and there would not be enough water to come against the
sky as it said. It also would not be able to raise itself up because the great weight
of the islands and stones would hold it back. Hearing the sky’s words, the kite
flew back down to the sea and told it that the sky was very upset with it and
that it intended to hurl many large islands and rocks of great weight onto it.
Hearing from the kite what the sky was planning to cast into it, the sea became

10  MS: como mejor puede; Q&G have “which they use as best they can.”
11  MS: ni las aconstumbran; Q&G have “nor have they become used to it.”
12  Approximately 8.5 inches or 21.6 centimeters.
13  MS: llebando un braço colgando mangeando con el; Q&G have “with one sleeve arm
upraised.”
14  The Latin phrase ab aeterno can be interpreted alternatively as ‘from eternity’, ‘from time
immemorial’ or ‘since the beginning of time’; in theology it usually refers to something
created outside of time.
15  MS: Que esta abe hera el milano; a kite is a medium to large bird of prey belonging to one
of three subfamilies (Milvinae, Elaninae, Perninae) of the family Accipitridae; Q&G have
simply “this bird was a bird of prey.”
Visayans 337

so angry that it started rising and swelling and ascending with such force and
impetus and determination to flood the sky that the sky began to fear and to
raise itself even higher so the sea would not flood it. In turn, the sea raised
itself with even greater force and fury [28v] and tried to go even higher. And
the sky, seeing that the sea continued to expand and pursue it, began throw-
ing many large rocks and islands onto its surface. Their weight caused the sea
to subside to its original level, and it flowed around the islands and rocks that
the sky had hurled onto it, preventing it from rising further against it. The sky
was then very happy to remain in its same place after what the sea had done.
Afterwards, the kite saw the land on the sea and flew down to it, quite content
to have found a place to rest from its constant flight.
While resting on the land, it saw a bamboo cane with just two joints float-
ing over to it on the sea. The surf knocked it against its feet, and though the
kite kept scurrying away so the bamboo wouldn’t strike its feet, the bamboo
kept following the kite and hitting its feet, hurting it. So the kite began pecking
vigorously at the bamboo until the two joints broke apart. From one of them
came a man, and from the other, a woman. And these were the first man and
the first woman there ever were in the world. The man was called Calaque
and the woman Cabaye. The Visayans say that this is where their words for
man and woman come from, because in their language lalaki means man and
babaye means woman.16 The man and the woman were inside the two bamboo
joints that the kite broke apart.
They also say that after the man and the woman emerged from the two
bamboo joints, the man told the woman that they should be married17 [29r] in
order to multiply and create posterity. And the woman objected to marrying,
saying that it was not right for them to marry because they were siblings18 and
had been reared together19 in those two bamboo joints that were separated by
no more than a single joint, and if they married they would be punished by the
gods Maguayem and Malaon,20 for so they are called, being the chief of their

16  MS: llaman al hombre alaque y a la muger babay; see DBE, Part 2, 30 and 260.
17  MS: el ombre dixo a la muger que se casasen el uno con el otro: Q&G have “the man told the
woman they would marry each other.”
18  MS: porque eran hermanos; Q&G have “because they were brothers.”
19  MS: se avian criado juntos: Q&G have “were created together.”
20  Instead of Maguayem and Malaon, Loarca, Relación, has Macaptan and Lalahon: “They
say that Macaptan dwells highest in the sky. They consider him a bad god, because he
sends disease and death among them, saying that because he has not eaten anything of
this world, or drunk any pitarrillas, he does not love them, and so kills them . . . It is said
that the divinity Lalahon dwells in a volcano in Negros island, whence she hurls fire. The
volcano is about five leagues from the town of Arevalo. They invoke Lalahon for their
338 Translation

gods. The man told the woman not to fear for they could certainly marry, and
in order to ascertain whether the gods would be angry with them they should
ask the fish in the sea, for these would surely tell them if the marriage would
offend their gods. And agreeing on this, they asked the tunas, who replied that
it was perfectly acceptable for them to marry and that they had no reason to
fear punishment from their gods, for they themselves, though siblings, had also
married each other and had multiplied greatly, as could be seen, and had not
been punished by the gods for it. And although the woman saw and under-
stood this, she still did not wish to marry her brother for fear of their gods. And
the man replied that to obtain even greater assurance that it was acceptable
for them to marry without incurring the wrath of the gods, they should also
ask the birds what they had to say. Agreeing on this, they sought out the doves
and asked them if they, as brother and sister, were to marry, would the gods be
angry with them? The doves gave them the same answer as the tunas, namely
that it was perfectly acceptable for them to marry and beget many children, for
they themselves had done precisely the same thing and had as a consequence
multiplied greatly on the earth, and that even though they had been siblings,
[29v] this had not offended the gods.
And yet despite all the answers the woman received, she dared not marry
her brother for her fear of the gods unless she asked one of their gods if she
should marry and he told her she should. Under no other circumstances would
she consent to do it. The man replied that it would be as she said. And so they
went of one accord to consult the god Linog,21 which is the earthquake. And
after they asked him, he replied that it was proper for them to marry and fill the
earth with their posterity, and that they should not fear the wrath of the other
gods. And with this answer the woman gave in and consented to the marriage.
And the fish and the birds and Linog, the god of earthquakes, told them that
Linog himself, the earthquake, should be the one to marry them.22 And thus
they went back to him so he might marry them, and he married them, and they
were happy.
The story continues: the woman soon became pregnant and gave birth at
one time to a large number of boys and girls; their parents could not feed them

harvest; when she does not choose to grant them good harvests she sends the locusts to
destroy and consume the crops. This Lalahon is a woman.” B&R, V, 127.
21  MS: Linuc; linog means ‘earthquake’ in Visayan; see DBE, Part 2, 288 s.v. linog; and
Q&G, 400.
22  MS: se lo dezian con que el casamentero entre ellos fuese el mismo dios Linuc temblor de la
tierra; Q&G have “because the fishes and the birds and Linuc, the god of earthquakes, had
said so.”
Visayans 339

after they were grown because they were so lazy that they just loafed around
the house, lacking any desire to seek sustenance for themselves, much less
to help their parents do so. This angered their parents, who decided to throw
them out of the house. And so one day the father pretended to be very angry
when he came home. As he entered the house, he saw all of his children play-
ing and loafing around. He grabbed a stick and shouted at his children, acting
like he was going to kill them. And his children fled, not daring to wait for
their father [to calm down], seeing that he was so angry. And fearing for their
lives, they scattered into the best places they could find. Many of them left
their father’s house, [30r] while others rushed into the bedroom. Some stayed
in the main room of the house, while others hid behind the walls. Still others
fled to the kitchen and hid among the pots and stoves. And so these Visayans
say that from those who entered the bedroom of the house descended their
lords and chiefs who are obeyed, respected and served, like the titled lords in
our Spain; they are called datus in their language.23 And the ones who stayed
in the main room of the house became their knights and nobles,24 because
they are free and pay no tribute; these are called timawa25 in their language.
And they say that those who hid behind the walls of the house are their slaves,
which they call olipon26 in their language. They say that those who went to the
kitchen and hid in the chimney and among the pots are the Negritos, claim-
ing that from them descend all the Negritos who live in the mountains of the
Philippine Islands of the West.27 And, according to them, from the rest who left
the house and never returned and were never heard from again, descend all
the other peoples of the world, which they say were plentiful and went to dif-
ferent places. And this is what they believe concerning the creation and origin
of mankind. They also believe that their ancestors are gods, whom they believe
can supply their needs and give them health or take it away. And so they call

23  MS: datos; Malay, dato’ or datuk, the name for a title or titles in the Visayas and Mindanao
in the Philippine Islands reserved for native royalty (chiefs, princes or monarchs) and
apparently introduced into the pre-colonial Philippines via Malay migrations.
24  MS: hidalgos; elsewhere Ptg. fidalgos; lit. ‘sons of property’; here ‘son of’ is figurative, pat-
terned after Arabic use, meaning simply that the person was known to possess a certain
characteristic, and algo, instead of meaning literally ‘something’, retains its medieval sense
of ‘riches, possessions or property’; see DA, I, 204 s.v. algo; and Corominas, Diccionario
crítico etimológico, III, 359–60.
25  MS: timaguas. The timawa were essentially members of the free feudal warrior class; see
Scott, “Filipino Class Structure,” 165–166; and Nadeau, History of the Philippines, 17.
26  MS: oripes; olipon in Visayan and a cognate with alipin in Tagalog; see DBE, Part 2, 358 s.v.
olipon; and Q&G, p. 401.
27  MS: Yslas del Poniente; an early designation for the Philippines.
340 Translation

on them when they need them, believing that they will came to their aid in
all things.
[30v] They also say that the reason the dead do not return to this world28 is
because of one of their ancestors, when there began to be more people, who
was called Pandaguam.29 They say he was the first to invent the art and method
of fishing, and that he fashioned traps for this purpose. One day he caught a
shark in one of the fish traps he had fashioned. After he brought it to shore, it
died, and he performed funeral rites for it as one would for a man. This incurred
the wrath of the gods against Pandaguam and they hurled a thunderbolt at
him, killing him. This they did because he had performed funeral rites for the
shark. After Pandaguam’s death, the gods took him to heaven and conferred
with him and sent him back thirty days after his death to live and remain on
the earth. And during these thirty days that Pandaguam was in heaven and out
of this world, his wife, named Loboblam,30 had begun living with a man called
Marancon,31 believing that her husband, Pandaguam, would never return to
the earth. Pandaguam had a son by his wife named Anoranor32 who was the
first to see his father when he returned to the earth; he saw him in his house
because that is where Pandaguam first went to seek his wife Loboblam. He
asked his son Anoranor where his mother was, and when his son replied that
she was not home, he sent him to go find her and tell her he had come back to
life and that the gods had sent him back to the earth, and that he was waiting
for her in the house.
At the time Pandaguam’s son went to deliver this message to Loboblam, she
was at the house of her friend Marancon enjoying a feast of pork he had pre-
pared for her with a pig he had stolen—which is why among the Visayans this
Marancon is believed to be the originator of [31r] theft. When her son told
Loboblam to return home immediately because Pandaguam had come back to
life and had sent for her, Loboblam became incensed with her son Anoranor
and replied to him rudely and harshly, saying that he had lied to her and that
he should leave and speak no more of it, for Pandaguam was dead and would
not come back to the earth. After all, the shark he had killed and performed

28  MS: siglo; Q&G have “century.”

29  Elsewhere in the MS Pandaguan, which is how it is spelled in Loarca, Relación; see
B&R, V, 116–119.
30  Elsewhere in the MS Lobloblan, Loboblan. Loarca, Relación, has Lubluban; see B&R, V, 118.
Scott refers to her as Lupublan; see Scott, Barangay, 88.
31  Loarca, Relación, has Maracoyrun; see B&R, V, 118.
32  Also in Loarca, Relación; see B&R, V, 116, 134.
Visayans 341

rites for had not come back to life; much less would his father Pandaguam
do so.
Anoranor returned home with this reply and told his father Pandaguam
what his mother Loboblam had said, at the same time explaining everything
she had done after the gods had killed him with the thunderbolt, including tak-
ing up house with Marancon. Pandaguam was deeply saddened by this news
and in his anger against his wife stormed out of his house and went to hell,
which in their language is called Sulad,33 and was never again seen to return to
the earth. This is why the Visayans believe that men became mortal, because
Pandaguam had performed funeral rites for a dead shark. They also believe that
the reason the dead do not return to live in this world after they die is because
the woman Loboblam refused to return home at the command of her husband
Pandaguam. They also believe that people were immortal before all of what we
have described took place, and if the gods killed someone, they would return
him the earth to live as they did at first with Pandaguam, but since then every-
one that died went to hell, which, as we have said, they call Sulad.
That is until one of their women, [31v] named Sibayc or Mahelucy (others
call her Sibay or Mastrasan),34 is said to have ordered a sacrifice to their gods
so that the souls of those who died would not go to hell, but would instead
be sent by the gods to the most rugged mountains of a certain part of those
islands where no living person would ever see them and where they would
live in luxury, feasting at banquets;35 we shall provide more information about
this below. The sacrifice initiated by this woman is called in their language
maganito, which can be offered by either men or women. And the people who
perform them are called baylanes if they are men, and baysanas if they are
women,36 which are like our witches or wizards, or enchanters or enchant-
resses, and among the pagan Romans, priests and priestesses.
They call on their gods, or more accurately their demons, with certain
superstitious words and gestures. The priest or priestess who is to perform
the sacrifice then personally slays a pig with a lance, cutting of its head and

33  MS: Sular; the land of the dead in Visayan mythology; see Scott, Barangay, 92–93.
34  According to Visayan mythology, the woman who invented maganito and convinced the
gods to permit humans to participate in them; see Demetrio, “Death,” 376.
35  MS: donde no fuesen bistas de ningun bibiente donde estuviesen en vida rregalada y en ban-
quetes; Q&G have “where they would not be seen by any living person and where they
were in life regaled and feasted.”
36  Baylan and baysana were priests or priestesses and “shamans subject to spirit possession”
(Scott, Barangay, 168); Loarca, Relación, says that the baylanes were men or women, but he
does not mention baysanas; see B&R, V, 123–126.
342 Translation

setting it apart from the rest of the carcass. No one touches it except the priest
who will be performing the sacrifice, or maganito as they call it, saying that
the head is for the gods and that no one can touch it except the person who is
performing the sacrifice. After the priest performs the sacrifice, or sorcery, he
alone eats it. The rest of the meat is divided up among the people present at
the sacrifice, who dine splendidly and drink a particular rice wine until they
are so drunk that their servants and friends carry them home, supporting them
by the arms [32r] or the shoulders. And as a rule they perform this sacrifice
when someone is ill. And to ensure that the gods will restore health to the ill,
and in order to determine if the sacrifice is acceptable, they do the following.37
Those who hold this office of priest take the caul of the slain pig and place it
at the bottom of a clay pot while simultaneously ringing a kind of bell they
have, making a lot of noise while chanting and making merry. The sick per-
son for whom the sacrifice is made is present for all of this. They empty out
vast quantities of the drink that has been prepared exclusively for this purpose
onto the ground, saying that they pour it out so their gods can drink it. They
also call on their ancestors, being quite convinced that these can support them
and give them good health, for they believe them to be gods as well. And if by
chance the sick man dies, and if he was powerful, they bury some of his slaves
alive with him; they place the master in a wooden coffin inside his own house,
saying that he will need the dead to serve him in the next world by preparing
food for him and supplying his every need. They have another sacrifice and
revel for this purpose, with many invited guests, calling on demons, using their
special words and begging them to grant that the souls of the all the dead who
are being buried be released from hell and removed to some high and rugged
mountains [32v] that are desolate because of their harshness where they can
live in leisure, believing that their ancestors dwell there evermore, feasting and
drinking in luxury. They repeat this mad notion so insistently that it causes
one to wonder to hear how firmly they believe it; no one can convince them
otherwise, no matter how much it is explained and stated to them that what
they believe is simply not true.
They have other corrupt superstitions as well. For example, if people sneeze
while they are making to leave their houses, they turn back and stay home for
a certain period of time, not venturing forth until that time is up, whereupon
they go out and do whatever they were going to do. And when they are about

37  MS: Y este sacrifiçio es el que acostumbran hazer quando esta alguno enfermo. Y para que
sus dioses le den salud y saver dellos si les es acepto este sacrifiçio hazen esto; Q&G have
“And this sacrifice is what they are accustomed to make when somebody is sick and for
the gods to give them health and knowledge. If this sacrifice is acceptable, they do this:”
Visayans 343

to leave their villages to trade or wage war or for some other purpose, they
cast lots with the eye-teeth of caimans,38 which they keep for just this pur-
pose, to determine whether their plans will be met with success. And if the
lots reveal that their proposed endeavor will go well, they proceed with it, but
not until they first spend two or three days in a revel. They follow the same
method when going to war. But if the omens are not good, they desist from the
endeavor or the journey for a few days until the lots are favorable.
There are also among the Visayans those whom they call aswang39 or
malaques,40 which is the same as our sorcerers, and they say that these aswang
or malaques have the power to kill whomever they wish by merely telling them
to die. [33r] And they say that they can do the same thing to a person with
whom they are angry with a mere glance. And if a chief or one of his children
should die in a village or some other place where one of these sorcerers hap-
pens to be, the relatives of the chief who died will kill the sorcerer who lives
in or is visiting that town, together with his entire household and all his rela-
tives, saying that the wizard killed the chief and that thus none of his children
should live, because if any of them were to remain, they would be just like the
sorcerer and would kill many other people.
When taking an oath these are the words they utter, believing that they are
a powerful oath and that whoever says them would not dare lie: “May the sun
split me in two!; May I set with the sun!” or “May I die with the sun!; or “May a
caiman or lizard eat me if what I say is not true!” They believe that if they do
not tell the truth the oath they have made will come true. And yet they tell a
thousand lies and bear false witness.
They firmly believe that if people are stabbed to death or eaten by some
lizard or wild animal, whether on land or sea, or if they are struck by lightning,
their souls go to heaven with their gods and not to the high mountains men-
tioned earlier where those who die of illness go, and they say they know they
go to heaven because of the rainbows that appear in the heavens when it rains.
They admire these people and think very highly of them,41 saying that they are
very brave.

38  MS: caymanes; strictly speaking, caimans are limited to Central and South America. The
animal described here is most certainly the Philippine crocodile (Crocodylus mindoren-
sis), an exclusively fresh-water species. See Y&B, 177 s.v. cayman.
39  MS: axuano; in Visayan mythology, a flesh-eating demon that slowly devoured the liver of
its victim. See Scott, Barangay, 81.
40  This term is unique to the MS and no further identification has been possible.
41  MS: a los quales estiman y tienen en muncho; Q&G have “which they value and have much.”
344 Translation

They have no temples of any kind where they worship and revere [33v] their
gods, and much less are there any religious who teach them or perform their
rituals or lead a life of abstinence and piety; they are like other idolaters in the
world. They only have witches and wizards, as explained above, who do no
more than perform the superstitious act of killing a pig and other things we
have already described. They also lack religious orders.
These Visayans wear their hair very long, both the men and the women. And
they take great pride in it, combing it very often with fragrant oils they make
for this purpose. They wear it gathered to one side of the head, making a tidy
knot which does not unravel unless they undo it on purpose. The women do
not style their hair in any other way besides with the knot, as I have described
it, which is very attractive in its own way and gives them a lovely appearance.
And the men gather their hair with elegant sashes called podong that they
wrap around their heads, which we shall discuss later.
Men and women have piercings in their ears in many places, and both men
and women wear many ornaments and beautifully crafted gold jewels. In
fact for this purpose there live among them many highly skilled artisans who
produce fine and subtle filigree work. Some of the pieces look like roses and
are worn only by the women; they are called pomaras.42 [34r] Others are like
hoops, called panicas,43 which are worn by both men and women; some wear
three or four pairs of these in their ears—they can make that many holes there.
These Visayans do not have a king or an authority44 to whom they are all
subject. The more general rule is that in each village there is a chief or two
whom they call in their language datus, as mentioned earlier; these are like
titled lords in Spain. Their word is law in their villages because most of the
people are their slaves, and those who are not, called timawa, are relatives45 of
the datus, because like the nobles in Castile they are exempt from paying or
contributing anything to the datus, or chiefs.
These Visayans fight many wars amongst themselves. Before the Spaniards
came to their land, it was rare for a village to be at peace with its neighbors.

42  We conjecture that this unidentified word is related to pona, meaning ‘fishnet thread’,
i.e., filigree, and to pona pona, meaning ‘a mesh bag for keeping silver’; see Mentrida,
Diccionario, 301–302 s.v. pona and ponapona; and DBE, Part 2, 417 s.v. pona pona.
43  While Q&G gloss this as ‘gold of more than 18 karats’, citing Serrano Laktaw, Diccionario
hispano-tagálog, I, 105, the word meant ‘earrings made of gold or other metal’; see DBE,
Part 2, 389 s.v. panica. A 1574 letter from Andrés Mirandoala to King Philip II reveals that
the panica was equivalent to five pesos; see B&R, III, 198.
44  MS: persona mayor, lit. ‘high person’.
45  MS: deudos; Q&G have “debtors.”
Visayans 345

Neighboring villages would kill and plunder each other with great cruelty,
committing a thousand treacheries; they were keen experts at this. They would
make slaves of each other and fail to keep their word or honor their promises.
But now, after the arrival of the Spaniards, these practices have been almost
completely eradicated; wars and disputes are nearly absent; the Spaniards
resolve their differences and settle their debates because the people are held in
encomienda46 and pay the Spaniards tribute. The Spaniards ensure that there
are none of these things, and the magistrates for their part do likewise.
[34v] The usual weapons of these people are a sort of dagger of strange
design with a wooden scabbard, called a bararao, and a kind of spear with
a tongue-shaped tip, the shaft of which is a little longer than a man’s height.
They have wooden shields for covering their bodies when they fight, which are
long and narrow, some quite elegantly decorated. They make a kind of armor
from cotton fiber that is like a cuirass. It is so strong that though they are struck
with a spear or if one is thrown at them, even from extremely close range, it
fails to harm them. They have others made of wood that are like breast and
back plates for defense against arrows and lances. They can stop arrows; the
tips of their arrows are sometimes daubed with poison, which abounds in
these Philippine Islands.47 And on some of these islands people use blowguns48
like those found in Spain for killing birds. They propel tiny darts with very
sharp tips out of the opening of the blowgun, the tips of which are full of poi-
son, or herbs. And if these darts draw blood, death ensues, even if the wound
is very small.
They make great quantities of spears out of wood and bamboo, charring
the tips; they often hurl these at each other in their battles. They wear rattan
bucklers that are so strong they cannot be cut or pierced by a knife-thrust.
In some places people wear headgear that resembles a helmet or a morion49

46  A system of the Spanish Crown in which a jurisdiction was commended to an individual,
institution or itself to provide temporal and spiritual protection of the indigenous inhab-
itants in return for the right to collect a tribute tax from them. For a discussion of this
practice in the Philippines, see De la Costa, Jesuits, 13–14, 20, 31–32.
47  MS: Tienen otras echas de palo a manera de petos y espaldares que defiende una flecha y
vna lança. Detienen arcos y flechas en los hierros de las quales echan algunas vezes ponçona
que ay muncha en las yslas philipinas; Q&G have “They have others made of wood in the
manner of breast and back plates for defense; they have an arrow and a lance whose iron
[tip] they sometimes poison, which is plentiful in all the Philippine Islands.”
48  MS: serbetana, for standard Spanish cerbatana; see Y&B, 796 and 868 s.v. sarbatane, sarba-
cane and sumpitan.
49  OED: “A kind of brimmed helmet resembling a hat, without a beaver or visor, worn chiefly
by foot soldiers in the 16th and 17th centuries.”
346 Translation

made from fish skin; these are very strong. They fashion cuirasses from the
skins of buffalo or elephants, of which there are a few on an island called Jolo,50
though they are not [35r] as big as the ones from India.
They have many kinds of ships of very different designs and names for fight-
ing their wars and making their voyages. Most of the ones they use for wars
and raiding are small; they are called barangay.51 And if they are a little bigger
they are called biray.52 The latter are very long and narrow, the smaller seat-
ing 50 and the larger ones 100, all of whom must row except the chief who is
aboard the ship. The oars of these ships are a little more than a vara in length;
their shafts are very well made. The oars are not fastened to the boat for row-
ing; instead the seated oarsmen ply gently53 with both hands. These vessels are
extremely swift.54 They hold two or three banks of seated oarsmen on a side,
provided there are enough people to fill them. And these banks are placed in
counterweights, which are made of a very large bamboo plant found on all of
the Philippine Islands of the West. These counterweights are placed on the
outer sides of the vessel, where the oarsmen are seated comfortably. These ves-
sels travel very safely with these counterweights because they cannot capsize,
and the counterweights also allow them to travel in heavy seas because the
ship is elevated above the level of the water, so the waves break against the
counterweights and not against the boat.55 They have round sails like ours.
They have other ships they call birocos;56 these are much larger than the
ones mentioned earlier, [35v] some capable of carrying 500 or 600 fanegas57 of
wheat. They are also oared, but they are very long and are moored to the ship

50  MS: Sonxolo; a volcanic island in the south-west Philippines that forms part of the Sulu
Archipelago and is found between the islands of Borneo and Mindanao, located at
5°59′0″N, 121°8′0″E. Elephants were introduced to Jolo as a gift from the Majapahit, the
Hindu rulers of Java, in 1395; see Earl of Cranbrook, “Origin of the Elephants.”
51  A boat made in the Philippines of planks joined by pins and dowels, also known as a
butuan. This word also refers to a village, presumably because a barangay holds enough
humans to form a village; see DBE, Part 2, 38 s.v. baláñgay; Mentrida, Diccionario, 44 s.v.
balangay, Scott, Barangay, 4–6.
52  MS: vireyes; the biray (or viray) was a light outrigged oared craft with two or three banks
of oarsmen per band; see Agabin, “Old Biray,” 4.
53  MS: descansadamente; Q&G have “restfully.”
54  MS: ligeros; Q&G have “light.”
55  MS: Y çufren muncha mar a causa que suspenden el navio para arriba; Q&G have “because
they cannot be surprised or suffer from the high seas unless the vessel is turned over.”
56  See Scott, Prehispanic Filipino, 79.
57  MS: hanegas; fourth part of a load carried by a mule, roughly 6.5 pounds or 3 kilograms.
Visayans 347

like ours, and are of a different design. These are the biggest58 of their boats;
the rest are small and are called by many different names and have different
designs and need not be described here because they are unimportant.
These people do not have magistrates or men who are commissioned for
the common good of their republics, nor are people punished for their crimes.
Instead, the aggrieved party takes justice into his own hands for any wrong
committed against him. The chiefs do as they please and no one stays their
hand; they enslave anybody they want to for the slightest infraction and they
free whomsoever they wish with the same facility without answering to any-
one, though since the arrival of the Spaniards in the Philippines and their
settlement of the same, they [the Spaniards] do not allow or consent to these
tyrannies, holding the chiefs and others who commit them accountable, as do
the magistrates, wherever they may be.
Their buildings and houses, as well as the arrangement of their villages, are
very poor; they are constructed without design, order or harmony. They are
made of wood and very large bamboos, the latter being plentiful everywhere
in these Philippine Islands of the West; they are between seven and eight
fathoms59 long and as big around as a man’s thigh. They are used [36r] in all
their buildings and works in making the walls and high floors; they are cut in
half and woven together the way osiers are when basket-makers make baskets.
The streets and houses in the towns lack any sort of order; each person builds
his house wherever he likes.60 There are many wild trees and coconut palms
in the streets and among the houses, although where there are doctrinas61 the
monks have imposed some organization on them, which has remained.
Their houses and towns are normally built on the banks of rivers and at the
edges of swamps and marshes because this is considered optimal. Both men
and women bathe publicly once or twice a day,62 their flesh being completely
exposed, though they cover their privates with their hands until the water cov-
ers them. Hence they are all extremely able swimmers, men as well as women,
because they have been taught this from birth.

58  MS: mayores; Q&G have “main.”

59  Approximately 43 feet or 13.1 meters.
60  MS: cada uno la asienta y pone donde le parece; Q&G seem to have accidently omitted
this line.
61  D A, IV, 326 s.v. doctrina: “In the West Indies it is the name of the ecclesiastical parish
of Indians subject to a certain religious rule to which it has been awarded in perpetuity
by virtue of its having converted the people to civilization and to the Catholic Religion.”
Q&G have “where the Gospel has been taught.”
62  MS: porque entre ellos lo tienen por mejor. Bañanse todos los dias; Q&G have “because they
believe it best to bathe daily.”
348 Translation

They have the following marriage custom: when a father wants to marry off
his son to the daughter of another man, they agree on what he should give so
that the other’s daughter will marry his son—a certain amount of gold or its
equivalent, as best they can arrange depending on the status of each party. And
this amount is given to the girl’s father, who keeps it without passing it along
to his daughter until the couple builds and owns their own separate house, at
which point it is given to them. In these marriages, relatives63 come to each
other’s aid; for example, the father of the bride makes the father of the groom
pay her [36v] relatives64 something because of the marriage, which these rela-
tives keep.
Ordinarily, women are given a mejora,65 which they explain needs to be
given to them because they will not be able to earn what they need. Men can
marry as many women as they want, even if all of them are still alive, without
incurring a fine or punishment. If they wish to divorce a wife, they can do so
by letting her keep what they gave her at the time of the wedding, which price
they call bugay66 and which in Spain we call a dowry. And if it is the woman
who wants a divorce, she keeps nothing. And either one of them can later
remarry. If the wife commits adultery, the husband can leave her and take away
all of her possessions, and if he finds the adulterer, he can kill him anywhere
without any penalty whatsoever. And if she gives him something, he can take
it and forgive her, and in this there are no hard feelings between them, even if
what she gives him is worth very little. They do not care if their women are vir-
gins or not at marriage67 because, first, all of the women have been corrupted
at one time or another, and, second, they pay no attention to it nor seem to
notice, although unmarried women consider it demeaning to give birth.

63  MS: parientes; Q&G here and elsewhere have “parents.” In this passage the author uses
two synonyms for ‘relatives’—parientes and deudos; see following note.
64  MS: sus deudos; Q&G have “his creditors.”
65  According to DA, IV, 531 s.v. mejora, “In testaments, it is a special bequest that the Father
makes in favor of one or several of his children beyond the legitimate bequest that falls to
them.”
66  MS: buguey; for a discussion of this Filipino custom of a dowry or brideprice, see Zaide,
Philippines, 145.
67  MS: Y si le da alguna cosa la puede tomar y le perdona por ello y con esto no es afrenta entre
ellos aun­que lo que le da sea de muy poco balor. Al prinçipio del casa­miento no paran en
que la muger este virgen; Q&G have “If given something he can accept it and forgive her
because of it, and with this there are no reproaches, although what is given might be of
very little value at the beginning of the marriage. That a woman is not a virgin does not
stop them . . .”
Visayans 349

Women wear many bracelets on their arms, most of them gold and some
ivory. Quite often the men wear them as well. The gold ones are called
calambogas68 and the ivory ones typosos,69 which are highly prized. They wear
gold chains around their necks, which they consider most elegant and splen-
did.70 Women wear gold and brass hoops on their legs [37r] because their legs
are bare down to the calf; they consider leg hoops most elegant.
Their exclusive sport or pastime is cock-fighting, for which purpose they
keep their gamecocks well-fed and cared for in their houses. And to ready
them for their fights they attach tiny sharp razors shaped like little scimitars
to their legs with a tiny fitting next to the spur;71 once prepared in this manner
they are made to fight. The owner of the winning rooster gets to keep the loser
to eat or to do with it as he pleases. This is their sole game or pastime aside
from their revels, which is their principal manner of celebrating. They have
no feasts or holy days, nor special days for anything. Ever since the Spaniards
began dwelling among them they have learned some of their games, such as
croquet72 and checkers,73 of which there are many good masters, especially of
croquet. Others have taken up cards, although these are few.
Their trades are as follows. There are carpenters who carry out any job asked
of them, be it houses, boxes, boats or benches. They build boats with no iron
of any kind, nor tar or other bitumen—only with wood. And they build them
so tightly,74 with such extreme care and craftsmanship, that no water seeps in.
Then there are the goldsmiths who are expert workers of filigree; they know
how to melt and refine gold very well. There are also blacksmiths who make

68  MS: ganbanes; Visayan for ‘bracelets or hoops of metal, bone or ivory’; see DBE, Part 2, 88
s.v. calambogas. Morga (Sucesos, 248) reports that these are called calombigas.
69  MS: tiposos; ivory bracelets; see DBE, Part 2, 589 s.v. typoso.
70  MS: teniendolas por muncha gala y bizarria; Q&G have “consider them as very pleasing
and bizarre.”
71  MS: ponenles unas nabajelas muy sutiles y agudas echas como alfanjuelo con un encaje para
atarsela a las piernas junto adonde les nace el espolon; Q&G have “they place small razors
very sharp and pointed made like fanjuelo with lace tied to the legs next to the spur  . . .”
72  MS: argolla, meaning ‘hoop’. According to DA, I, 387 s.v. argolla, “A game that goes by this
name, because the end or spike of an iron bar is driven into the ground; the rest of it is
bent in the shape of a hoop, commonly called a ring. Some grooves are etched onto the
edge of one of its sides. And balls are shot with a corrugated paddle through the opening,
which if they pass through on the side that has no lines, the person not only wins, but he
must send the ball back through the other way to undo what has been done.”
73  MS: damas de ajedrez; the phrase is ambiguous between checkers and chess.
74  MS: tan estancos; Q&G have “so well.”
350 Translation

any tool [37v] asked of them out of iron, and do so extremely well. These are
their most common trades, but they will undertake any other job asked of
them—they can do just about anything. In general they are extremely lazy
and loath to work, spending most of the year relaxing and drinking. Were it
not absolutely necessary, they would cease sowing their fields and paddies and
other things they grow for their sustenance. They do not cultivate orchards,
legumes or fruit trees because all their fruit is wild and sour and unpleasant to
the taste and palate75—the only good fruit are the bananas. Of these there is
a great abundance and diversity of types; they grow them in their houses and
fields, together with sugar-cane, potatoes and sweet potatoes, of which there
is also in abundance.
As a rule they do not sleep in beds; in fact they do not have any, though they
have the resources for making them76 because they could make them from a
certain substance taken from trees that they call in their tongue baro,77 which
could be used like wool for mattresses. They sleep on the floor of the upper
parts of their houses, which is where they live; they do not use the lower part
of their houses. They place nothing more than palm mats under their bodies.
Others sleep in a kind of hammock made of cotton fabric, which they hang
with two pieces of rope from the poles or bamboos of the house, and these are
the kinds of beds they use.
Women consider it demeaning to give birth many times, especially those
who live in [38r] seaside towns. They claim that having numerous children
makes them like sows, and this is why if they get pregnant after having one or
two children, when they are three or four months along and their pregnancy
is noticeable, they kill the child in their womb and deliver it stillborn. And
there are women whose profession this is, and they achieve it by rubbing cer-
tain poisonous herbs on the expecting mother’s belly, causing the infant to die
and to be delivered stillborn. It is not unusual for unmarried women to do this
as well when they become pregnant because they also consider it demeaning
to have children when they are not married, although they do not consider it
scandalous to be with men and have relations with them or to live with them,
even when they are single.

75  MS: y de mal gusto y paladar; Q&G have “of bad taste and are for the giving,” misreading
paladar for para dar.
76  MS: aunque ay commodidad para ello; Q&G have “although they find them comfortable.”
77  This is the indigenous name for garuga (Garuga littoralis), a genus of shrubs and trees
found in Asia and America belonging to the family Burseraceae (incense or torchwood);
see Merrill, Philippine Flowering Plants, 356.
Visayans 351

As a rule the women are fonder of work than the men; they sew, garden, spin
and weave cotton cloth and other things they wear. They work the fields, doing
the jobs of men. They are generally very prone to the vice of the flesh and are
selfish. They do not know how to give thanks for any good deed done for them.
The men are the same; even when much is given them they are rarely grateful
or know how to repay what is given them. Their interactions are founded on
self-interest, which is their motivation for all they do.78
Among these people there are three kinds of slaves. The first are called
hayoheyes.79 They attend to all of their needs in their houses, and while
unmarried [38v] the slaves do everything they are ordered to do. And after they
marry, they establish their own household. And so long as they remain child-
less they render the same service they did while living in the houses of their
masters five days of every week. At this point they become the second kind of
slaves, called tuheyes.80 As they begin having children, they start reducing the
number of days of service they give to their master. And if they have a lot of
children, they give no service at all, saying that they have enough to do find-
ing food for their own children. The third type of slaves is called horohanes.81
These are slaves in name only, because they give no service at all except when
their masters go abroad to fight a war, in which case they are taken as oarsmen
in their boats. And if the war is on land, they fight as soldiers. Their masters
usually invite them to their houses as guests when hosting a feast and revel.
And when these slaves die their property is kept by their masters, leaving noth-
ing for their families. And if they have children, the children do not have to
serve their parents’ masters while they are living, but as soon as their parents
die they must serve their masters in the place of their parents, performing the
same kind of labor their parents did. This law is inviolate among them. It is also
customary for the chiefs to make slaves of those who kill someone or who com-
mit adultery, and this is only if they have no means to [39r] pay for the death
or the adultery they committed. No one is excused from this penalty, not even
close relatives. And the penalty imposed on them for these crimes is a certain
amount of gold, or its equivalent, which in Castile would be fifteen ducats82

78  MS: sin el qual no ay hazer birtud; a speculative reading for a very rare idiom; see n. 83.
Q&G have “in which there can be no virtue.”
79  Loarca, Relación, has ayuey; see B&R, V, 137–139.
80  Loarca, Relación, has tumaranpoc for this second kind of slave; see B&R, V, 137–138.
81  Loarca, Relación, has tomataban for this kind of slave; see B&R, V, 137–138.
82  A Venetian gold coin widely circulated throughout Europe and elsewhere, especially after
it was imperially sanctioned in 1566; the Venetian ducat reportedly weighed .13 ounces or
3.545 grams.
352 Translation

at the most. And if they cannot pay this, they become slaves. Parents are known
to sell their children, and siblings sell each other in times of need and hunger,
and the people thus sold become perpetual slaves. They do not lend each other
anything, and if they do borrow something they have to serve personally until
the debt is actually paid, without discounting the time they have served. There
is no other way to settle a debt,83 even if it is one brother with another. One can
also become a slave if he is so poor that he cannot provide for himself and oth-
ers have to feed him and give him other necessities. And there are many who
have become slaves for this reason alone. There are many other ways in which
their chiefs make slaves, for the slightest offence;84 these are so plentiful that I
will refrain from listing them to avoid fatiguing the reader. But to give a general
idea, I will tell of two. The first is for the mere offense of a person crossing paths
with a chief—if he fails to bow quickly enough,85 he is made a slave. And if a
person enters or sets foot in the water of the field belonging to the chief, he is
made a slave. And the other ways of making slaves are along the same lines.86
They have no laws or customs for putting people to death for any crime. They
can only make them slaves, as we have said, but never can they kill them.
[39v] They consider as siblings87 only those who are children of the same
father and mother, and if their father or mother marries a second time and
the marriage produces a son or daughter, the children from the first marriage
are not considered siblings of those produced by the second marriage, nor are
they called such, because only the children of the same father and mother are
so called. It is not their custom for these siblings of the same father or mother
to marry each other; this is the only distinction they make with the rest of their
relatives, because they marry any of their relations outside of their father and
mother or siblings, or with these siblings whom, as we have said, they neither
consider nor call siblings.

83  MS: y de otra manera no ay hazer virtud; Q&G omit this phrase from their translation.
84  MS: por no mas de que pisan el sol, lit. ‘for nothing more than stepping on the sun’; see Caro
y Cejudo, Refranes, 235.
85  MS: o si el prinçipal se topa con el si no se desia tan presto como quiere; Q&G have “if the
chief collides with him because he was not quick enough [to get out of the way].” While
toparse con could possibly mean ‘collide with’, in the present context it could also mean
‘cross paths with’. The real difficulty, however, is interpreting desia as ‘get out of the way.’
We are on more solid ground if we understand this verb as an archaic holdover of the
medieval verb deçer/decir, meaning ‘to lower’. Interestingly, one meaning, albeit rare,
of the Portuguese cognate descer-se was ‘humble oneself’; see Morais Silva, Diccionário,
551–552 s.v. descer.
86  MS: a este tono; Q&G have “and in this tune.”
87  MS: hermanos; Q&G here and elsewhere have “brothers.”
Visayans 353

The funeral rites88 these people celebrate for their dead are that if a certain
chief dies, they place him in a wooden coffin and place it on the upper floor
of the house, and every night two of his slaves illuminate him with bamboo
torches which it is their custom to use for this purpose. They do this every night
for more than two months running. And they put some of the deceased chief’s
slaves to death, causing them to die in the same way their master did. For
example, if he was drowned, his slaves are also drowned, and if was stabbed
to death, they stab them to death. Thus slaves must die the same way as their
master. If he dies from an illness, the slaves are drowned or buried alive; they
say this is necessary so that the slaves who are killed in the way we have said
[40r] can go, purportedly, to the next world to serve their masters and prepare
their food. They also hang pots and plates filled with food under the house
from the floorboards, saying that it is for the dead to eat. And as a rule they
bury their most powerful chiefs in ships called barangay together with many
of his live slaves and large quantities of food, clothing and jewelry, saying that
the slaves are there to serve him as they did whenever he made sea voyages.
As far as the preparation of their food is concerned, they are not at all con-
scientious, for they don’t know how to make stews, nor do they exercise any
care in doing so. A typical meal consists of plain boiled rice with a little foul-
smelling89 dried fish, and this they consider a meal. They also have a few chick-
ens and pigs and deer, which abound in the Philippines, as well as buffaloes,
which are found in some parts of these islands and are quite large and fierce.
They have a wide variety of wines made from rice, coconut palms and bananas
and from another kind of palm tree, called nipa90 in their language, which
grows in marshy places. This wine is passable and they use it to get drunk.
What they normally drink is rice wine, which they call pangasi.91
When they make peace with their enemies or with others it is their custom
to draw a little blood from their arms or another part of their bodies and give
it to drink to the people they want to become friends with, and the other party
does likewise. In this way they say [40v] that peace and friendship are made
perfect and that it will never be broken.
It is also their custom to blacken or redden their teeth, which they do pur-
posefully with a certain juice or herb that they normally keep in their mouths

88  MS: obsequias; Q&G have “ceremonies.”

89  MS: guele mal; Q&G failed to decipher the MS at this point.
90  According to SA&M, nipa is from Malay nipah (Nypa fructicans) and is a species of palm
that grows on coastlines, riverbanks and estuaries the sap of which is used to manufac-
ture arrack, a strong spiritous liquor. See Y&B, 34–35 s.v. atap, adap; 626–627 s.v. nipa.
91  See DBE, Part 2, 387 s.v. pañgási.
354 Translation

for this very reason. Some people, especially the women, have gold set in their
teeth, making an adornment of gold in their teeth like an almenina,92 so care-
fully set inside they very bone of their teeth that it looks like it grew there
together with the teeth, set in such a way that it will never fall out. To fill this
need there are among them highly skilled artisans.
They have no music of any kind, nor musical instruments, except for some-
thing that resembles a guitar or rebec that has three or four wire strings and
which they strum artlessly and with no harmony whatsoever.93 Besides these
they play a kind of horn made of bamboo which they play in the same way
we do jaw harps,94 placing them in their mouths and striking a bamboo reed
with their finger. This is their only music, and when they row in ships they sing
in rhythm with their rowing, sometimes quickening and sometimes slowing
down.
Finally, they have a custom connected with the sin of the flesh that is the
most unusual practice ever; it has never been seen or [41r] heard of before
and seems to be the epitome of their vices and bestialities in this regard. It
consists of the men placing and wearing on their genital member a sort of
hoop or ring with round tips that extend outward, as depicted in the draw-
ing in this margin.95 They are made of lead or brass; some are even made of
gold. Two holes are fashioned in the round part of the hoop or ring, one on
the top and the other on the bottom, through which a small bolt or pin made
of the same metal as the ring is inserted and which is then thrust through the
man’s member at the base of his foreskin. And thus the hoop or ring is worn
on the genital member itself in the same way a ring is worn on a finger. And in
this manner they make contact with their women, and they are fastened and
clasped together for a whole day or a whole night the same as dogs after they
complete the same act. They experience great pleasure in this, especially the
women. Some of these hoops or rings are very large, there being more than
30 kinds, each with its own name; the general word for them in their language

92  Ornament in the form of a small battlement; diminutive of almena, the more common
form of which was almenilla. Q&G have “in a fashion of [Spanish] ladies-in-waiting,” mis-
transcribing this word as al meninas and mistranslating the passage as ‘in the way of a
menina’, meaning ‘a lady-in-waiting’.
93  According to Q&G, 417, the ancient Filipinos had several percussion, wind and stringed
instruments.
94  MS: trompas de Paris; Q&G have “trumpets from Paris.”
95  See drawing on p. 356.
Visayans 355

is sagra.96, 97 Since their arrival here, the Spaniards have taken great care to
eradicate this abominable and bestial practice from among the natives, and
they have taken many of these rings away from them and punished them with
lashings for wearing them. Yet all of this is to no avail because they continue
to wear them. And they [41v] almost never remove the peg or pin that runs
through the holes of the hoop or ring and through the man’s member so that
the hole will not close up or so that putting the hoop or ring on again it will not
hurt them. It is a custom invented by the devil so that men can offend the Lord
our God more with it.98
What we have heretofore written are the rituals, ceremonies, traditions and
customs we have learned that belong to the Visayans and other people who
inhabit these Philippine Islands of the West. And we have learned them from
the oldest people and the leading chiefs of these islands, because they are the
best informed in the oral lore of their ancestors which has been passed down
from generation to generation from time immemorial. And they sing it in their
songs, in which they relate their origins and recount their wars and everything
else we have said here, because they have no writings or anything else that con-
tains it or shows it, except their songs, which they call in their tongue byáo.99

96  MS: sacra; for sagra or palang, see Morga, Sucesos, 278. For a discussion on the use of this
device, including an illustration, see Harrison, “Palang.”
97  MS: tienen su nombre diferente y el general de todas [sic] es en su lengua sacra; Q&G have
“each with a different name, and in general a name sacred in their language.”
98  In addition to the description in Morga, see Pigafetta (B&R, XXXIII, 171–173) and Loarca,
Relación (B&R, V, 117).
99  MS: biaus; a sung poem in Visayan; see DBE, Part 2, 54 s.v. byáo.
356 Translation

Drawing 1 Unknown Artist’s Rendering of a Visayan Penis Ring.

 chapter 5

Moros

[41v]

Customs and Traditions of the Moros1 in the Philippine Islands

of the West

The people known as Moros in the Islands of the West are so called not
because they are Moors, or because they observe the rites and ceremonies of
Muhammad, because they do not, nor is there anything Moorish about them
besides their name. But because after we Spaniards arrived, we thought that
[42r] they were Moors and that they followed some of the rites of Muhammad;
they were found to possess numerous indications of it because the natives of
the island of Borneo came to these islands to trade. These people of Borneo are
Moors like the Berbers and follow the law of Muhammad, which they began
teaching the people of the Philippines, including circumcision and refrain-
ing from pork, as well as other superficial points of the law of Muhammad,
and this is how they acquired the name Moro. Actually, they are Gentiles2 and
have almost the same customs and mores as the Visayans, although in the mat-
ter of creation of the world and of man, they interpret it differently from the
Visayans because they have greater light of reason and their mental capacities
are quicker and sharper. Therefore, greater order and harmony govern their
affairs than do those of the Visayans, as can be seen by everything we shall say
that occurs in the following way.3
The Moros of the Philippines believe that the earth, the sky and all other
things that in them are were created and made by only one god, whom they
refer to in their tongue as bathala na may kapangyarihan sa lahat,4 which
means “God the creator and preserver of all things.” They also call him by

1  This fifth anonymous account, according to Q&G, 419, deals with the Tagalogs of Luzon and
not the Islamic Filipinos of Mindanao and Sulu.
2  Gentile here refers to Hindus; the corresponding English word, now obsolete, was Gentoo.
See Y&B, 367–369 s.v. Gentoo.
3  M S: y porque todo lo digamos pasa de esta manera; the translation is speculative here due to
the garbled nature of the Spanish syntax.
4  M S: bachtala napalnanca calgna salahat; the translation given in the MS is accurate.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_029

358 Translation

another name, May-Ari.5 They say that this their god was in the air before there
was a sky or earth or anything else, and that he was ab eterno, not made or cre-
ated from anyone or by anyone, and that he alone made and created everything
we have named by his own will alone, desiring to make something as beautiful
as the sky and the [42v] earth, and that he made and created from the earth a
man and a woman from whom all men and generations in the world descend.
They also say that when their ancestors learned of this god, whom they con-
sider the highest, it was through prophets whose names they no longer know,
because, lacking scriptures where they could read the names of these proph-
ets, they have forgotten them. But what they do know of them is that in their
language they are called tagapaghayag ng banal na kasulatan ng dios,6 which
means “revealers of the scriptures of god,” from whom they learned about this
god. They [the prophets] told them what we have already described regard-
ing the creation of the world, people and everything else. They worship and
revere this god according to their understanding. And in certain meetings held
in their homes—they lack temples for this purpose nor is it their tradition to
have any—they hold feasts and revels in which they eat and drink very splen-
didly. Also present are certain people they call katalungan7 in their language,
who are like priests; some of them are men and some are women. They report-
edly recite certain prayers or secret words while making an offering of food or
beverage, asking the chief god to grant the boon asked of him by the person
who is offering the sacrifice, at the same time casting certain lots that they also
frequently use; these are generally bones or beads [43r]. The katalungan, or
priests, are compensated for offering this sacrifice.8
They have many other gods whom they say serve other specific purposes;
they say their ancestors invented and created these gods because they needed
them. One of these is the god they call Lakanbakor,9 whom they believe is the
god of the fruits of the earth. And when they have need of him they hold a ban-
quet and revel in the fields under a canopy that they construct there for this
purpose and where they erect a kind of altar. On this altar they place a wooden

5  M S: Mulayri; elsewhere Molaiari and Molayare; Q&G, 419, gloss this Tagalog term as “an
indirect apellation of God.”
6  M S: tagapagbasa nan sulatan a dios; the translation given in the MS is correct.
7  M S: catolonan; elsewhere catalonan. According to Brewer, Shamanism, 85, 197, katulungan
were usually female animistic shamans from the Luzon region; one hypothesis is that this
word literally means ‘assistant’ or ‘helper’. See also Scott, Barangay, 239, 249.
8  The last two sentences are omitted in Q&G’s translation.
9  M S: Lacanbaco. According to Q&G, 420, “an anito which, according to Reyes . . . dwells in
certain kinds of plants used as fences.”
Moros 359

statue whom they say is the god Lakanbakor; he has gold teeth and eyes and
gilded genitalia, the size of which is as big as they want their spikes of rice to
be. And its body is completely hollow. And those making the sacrifice form
a ring and eat and feast. And they have the priests we have mentioned place
some of the food they are to eat in the mouth of the god Lakanbakor; they
also give him some of the beverage they are to drink. And they are convinced
that by reciting some superstitious words he will give them the very good and
abundant fruits asked of him.
They have another god whom they say is the god of the fields and the
jungle,10 whom they call Uwinan Sana,11 to whom sacrifices of food are made
by the same priests called katulungan, and they utter some words as they do so,
beseeching him to do them no harm or injury while they are in their fields or
the jungle [43v]; they say he has power to do them evil and injury. And so that
he will do them no harm, they perform this sacrifice and hold this banquet for
him in order to keep him satisfied and benevolent,12 and this is why they do
this, and they fear him greatly.
They have another god called Lakanpati,13 to whom they make the same
sacrifices of food and utter the same words, asking that he provide them with
water for their crops and fish when they go fishing in the sea, saying that were
they not to do this they would not have water for their crops and much less
would they have any fish when they go fishing.
They have another god they call Haik.14 They consider him the god of the
sea, to whom they also perform sacrifices of banquets and food, offered by the
same priests, asking him to protect them from tempests and storms when trav-
eling by sea, and to grant them good weather and favorable calm winds. They
believe he has the power to do this.
They also consider the moon a god, which they worship and revere when-
ever it is new, asking it for life and riches because they believe and are con-
vinced it can give it to them abundantly, as well as long life.

10  MS: monte; though this word normally means “uncultivated land covered with grass and
bushes, and at times with trees” (see DUE s.v. monte), in the context of south-eastern Asia
it often refers to jungle; the Iberians of the 16th century writing about Asia rarely used the
more apropos term selva.
11  MS: Oinon Sana; see Scott, Barangay, 236.
12  MS: le hazen este sacrifiçio y conbite por tenello grato y propiçio; Q&G have “They do this
sacrifice and hold this gathering because they like it.”
13  MS: Lacapti; a Tagalog harvest god; see Noceda and Sanlúcar, Vocabulario, 163.
14  MS: Hayc; see Scott, Barangay, 236.
360 Translation

They also consider their ancestors to be gods, saying they inhabit the air
from whence they watch over them and that the illnesses they have are given
or taken away by their ancestors, for which reason they hold numerous ban-
quets and revels [44r] with the same priests when they are sick. And after the
priest has begged them to restore the health of the sick person, there being
many present for this, the priest takes a betel quid, which is a certain com-
pound made from a nut15 found in the Philippines and a leaf wrapped around
that nut, which all the people on these islands have the custom of chewing
because it is good for the stomach and the teeth. And they smear this masti-
cated substance on everyone who is present at this sacrifice so they will not fall
ill like the sick person,16 and by this they believe their ancestors will grant them
health in their illnesses.
They have other rituals and omens, such as if they have a dream that con-
flicts with what they plan on doing when leaving their houses for some desti-
nation, or if they sneeze or hear the song of a large bird they call Bathala,17 or
if a mouse or other vermin crosses their path as they are leaving their houses,
they go back inside and will not go to that place or take that road for three days,
after which they will proceed. And if any of these things we have described
befall them as they begin their journey or during any part of it, they return to
their houses, believing that nothing good would come from whatever they were
going to do. And if they go to war they do the same thing we have described
[44v] regarding the Visayans, and in taking an oath they say the same words as
the Visayans, although in addition the Moros hold small idols in their hands
while making an oath made of clay or metal and which are quite ugly because

15  MS: bellota, lit. ‘acorn’; this is areca nut; see p. 317, n. 11.
16  MS: y untan con aquello mascado a todos los que se hallan presents a este sacrificio para
que no les de aquella enfermedad que el enfermo tiene; Q&G have “they offer this nut to all
persons present at the sacrifice so as not to become ill like the sick person.”
17  MS: Bactala, elsewhere Batala. There is some disagreement among contemporaneous
Spanish writers regarding the identity of Bathala. While the majority (Loarca, Chirino
and Plasencia) report that among the Tagalogs he was worshipped as the supreme cre-
ator-god, Morga (Sucesos, 279) says he was an “omen bird.” It turns out that the MS is
the best source for resolving this contradiction; see below, pp. 378–9. The point of view
expressed in the MS is corroborated by the work of the anthropologist Jocano, accord-
ing to whom Bathala, a compassionate protector of mankind who was also a stern dis-
ciplinarian to those who trespassed against him, was represented by a turtle-dove called
tigma-manuguin; see Jocano, Philippine Prehistory, 218. For the early Spanish sources, see
B&R, (Loarca, Relación) V, 165–168; (Plascencia) VII, 178; (Chirino) XII, 77–78. See also
Scott, Barangay, 233–234.
Moros 361

one of its limbs has been removed. They call this idol sumpa,18 by whom they
swear with the words we have described,19 adding: “May I become like20 this
sumpa if what I see is not true,” believing that if they tell a lie, what they say
in their oath will happen to them. Besides this oath, when they want to deter-
mine with complete certainty who is telling the truth in a dispute, they do the
following: they go to a river, and at the deepest section each person grasps a
wood shaft and pushes himself under the water; they say that the one who
can stay under the longest without breathing is telling the truth. And so they
submerge themselves simultaneously under the water, and they say that the
one who stays underneath the longest is telling the truth and is given justice
while the other concedes and is condemned regarding what he is seeking or
what is being sought of him. And this is their surest21 proof for telling the truth
among them.
They have no king or people who are commissioned to administer justice,
nor institutions of a republic;22 in this they are rather like the Visayans: those
who are chiefs do as they please, confiscating and granting property to whom-
soever they see fit with little justification, although it is true that the Moros
[45r] are more amenable to reason and are more orderly and organized in their
affairs and have the advantage over the Visayans in their way of life and in mat-
ters of reason. They have better houses and buildings, which are more orderly,
although they are situated in swamps or along the banks of rivers.
The clothing of the Moros is made of cotton cloth; they do not go around
naked like the Visayans. Their clothes consist of tunics or low-cut jackets with
sleeves but no collars, and well-made baggy trousers,23 although sometimes
below the waist they were a very attractive cloth24 that covers their skin down
to their knees; from there down they go barelegged.25 From their calves to

18  The author misconstrues the Tagalog for ‘curse; oath’ as the name of a god or idol.
19  MS: Llamanle a este çumpa en el cual juran diziendo estas palabras; Q&G have “They call
this [oath] çumpa in which they swear the words we have described.”
20  MS: yo me torne como este çumpa si no es verdad lo que aqui digo; Q&G have “may I be
broken like this çumpa if what I saw is not true.”
21  MS: mas evidente: Q&G have “most common.”
22  MS: cosas de rrepublica; Q&G have “personages for government.”
23  MS: chamarretas o saltaenbarcas escotadas y sin cuellos y con sus mangas y sus saraguelles
bien echos; Q&G have “[words not understood] and without collars; and with their sleeves
and their [word not understood] they come dressed.”
24  MS: mantas bien puestas; ignorant of the indigenous term, the author is describing the
Malay sorong. Q&G have “mantle well located.”
25  MS: traen las piernas de fuera; Q&G have “from there their legs protrude.”
362 Translation

their knees they wear many things that look like fine tin mesh26 which they
call bitik;27 these are worn exclusively by the men, who regard them as very
elegant. They also wear numerous golden chains around their necks, especially
the chiefs; indeed, these are what they value most, and some people wear more
than ten or twelve of them. They wear a headdress28 that is neither wide nor
long and which they wrap just once around their heads and fasten with a knot.
They do not wear their hair long—they cut it as is done in Spain. They do not
usually wear beards or ever let one grow, though most men could, and what
grows is carefully shaved off. And the Visayans do likewise. The Moros have
mustaches only, which they do not shave, letting them grow as long as pos-
sible. [45v] The [Moros]29 never wear shoes of any kind, nor do the men pierce
their ears as do Visayan men, but the women do, wearing much gold jewelry
in their ears, because they are wealthier than the Visayan women. Men and
women also frequently wear many gold bracelets and armlets30 on their arms,
but not on their legs. And the women also wear the same kind of golden chains
around their necks that men do. The Moros do not tattoo any part of their body.
There is some difference in their languages, although everyone understands
each other very well; their languages are like Castilian and Portuguese, or
even more similar. They are very fond of trading, selling and making deals
with each other; they are great merchants and very ambitious and very skilled
bargainers.31 They are quite fond of seeking out and making money and
attempt every way possible of earning it. They like to serve Spaniards and thus
serve them for months.32
They count the year by moons and from one harvest to another. They have
certain characters that function as letters with which they write what they
want. These are very different in appearance from any others we have seen.
It is common for women to know how to write with them, and when they write
they do it on a sort of tablet made from the bark of the kind of bamboo that
is found on those islands. In using these tablets, which are four fingers33 wide,

26  MS: munchas como cadenetas menudas echas de açofar; Q&G have “chainlets often made
of brass.”
27  MS: bitiques; tin mesh: see Serrano Laktaw, 136 s.v. bitik.
28  MS: en la caveça traen unas toquillas puestas; Q&G have “they wear headdresses of small
cloth.”
29  MS: bisayas; copyist’s error.
30  MS: axorcas; Q&G have “chains.”
31  MS: grandes mercadelejos y buscavidas y muy sutiles en su manera de tratar; Q&G have
“great merchants and cunning in their dealings.”
32  MS: y asi sirven por meses Q&G have “and wait at their tables,” misreading meses for mesas.
33  Approximately 2.6 inches or 6.6 centimeters.
Moros 363

they do not write with ink [46r] but rather with burins that break the skin and
bark of the bamboo. And though they have letters,34 they have no books or
histories, nor do they write anything of length; they only write letters and mes-
sages to each another, and this is the only use they make of these characters,
of which there are only seventeen. Each letter is a syllable and with certain
points placed to one side or the other of a letter, or above or below it, they rep-
resent words and write and say with these whatever they wish. It is very easy
to learn and anybody with a desire to apply himself can learn it in just over
two months. They are not very fast writers; indeed they write very slowly. And
the same goes for reading, which is like when children sound out their letters
in school.
They also establish and settle their towns in swampy land and near water
and rivers, the same as the Visayans, because it is their custom to bathe twice
a day, just as the latter do. Their towns are more ordered and organized than
those of the Visayans as far as their buildings are concerned, as well in other
things, even though there are trees and coconut palms in the middle of their
streets. The Moros have the very same artisans—carpenters, blacksmiths, sil-
versmiths and others—necessary for manufacturing bronze cannons, which
they also use and already possessed at the time the Spaniards arrived in the
Philippines, but which they no longer have because the Spaniards have taken
them away. They were all small,35 the biggest being falconets36 and numer-
ous small versos;37 they had no large pieces [46v] nor did they make them,
although now they know very well how to make and cast them.
They do not eat pork, as we have said, because they picked this up from the
Muhammadans of Brunei38 who came to trade with them, along with other
things they learned from the sect of Muhammad they taught them. They eat

34  MS: Y con tener letras; Q&G mistake this phrase as belonging to the previous sentence and
thus misconstrue it as “to write the letters.”
35  MS: Era toda pequeña; Q&G have “They were all pikemen.”
36  MS: medios falcones; a light cannon, 3 feet 9 inches in length, with a caliber of 2.0 inches.
37  Q&G have “culverins.” Versos were half the size and caliber of a culverin, 10 to 13 feet in
length with a 5 to 5.5-inch bore.
38  The author of this section of the MS apparently uses the terms Borneo and Brunei syn-
onymously. There is some logic to this practice: both the island and the location found on
the island are geographically at the epicenter of maritime South-east Asia. According to
Chinese texts, Brunei was a pre-colonial state system or empire ruled by pagan or Hindi
rulers that was found from the 7th century forward on the island of Borneo. It has been
claimed that its rulers had converted to Islam by the 15th century and that Brunei had
become a Sultanate, expanded and controlled a good deal of northern Borneo up to the
Sultanate of Banjarmasin in the south-east, the Sulu Archipelago to the east, as well as
364 Translation

the flesh of goats, buffaloes, chickens and ducks, all of which they breed and
have. The Visayans do not eat goat meat, and neither group eats cheese or milk
because they consider it repugnant. They frequently have revels, this being
their chief entertainment aside from cockfighting, as we have said regarding
the Visayans.39 The wine they drink is taken and made from the coconut palm,
fresh from the palms immediately after it is harvested; it is sweet like grape
juice, which they call in their tongue tuba.40
The clothing of the women is not as elegant or refined as that of the Visayan
women; they wrap a cotton or taffeta cloth around their bodies with very lit-
tle style. The jackets and bodices41 they wear are of the same form we have
described regarding the Visayans. And they also wear their clothes skin tight,
revealing the shape of their waists and breasts because they do not wear che-
mises or stockings.42 The wives of the chiefs, when going out of their houses,
are customarily carried on the shoulders of their slaves and in this manner
travel through the streets. All of them wear small pieces of cloth over their
clothing which reach to their waists; these are made of cotton and are of a
variety of colors. Others are made of satin, taffeta and damask [47r] brought
from China.
Their marriages are identical to those of the Visayans. And the Moros are
precisely the same as the Visayans in the matter of slaves, and in making friends
with their enemies and with those who come to their towns. It is also their cus-
tom to blacken or redden their teeth, and to this end they do the same thing
we have described for the Visayans; they do it because they consider it stylish.
They have no music of any kind except the kinds of guitars that we said the
Visayans have, which they play more skillfully than the Visayans, especially the
women; the sound they make with them is as if they were talking. And thus
very often when one of them is in her43 house and one of her sweethearts is in
another one close by where the guitars can both be heard, they court each other
by playing them, saying what they want with their playing, and this is how they

part of Mindanao, and exerted some influence on the island of Luzon in the Philippines
at Kota Seludong, as Manila was then known.
39  MS: como diximos en lo de los bisayas. Again Q&G mistake this phrase as belonging to the
previous sentence and thus misconstrue it as “Among the Visayans the wine they drink . . .”
40  MS: tupa; see Q&G, 426. The DBE has tobá, meaning ‘palm wine.’
41  MS: corpesuelos; Q&G have “skirts.”
42  MS: Tanbien traen el bestido a rrayz de las carnes pareciendoles por la cintura y pechos
porque no usan camisas ningunas ni calçado; Q&G have “They also wear their dress over
the skin, gathering it at the waist and the breasts because they use no chemise or shoes.”
43  MS: esta en su casa; Q&G have “when one is in his house.”
Moros 365

understand each other.44 Not everybody knows how to do this because they
teach each other and learn how in much the same way as the blind do with
their special language in Spain.45
When someone dies they would make a wood coffin in which he is laid, and
the body is washed and anointed with fragrant ointments. Some cotton cloths,
and nothing else, are placed in the coffin, which is buried in the earth. They
do not put any gold or jewelry in it the way the Visayans do. Afterwards, the
relatives of the deceased fast for one whole year, eating nothing but herbs and
wild fruit and bananas; this is called magarahe. The Visayans do likewise, but
not for such a long time. [47v] A slave of a Moor who dies is placed in the grave
with him; he is buried alive under the coffin near the head of the deceased so
that he can serve him in the next world.46
When it comes to inheriting their parents’ property, all children have a
share, even if they are bastards or the product of adultery,47 although not in
the same quantity or share as legitimate children. They marry all their relatives
except their siblings. It is not their custom to sleep in beds; in this regard they
do the same as we have said concerning the Visayans. Furthermore, unmarried
women consider it disgraceful to give birth,48 and they kill their young, as do
the Visayans, although married women do not consider it a disgrace to give
birth many times; on the contrary, they consider it good, and thus they do not
seek to abort or to kill their young as we have said married Visayan women do.
In general the women are very wanton and greedy in matters of the flesh and
do it more than Visayan women. The men can marry however many women
they want while the latter are alive, and they can do the same things as we
have said the Visayans do; in this particular they observe the same order when
they marry.

44  MS: tañen con ellas y se estan rrequebrando diziendo por lo que tañen lo que quieren y asi se
entienden; Q&G have “they play tunes with which they understand each other.”
45  MS: Esto no lo saven hazer todos porque se deprende y enseña entre ellas de la manera que en
España la jerigonza de los çiegos; Q&G have: “Not everybody knows how to do this because
they learn and teach themselves how to do this in the same way as the blind in Spain.”
46  MS: El moro que muere ponenle dentro de la sepoltura un esclabo suyo al qual meten bibo
debajo del ataúd a la parte que esta la cabeça del difunto para que en el otro mundo le sirva;
Q&G have “The Moor who dies is placed within it; they bury a slave of his, placing him
alive below the coffin at the head of the deceased, so that he may serve him in the other
world.”
47  MS: adulteros; Q&G have “adulterous.”
48  MS: tienen tanbien por afrenta las que no son casadas de parir; Q&G have “they also con-
sider it a dishonor for an unmarried woman to give birth.”
366 Translation

They also have numerous kinds of ships with many different names that
they use for trading and war; these are very similar to those of the Visayans,
although not as good or well-built.
Women customarily wear gold headbands on their heads over their hair,
which they wear loose; this is if they are wives of chiefs. The others wear dia-
dems made of tortoise or conch shells. These are most elegant.
These Moros [48r] also have many wars and disputes amongst themselves
and with neighboring towns and others; in this they do the same things we
have described the Visayans as doing. They bear and use the same weapons.
Their chiefs do whatever they want with no one staying their hand, no matter
what the circumstances.
These are the customs among the Moros and Visayans of the Philippine
Islands about which we have learned to date.
Tagalogs 367

Illustration 15 Tagalog (Common or Slave) Men.

368 Translation

Illustration 16 Tagalog (Common) Women.

Tagalogs 369

Illustration 17 Tagalog (Royal) Couple.

370 Translation

Illustration 18 Tagalog (Royal) Couple.

Tagalogs 371

Illustration 19 Tagalog (Noble) Couple.

 chapter 6

Tagalogs

[59r]

An Account of the Heathen Rites and Ceremonies of the Indians

of the Philippine Islands1

While it is true that on these islands of Luzon, Panay2 and Cebu3 there are an
infinite number of languages (and therefore also different styles of clothing),
each one different from the rest—some extremely barbarous, others moder-

1  This sixth anonymous account deals, as suggested in its title, with customs found throughout
the Philippine Islands. Luzon is, as already mentioned, one of the three primary geographical
regions of the Philippine archipelago (the other two being the Visayas and Mindanao). It
is the largest island in the Philippines, surrounded by the South China Sea to its west, the
Phillippine Sea to its east and the Luzon Strait to its north. It is located in the northernmost
region of the archipelago at 16°0′0″N, 121°0′0″E. It is also the name for a group of islands
including its namesake and other outlying islands (Batanes, Babuyan, Catanduanes,
Marinduque, Masbate, Romblon and Mindoro). The island is volcanic and mountainous (the
Cordillera Central is located in the north; the Sierra Madre range is east of valley formed
by the Cagayan River; toward the center and southern part of the island, they join with
the Zambales Mountains in the west to form the Central Luzon plain; to their north, the
Zambales form the Lingayen Gulf and to their south, they also extend into the sea forming
Subic Bay and, subsequently, Bataan Peninsula and Manila Bay). Early Spanish colonial
activities in the Philippines were centered around the island of Cebu (see below), which is
to the south of Luzon. The Spanish decided to establish their capital on Luzon at Manila in
the mid-1560s and fully implemented that decision in 1571, in part because of the favorable
physical attributes of its location as one of East Asia’s most suitable natural harbors.
2  An island in the Philippine archipelago located at 11°9′0″N, 122°29′0″E; it is situated in the
western part of the Visayas to the south-east of the island of Mindoro and north-west of
Negros; to its north is the Sibuyan Sea and the islands of Romblon and to its south-west is the
Sulu Sea.
3  M S: Çoebu; elsewhere Zebu; a long narrow island with rolling hills, coastal plains and lime-
stone plateaus; there are rugged mountains found in its northern and southern areas. Cebu,
located at 10°19′0″N, 123°45′0″E, forms part of the Philippine archipelago; it is situated in the
central part of the Visayas to the east of Negros and to the west of Leyte and Bohol islands.
The name Cebu also encompasses 167 smaller surrounding islands, including Mactan,
Bantayan, Malapascua, Olango and the Camotes islands. Prior to establishing themselves at
Manila on Luzon in 1571, the Spanish concentrated their colonial and commercial efforts in

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_030

Tagalogs 373

ately understandable, and still others very clearly so—, so far as their rituals
and ceremonies are concerned, almost all of them are in perfect agreement.
And if in some places they differ somewhat, the difference is so minor that it
would not do to discuss each nation separately, and thus a summary is given of
all of them together.4
As far as the first point is concerned, it is noteworthy that these people had
and revered one God, the creator of all things, whom some call Bathala, others
May-Ari and others Dioata.5 And although they profess belief in this god as the
creator of all things, they do not know, nor can they explain, when, how or why
he made them, nor for what purpose, nor what his dwelling in heaven is.
They have always known, and know to this day, that they have a soul which
when separated from the body goes to a certain place that some call casanaan6
and others maca,7 which they say is divided into two large populations sepa-
rated by an inlet that runs through the middle. One side is for the souls of
sailors, who are dressed in white, and the other is for everyone else, who are
dressed in red, because of their higher standing. They say that the souls who
live in these places die seven times and are resurrected just as often,8 experi-
encing the same vexations and suffering they experienced in their bodies in
this world, except that they have the power to give health and take it away,
which they accomplish through the air. And for this reason they are invoked
and aid is asked of them through the celebration of revels and the consump-
tion of pork and chicken and the partaking of the best meals and stews that
can possibly be prepared according to their way. Relatives and neighbors
gather together and sing and dance and sway9 to the sound of drums and bells,
with loud clapping and shouting.10 They decorate altars with candles11 and the

the Philippines in this area because of Magellan’s and later Spaniards’ favorable reception
by the Raja of Cebu in 1521 and because of the island’s proximity to the Spice Islands.
4   MS: Y asi de todas ellas se haze en epiligo; Q&G have “we can reach a conclusion on all of
them.”
5   DBE, Part 2, 125, has “false god, idol.” Q&G, 428 say it is “not the name of a god, but a term
employed referring to spirits, the equivalent of the anitos in Tagalog.”
6   MS: Casan; according to Plasencia, Tagalog for ‘a place of anguish or hell’; see B&R, VII,
196. Compare this with the Visayan notion of Sulad; see p. 341, n. 33.
7   According to Plasencia, this means ‘a village of rest or paradise’; see B&R, VII, 196.
8   MS: mueren siete vezes y otras tantas bueluen a rresuçitar; Q&G have “die seven times and
some others are resuscitated.”
9   MS: dansan y baylan; Q&G have “dance.”
10  MS: con muncho estruendo de palmadas y gritos; Q&G have “and the beating of palms
and cries.”
11  MS: Ponen altar con candelas; Q&G have “They build altars with [illegible].”
374 Translation

best cloths and golden jewelry they possess. They offer everything to the anito,
which is what they call the soul when they invoke it.12 They smear the blood
of whatever they have slaughtered to eat [59v] on certain parts of their bodies,
believing that this will give them health and long life. All of this is administered
by a priest dressed in woman’s clothing, whom they call a bayog or bayoguin,
or by a woman who performs the same function, whom they call a katalungan.
This feast comes to an end when almost everybody gets drunk: this is called
maganito by the Indians. It has already been explained what the maganito is.
We shall describe their priests and priestesses, and what is attached to their
offices, and subsequently we shall describe the rituals and ceremonies the
Indians have and use in particular matters.
Although these Indians have no temples, they have priests and priestesses,
who are the principal masters of their ceremonies, rituals and omens, and to
whom are entrusted all of their important affairs; they are well paid for their
labor. Ordinarily they dress like women and affect a delicate and prancing
manner, being so effeminate13 that if one did not know better he would take
them for women. Almost all are impotent for the reproductive act, and thus
they marry other men and sleep with them as man and wife and have carnal
knowledge. In short, these men are submissive.14 They are called bayog or bay-
oguin.15 The priestesses are usually old and their role is to cure the sick with
superstitious words or to participate in the revels, invoking the souls of their
ancestors for their purpose and conducting the ceremonies which will be dis-
cussed below. The role of the priests is to attend to every need, in general to
assist the priestesses in invoking [the spirits], although they do so with more
pomp, ceremony and authority. There is one more type of priest, called kata-
lungan. Their role is the same as that of the priestesses, and neither these nor
the priestesses have as much authority as the priests who dress in women’s
clothes. In short, neither of them are sorcerers, and everything they do16 is with
spells or tricks for the purpose of emptying the pockets of ignorant people.
When they are ill they use many kinds of rituals, some [60r] with more para-
phernalia and others with less, depending on the social standing of each per-
son; the nobility ordinarily hold maganitos, or revels, in the manner described
earlier, assisted by one or more priests, who invoke the anito of the sick person.

12  MS: que asi le llaman al alma quando la ynbocan; Q&G have “whom they call by that name.
They invoke the maguan,” misreading alma quando as al maguan.
13  MS: su modo melindre y meneos; Q&G have “they act like prudes and are so effeminate.”
14  MS: son sometidos; Q&G have “these men are sodomites.”
15  Also found in Plasencia; see B&R, VII, 183.
16  MS: y quanto hacen; Q&G have “when they perform witchcraft.”
Tagalogs 375

And they claim that the anitos come and that those present hear a noise like a
flute, which, according to what the priests say, is the anito speaking, claiming
that the sick person will recover, whereupon the feast continues with great
jubilation. And if the sick person dies after the anito said he would recover, the
priest offers the excuse that the anito had good intentions, but that they were
thwarted by other, more powerful anitos. There are some people who light a
bundle of dried grass and toss it out the window, saying that this frightens the
bad anitos who caused the illness and that this drives them away. Others cast
lots by tying a piece of wood or a caiman’s tooth to their hands with a thread
which they themselves swing back and forth, asking: “Who caused the sick-
ness of so-and-so? Is it so-and-so or is it not so-and-so?” “No, it is someone
else.” “Then who? So-and-so?” “Yes!”17 The people doing this are talking to
themselves while directing the object they are swinging with their hands at
whomsoever they wish. What they are doing is an obvious fraud, and yet no
one can be persuaded of this; they are all convinced it is genuine.18 Others
lacking wealth or means offer a little cooked rice and a bit of fish and wine,
begging the anito for health. Still others make an offering of a modest revel to
the anito, at which one of the lesser priestesses or priests,19 called a katalun-
gan, is present and who administers whatever is needed. And they say that the
reason the sick person became ill is that his soul has left his body and that he
will not recover until it returns to him.20 And then the sick person begs him to
order his soul to return, and for this they pay him in advance according to what
they have agreed. And then the katalungan goes off to a corner alone to talk to
himself and after a while goes over to the sick man and tells him to be happy
because his soul is already back in his body and he will get well. At this point
they hold their revel. And if the sick person should die, they are never in short
supply of excuses to absolve themselves. And in these revels they heat water

17  MS: diziendo quien es la causa de la enfermedad de fulano es fulano o no es fulano no es

sutano pues quien fulano si. The lack of punctuation and capitalization make this dialogue
difficult to unpack; Q&G have “saying that the cause of the malady of one is so-and-so or
is not so-and-so.”
18  MS: y enderesando la suerte que menean con su mano a quien les parece de modo que se ve
evidentemente ser patraña del que esto haze y con todo no se persuade nadie a que lo es sino
que es aquello çierto; Q&G have “and since the omens are manipulated by them as they
please, it is evident that they can foretell whatever they please or what is certain.”
19  MS: y asiste una sacerdoctisa o un sacerdocte de los ynferiores; Q&G have “in which assists
a priestess or a priest of the sick.”
20  MS: y dizen que la causa de la enfermedad del enfermo es que el alma se le a ydo y que hasta
bolversela al cuerpo no sanara; Q&G have “and then says and the cause of the illness is
that the soul has left the body and until it returns the sick would not recover.”
376 Translation

with which to wash the faces of all those present, the healthy and the sick, say-
ing that it prevents sickness and lengthens life.
[60v] The most general practice in these islands is for the dead to be buried
without delay, although not all with the same magnificence; common people
do no more than21 wrap the deceased in a white shroud and bury him either
next to his house or in his field and then conclude with a revel. But the chiefs
are wrapped in the richest silken shrouds available and placed in an incorrupt-
ible wooden coffin, and inside it gold is placed according to the means of the
deceased. And he is buried under a house that has been built for this purpose,
where all his dead relatives are buried. And they curtain off the tomb, and on
top of it they place a lighted lamp and food as offerings for the dead, depend-
ing on the eminence of the deceased. And sometimes even after three or four
years a man or woman still stands guard over it.22 In some places slaves are
killed and buried with their masters so the latter will have someone to serve
them in the afterlife. This tragic practice has escalated to the point23 that in
many instances a ship is loaded with more than sixty slaves and filled with
food and drink; the deceased is then placed on board and he and the entire
vessel, including the live slaves, are then buried in the earth. And funeral rites
are performed by drinking for more than a month.
There are others who keep the corpse in the house for six or seven days so
that its fluid can drain out;24 while this is taking place, amid all that stench,
there is nonstop drinking. They then remove the flesh from the bones and
throw it into the sea; the bones are then placed in an earthen jar. After a con-
siderable time if they deem it fit they bury them, jar and all, or if they do not
find it suitable, they leave them in their houses. But the most repugnant and
horrible thing they do is that [61r] as they are burying the bones, they use them
as drinking cups; and this is what they call “from Bataan to Mariveles.”25

21  MS: porque la gente commun no haze mas de amortajar con una manta blanca al difunto;
Q&G have “because the people are [word not understood]. They do no more than cover
the deceased with a white sheet . . .”
22  MS: Y asgunas [sic] vezes pasa de tres o quatro años y aun ponen una muger u hombre que
este de guardia todo este tiempo; Q&G have “And sometimes a man or woman is placed on
guard all the time even after three or four years have passed.”
23  MS: y pasa a tanta deventura esto que; Q&G have “This practice is carried out to the
extent . . .”
24  MS: para que destile el xugo que tiene; Q&G have “so that the fluids may flow.”
25  Q&G, 432, explain that this expression probably means “from Bataan to Mariveles [i.e.,
Corregidor]”, referring to the stamina required for this drinking marathon. It is also pos-
sible that Mariveles refers to the mountain of the same name on the Bataan Peninsula,
and not to Corregidor.
Tagalogs 377

There are others who do not bury their dead, but take them to a hill and there
throw them on the ground; they then race each other off the hill26 because they
believe that the last one will die, and for this reason there are few who dare take
them there. And the ones who take the risk do it because they are paid well to
do so. When the dead are taken for burial they are not carried through the
front door, but through a window; and if they are by chance carried through
the door, it is closed up and moved to another part of the house, because they
believe that whoever goes through the same door as the deceased will also
die. They mourn for their dead not only in their houses but also on the way
to the burial place, chanting dirges in which they extol the deeds and virtues
of the deceased, which sounds more like singing than mourning because of
how they warble and modulate their voices, almost without tears. For this pur-
pose they enlist the aid of people who know how to do it and for whom this is
nearly their sole responsibility. When a chief dies, nobody in his town is per-
mitted to sing or play any kind of musical instrument in celebration, not even
those who pass by the port27 in ships, under penalty of severe punishment.
The different customs they have for mourning their dead are, first, abstain-
ing from rice for the same number of years as they received or gave dowry;
this applies only to husbands for their wives. Others stop eating it for as long
as they lament the passing of the deceased or as long as they miss him.28
Widowers retreat behind a curtain and eat nothing for four days; they say that
if he did not do this he would go mad, and during this whole time a priest
sings and dances around the mourner. If the deceased had slaves and if his
relatives have them, they all shave their heads in mourning, and all the male
relatives [61v] do likewise, and his female relatives cut part of their hair, but
not all of it. His relatives29 do not wear silk or gold ornaments for a long time.
In some places the men wear collars made of rattan, and the women rattan
bracelets. They do not bathe or end their mourning until they kill someone,
then they remove their collars and bracelets and hold a solemn revel to end
their mourning.
Women who wish to get pregnant feed pigs luxuriously,30 giving them
the most delicious dishes possible and from that time on dedicate them for

26  MS: Luego se bienen huyendo a porfia; Q&G have “and then they flee hurriedly.”
27  MS: por su puerta, which is probably a copyist’s error for puerto.
28  MS: que los demas cada uno dexa comerlo conforme lo que sintio la muerte o la falta que le
haze el difunto; Q&G have “the rest are permitted to do so. Depending on how the surviv-
ing spouse feels over the death, or a lack of it.”
29  MS: los parientes; Q&G have “No one . . .”
30  MS: rregaladisimamente; Q&G have “delicately.”
378 Translation

sacrifice to the anito after they give birth. They have so much faith that they
will get pregnant by raising pigs this way that it has become an essential part of
getting pregnant.31 During pregnancy their husbands do not cut their hair until
their wives deliver, in the belief that if they do so beforehand, the child will not
be born, although this belief is not general, being limited to just a few places.
When a woman gives birth, in some places they do not allow rice to be
ground under the house; it must be done far away, because they believe that if
the rice that falls from the mortar is eaten by chickens the child will die. They
hold a maganito when a child is born, with all their relatives and neighbors
present. They eat the pig that was luxuriously raised for this purpose with great
relish. And all of them smear its blood on themselves and on the baby, whom
they afterwards bathe in water, as well as the mother. And they take particular
care in paying the midwives, because they believe that if the latter are not sat-
isfied, the baby will be born fussy. As the midwives perform their services they
say a prayer to the world’s first midwife, whom they do not know nor know
who she was, saying: “Oh, first midwife, whose services I now perform accord-
ing to your good will, grant me now your favor [62r] so that through my help
this child may be born.”32
Whenever the chiefs eat, they put a little of everything they eat or drink on
small plates at a separate table33 as an offering to the anitos and the May-Ari
or to Bathala, the creator of all things. They do not share their rice or any new
fruit with anybody,34 nor do they let another person wear their new clothes,
because they believe that in doing so they will experience a lack of that thing.
They do not allow anything to be eaten in the winnowing area while rice is
winnowed,35 because they believe that whoever eats there will either die or
go mad.
When it rains while the sun is shining and the sky is reddish, they say the
anitos have come together to wage war on them and this fills them with great

31  MS: Tienen tanta confiança en que criandolo se an de enpreñar que es cosa particular en
enpreñandose; Q&G have “They have so much faith in this that they believe they would
make them pregnant which is a thing in particular.”
32  MS: o tu primera partera cuyo ofiçio por tu boluntad agora hago dame ffavor para que medi-
ante mi ayuda salga a luz esta criatura; Q&G have “Oh, first midwife, by your good will,
now grant me the favor such that through my help this creature may be born.”
33  MS: en su propia mesa de por si; Q&G have “on the table.”
34  MS: y del arroz u otro qualquier fruto nuevo no co­nvidan a nadie ni la rropa nueva no consi-
enten que otro la estrene; Q&G have “. . . and of the rice and of any other new fruit. They do
not invite anybody, nor do they consent to [the wearing of] new clothes by others.”
35  MS: no consienten que en la criva donde crivan el arroz nadie coma cosa; Q&G have “They
do not allow anything to be eaten where the rice is planted . . .”
Tagalogs 379

fear, and the women and children are not allowed to go down from their
houses36 until it stops and the sky clears up.
When the earth shakes they say the anitos are doing it, and so they all let out
shrieks and bang against things in their houses,37 making a great noise, saying
that by doing this the anitos are frightened and the earthquake will stop.
When they hunt they consider it an omen that they will not catch anything
if they mention anything about fishing, and while fishing the same thing hap-
pens if they mention anything about hunting.38
They have numerous omens when undertaking a journey. In some places
there is a blue, red and black39 bird which they call Bathala; this name means
God. And this is what the Indians say: that this is not the right label because
they do not consider it to be God, but rather one of his messengers40 who
explains the [62v] will of Bathala, who is God. And that is why if they are taking
a journey and they hear the song of this bird they either stop or return or con-
tinue their journey, depending on what they understood from the bird’s song.
If somebody sneezes, or they hear a lizard’s chirping,41 or if a snake crosses
their path, they turn back saying that these are signs that God is sending them
telling them that it is not His will for them to continue on, and that if they pro-
ceed, some evil will befall them.
The first day of a new moon, they worship it and ask favors of it. Some ask
it to provide them with a lot of gold; others for a lot of rice; others that it give
them a beautiful wife or a noble husband who is well-mannered and rich; oth-
ers that it bestow on them health and long life; in short, everyone asks for what
he most desires.
As they walk along the riverside or travel on the river by boat42 they pray
to the caiman, asking him to swim to the depths and to not frighten or hurt
them, as they are not its enemies, nor do they intend to hurt it, but rather seek
its well-being; and they ask it to go after their enemies. They call it grandfather
and say they are its relatives and other absurdities of this sort. Others make
food offerings to it at the river’s edge, doing this with great care and asking only

36  MS: ni mugeres ni niños consienten que abajen de las casas; Q&G have “and the women and
children are not allowed to go down their houses.”
37  MS: por esto todos dan alarydos y golpes en las casas; Q&G have “and so they all go about
delivering blows to the house.”
38  MS: y pescando si nombraren qualquier cosa de caça lo propio; Q&G have “and when fish-
ing by naming anything about hunting.”
39  MS: ay un pajaro azul colorado y negro; Q&G have “a bird colored reddish blue and black.”
40  MS: mensajero; Q&G have “acolyte.”
41  MS: cantar: Q&G have “clucking.”
42  MS: Yendo por agua al rrio o en barco; Q&G have “Going on water by the river or in a boat.”
380 Translation

that it do them no harm. And if they happen to be travelling by boat and they
see it swimming on the surface of the water, they consider this a bad omen
and cease their progress until they see another good omen and can resume
their journey.
They believe in dreams, and thus they pay attention to whether a dream is
good or bad. If it is good, they consider it a good sign, and if bad, a bad sign. If it
is [63r] bad, they immediately hold maganitos and make offerings and prayers
to their gods or anitos. And they are sad until they see an omen that means
something good for them as opposed to the bad omen.
And those affected by deadly herbs or poisons, or those with abscesses or
who suffer from dangerous diseases, are cured with words understood only by
those who keep the law of Muhammad on the island of Borneo, where these
words are understood to have been delivered. And during the cure they chew
an herb called betel while uttering the words. And both those who administer
the cure and those who receive it have so much faith in these words that the sick
person claims that—amazingly—he feels better after they are pronounced.
The sesame oil that they use for curing illnesses is made with a certain spell,
like a blessing, using words from Brunei, and it is very carefully stored for the
curing of the said illnesses.43 They also use these words or incantations to make
fighting-cocks fearless and invincible. They also use several spells for their
amorous quests, and for making others fall in love with them, or for preventing
their husbands or anyone else from seeing or suspecting anything about their
pursuits, except for the people they want to, and for this purpose they carry the
written spell with them wherever they go. They use herbs to make the person
who receives them take a liking to the giver, and, inversely, they use others that
cause dislike.44
They wear superstitious amulets:45 some so they will not suffer defeat in
war; others so they will not be captured; others so they will become invincible;
others for good luck; others so they will not be eaten by a caiman; others to

43  MS: El azeyte de ajonjoli con que se curan le hazen [con] çierto con­juro a manera de uendiçion
con palabras burneyas. Y este le guardan con muncho cuydado para curar las enfermedades
arriba dichas; Q&G have “The oil of the sesame seed which they use for treatment is made
by a certain incantation in the manner of a blessing, using Burneyan words which they
very carefully guard in order to cure the illnesses described above.”
44  MS: usan de yervas que las personas que las rreçiben se afiçiona a la que la da y por el
­contrario usan de otras que desafiçionan; Q&G have “They use herbs to attract those
whom they like and correspondingly use others on those whom they dislike.”
45  MS: nominas; originally a nomina was a relic on which the names of saints were written;
it came to mean, in early modern Spanish, an amulet on which “superstitious and other
ridiculous things were added, and they are worn culpably in the vain belief that they free
Tagalogs 381

improve their health;46 others to enjoy [63v] long life; another so that deadly
herbs or poisons will not harm them; and for a thousand other purposes. Some
of these amulets are the eyeteeth of a caiman; others are a man stone;47 others
are hair they say is from a goblin;48 others are an herb that causes another to
take a liking to them;49 others are a bone or root of a tree.50 In short, they have
a thousand and one inventions of this sort, and in some cases they utter spells
in the language of Brunei. They have high regard for all of this.
And when building a house, before they put on the roof, they place a scare-
crow on the highest part of it so that owls will not perch on it, because they
consider it an omen that those who live there will die. And if in the house
where they live a swallow should perch or a snake should enter, they either
abandon it or hold a revel or a maganito, because they fear that they will die if
they do not do so.
After building a ship, when it is time to launch it on the water the first time,
they shoot an arrow into the sky or fire a harquebus, saying if they do not do
this, the bangka,51 as they call it, will not be swift52 on the water. When building
a ship for the purpose of trading, they do the same thing when launching it on
the water; they also hold revels, begging their gods or the anitos to bless it so it
will bring them good fortune and much profitable trading.
Before planting their grain,53 some hold maganitos; others make offerings to
the anito, asking that their crops ripen54 and that the harvest not be lost. And
later on if the seedlings are threatened by too much or too little water and it
appears that the rice might be lost, they once again hold their maganitos.
[64r] When they fight a war, before going off to it or entering into battle,
they hold meetings in which they discuss what they should do, and they hold
a general maganito to obtain a good result. If they are victorious, they return
to their town with their prisoners, singing victory songs and holding a solemn
revel. And if they are defeated, the survivors return with great sadness.

the wearer from various risks or dangers;” see DA, V, 677 s.v. nomina. Q&G have “They use
superstitious names . . .”
46  MS: para hurtar a su salud; the translation is speculative.
47  MS: piedra de hombre; possibly a large stone not too large for a man to carry.
48  MS: que dizen son de duende; Q&G omit this phrase from their translation.
49  MS: otras con yerva que afiçiona; Q&G have “others with an herb they favor.”
50  MS: albor, which could be a metathesized form of árbol, meaning ‘tree’.
51  MS: banca; a vessel with wood or bamboo outriggers on both sides used frequently by the
Visayans; see DBE, Part 2, 46 s.v. bangca.
52  MS: ligera; Q&G have “light.”
53  MS: mieses; Q&G were unable to decipher this word.
54  MS: que aquella sementera benga a colmo; Q&G have “asking that the field be fruitful.”
382 Translation

When they leave prison, or escape from some trouble,55 it is common for
them to hold a revel and make offerings to the anito, or to their god, together
with all their relatives and friends with great contentment and rejoicing.
When people who love each other must part, it is common for the one
left behind to promise the one leaving not to eat a certain thing as a token of
their sadness and love, or to not change clothes, or to not wear a certain color,
or sleep with a pillow or on a mat,56 nor bathe until his return—and almost
always the promise is fulfilled.
It is their custom in this land regarding marriage for the man to give a dowry
to the woman, the inverse of our own custom. And after giving the dowry, they
hold a revel. And to solidify the union they bring the couple together and have
them eat from the same plate. And during their meal, or when they are brought
together for this purpose, their parents come over to wish them long life and
much love for each other. And at nightfall they are taken to her mother’s bed,
or to some old woman’s bed,57 and there she makes them lie down and covers
them with a sheet while she utters vulgarities to them. The others go under
the house and hammer a stake into the ground directly beneath the bed of
the newlyweds;58 they say that this makes the husband more able and virile
for copulation.59 This custom of the stake is not done everywhere, but only
in some places. It is also the custom for the groom to give, in addition to the
dowry,60 something to each of the bride’s closest relatives, which is a sort of
bribe so that they will consent to the [64v] marriage. And without this and
without a dowry, it is very rare for people to marry, because women consider it
enormously demeaning, even if they are loathsome and slovenly.
In this land there are some brave men whom the Indians call bayani;61 they
are called this because of their prestige or dignity. These men wear gold-plated
buffalo horns on their heads two spans62 long. Reportedly, their role is to go
from wedding to wedding and dance. And thus anyone who invites them

55  MS: travajo; Q&G have “task.”

56  MS: o no dormira con cavesera o en estera; Q&G have “or sleep in a certain way.”
57  MS: los llevan a la cama de la madre della o alguna vieja; Q&G have “either her mother or
some old woman brings the couple to bed . . .”
58  MS: bajan al suelo de la casa y en derecho de la cama de los novios yncan una estaca; Q&G
have “go down the house and to the right of the bed of the couple nail a stake.”
59  MS: diciendo que aquello haze el novio mas apto y potente para la copula; Q&G have “saying
that the husband does it to show he is not impotent for copulation.”
60  MS: Tienen asimesmo por constumbre que el nouio demas del docte . . .; Q&G have “It is
likewise customary for the man to give a larger dowry. . . .”
61  According to the DHT, 118, Tagalog for ‘brave; warrior; champion’.
62  Approximately 17 inches or 43 centimeters.
Tagalogs 383

considers it a point of honor and something to boast about to be able to say

he held a feast for the bayani.63 And so anyone with even a moderate daily
allowance will always try to hold a feast in order to receive this honor.64 This is
because the cost of these feasts is high, and not everyone has the means for it.
And because the rich are esteemed and the poor looked down upon, all that is
needed for a person to be considered rich is for everyone to know that he had
enough money to hold a feast for the bayani.65 What they hope to receive from
the bayani with this feast is that in this way their god will now consider them
to be good and they will be loved by the people.66
There are also witches as in Spain and nobrazas67 who commit many mis-
deeds and are feared and revered. And everyone hastens to give them what-
ever they want because they fear them. And the status68 of witches is honored
everywhere. And there is no point in repeating here the things that they do.

63  MS: y es de tal manera que qualquiera que le convida lo tima despues por blaçon y fanfarria
dezir que hizo fiesta al bayani; Q&G have “and this is why everyone invites them. The hosts
regard it as a distinction and boast about having given a feast to the bayani.”
64  MS: para tomar este blason; Q&G have “in order to boast about it.”
65  Q&G omit this sentence from their translation.
66  MS: y lo que pretenden del bayani por esta fiesta es que tienenles ara su dios buenos [sic]
por este medio y amados del pueblo; uncertain meaning. Q&G have “Those who aspire
to give such a feast for the bayani believe their god would give them the means for this
purpose . . .”
67  MS: nobrazos, unidentified meaning. Q&G have “nurses,” over-interpreting nobrazos as
nodrices ‘wet-nurses.’
68  MS: ofiçio; Q&G have “function.”
 chapter 7

Moro Customs

[65r]

The Customs of the Moros1

The people of this land never had a king and neither did their ancestors. In
each town there are three or four chiefs, depending on its size. And those who
obey them are their slaves and are forced to serve them. They do not serve
them in their houses, but occasionally when the chief goes to war they have
to carry his weapons and bring him food from their houses.2 And if they go by
sea, they have to go as oarsmen. They have other obligations, mentioned below.
Only the chief and free Indians travel without rowing in the body of the ship.
And also if a slave on board has proven his valor, the chief seats him with the
free Indians, and this is considered a great honor.
Their wars are not fought in campaigns but rather in ambushes, dawn attacks
and treacheries. For defensive body armor they wear a sort of cuirass made from
buffalo hide3 which covers their chest and stomach but stops short of their
navel, and has the same length in back. They wear their armor short like this so
they can move swiftly4 and better protect themselves with their pavises, which
reach their chests and measure about two and a half spans5 in width. Their
usual clothing is a sleeveless knee-length tunic, amply padded with cotton

1  While the title of this seventh anonymous account suggests that it deals with customs within
the Muslim community found throughout the Philippine Islands, in reality it treats the social
organization, class structure and daily life of the inhabitants of the islands more generally.
2  M S: porque no les servian dentro de sus casas sino de quando el prin­çipal fuese a la guerra yr
con sus armas y llebaban la comida de sus casas; Q&G have “not because they served within
their houses, but outside when the chief went to war, when, [sic] they went their arms and
food from their houses.”
3  M S: cuerno, meaning ‘horn’, which we amend to cuero based on similar passages in the MS;
see p. 434. Q&G have “horns.”
4  M S: ligero; Q&G have “lightly.”
5  Approximately 22 inches or 56 centimeters.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_031

Moro Customs 385

and heavily stitched. They also wear a bamboo and string weaving a little more
than a span6 high, which they wrap around themselves with one turn.7 The
weapons they use are pavises, as I have already mentioned, and those who
carry them also wield spears one span8 long and three or four fingers wide9
with iron tips. Some of them carry a large knife more than three spans10 long
and between three and four fingers11 wide with a twisted blade sheathed in the
pavise itself. They carry this weapon so that after striking with their lances they
can grab this knife and fight with it, using their shields to protect themselves
from knife slashes.12 And if they engage in hand-to-hand combat, they carry
their daggers at the waist;13 these are a palm and a half long14 and four fingers15
wide. There are also archers among these Indians, though few in number, who
wield no other offensive weapon than a black bow made of wild palm16 with
string made from tree bark. They do not have quivers, but rather carry just five
or six arrows in their hands and daggers at their waists. These Indians have ver-
sos that they purchased from the Bruneians; others they manufacture in their
own land from metal brought to them by the Chinese,17 [65v] and these they
carry on their ships when going to sea. And when they fire them they do not

6   Approximately 9 inches or 23 centimeters.

7   MS: Suelen traer unos tejidos de caña y cordeles de poco mas de un palmo de altor siñenselo
al cuerpo que les da una buelta; Q&G have “They usually carry some woven bamboos
about a palm [words not understood] and a cape worn with one turn around.”
8   Approximately 9 inches or 23 centimeters.
9   MS: Las armas que trayan eran paveses como e dicho y los que los trayan trayan tanbien
lanças arrojadisas los hierros de mas de un palmo y de tres o quatro dedos de ancho; Q&G
have “The weapons they carry are shields, as I have said, also lances tipped with iron a
palm and three-quarters in width.”
10  Approximately 26 inches or 66 centimeters.
11  Approximately 2.6 inches or 6.6 centimeters.
12  MS: las cuchilladas adargandose con su pabes; Q&G have “with their shield for effect.”
13  MS: Y si llegan a los braços traen sus puñales en la çinta; Q&G have “If they board a ship
they carry their daggers at the waist,” misreading braços for barcos.
14  Approximately 13 inches or 33 centimeters.
15  Approximately 2.6 inches or 6.6 centimeters.
16  MS: su arco de palma montezina negro; Q&G have “their black palm bow.”
17  MS: que compravan de los burneys y algunos que ellos hazian en la tierra con metal que les
trayan los chinos; Q&G have “which the Burneyans brought , and some they make on the
ground with metal which they founder.”
386 Translation

know how to aim them18 but simply place them in the prow19 and discharge
them. If they bring back a head, they enter the town with great rejoicing and
hold a two- or three-day revel.
All the slaves of the chiefs have duties. These slaves are called olipon20
namamahe,21 meaning a slave who lives on his own. These have many duties.
For example, each one has to bring a large earthen jar of quilang,22 which is
made from sugar-cane—it is a common drink among them. They also bring so
many gantang23 of white rice.24 There are other slaves they call tagalos; some
of these are called namamahe and others gigilid namamahe, which means an
Indian who has a house of his own, and gigilid, an Indian who stays and lives
in the house of his master, serving him day and night; this kind of slave also
feeds his master.25 The master can sell him because none of these slaves who
live in their masters’ houses are married—they are all single men or women.
And if a male slave wants to marry, his master does not prevent this,26 and
such a slave is called27 namamahe when he gets married; he now lives inde-
pendently. And as strange as it may sound, slaves who once lived in their
masters’ houses are allowed to marry; not one of the male slaves is prevented

18  MS: Y quando los abian de disparar no sauian hazer punteria con ellos: Q&G have “And
when firing them do not aim.”
19  MS: paros, small vessels, usually galleys. See Y&B, 733–734 s.v. prow, parao; and Dalgado, II,
170–172.
20  MS: alipe, the Tagalog equivalent of Visayan olipon, meaning ‘slave’ or ‘indentured servant’.
21  Elsewhere in the MS namamahi, namammahi. A namamahe or namamhay was equiva-
lent to a tribute-payer; see Scott, “Filipino Class Structure, 154; and Nadeau, History of the
Philippines, 17.
22  MS: quilan; see DBE, Part 2, 426 s.v. quilang.
23  MS: ganta; a Filipino dry measure equal to three liters; see DUE s.v. gatan and DBE, 140
s.v. gantang. According to the latter source, a gatang is worth half a celemín (a Castilian
dry measure equivalent to 4.6 liters). However, the MS explains below that a gantang is
equivalent to a fourth of an almud, and since an almud was 4.625 liters, this makes a gan-
tang equal to 1.16 liters; see also Y&B, 364 s.v. ganton.
24  MS: arroz limpio, lit. ‘clean rice’. Q&G have “polished rice.”
25  MS: y le sustenta este esclavo; Q&G have “and is fed by him.”
26  MS: no se lo quitava el principal; Q&G have “he is not taken away from the chief.”
27  MS: Y este tal en casandose se llama . . .; Q&G have “and in this case upon marriage is
called . . .”
Moro Customs 387

from doing so.28 Slaves who live independently must equip29 their master’s
ship when he goes out to sea and take him his food. And when the chief holds
an obligatory revel, such as when he marries, or someone close to him dies,
or if his boat has foundered,30 or if he has been a prisoner, or if he has been
sick—all of these things require great revels—, the slave who lives by himself
must bring a large earthen jar of quilang, or wine, and so much rice and wait
on him at the said revels. And if the master does not have a house, these slaves
construct one for him at their own expense. The only thing the master does
for them in recompense is hold a revel when the posts31 are cut and another
one when they are raised. And all the Indians of the town come to these. And
if some Indian should fall from a height as they do this, they consider it a bad
omen and they will not build the house. They hold another revel when putting
a roof on a house, at which all the slaves belonging to the master are present,
and they drink at their own expense. And they [66r] cut the wood for him and
do everything else needed for the building of the house, and in exchange they
are given nothing more than food.
Each year these slaves who live independently give their masters an annual
tribute of 100 gantang32 of unhusked rice; a gantang is equivalent to more than
a quarter of an almud. And they have to take their master a little of everything
they plant.33 And if they make quilang they give him a large earthen jar of it; if
they go deer hunting, they give their master a leg. And if their master follows
the law of Muhammad, and they find the deer before the dogs kill it, they slit
its throat first before stabbing it with a spear so their master can eat it, because
this is what the Muhammadan priests have ordered—not to eat meat unless
its throat was slit first. And when one of these slaves dies, the following are
their obligations: if he has children, the chief takes one of them to serve him at
his house, and these are the gigilid 34 who live in the house of the chief. And if

28  MS: A los hombres no se la estorbaban a ninguno; Q&G have “the males are not disturbed
in any way.”
29  MS: equispar. This is either a hypercorrection of equipar, indicating (a) that the author’s
speech was characterized by aspiration or deletion of syllable-final /s/, a common feature
of American Spanish, or that (b) this is a Lusism (Ptg. esquipar) which has undergone
metathesis.
30  MS: si se a anegado; Q&G have “if he is inundated.”
31  MS: argües, which normally means ‘winch, capstan’.
32  Approximately 3 bushels.
33  Q&G mistakenly connect this phrase with the previous sentence.
34  MS: aguiguilitl; as pointed out by Scott, “Filipino Class Structure,” 144, this is a “Mexican
[read Nahuatl] spelling” of gigilid.
388 Translation

a free Indian marries a slave woman, or if a slave marries a free woman, and
they have children, the children are divided in the following manner: the first
born is free and the next one is enslaved, and this order is kept in splitting
them up on the side of the mother as well as of the father. And of the enslaved
children, the master cannot take more than one into his house, and the same
restriction holds if both the father and the mother are slaves.35 And if they
have numerous children, at the most two are taken for service in the house
of the master; and if he takes more, they consider it an offense and an act of
tyranny.36 And after they move out of the house for good to get married after
having served in the master’s house, they never serve him again, except to ful-
fill the duties of the namamahe. That is, unless the master forces them to do so;
they consider it an offense and a tyrannical act if he forces them to return to
his house after they have been given permission to leave. And these slaves have
inherited these customs from their ancestors.37
An Indian is also made a slave, though he was born free, if he is caught steal-
ing, no matter how minor the theft. And if he is poor and has no money to pay
the fine,38 if this Indian has rich relatives to pay for him, he becomes the slave
of these relatives. And his relatives will do this so as not to see him become
enslaved by others. Likewise, if one man discovers another man with his wife
and does not kill him,39 and if the first lacks the means to pay the fine, he is
made a slave. If a poor Indian borrows money [66v] and it was agreed that he
will repay it within a certain time,40 it is to be paid with interest after a cer-
tain period of time, and thus interest accrues. This practice of interest is still
in use today when money is borrowed. For example, if a toston41 is loaned,42
within a given time two have to be paid back; and after another period without

35  MS: Y esto lo propio es que sea el padre y la madre esclavos; Q&G have “and this is proper
only if the father and the mother are slaves.”
36  MS: y si tienen munchos hijos quando muncho toma dos para el serviçio de su casa y si toma
mas lo tienen por agravio y tirania; Q&G have “And if they have many children, when
more are taken for service in the house of the master, they hold this as a grievance and
a tyranny.”
37  MS: antepasados; Q&G have “predecessors.”
38  MS: que no tubiese en que echalle pena de dinero; Q&G have “and had no one to give him
money as penalty.”
39  MS: y no lo matava; Q&G have “and was not killed.”
40  MS: y quedaba de se la pagar dentro de tanto tiempo; Q&G have “and payment was not
made within a certain time.”
41  The Spanish tostón was worth half a peso or four reales and the Portuguese tostão was
worth 100 reis.
42  MS: con un toston que diesen; Q&G have “with anything they loaned.”
Moro Customs 389

payment four have to be returned. And in this way debt continues to increase
until the debtor becomes a slave. There are many such slaves. And because of
the debts of the parents, children are taken and made slaves. And when some-
one becomes an orphan who has no one to come to his defense,43 the chiefs
enslave him on the pretext that his grandfather owed them something even
though he did not. And likewise if he has no father or mother or uncle on his
father’s side, or other relative to support him, the chief uses him as if he were
a purchased slave.44
When a woman has her first period, she is wrapped in cloths45 and the win-
dows are covered so the place she is in will be very dark. And she is blindfolded
and no one can speak with her during that time except for the Indian woman
who performs the ceremonies.46 If she is a free woman, she remains in these
circumstances for four days, and if she is from a leading family, a month and
twenty days, eating nothing at each meal but two eggs or four mouthfuls of
morisqueta47 in the morning and the same amount at night; and this is for the
four days. And even if someone talks to her, she must not answer, because they
say that if she does, she will become very talkative. She is blindfolded so that
she will not see anything indecent,48 which they say if she sees she will become
a bad woman. And if the wind blows on her they think she will become silly
in the head,49 and this is why she is wrapped so well in cloths. Each morning
before God makes the sun come up,50 an Indian picks her up and carries her
blindfolded on his shoulder to the river where she is immersed eight times.
She is then51 seated on a chair that has been built on the river above the water
which is well draped52 with numerous paper and cloth buntings. And there
they remove the blindfold, and she covers her eyes with her own hands until
she is blindfolded again. They then carry her on their shoulders and return
her to her house and daub her with ointments, musk or civet and others of
their scents.

43  MS: quando quedaba algun guerfano que no tubiese quien bolbiese por el; Q&G have “when
an orphan remains without anybody to turn to.”
44  MS: se servia del como si fuese su esclavo; Q&G have “he had to serve the chief as if a slave
who had been bought.”
45  MS: la cercan de mantas allrededor; Q&G have “she is enclosed in mantles.”
46  MS: y no a de hablar nadie con ella; Q&G have “and she is not allowed to talk to anybody.”
47  Rice cooked in water with no salt, a typical dish in the Philippines; see DUE s.v. morisqueta.
48  MS: desonesta; Q&G have “dishonest.”
49  MS: tontas de la cabeça; Q&G have “crazy in the head.”
50  MS: antes que dios amenezca; Q&G have “before dawn.”
51  MS: luego; Q&G here and elsewhere have “later.”
52  MS: cercado; Q&G have “crowded.”
390 Translation

While women are pregnant, their husbands do not cut [67r] their hair,
because they say their children would be born bald and hairless. Women on
their first pregnancy are superstitious about going up into any house if they are
not given a little salt or betel as they go in; but there is no dearth of salt to eat
once they arrive, and they say that if they do not eat it they will have diarrhea
during labor.53 They consider it a bad omen to eat two bananas joined together
or any other food that is two in one because they say they will give birth to two
children54 from the same womb, a thing they consider most demeaning. They
also think it is a bad omen for two or more people to eat from the same plate55
lest many children be delivered from a single womb. When giving birth they
fashion an enclosure of cloths where they esconce themselves for four days.
And when the four days are over they heat water and bathe themselves and
their child. This is what the Indian women from the leading families do. As for
the commoners, after giving birth they take a bath in warm water, and bathe
their child as well.56
These Indians pamper their children with comfort, relatively speaking, and
do not punish them in any way, much or little, and thus when the children are
grown they have no respect for their parents.57 On the contrary,58 if their par-
ents anger them, they beat them with a stick. And if the father is a slave and the
son ransoms him, he uses him59 as if he were his own slave.
They hold their most solemn feast in honor of their god when they want to
know something about their wife or husband, father or some other person who
is absent. They decorate a small altar with red cloths after their fashion, or those
of some other color, and on the altar they place a sprig of basil60 in a jar, or cup,

53  MS: les an de dar camaras quando paran; Q&G have “it they will have difficulties on giving
birth.”
54  MS: criaturas; Q&G have “creatures.”
55  MS: el comer de dos arriba en vn plato; Q&G have “eating from two upwards from a plate.”
56  MS: estas son las yndias prinçipales que la gente bulgar luego en pariendo se bañan con
agua caliente y a su hijo tanbien; Q&G have “These [are the customs] among the chief
Indians. The commoners after giving birth take a bath with warm water, as also their
children.”
57  MS: padres; Q&G have “fathers.”
58  MS: Antes; Q&G have “Before.”
59  MS: se sirve del; Q&G have “he serves the son.”
60  MS: vn rramo de albahaca; Q&G have “a thistle branch.”
Moro Customs 391

of water, a little ground salt in a saucer,61 packed down till it is level,62 and a
chewed betel quid on a betel leaf. And they also place there a large earthen
jar of perfume, complete with a rope.63 On each side of the altar they place a
relative of the person who is absent, after whom they want to inquire.64 The
master of ceremonies sits down with his feet crossed, his headgear removed,
and places his hands on the altar and worships. At this point there is perfect
silence in the house among the many people present. And under the house a
watchman has been placed so no cats or dogs will make any noise from below.
And the master of ceremonies says certain words into a bowl filled with water
which he then sprinkles on everyone present with a white palm. And it is said
that the water removes sins. He then turns to face the altar where he pauses for
a moment. And then his body [67v] begins to shake. And when it stops he tells
them to look at the things that were placed on the altar. And those situated
on either side come over to look. If the basil is withered and the branches are
leaning towards the people standing by the sides of the altar, and when they
look at the saucer, if the salt has cracks that point towards the sides where the
relatives about whom the inquiry is being made are standing, those at the side
say that the person is dead. And the chewed betel nut will also have lines in it
like the salt, and they reach for the leaf on which it is placed and look at it; and
if the leaf is wet, it is a bad omen and they say that this means there will be
weeping. And if the cracks in the salt and the betel and the sprigs of basil point
to a different place other than that where the two Indians are standing, they
look to see which house they are pointing towards.65 The owner of that house
then promises the god that he will hold a revel in his name, because it is a sign
that their god is angry at the owner of that house. If the basil is not wilted, and
if the salt has no cracks, and if the betel has no lines, they consider it a good

61  MS: salcereta; elsewhere salcerita, salcerilla; Q&G have “a salt container.” A salsereta or
salserita is a cup-shaped container used for mixing substances, especially make-up; see
DUE s.v. salsereta.
62  MS: y junta de suerte que este llana; Q&G have “a hewed stone of fortune that is flat.”
63  MS: braça; in early modern Spanish a braça or braza denoted a ‘brace’ (which is what
Q&G have here), meaning a line that ran from a yardarm to the sides of the poop for the
purpose of trimming the sail; see DA, I, 674 s.v. brazas.
64  MS: Por quien quieren preguntar que anda fuera; Q&G have “about whom they want to
know what goes outside.”
65  MS: miran hazia que casa ban derechas; Q&G have “they look at those who were married
right,” mistaking que casa ban derechas for que casaban derechas.
392 Translation

omen, and when they are finished looking at it, it is placed on the altar66 and
they being their revel.
They say that the arrival of a comet means that a large town will become
depopulated, or it signals the death of a chief. When a ring appears around
the moon they believe this indicates the death of a chief. When a lunar eclipse
occurs as an Indian is about to leave his village for another destination, no
matter how important the journey may be to him, he will postpone it for more
than a month, and oftentimes he will not go at all. If there is bad weather while
at sea, everybody strips naked one by one and they look at each other to see if
anyone has a mole on the front of his body; if so, they lay him on the bottom
of the boat. But to the contrary, if he has one on his back they rest easy.67 They
also consider it an omen if anyone has a whorl on his forehead, and if anyone
does, they also place him below decks until good winds prevail. They also con-
sider it an omen to place the mouth of a jar towards the prow because they
say the wind will come straight at the mouth of the jar. Likewise when sailing
it is their custom to call for the wind from the stern; and if somebody calls for
it from the bow, they reprimand him and remove him from there in the belief
that the wind comes from the direction from whence it is called.
It is customary for people from certain places in the highlands of the lake to
wear between the skin and the flesh a bundle of pellets of virgin tar the [68r]
size of thick chickpeas, and they do this when they are about to sleep with a
woman;68 they wear them underneath the foreskin and between the skin and
flesh of their members.69
If a town is crestfallen, either because it has been plundered or because of
famine or because of pestilence, everyone goes after it, even friends, until it
is consumed.70
If a ship sinks or wrecks on a coast,71 everybody goes and plunders it, even
though it is from their own town. And if they are foreigners, even if they are

66  MS: Y en acauando de mirarlo esta puesto en el altar; Q&G have “after looking at what is
placed on the altar.”
67  MS: se holgavan; Q&G have “later they hanged him,” mistaking holgavan for colgavan.
68  MS: cuando son ya para conocer muger, lit. ‘when they are about to know a woman’.
69  MS: debajo del capullo y entre cuero y carne del miembro; Q&G have “below the hair
between the skin and flesh of the [man’s] organ.”
70  MS: todos dan tras del aun los amigos hasta consumirlo; the Spanish copy here has been
completely garbled. Q&G’s version, “If a town is ravaged by hunger or pestilence, every-
body abandons it and sets fire to the houses until consumed,” while elegant, is completely
impossible given the source text.
71  MS: Si algun navio se aniega o da a la costa; Q&G have “if a ship is wrecked on some coast.”
Moro Customs 393

allies come to trade with them, are robbed and all are taken prisoner,72 espe-
cially if they are foreigners.
Furthermore, a slave called a namanahe, which are those who live in their
own houses, if sold by his master, would fetch no more than two taels of gold.
And if he ransoms himself, he gives the chief eighteen taels of gold for his free-
dom, plus73 one or two slaves to take his place. And when this kind of slave is
purchased, he comes with the same duties stated earlier. In some places they
give their masters so many fathoms of land in lieu of tribute, and this they till
and cultivate at their own expense.

72  Kidnapping them for ransom; see below, pp. 507–509, 516.
73  MS: y; Q&G have “or.”
394 Translation

Illustration 20 Bruneian Warrior Couple.

Brunei 395

Illustration 21 Bruneian Warrior Couple.

 396

Mindanao
Mi
Mi
Sulu Sea
Philippines
Jolo
Labuhan
B Brunei

aram
n
ya

Ka
Raj
an g

Borneo

M
u as
K ap a h akam
Ba

rito
Tobungku
Sulawesi

P emb
Maluku Islands

ua
Banjarmasin

ng
Sumatra

Java Sea Makassar

Java Sumbawa
Lombok Bima Wetar
Bali Alor Timor
Flores
Translation

Map 4 Greater Sunda Islands.

 Chapter 8

Brunei

[73r]
The island of Brunei,1 which is presently ruled by Sultan2 Nur Alam, who
while prince went by a different name, Sultan Rijal,3 is 280 leagues to the south-
west of Manila.4 It is an island oriented north-east to south-west. It is large,
being more than 350 leagues in diameter. As one approaches from Manila,
the first part of it that can be sighted is a headland called Tanjung Simpang
Mengayau,5 which means ‘headland of the pirates’. The said king has his seat
of government and palace, as have all of his predecessors, on the banks of a
river called the Brunei, after which the island and realm are named. The river
is approximately 35 leagues down the coast from the headland of the pirates.
There is an inlet before entering the river that is twelve leagues in diameter.
The entire inlet and coast of this side of the island is silty and the floor of the

1  This eighth section is another anonymous account that treats one of the more prominent
neighboring islands of the Philippines, Borneo, which is part of the Greater Sunda Islands.
(See below for further details and Map 4). The author is following the convention of equating
the island of Borneo with Brunei, which was one of its most prominent cities or pre-colonial
state systems; see p. 363, n. 38. It is also clear from internal evidence that the author of this
account had direct personal contact and experiences with Brunei, which could have ranged
from just after 1580 till or including 1589, when he reports having seen the sultan.
2  M S: rey sultan, lit. ‘king Sultan’.
3  M S: Nula Alam and Sultan Lixar, respectively. Actually, these names have probably been
inverted, since the Sultan in question, Sultan Saiful Rijal, was known to the Spaniards as
Sultan Lixar. Indeed, this Saiful Rijal was the sultan of Brunei during the so-called Castilian
War, the 1578 Spanish invasion of Brunei under the command of Francisco de Sande. Nothing
more is known about Saiful Rijal’s princely name. While the chronology regarding the reigns
of the Brunei sultans is problematic, it is probable that Saiful Rijal ruled from 1535–1581.
Below, the author of this section of the MS states that he saw this sultan in 1589; the problem
is that the MS refers to him as rey, meaning ‘king’. Unless we are to ascribe a gross error to the
MS, it must be assumed that Saiful Rijal was co-regent with his grandson, Muhammed Husan,
just as his father Abdul Kahar had been co-regent with him. See Nicholl, “Some Problems,”
and Saunders, Brunei, 40, 42, 55–56.
4  A major city-state on the island of Luzon near the lower reaches and mouth of the Pasig River,
which prior to the arrival of the Spanish in the Philippines was known as Kota Seludong; it is
understood that it had close relations with Brunei.
5  M S: Tanon Salamangayao, meaning ‘the cape where battle was joined’, the so-called “Tip of
Borneo,” which is the northernmost headland of the island.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_032

398 Translation

inlet is smooth, and thus there are not many breakers or waves, even when the
wind blows hard.6
The entire coast of Brunei is 20 to 30 fathoms deep and thus one can throw
anchor at any point. The inlet is clean and shallow, being at most two or three
fathoms deep, except at the heads of two channels,7 which are no more than
half a league distant from each other. At these locations the water is deeper.
These two channels are called muara besar, which means ‘big estuary’, and
muara darmit, which means ‘little estuary’.8 These names are taken from two
small islands that lie at the heads of the two channels that bear the same
names. Two leagues from the inlet toward the sea is an inhabited islet called
Labuan,9 or, alternatively, Bancolasi,10 named after a village called Bancolasi
on the same island.
The King of Brunei’s [73v] palace and seat of government is a league and
a half11 up river from the coast; as I have mentioned, this main river is called
the Brunei. This city has about 8,000 households. And because it was built
on water, the only way to travel in the city is in small boats12 called bangkas,
of which they have a great quantity to supply this need. Outlying the capital
there are many other towns on up the rivers and along the coast; indeed, the
island is heavily populated, especially the interior. All the houses are made
of timber and are thatched with nipa leaves. They are constructed very close
together, and hence the people are wary of fires.13 The city’s waterways are all

6   MS: la boca la dicha ensenada al norte esto da la ensenada e costado toda la ysla lama y el
suelo muy limpio a cuya causa aunque aya munchos vientos no ay rreventasones ni demasi-
adas olas; Carroll has “The said bay has its mouth on the north. The bay and coast of all
the island have very clean sea and soil because although it has many winds there are
neither typhoons nor too much [wind].”
7   MS: tiene de fondo donde mas dos a tres brasas salvo a las puntas de dos enbocaderos que
tiene menos de media legua el uno del otro; Carroll has “It is [not] more [than] a dozen
fathoms deep except at the capes of the two channels.”
8   The author’s translations are correct; MS: mohara basar and mohara darmit, lit. ‘estuary
big’ and ‘estuary small’ in Brunei Malay; see Carroll, 2.
9   Malay labohan, which according to Carroll, 2, means ‘anchorage’; this is the islet Labuan,
located at 5°19′13″N, 115°12′41″E.
10  Tagalog bankilasi, meaning ‘raft’; see Carroll, 2.
11  Approximately 4.8 miles or 7.7 kilometers.
12  M S: no se puede andar en la çiudad sino en unas enbarcaçiones pequeñas que llaman ban-
cas; Carroll has “one cannot go into the city except in some small boats . . .”
13  M S: y asi tienen muncha cuenta con el fuego; Carroll has “and thus they have much expense
with fire.”
Brunei 399

salty,14 thus the city is more an arm of the sea than a river, though it is true
that there is fresh water two leagues upriver.15 This arm of the city16 is approxi-
mately 250 paces wide. The city is protected on two sides by high mountain
ranges. The inhabitants go to great lengths17 to bring the fresh water they con-
sume to their houses at low cost. It flows day and night into a kind of basin,
as follows. There is an abundance of very good water in these two mountain
ranges. They take big bamboo canes, split them and place supports under them
so that they function like troughs that carry the water from the two mountain
ranges to their houses.18
The jurisdiction of this realm extends to a river that is near the end of this
island of Borneo; the river, called the Sambas,19 runs toward the south-west.
It once belonged to this kingdom but is now in the possession of the queen
of Java20 because she seized it. There are many other islands besides this one
that are subject to the said kingdom, such as the island of Jolo on the opposite
coast. All these islands obey and pay tribute to Brunei.

14  M S: Ban a agua salada toda la çiudad; Carroll has “Saltwater washes all the city . . .”
15  This entire clause is wanting in Carroll.
16  I.e, the arm of the sea just mentioned.
17  M S: El agua dulse que gastan la tienen con muncha curiosidad; Carroll has “They have it
[sweet water] with great cleanliness . . .”
18  M S: Esta la çiudad abrigada con dos serranias que tiene a los lados altas. El agua dulse
que gastan la tienen con muncha curiosidad y a poca costa dentro en sus casa[s] corriendo
a manera de pila todo el dia e la noche y es desta manera. En las dichas dos serranias ay
muncha agua e buena que corre por ellas. Toman cañas gruesas e hiendenlas e poniendoles
debajo unos puntales sobre que esten a manera de caña. E traen el agua de las dichas dos
serranias a sus cassas; Carroll has “The city is between two mountain ranges which have
sweet water on the sides [of the] heights. They have it with great cleanliness and at small
cost running inside their houses in the manner of a trough all day and night, and it is
in this manner in the said two mountain ranges. There is much good water which runs
through them. They take thick [bamboo] canes and split them, putting under them some
supports, above which they are like canes, and [thus] they bring the water from the said
two mountain ranges to their houses.”
19  M S: Çambas; most likely the Kapuas River in West Kalimantan, which is south-west of
Brunei; it is 710 miles (1,143 kilometers) long.
20  One of islands in the Greater Sunda Archipelago, erstwhile center of Hindu-Buddhist
empires and Islamic sultanates before becoming the center of operations for the Dutch
East India Company and the Dutch colonial enterprise in the East Indies, with its center
location at 7°29′30″S, 110°0′16″E.
400 Translation

It should be made clear that the kingdom of Brunei is not native, but is
f­oreign. Thus there are two kinds [74r] of people on the island. The first are
the old natives, whom we call Visayans, although it is not their custom to tat-
too their bodies like the people of Cebu. In their own language they are called
bagangan.21 They do not follow the Koran and they keep lots of pigs in their
villages, eating both domesticated and wild ones,22 for the island abounds with
them. These Visayans live mainly in the interior. They cultivate and harvest
all of their own foodstuffs except for wheat, which is grown on the island of
Luzon. They [the merchants of Luzon] bring wheat to sell to the city of Brunei
and to other surrounding regions where there is need for it. These Visayans
have no lord who governs them or to whom they make obeisance. However,
each village has leading men who act as chieftains because they are wealthy
and come from respected families, and thus amongst them there are almost
always divisions. They render homage to the king of Brunei and pay him trib-
ute, which they call upeti.23 And they pay this tribute more out of force than
good will. They are enemies of the Bruneians and wish them evil and kill them
whenever they catch them off guard. And this is very common, for whenever
they are presented with an occasion to do so they do not waste it. And when
the said Visayans sue each other at the law, they present their cases to the
Bruneian judges to administer justice. And this is only because the Visayans
submit to it, for were they not to do so, the king would never compel them to
appear before his judges.24
The other people that live in this realm are known as islams,25 meaning
people who do not eat pork; we call them Bruneians. These are the people who
follow the Koran, and who are outsiders. And their origin and lineage are as
follows. They say that 300 years ago—a little more or less—there arrived the

21  
M S: Llamanles en su lengua bagangan; Carroll has “They call them Bagangan in their
language.”
22  
M S: y los comen asi caseros como monteses; Carroll has “and they eat them thus domesti-
cated like wild ones . . .”
23  
M S: upati; Malay for ‘tribute’; see Carroll, 3.
24  
M S: Y esto es confformandose los dichos uisayas para ello que si no no les apremia el rrey a
que parescan ante sus juezes; Carroll has “. . . and this is the said Uisayas submitting them-
selves to it but not unless the king compels them to appear before his judges.”
25  
M S: islanes; according the DBE, Part 2, 244, islam means ‘circumcise’; we hypothesize that
that this term was used in reference to unique Muslim religious practices, including the
restriction on the consumption of pork.
Brunei 401

lord of a city called Cavin,26 located in those regions and provinces where the
Malay language is spoken, on the Mecca27 side. This man’s name was Sultan
Yusuf,28 who was reportedly king of the city of Cavin. He left his kingdom,
bringing [74v] a multitude of people with him in many ships. And after com-
ing here, he discovered many lands, always retaining his title of king and lord
over all the people, calling them his slaves. And continuing his voyage,29 he
reached this island of Borneo, where he fought several battles with the native
Visayans who inhabited them.30 And because their endeavor had a favorable
outcome,31 they remained a few days, making inquiries concerning the land

26  The following passage of the MS relates the founding myth of the Muslim Brunei Sultanate.
While official Bruneian scholars have argued that Brunei became an Islamic state as early
as the 14th century, Portuguese and Chinese sources enable scholars to triangulate a
much later time period—between January 1514 and December 1515—in which a sultan
of Brunei became the first to embrace Islam. The terminus post quem for this event is
established by a 1514 letter from Rui de Brito Patalim, commanding general of Melaka, to
Afonso de Albuquerque in Goa, in which he states that “the King [of Brunei] is pagan, but
the merchants are Moors,” and the terminus ante quem is found in a statement by Tomé
Pires’s in his Suma Oriental: “it is not very long since that the King [of Brunei] became a
Moor” (see Nichols, “Problems,” 4). (Assuredly the sultan’s conversion followed that of a
sizeable portion of the population, including the higher Bruneian nobility.) Further cor-
roboration of the terminus post quem comes from the Chinese writer Huang Sheng-ts’eng,
who as late as 1520 describes P’o-ni (the immediate predecessor of Brunei) as still being
Buddhist (see Saunders, Brunei, 39). The identity of the sultan who converted to Islam
is problematic, however. While Nicholl, “Some Problems,” 179, and Saunders, Brunei, 38,
aver that the converting ruler was Sultan Muhammad, the sultan during the time period
in question—1514 and 1515—was actually the great Sultan Bolkiah.
27  A city on the western side of the Arabian Peninsula, the birthplace of the prophet
Muhammad and the site of the first revelations of the Koran. It is the holiest city in Islam
and the site of the Hajj, the obligatory pilgrimage, which is one of the five pillars of Islam.
28  M S: Yusso, elsewhere Yuso; we follow Carroll’s supposition that Yuso or Yusso are
Hispanized forms of the Arabic name Yusuf. The actual identity of this sultan is more
difficult to ascertain. Carroll, 17, believes he may be Sultan Sharif Ali, the third Bruneian
sultan, an Arab from Taif and a descendant of the Prophet Muhammad; Sultan Sharif
Ali was credited with introducing a rigorous adherence to Islam in Brunei. See Saunders,
History of Brunei, 40.
29  M S: E siguiendo su viaje; Carroll has “Following his voyage. . . .”
30  M S: que las avitavan; Carroll has “. . . so that they occupied them [the lands].”
31  M S: E aviendoles suçedido bien; Carroll has “And having succeeded them well [the
Uisayas] . . .”
402 Translation

and fruits they found there, including camphor,32, 33 which in our day is not
known to exist anywhere else but in this kingdom and is highly prized among
the Visayans, as it is among many other nations. They also found goldmines
and placers above the southern boundary, as well as several pearl fisheries.34
Not content with this, and being youthful and given to exploration, he deter-
mined to push ahead in search of more lands, and taking to his ships again
with all his people, he sailed north by north-east.35 And after a few days he
made port in the land of China, and requesting permission to go ashore, he
disembarked and went to see the Chinese Emperor,36 whom he recognized as
the supreme king. This Chinese emperor conferred on him the title of king and
authorized his use of his royal insignias and coat-of-arms, which the king of
Brunei possesses to this day. And seeing that this Sultan Yusuf was a bachelor,
he gave him a Sangley37 woman to wife, who, as it is told to this day in this

32  A waxy, flammable, white or transparent solid resin with a strong aromatic odor, found
naturally throughout tropical forests in South-east Asia (Sumatra, the Malay Peninsula,
and Borneo) in the wood of large evergreen trees, such as Zam-Buk or camphor laurel
(Cinnamomum camphora); Kapur or Malay camphor (Dryobalanops aromatic). It may
also be sourced from other trees found outside of Asia in East Africa that are related to
the laurel family and plants found in Europe, Africa and Asia: e.g., maasi or East Africa
camphorwood (Ocotea usambarensis), rosemary (Rosmarinus officinalis), and African
blue basil or camphor basil (Ocimum kilimandscharicum). It was the camphor sourced
in South-east Asia, however, that established the fame of this commodity in early inter-
national trade. It was used in a wide variety of ways—incense in traditional rituals, per-
fume, deodorant, wood-finishing veneer, non-edible preservatives—and as an edible
ingredient used to enhance food flavors in the Muslim and non-Muslim worlds. Its name
is derived from Malay kapur barus or Barus wood (chalk), since Batak tribesmen from the
interior delivered the dried resin from this tree to the port of Barus on the western coast
of Sumatra from whence it entered regional and international commercial circuits. See
Y&B, 151–152 s.v. camphor; and Mann, Natural Products, 309–11.
33  M S: estubo poblado algunos dias en los quales tomo lengua de la tierra e de los frutos della
ya uiendo hallado el alcanfor: Carroll has “. . . he was settled some days in which he took a
tongue of land and the fruits of it and found camphor . . .”
34  According to Carroll, the goldmines and placers were located in Sambas and the pearl
fisheries in the Sulu archipelago; see Carroll, 4. However, this seems illogical, since it is not
until after this exploratory foray that Yusuf sails on to China.
35  E tornandose a enbarcar con toda su gente nabego la buelta de nornordeste; Carroll: “. . . and
again embarking with all his people, he navigated the turn of the north-east.”
36  M S: rrey de China, lit. ‘King of China’.
37  Sangley is a transliteration from Ch. 常來, changla, lit. ‘frequently come’, which was used
for the Chinese visitors or settlers in the Philippines, primarily but not exclusively from
Fujian.
Brunei 403

realm, was a relative of the Chinese Emperor.38 This Sangley woman was the
ruler of a city called Nantay in the kingdom of China.39 After the wedding,40
Sultan Yusuf bade farewell to the Chinese Emperor and, taking his wife and
entourage with him, returned to Borneo, leaving someone behind in the city of
Nantay to keep accounts of the revenues and estates belonging to his wife. And
so today, even though the kings of Brunei have no dealings with the residents
of [75r] Nantay,41 they still consider themselves lords of the city of Nantay, and
they say that they have treasured up the revenues over all these years in the
event that some king of Brunei comes asking for them.
After Sultan Yusuf arrived in Borneo, he settled in with his slaves or vassals
and subjugated the native Visayans of the island, forcing them to pay tribute to
him. He bore children on the island by his aforementioned wife. He died a very
old man and bequeathed his throne to his eldest son, according to custom.42
At his death he left a golden tablet behind that was reportedly thin and which
measured a fathom square; he ordered that the names of all the kings who
descended from him be set down in writing on it.43 And thus they have been
recorded on this tablet, which the king himself kept and on which he wrote his
name with his own hand. This tablet was lost when Francisco de Sande44 sacked
Brunei while governor of these islands.45 It is surmised that the old king,46

38  M S: que segund parece por la rrazon que della a quedado en el dicho rreyno era parienta del
rrey de China; Carroll has “Accordingly it appears that the reason he persevered in the said
kingdom [of Borney] was that she was a relative of the king of China.”
39  The actual city was probably Quanzhou. Carroll, 17, surmises that Nantay may be derived
from nan-ta’i-wu, a 60-foot white tower that was a landmark on the southern shore of
Xiamen Bay.
40  M S: E visto que el dicho sultan Yuso estava soltero lo caso; Carroll has “The said Sultan Yuso
made this marriage.”
41  M S: aunque los rreyes de Borney los naturales de Nantay no acuden con cosa ninguna;
Carroll has “although the natives of Nantay do not come with anything [for] the kings of
Borney . . .”
42  M S: y heredole el hijo mayor segund uso; Carroll omits the translation of this phrase.
43  M S: en la qual dexo mandado se asentasen y escriviesen los nombres de los rreyes que del
desindiesen; Carroll has “on which he left mandates and they inscribed and wrote the
names of the kings descended from him.”
44  Francisco de Sande Picón (1540–1627), the third Spanish governor and captain-general of
the Philippines (1575–1580). For a collection of translated original documents related to
the issues he confronted while governor, see B&R, III, 312–314 and IV, 21–148.
45  I.e., the Philippines.
46  The Spaniards indeed referred to Saiful Rijal and his co-regent father, Abdul Kahar (the
Aril Lula of the MS) as the “young king” and the “old king,” respectively, as is evident in the
present passage; see Nicholl, “Some Problems,” 185.
404 Translation

the father of the present king, who had possession of the tablet, buried it or
threw it into the sea. And because this king died around that time and left no
clues as to the fate of the tablet, the names of the past kings of Brunei are not
known, save those who have been preserved by memory, which are as follows.
The great-grandfather of the current king was named Sultan Sulaiman,47 and
his grandfather was Sultan Salan.48 And the father of the present king, the one
who lost the plate, was called Sultan Aril Lula.49 The current king, as I have
said, is Sultan Nur Alam, and his son, who has been named his successor, is
called Raja Berunai.50 The kings who have reigned in Brunei have always been
legitimate heirs to the throne without interruption, but the eldest sons have
always been the successors, and this has been the manner of succession from
Sultan Yusuf and his wife.
Their usual [75v] order of succession is for the eldest male child to inherit
the realm, even if he is absent, and not a daughter, though she may be the
eldest child. The rest of the estate is divided equally among the legitimate chil-
dren, and if the father gives them property while he still lives, this property
is not taken into account.51 If he has bastard children, the king can bequeath
something to them during his lifetime, provided it is not treasure that he is
known to have inherited from his parents; it must rather be goods acquired by
him alone. At his death his bastard children inherit the property he acquired
in his lifetime in equal shares with his legitimate children. The rest of the royal
household, which are called pengiran,52 meaning ‘titled lords’, receive equal
parts of their inheritance, be they male or female; no mejora53 is given, not
even to the legitimate offspring. And the father may also bestow whatever he
wishes on his children while he is alive, as I have noted, provided that it is not
excessive. And if he has bastard children, he can give them something as long
as it is not family treasure which is known to have been inherited from his

47  M S: Soliman; the fourth Sultan of Brunei (r. 1432–1485); he abdicated in favor of his son
Bolkiah (r. 1485–1524).
48  The son of Sultan Sulaiman was actually Sultan Bolkiah, the fifth sultan of Brunei (r. 1485–
1524). Carroll, 22, hypothesizes that his name in the MS could stem from Malay-Arabic
salam, meaning ‘peace’; we add that he could have born this name while prince.
49  Saiful Rijal’s father, the sixth sultan of Brunei, is known to history as Abdul Kahar
(r. 1524–1535).
50  Sultan Shah Berunai, the eighth sultan of Brunei (r. 1581–1582).
51  Carroll, 5, interprets this to mean that these possessions are “not deducted from the
donee’s inheritance as an advancement.”
52  M S: panguilanes; elsewhere panguilin; pengiran is Malay for ‘noble’; see Saunders, History
of Brunei, 22.
53  A special bequest given by the testator beyond what is specified in a will; see p. 348, n. 65.
Brunei 405

parents, as I have indicated. And at his death his bastard children inherit
their part of the estate that he has acquired; this part of the estate is called
the kalakal,54 which means that which he has earned. This same pattern is
followed by some of the free people, of which there are few; most of the com-
moners are considered slaves of the king, and when they die, the king appro-
priates their property and, if they have children, he distributes half of it to
them so they can make their way in life. He keeps the other half for himself by
way of common inheritance, which belongs to him.55 If they have no children,
the king takes all of it, and the decedent cannot leave any bequest or gift to a
brother or other relative. And if in his lifetime he gives something to a relative,
and the king discovers it,56 he confiscates it. And if any man or woman of these
Bornean slaves is a virgin [76r] or marries an alien or a native57 or some free
Visayan, when he or she dies, the king inherits half of the estate, the other half
being divided up equally among whatever children they may have had without
following the free womb law;58 the other half of the property falls to the free
descendants. And of the portion that falls to the king, he takes half for him-
self and distributes the other half to the children of the slaves. These customs
of inheritance are understood among the Borneans who obey the Koran. And
among the Visayans, if a free person dies, his estate is divided into equal parts.
The king of Brunei has four judges who administer justice in a way that
resembles an audiencia.59 Their titles as judges are as follows: bendahara,60

54  M S: calacal; ‘merchandise’ in Tagalog; see Carroll, 5.

55  M S: quando muere toma el rrey la hazienda e si deja hijos rreparteles la mitad para que
busquen su vida y toma el para si la otra mitad por via de herençia commun que es suyo;
Carroll has “When one of the other people dies, such as those who are held as slaves of the
king, if he [the slave] leaves children, he [the king] distributes to them half for which they
[the slaves] endeavoured in their lifetime. It is bad; and by way of inheritance the other
half is his [the king’s] . . .”
56  M S: E si en vida da algo; Carroll has “. . . and he [the brother or relative] has them . . .”
57  M S: E si algun hombre o muger de estas esclavas borneyas sea manceba o casa con algun
fforastero o natural; Carroll has “and if some man or woman [husband or wife] of these
Borney slaves appears or he [the slave] marries some alien or native . . .”
58  M S: ley de vientre, a law that frees the offspring of slaves.
59  High court, or court of appeal; see Cunningham, Audiencia.
60  M S: bandahara; a Malay term referring to an administrative and/or judicial position of
trust and authority appointed by the sultan or ruler; it was usually a hereditary office and
was comparable to a vizier in most South-east Asian polities; see Y&B 84 s.v. bendára.
406 Translation

temenggung,61 pengiran degaron, shahbandar.62 All of these are pengiran,

though I have not included this term with these titles.63 The cases heard by
each of these judges are clearly defined. The pengiran bendahara, which
means ‘titled nobleman’ and ‘governor’, and his partner, the pengiran temeng-
gung, which means ‘titled nobleman’ and ‘companion of the governor’—these
two are the judges over all suits and cases that arise among the households and
natives of the kingdom. The pengiran degaron,64 which is to say ‘titled noble-
man’ and ‘overseer of the royal treasury’, is judge over the royal treasury and
all the king’s slaves and all the people who are engaged in royal service, which
means they are dock65 and foundry workers. And finally, there is the pengiran
shahbandar, which means ‘titled nobleman’ and ‘Lord of the Harbor’.66 He is
the Lord of the Harbor and the judge over all foreigners, as well as all weights
and measures in the kingdom. These judges, together and separately, can have
people hung and executed67 without the involvement of the king, because
in his absence [76v] they represent, collectively and separately, the person of
the king.
When these four judges meet as a body, they enjoy a certain amount of free-
dom. If the superior judge—since they have ranks—wishes to take a case from
a lower judge, he can do so with it as he sees fit without committing a crime.68

61  M S: tamangon, elsewhere tumangon; a Malay title of nobility given to the chief of public
of security.
62  M S: sabandar; from Persian shah bandar, lit. ‘king of the haven’. An office which appar-
ently first appeared in Persia and spread ubiquitously throughout the Indian Ocean and
the South China Sea; in this instance, an official (a titled nobleman) appointed Lord of
the Harbor or Port Master by the Sultan and/or other rulers of port-city kingdoms or poli-
ties and encharged with dealing with traders and the collection of taxes from maritime
commerce; see Y&B, 816–817 s.v. shabunder.
63  M S: Estos todos son panguilanes aunque con los nombres no lo puse; Carroll has “All
these are panguilanes though the name he puts it not [though] they do not use the title
pengiran.”
64  Malay-Javanese, in this instance, an official (a titled nobleman) appointed overseer of
the royal treasury by the Sultan and/or other rulers of port-city kingdoms or polities and
encharged with dealing with traders and the collection of taxes from maritime commerce
65  M S: astilleros; Carroll has “artillerymen,” misreading the MS as artilleros.
66  M S: general de la mar; Carroll has “general of the sea.”
67  M S: puede haorcar [sic] e mandar ajustiçiar; Carroll has “can strangle and order
vindication.”
68  M S: Si quiere el superior . . . tomar la causa a el otro juez ynfferior se la puede quitar e hazer a
su boluntad della sin cometer delito; Carroll has “If the superior one wants . . . to assign the
cause to the other inferior judge. He can remove himself and do his will with it without
committing a wrong.”
Brunei 407

The pengiran bendahara is the chief judge, and the second is the pengiran
temenggung, and the third the pengiran degaron, and the fourth and least of all
is the pengiran shahbandar. These positions are never filled by anyone but the
brothers or sons of the king, and thus those who currently occupy the two top
judgeships are the legitimate brothers of the king. And the pengiran degaron
is the king’s cousin (his son-in-law through a different line), and the pengiran
shahbandar is a bastard brother of the king and older than he. The cases heard
by these judges are not presented for appeal before the king, because the king
sanctions their decisions, be they good or bad. These judges always hear cases
in the same city where the king is residing. And when the king sends a captain
to towns of the Visayans to collect tribute, or to other towns subject to the king,
he has permission from the governor to hear their cases. These judges have
numerous bailiffs, which are called patih69 in their tongue. They do not nor-
mally carry70 a staff or wear an insignia of any kind. They arrest criminals and
generally take people with them who act as constables. The king of Brunei also
has three officials who administer the royal treasury; they are similar to a fac-
tor, an accountant and a treasurer. These are known collectively and individu-
ally as orang kaya degaron,71 which is to say ‘officials who have charge over the
royal treasury’. Of these three, the first oversees royal expenditures, the second
arms and the third has charge over [77r] the rest of the treasury. The three of
them collaborate on important business matters. Of these three royal officials,
the pengiran degaron is the judge, and it is he who commands the others what
to do, and they can do nothing without reporting to him.72
The kingdom of Brunei has no jails whatsoever, much less clerks for record-
ing the cases heard by the judges.73 Thus it would be most astonishing if a trial
lasted longer than the first hearing before the judge. And if one of the parties
is absent, the trial is extended to a second session, which takes place the fol-
lowing day at the latest. The aforementioned bailiffs are charged with guarding
[the defendants] in their houses. And when they appear before the judge and
new evidence is presented, the sentence is pronounced orally, not in writing.

69  
M S: patis. A word originating in Old Persian meaning ‘lord and master’; in the Malay
world, according to Tomé Pires, it meant ‘governors with capital power, both civil and
criminal, over every person in their lands’; see Suma Oriental, 154–155. Based on the pres-
ent passage of the MS, in Brunei patih came to mean ‘bailiff’.
70  
M S: traer; Carroll has “bring.”
71  
M S: urancayas degaron; Malay, lit. ‘rich men treasurers’; Y&B, 644 s.v. orankay, arangkaio.
72  
M S: sin dalle a el parte; Carroll has “without giving him part.”
73  
M S: ni menos scrivanos para las cosas de que los juezes conocen; Carroll has “and few clerks
for the things the judges know.”
408 Translation

And thus no trial ever lasts more than two days. Their investigations proceed
as follows. If an accusation placed before the judge is denied by the defen-
dant, the accuser is ordered to present his evidence, which he does orally;74 he
is then sentenced. And if no evidence is to be presented and the other party
denies the charges, the judge asks them if the complaint should be withdrawn.
And if the plaintiff says no, the matter is left to be decided by ordeal.
Their ordeals and investigations are as follows. Two candles are fashioned
of equal weight and size, without fraudulence. They are lit at the same time,
and the first one to be consumed loses. Another ordeal consists of both par-
ties holding their heads under water, and the first to come up for air loses.
Another ordeal is to fight with or without weapons, and the vanquished party
loses the trial. If the matter being decided by these ordeals75 is a debt or a
theft, the vanquished party must pay, and if there has been a verbal brawl, and
a request has been made to verify what the person has been called (for exam-
ple, one person may have called another a [77v] sorcerer, which among these
people is extremely demeaning), or has said other insulting words, the judge
orders that before they come to the ordeal they must come to an agreement
regarding the fate of the defeated party, and whatever is agreed must be carried
out; even if they are slaves belonging to the same king and they agree that the
defeated party should die, he must die. The judge does not typically stand in
the way of any of these agreements, and the ordeal is carried out according to
will of the defendant and not according to that of the judge.76 If the accuser
does not want to participate in the ordeal chosen by the defendant, the latter
is released; and if it happens that the defendant does not want to choose an
ordeal, the judge decides what it will be. If neither party wants to undergo an
ordeal, the accusation is voided.77
The sentences for various crimes are as follows. A person who steals from
the royal treasury or counterfeits money dies by impalement for his crime and
loses all his property, and his slaves are confiscated by the king. The same sen-
tence is meted out to the head of household or the foreigner who flees from

74  
M S: Puesta la demanda ante el juez si niega el rreo m[an]da al demandante de ynfformaçion
la qual da bocal; Carroll has “if the defendant denies [it not], he orally directs the informa-
tion which he has to the plaintiff.”
75  
M S: Ay otra que es rreñir con armas o sin ellas y el uençido pierde. Para venir a estas prue-
vas . . . Carroll has “There is another [way] which is to fight with weapons or without them,
and the vanquished loses by coming to these proofs.”
76  
M S: Y es uso no yr el juez a la mano a ningun conçierto. Y en el hazer qualquiera prueva
destas no esta a la boluntad del juez sino a la del rreo; Carroll has “It is the custom [for] the
judge not to disturb by his hand any agreement and the doing of whatever proof by them.”
77  
M S: es vençido; Carroll: “he is vanquished.”
Brunei 409

the kingdom without permission of the king or the judges. If someone wounds
another person, unless the wounded party pardons the other by request or by
payment, the judge orders that he himself be wounded, and this must be done
after the wounded party has healed, because if the latter should die from his
wound, there is no alternative but that he too should die without appeal. They
also sentence a person to death if he is instrumental in the death of another.
They cut off the right hand of a thief; hence it is quite rare to find a thief in their
midst. A debtor must pay what he owes or render service to his creditor78 until
he has the wherewithal to pay.79
The different manners of execution are as follows: beheading, which is
called sembaleh;80 hanging, which is called gantung;81 impaling, which is
called susuran.82 There is another method: they seat the victim, whether male
or female, on the ground woman-fashion [78r] and a leaf is placed on his or
her left shoulder; a dagger three spans83 long is inserted through the leaf and
the shoulder until the tip reaches the victim’s lower right side;84 the dagger is
then extracted with a curving motion so that it cuts towards the heart as it is
removed.85 They call this kind of death salang,86 and as a method of execution
it is used more than any other. They have another one called pakukan,87 mean-
ing to nail, which is as follows: the victim is stretched out on a board to which
his feet are fastened with two nails, his hands with another two nails and his
thighs with another two. And he is put on a tall pole in such a way that he is
upright.88 A kind of roof is then built over his head to shield him from the sun,
and there they let him remain without letting him eat until he dies. Another

78  M S: deudor, copyist’s error for acreedor.

79  M S: o vaya a servir al deudor corrido por servido hasta que tenga para pagar; Carroll has
“or go to serve the debtor [creditor] with only food for working until he has paid.”
80  M S sinunbale; meaning ‘behead’ in Brunei Malay; see Carroll, 22.
81  M S ganton; meaning ‘hang’ in Brunei Malay; see Carroll, 22.
82  M S sinosuen; meaning ‘impale’ in Brunei Malay; see Carroll, 22.
83  Approximately 26 inches or 66 centimeters.
84  M S hasta que la punta llega a el yjar derecho; Carroll has “until the point arrives at the right
side.”
85  M S: Y luego sacan el puñal haziendo una manera de buelta con el para que uenga cortando
hazia el coraçon; Carroll has “and then they withdraw the dagger, doing a manner of
return with it so that is [sic] comes cutting toward the heart.”
86  M S: salan; see Carroll, 22.
87  M S: pacuan; meaning ‘to nail’ in Brunei Malay; see Carroll, 8.
88  M S: de suerte que quede echado; we surmise the last word to be a copyist’s error for another
word, perhaps erguido, meaning ‘erect’; Carroll has “so that he remains lying.”
410 Translation

method called kepitan,89 meaning to pierce with hooks, consists of inserting a

meathook90 under the person’s chin next to his throat and hanging him from it
until he dies. There is another newly invented method, created in the year ’88,91
and it is as follows. Two wooden crosses are constructed as thick as a man’s
wrist and four spans92 taller than a man’s height. The part that is longer than
the man is sunk into the ground, and the crosses are placed together the dis-
tance of the size of the man who is to be executed. He is then inserted between
the two crosses so that one of them is pressed up against his back and the other
against his chest. And while he is secured between the crosses, harquebuses
are fired at him until he dies.
It is the practice in the kingdom of Brunei for a man who discovers his wife
with another to do her no harm whatsoever unless he first kills the adulterer;
and if he injures or kills her first, he dies for it. But once the adulterer is dead,
he can kill his wife wherever he finds her, provided it is not in the presence of
the king [78v] or his judges. And so that the cuckolded husband can kill them,
it is the practice in Brunei for him to ask for assistance in killing the adulter-
ous man, or—if he has already killed him—his adulterous wife, and all those
who see and hear him must help him, and if they do not, they are severely
punished by the king.93 It may even happen that a father will render assistance
in the killing of his own son, or a master in the killing of his slave.94 And the

89  M S: cavitan; Malay for ‘clamp’; see Carroll, 8.

90  M S: escarpia; Carroll has “clamp.”
91  I.e., 1588.
92  Approximately 52 inches or 132 centimeters.
93  M S: E para podellos matar es uso en Borney que si apellidare el pasiente fauor para matar
al adultero o ella auiendo muerto a el adultero se lo den todos los que lo uieren y oyeren [so]
pena de que los castigara el rrey muy rrigurosamente; Carroll has “In order to be able to
kill them, it is the custom in Borney that if the relative is called for assistance in order
to kill the adulterer or she [the adulteress] having died, they surrender all those who hid
and attended the adulterer, in punishment of which the king will castigate them very
rigorously.”
94  M S: E sucede por momentos dar fauor el padre para que maten al hijo y el amo al sclauo.
Y puede asimesmo el pasiente matar por terseras personas al adultero si acaso el no se atreve
sin que yncurra en delito el que lo mata ni el que lo manda. E si acaso el adultero mata a
el pasiente u a otra qualquier persona defendiendose y huye muere luego la muger adul-
tera por el delito por auer sido ynstrumento en aquella muerte; Carroll has “And it happens
[continually] that the father gives assistance so that they might kill the son and the mas-
ter [so that they might kill] his slave and thus can the sufferer kill the adulterer by third
persons. In case he dares not lest he commit a crime, he does not kill, nor does he order it;
and in case the adulterer kills the sufferer [or] any other person defending himself, then
the adulterous woman must die for the crime for having been instrumental in that death.”
Brunei 411

cuckolded husband can also have the adulterous man killed by a third party if
he dares not do it himself, without the third party or the husband who orders it
being charged with a crime. And if the adulterous man kills the cuckolded hus-
band or another person while defending himself, and then flees, the adulter-
ous wife is put to death for the crime because she was instrumental in causing
the death. But if the adulterous man flees without killing anyone, the husband
cannot inflict any harm on his wife, though he can divorce her and take the
dowry he had given her without giving any of it to her.
It is the practice of the king and all his nobles to take just one wife, whom
they call their bini sungguh, meaning ‘true wife’.95 But in addition to this one, it
is their custom to have as many mistresses as possible, according to the means
of each man. These they call gundek,96 meaning ‘concubine’. They bring them
into their houses and lie with them in front of their wives because they all
sleep together in the same room where he sleeps. And whenever he wants, he
arises from his bed, because in his bed he is not to do anything except with
his wife, and goes over to their canopy, because they all sleep together, and
there he does whatever he wants without his wife scolding him or them. This
is according to ancient practice, for she has seen her own mother pass through
the same thing.
They are allowed to kill anyone who is found in the house of another person,
which is not a crime.
The king of Brunei now marries his children to the children of the king of
Jolo, who is his first cousin [79r] and brother-in-law. This has been the prac-
tice for three generations. Before this, the kings would marry their sons to
the daughters of neighboring foreign kings.97 The king’s children marry their
first cousins,98 and sometimes their aunts and nieces; thus only their sisters
are exempt.99 The king and his people also marry their sisters-in-laws. It is
the practice among the nobility that their daughters marry as virgins, and if
the man approaches the woman during the courtship, even if the marriage is

95  
M S: binisungo; it does mean ‘true wife’ in Malay; see Carroll, 8.
96  
M S: gundi; meaning ‘royal concubine’ in Malay; see Carroll, 8.
97  
M S: Y esto es de tres abolengos a esta parte que de antes usaua casar con hijas de otros rreyes
estranjeros bezinos suyos; Carroll has “. . . and this is from three ancestries on this part to
which from before they used to marry daughters of other foreign kings.” Carroll, 22, inter-
prets the “ancestries” to be Chinese, Arabic and Malay.
98  
M S: Casanse con primas hermanas; Carroll has “Their citizenry marry first cousins . . .,”
being misled by the fact that vezino in the previous sentence is also used in the MS to
mean ‘head of household,’ but it may literally mean, as here, ‘neighbor’.
99  
M S: de suerte que solo hermanas rreservan; Carroll has “by chance they except sisters.”
412 Translation

arranged, they are both put to death for the crime.100 All adulterous women
who are sentenced to death, and many others, even though they are women,
are executed with the aforementioned dagger, which, as I have said, is thrust
into their shoulder; this method of execution is called salang.
Weddings are not held in the mosque if the woman is not a virgin.101 After
the marriage is arranged and agreed, the families invite many people to a
feast, during which they announce that so-and-so will marry so-and-so. And
the family then holds a cockfight, which they and their guests consider a great
festivity.102 After the feast is over, the wedding is complete. The groom gives
a dowry to the bride, not the bride to the groom, although not the dowry. . . .103
This dowry is then held by the bride’s parents until the couple has children, at
which point they turn it over to her, although many times they abscond with it.
And the groom must also give several small gifts to the bride’s parents and rela-
tives. And if the marriage is with a virgin, one more thing is added to all these,
namely that the bride does not appear in public, but is kept under a canopy in
bed for about a week, during which time there is a daily feast for the groom, his
father-in-law, and the latter’s relatives. It is as if because of her shame she must
remain shut in with other women and several virgins like her.104 They call this
practice nananatin.105 When this period is over and the feasts come to an end,
they are married.
As far as annulling a marriage is concerned, [79v] the wife does not have
the power to annul the marriage if the man does not want to, and if the hus-
band wants to annul the marriage, he can do so for very little cause, even if it

100  M S:  . . . y si acaso por via de rrequiebro aunque este consertado casamiento si llega el a ella
moriran ambos por el delito; Carroll has “. . . and of in case by way of flattery despite this
arranged marriage he goes to her, they both will die for the crime.”
101  M S: Para casarse no van a la mesquita si la muger no es donzella; Carroll has “For marrying
they do not go to the mosque. And if the woman is not a damsel. . . .” Carroll reads the MS
as Para casarse no van a la mesquita. E si la muger no es donzella. . . . While this interpreta-
tion is defensible on philological grounds—the “s” of si has an elongated ascending stroke
that resembles an “e”—it is implausible given the context.
102  M S: Y estan a pelear algunos gallos que ellos e los convidados tienen a manera de rregozijo;
Carroll has “And go to fight some cocks which they and their guests have in the manner of
an occupation,” misreading rregozijo as negozio.
103  M S: Da el hombre a la muger docte y no la muger al hombre aunque no del docte; the phrase
is incomplete no doubt due to a copyist’s error. Carroll has “The man gives a dowery [sic]
to the woman and not the woman to the man although he does not give the dowery [sic]
then.”
104  M S: algunas doncellas como ella.
105  Carroll reads this erroneously as rrananatin, which he does not identify.
Brunei 413

is only that his wife quarreled with him.106 And to annul a marriage, there is
no formality beyond the man throwing his wife out of the house and saying
“I don’t want you to be my wife anymore.”107 And the man can do this because
he loses the dowry he gave her. It is also common for couples to annul their
marriages voluntarily when such is the desire of both parties; in these cases a
couple agrees to divide the dowry between them, as well as custody of the chil-
dren, if they have any. And then each one can marry whomsoever they wish.
They have a mosque, which they call a masjid,108 and there they meet to com-
mend themselves to Allah, which is what they call God, and to Muhammad,
whom they say is their advocate with God. Commoners are not heavily pressed
to go to mosque,109 and the women never go, but the men do. They have water
at the door of the mosque for washing their feet. There are three kinds of reli-
gious, though they are not differentiated by the habits they wear. The members
of these orders are known as khatib.110 Of these three kinds of khatib, the great-
est is just one man, who they say is like a bishop, and this one is known as the
khatib besar,111 which means ‘great monk’. The other religious that are called
khatib are simply those responsible for preparing the mosque and saying the
days of the week, and for performing circumcisions. They also attend to the
funeral rites of the dead and the sacrifices and rogations that are performed at
some of the tombs of those who they consider to be saints, as I shall explain in
due course. These khatib marry and have mistresses just like those who are not
khatib; in this they are completely unscrupulous. They go to mosque during
the week, not on Sunday; [80r] they call this day jumat,112 which is Tuesday in
our system. In the morning, they carry out their rogations in the mosque until
eleven o’clock. They stand silently with their heads bowed, exchanging nary a
word amongst themselves while the khatib performs his ceremonies, which
consist of raising his hands while invoking Allah and saying other words that
they have for prayers. And when the khatib finishes at around noon, they return

106  M S: e si el hombre quiere por poca ocaçion que le de se puede descasar aunque no sea mas de
porque su muger rriño con el; Carroll has “And if the man wants [it] for little occasion that
he might give, he can divorce although he not be [illegible] because his wife quarreled
with him.”
107  M S: no quiero que seas mas mi muger; Carroll has “ ‘You are no longer my wife’.”
108  M S: masiguit; Malay-Arabic for ‘mosque’: see Carroll, 9 and Y&B, 589–590 s.v. mosque.
109  M S: que dizen ellos es su procurador para con Dios. No apremian muncho a que uayan a la
mesquita la gente commun; Carroll has “who they say is his procurator so that with God
they do not urge much. The common people go to the mosque. . . .”
110  M S: katif; ‘reader in the mosque’ in Malay-Arabic; see Carroll, 9.
111  M S: katif basar; ‘great khatib’ in Malay-Arabic; see Carroll, 9.
112  Malay-Arabic Jum’at ‘Friday’; see Carroll, 10.
414 Translation

to their homes. They do not return to the mosque, except the chief monk. Like
a chaplain, he goes to the king’s house to perform his ceremonies.
It is customary for both men and women to be circumcised, which they call
masok sunat.113 Everyone is circumcised in the mosque, the royal children as
well as the commoners. To circumcise a woman, they attach a small clamp to
her superfluity114 in the middle of the projection and make a small cut, which
does bleed however.115 And on a man, they cut the entire hood. People are
circumcised at eight years of age or older, and for this116 they celebrate great
feasts; they kill the birds or goats by slitting their throats. It is their custom to
drink wine in all of their feasts, and at other times, too, without any qualms
whatsoever.
There is another religious order among them whose members are known
as siak;117 these men are like teachers of their law, and there are precious few
of them. It would be most unusual to find more than two or three of them
at the same time. As I have said, these are known as siak. When one of them
dies, he is buried, and those who have been his disciples and many others who
are invited go to his tomb three days after his burial, because they say that if
he was a perfect teacher of their sect, Muhammad, being his friend, will have
come for his body and taken it away to keep it with him. And if he was not a
perfect siak, his body will be found there. And when they open the tomb, they
are amazed [80v] that the body of this teacher of their sect is not found. And
from that time forward he is held in the greatest veneration;118 these teachers
are considered advocates with Muhammad.
It is not the custom of the Bruneian people to bury their dead in their
mosques, and thus the nobility have houses of interment for this purpose
where they and their relatives are buried. Those that have no house for this
purpose or relatives to bury them are wrapped in wattling119 and thrown in the
river without a weight so the ebb tide will carry them out to sea.

113  M S: nar suc sunat; lit. ‘to become circumcised’; see Carroll, 10.
114  I.e., her clitoris.
115  M S: A la muger para rretajalla le cojen con una mordasita de la superf[l]uydad del medio
del sejo e cortan muy poco quanto sacan sangre; Carroll has “On the woman in order to
circumcise her they hold the superfluity [clitoris] with a mordasita in the middle of it and
they cut very little when they draw blood.”
116  Carroll omits the connecting link between these two sentences.
117  M S: siac; meaning ‘caretaker of a mosque’, from Arabic shaikh ‘teacher of religion’; see
Carroll, 10.
118  This phrase is missing in Carroll.
119  M S: cañizo; Carroll has “shirt”, mistaking cañizo for camisa.
Brunei 415

They do not teach each other the Koran unless they pay for it, and hence to a
man they are all eager to listen to and ask about not only their law but also the
law of others. They take shrouds that they call saput120 and write their names
and a prayer on them in which they commend themselves to Muhammad,
asking that he recognize them as people who were obedient to his sect. The
shrouds are made from the thinnest and best white121 linen they can find. They
do not pressure anyone to join their sect, and they mock those that do, because
they say that they must not know anything because they abandoned it [their
previous religion].122
Their custom for mourning is that the women shave their heads and stop
eating rice, consuming only certain kinds of seeds or legumes; they do this for
over two months. The men follow the same diet while their wives are pregnant;
they let their hair grow until their wives have given birth.123
These people make obeisance and exact obeisance, as follows.124 When the
king is seated, all those who approach him within approximately forty paces
place their hands together and raise them over their heads in a gesture of obei-
sance, even if they are behind him. And if they are passing by, they bow their
faces to the ground, never turning their back on [81r] the king until they are a
good remove from him. And if a man is a brother of the king or a nobleman
who has business with the king, he enters after making this kind of obeisance,
always facing him; he then takes his seat, without displaying any gesture of
courtesy to the others present. And after he takes his seat, he makes the same
obeisance for the second time, even if the king is not looking at him.125 And if
the king looks at him, whether speaking at the same time or not, he repeats the

120  M S: çapot; ‘filmy cover’; see Carroll, 10.

121  Carroll omits this word.
122  M S: porque dizen que no debian de saver nada pues la dexo. The Spanish syntax is some-
what tortured.
123  M S: El luto que usan es quitarse al cavello las mugeres y no comen arroz sino algun genero
de semillas o de legumbres. E lo mesmo entre los hombres usan quando tienen sus mugeres
preñadas . . .; Carroll has “The morning [sic] they practise is to shave the head and they eat
no rice but some kind of seeds or vegetables, this for a time of more than two months, and
the same among the men. When they have their women pregnant . . .”
124  M S: Es gente que obedece e se haze ovedecer en la manera siguiente; Carroll has “They are a
people who obey, and they do obeisance in the following manner.”
125  M S: e va a asentar en su asiento sin hazer a ninguno de los que alli estan genero de cortesia.
Y en sentando que sientan aunque el rreyno le mire torna a hazer segunda vez la dicha obe-
diençia; Carroll has “and he goes to sit on his seat without doing any one of them who are
there [any] kind of courtesy in sitting since they are sitting. Although the king does not
look at him, he does the said obeisance a second time . . .”
416 Translation

same obeisance; as many times as the king looks at him he must do this, at least
as many times as he or the king commences or finishes speaking. The king usu-
ally keeps his face elevated, and only very rarely does he look at someone unless
he intends to ask a question. And this same manner of making obeisance126 is
exacted by all of the king’s relatives and all the nobles of their inferiors; if they
are lower than captain in rank, it is a lack of courtesy to remain standing, and
thus inferiors always squat in the presence of their superiors. Whether they are
in the street or in the river, until their superior passes, they must remain in a
squatting posture. And when they come even with their superior, they must
place their hands together and raise them in a token of obeisance. And if a
superior should bestow a gift on one of his inferiors, as the latter receives it he
must raise it above his head. He then has to set it down beside him and make
the obeisance described above, that is, by raising his hands. And when the peo-
ple are of equal rank, they make in a way the same obeisance to each other. And
if a man should return after having been away,127 he must wait two days before
seeing another person; if they are a superior or an inferior, the inferior makes
obeisance to the superior and the superior embraces the inferior. If they are
equals, they embrace, while clasping their right hands as long as it takes to say
a Credo;128 as they disengage [81v], each man grasps his own beard, like those
who swear an oath, after which they begin conversing, but not before.
The different titles they hold are as follows: sultan, meaning ‘king’; raja,
meaning ‘prince’; pengiran, meaning ‘titled nobleman’; orang kaya, meaning
‘noble’; mentiri,129 meaning ‘captain’; orang baik,130 meaning ‘honorable man’;131
manlica,132 meaning ‘freeman’; lashkar,133 meaning ‘slave’; orang berkelahi,134
meaning ‘fighting man’.

126  M S: Y este proprio genero de obediençia; Carroll has “This proper kind of obeisance . . .”
127  M S: E si acaso bienen de fuera el uno va dos dias que no se ven; this ambiguous passage
could also be rendered “if an outsider comes.”
128  Latin for the Apostles’ Creed, a brief prayer that outlines Catholic beliefs and takes
roughly two minutes to recite.
129  M S: mantiri; lit. ‘minister’.
130  M S: uranbayc; Malay, meaning ‘good man’.
131  M S: hombre bueno; see DA, I, 701 s.v. bueno; Carroll has “good man.”
132  This is the form as it appears in the MS; Carroll, 22, suggests three candidates: merdeheka,
Malay for ‘freeman’; Malay-Sanskrit mandulika, meaning ‘governor’; and Tagalog-Sanskrit
maharlika, meaning ‘noble person’.
133  M S: lascar; lit. ‘soldier; sailor’; see Y&B, 507–509 s.v. lascar.
134  M S: uranbarcalai; lit. ‘quarrelsome men’.
Brunei 417

The usual clothing worn by the Bruneians is a cloth called a tapi,135 which
covers them from the waist down, and shorts; some wear white baggy trousers
underneath,136 almost like trunks, and a simple small cloth they call a baju,137
and a headdress which in their language is called a destar.138 Around their
waist they wear a fastened sash, which they call a calicut.139 The women wear
the same clothing, minus the destar and the sash, and on their heads they wear
a cloth in the manner of a shawl. The cloth covers the women from the waist
all the way to the ground, but on the men it only reaches to their shins. Neither
the men nor the women wear a covering of any kind on their feet or legs. They
do not normally sit in chairs,140 but rather on the ground on very fine petates
that they have for just this purpose. They observe their ranks when they sit, the
superiors sitting in front; if they are equals, they sit at the same level, shoulder
to shoulder.141 And if they are equal in rank but not in age, the older one sits in
front. Legitimate children are always given preference over bastards. The king’s
legitimate children are not allowed to appear before the king unless they are in
his house,142 and bastards are not allowed to appear before him anywhere. The
king does this so they will be more respected and better obeyed by his people.
Noble women do not go out in public [82r] or make private visits unless
they are with their husbands, and in their banquets, even among relatives, the
men eat at one end and the women at the other. Men serve men and women
serve women. They eat on small round tables that are a little less than half a
vara tall; two or three people eat at each one, and the king eats alone. They do
not use tablecloths but rather place water nearby so they can wash their hands

135  From Brunei Malay tapih, meaning ‘short sarong’, or Malay tapeh, meaning ‘skirt’ or
Tagalog tapi, meaning ‘apron’; see Carroll, 12.
136  M S: Y algunos usan traer unos sarague[l]les debajo del a blancos a manera de pañetes;
Carroll has “and some customarily wear shorts [saragueles] beneath it, underwear
[blancos] in the manner of trunks . . .”
137  M S: basu; a ‘jacket’; see Carroll, 12; and Y&B, 46–47 s.v. badjoe, bajo.
138  M S: dastan; elsewhere dastal; ‘head-cloth’; see Carroll, 12.
139  M S: que entre ellos se llama calicut; Carroll has “which among them they call calicut
[= cloth from Calcutta].” Actually, calicut refers to Calicut in south-west India.
140  M S: No usan ningun genero de calsado en pie ni pierna hombres ni mugeres. No usan sen-
tarse en silla . . .; Carroll has “They use no kind of footwear on their feet or on their legs.
Neither men nor women sit in chairs . . .”
141  Carroll omits this last sentence.
142  M S: Los hijos ligitimos del rrey no se les permite parecer delante del rrey si no es dentro en
casa . . .; Carroll has “It is not permitted for the legitimate children of the king to appear in
front of the king if he is not inside the house. . . .”
418 Translation

frequently while they eat. They eat many kinds of stews, and in none do they
add fat or pork because they do not eat it.
It is their custom to pledge allegiance to the prince,143 and they do so in
the following manner. The king takes his seat in a theater that they call a balai
sa-bandong.144 It has a high platform and on it sits the king with the prince at
his side. All the noblemen who fit in the theater take their seats according to
rank, and the rest sit on the floor.145 The theater has two stairways for those
who wish to go up. And then the governor, who is the pengiran bendahara ulal,146
instructs the chief religious, whom they call the khatib besar, to say loudly
enough for all to hear that the king, who is present, commands that everyone
obey his son the prince as their lord, because as eldest son he is to inherit the
kingdom.147 And then the khatib besar says it. And then the governor stands
and approaches the prince, presenting him with an offering such as gold, silver
or precious gems, which he carries on his head as a sign of obeisance. And
when he reaches the prince, he squats down and lays the offering he is carry-
ing at the prince’s feet. He then raises his hands in a sign of obeisance and then
lowers them together to his face with his thumbs close to his nose and lowers
his face in a gesture of kissing the prince’s feet. And then, while raising his face,
he raises his hands a second time and says “I am your slave.” This being said, he
stands up and without turning his back toward the prince [82v] returns to his
place. In in this manner all the others proceed to pay obeisance, according to
their rank; the four judges are first, followed by the king’s other sons or relatives
and the common people, everyone making offerings according to their means.
The king has a mint inside his fortress. The coins they mint are smelted, and
they are not made of silver or gold, although in ancient times they were made
of silver, each of which weighed four and a half reales. This coin was called
a batguin,148 which had the stamp of the king of Brunei on one side, which
was as follows ______,149 and on the other side there is ______.150 And because

143  M S: Usan jurar al prinçipe; Carroll has “They customarily swear the prince.”
144  M S: marivandon; the term in the translation represents Carroll’s best hypothesis for the
corresponding Malay word, meaning ‘two semi-detached houses or buildings’, which
underlies the word appearing in the MS; see Carroll, 22.
145  M S: Y los que no caven estan avajo en el suelo; Carroll has “and those [others] who go are
below on the ground.”
146  M S: bandahara ulal; Carroll incorrectly transcribes this as bandaharaul.
147  M S: porque el a de heredar en el rreyno por ser mayor; Carroll has “because he had to inherit
in the kingdom for being greater [than others].”
148  Carroll, 23, is unable to provide a definitive identification of this coin.
149  Blank in the MS.
150  Blank in the MS.
Brunei 419

the foreigners who went there to conduct trade151 removed these coins from
the kingdom, and because there were no coins of small value,152 the common
people were poor and in debt. He gathered all these coins together and deval-
ued them, and ordered that two kinds of coin be minted by pouring them into
two separate molds.153 The first, made of tin or lead, is the size of half a real;
they call it a pitis,154 which is worth 322 tomines,155 which they call a laksa.156
The other coin is made of copper alloyed with silver in the manner of Castilian
blancas,157 except that they are thicker and weigh twice as much. These coins
are called paku;158 he assigned them the value of ten of these two-real coins
such that each paku was worth 32 pitis. He minted these coins so that foreign-
ers who conducted trade there would not remove them from the kingdom, but
would rather use them for things that are found in the kingdom.
Buying and selling is done with weights and measures that are stamped with
the seal of the Lord of the Harbor,159 whose responsibility it is to be a com-
mercial arbiter. The balances used for weighing heavy objects are like Roman
steelyards.160 These balances are called chinantas.161 The heaviest weight they

151  M S: gente de trato y contrato, lit. ‘people of trade and contract’.

152  M S: E porque la gente estrangera que de trato y contrato alli uenia les sacaua la moneda
del rreyno a cuya causa e a no tener monedas de pequeño valor andava la gente commun
enpeñada e pobre. Carroll has “Because the foreign people who for dealing and contract-
ing came there took the money with them from the kingdom, they had no moneys of
small value.”
153  M S: Junto toda esta moneda e la desuarato. Carroll has “The common people went indebted
and poor together with all this money and squandered it, and he ordered [them] to make
two kinds of money cast in molds.”
154  Malay pitis ‘coin’; see Carroll, 13.
155  The Castilian tomín was a small silver coin equivalent to an eighth of a peso or approxi-
mately half a gram. The word derives from Ar. tumn, meaning ‘an eighth part’. The tomín
was later replaced by the real. See Weckmann, Medieval Heritage of Mexico, I, 420; and
DCECH, I, 440 s.v. azumbre.
156  M S: lacsa; meaning ‘ten thousand’ in Malay and Tagalog; see Carroll, 19.
157  A blanca was a Castilian coin made from an alloy of copper and silver, usually worth half
a maravedí; see DA, I, 613 s.v. blanca.
158  M S: paco; meaning ‘nail’ in Malay and Tagalog; see Carroll, 13.
159  M S: general de la mar; Carroll has “judge of the sea.”
160  M S: rromanas, which Carroll does not translate. According to the OED, a “balance consist-
ing of a lever with unequal arms, which moves on a fulcrum; the article to be weighed is
suspended from the shorter arm, and a counterpoise is caused to slide upon the longer
arm until equilibrium is produced, its place on this arm (which is notched or graduated)
showing the weight.”
161  Carroll cannot locate a Malay equivalent to chinanta. See Y&B, 298 s.v. datchin.
420 Translation

have [83r] is a bahar.162 The bahar is divided into three parts, each of which
is known as a picul,163 and a picul is divided into ten parts, which are known
as catty.164 Each catty is divided into sixteen parts, and each part is called a
tael. Each tael is divided into three parts, called batguin. The batguin is exactly
equivalent to 42 Castilian reales. These kinds of weights are understood with
every kind of balance.165 Gold is always weighed with this system of weights.166
And when something light is to be weighed the tael is divided into sixteen
parts, which are called mace.167 Each mace is divided into three parts, each of
which is called a kupang.168 Light objects are also weighed with scales called
timbangan.169 And the measure they call gantang probably weighs half again
as much as the gantang in Manila. Whenever possible, they fill containers to
be weighed to the brim, not levelling them off. They are not a people who mea-
sure things by the vara, and hence they do not use it.
They have a market or fair that they call a bazaar, which they normally hold
twice a day, once in the morning and once in the afternoon. All kinds of their
customary food are sold there, as well as other things they have to sell. And
since the city is built on water, they travel in small vessels called bangkas, and
in each of these bangkas is a man hawking his wares. There are a great number
of these bangkas, more than 500 of them gathering at market. And when they
want to return home, they walk the streets hawking their wares. Nothing is sold

162  
M S: bahala; elsewhere vares; a measure of weight of Indian origin equal to 3 piculs
(approximately 400 pounds or 181 kilograms). See Y&B, 47–48 s.v. bahar.
163  
M S: pico; derived from Malay pikul, corresponding to Ch. tam, 担, a traditional measure-
ment of weight in South-east and East Asia; 1 picul equaled 133⅓ pounds or 60.5 kilo-
grams; 3 piculs equaled 1 bahar and 1 picul equaled 10 catty.
164  
M S: cati; derived from Malay kati, a traditional measurement of weight in East and South-
east Asia; 1 catty equaled 1.3 pounds or 604.8 grams; 1 catty also equaled 1⁄10 of 1 picul,
13.3 pounds or 60.5 grams; 1 catty also equaled 1⁄16 of 1 tael or 1.33 pounds or 37.8 grams.
165  
M S: Este genero de pesa se entiende en todos espeçies de pesso; Carroll has “This kind of
weighing is understood in all kinds of weights.”
166  
M S: El oro se pesa tanbien por esta quenta e pessas; Carroll has “Gold they themselves will
weigh well by this count and weights.”
167  
M S: maes; a ubiquitous traditional unit of weight in Asia; in India it equaled 0.97 grams or
.03 ounces. The term derived from Malay mayam via Ptg. maes. As a weight in in South-
east and East Asia, 1 mace equaled 1⁄16 of a tael (.081 ounces or 2.3 grams), and as unit of
currency in the weight-denominated silver currency system in imperial China, 1 mace
(錢 qian) equaled 1⁄10 of 1 tael, or 10 candareens (0.13 ounces or 3.78 grams).
168  
M S: cupa; a Malay term for a weight in South-east Asia equal to 1⁄3 of a mace; see
Carroll, 13.
169  
M S: itinan; meaning ‘scales’ in Malay; see Carroll, 13.
Brunei 421

at a fixed price;170 everyone sells at whatever price he can get; this is because
the native Visayans of the island, [83v] who are the laborers, bring whatever
they have to the city to sell, and so there is enough of everything in the city.
There are women who make their living by publicly selling their bodies.
They do not make their living at home but rather by boating through the city
at night in their bangkas, of which there are many. In each bangka a woman
who can play the tambourine and sing does so, unaccompanied by any men.171
And their bangkas are equipped with canopies. And as they make their way
through the city and streets they yell out orang laki membeli perempuan muda,172
which means ‘male persons buy young women!’ And then the man who feels
so inclined calls out to the bangka and chooses a woman according to his pref-
erence. And if he wants to have congress with her in the bangka, he climbs into
her canopy, and if not, he takes her up to his house.173 Afterwards, her com-
panions come around to collect her, and before daybreak they all retire to their
houses,174 because the women who engage in this practice are unmarried, and
most of them are slaves who work for their masters by day. And when they
engage in this kind of business they do so with permission from their masters,
to whom they give half their earnings.175 They have no set price, charging as
much as they can. This business is called pelachur.176 The men are unsuited for
work, especially walking, and because of their lack of exercise; most of the day
they sit on the ground woman-style.
The weapons they use are poniards three or four spans177 long, which they
wear instead of swords, and another smaller dagger that they carry in lieu of a
bigger one. Some the men wear cutlasses and blowguns with which they fire
darts, the tip of which is a [84r] fish tooth instead of iron. They daub them

170  M S: postura, lit. ‘bid’.

171  M S: Y en cada vanca las mugeres que pueden yr tañendo y cantando con panderetes sin que
vengan honbre ninguno con ellas; Carroll has “In each banca the women who are able go
ringing and singing with tambourines without which no man comes to them.”
172  M S: uran lagui manuali paranpuan mora, meaning ‘male persons buy young woman’; see
Carroll, 14.
173  M S: E si quiere negoçiar con ella en la vanca metese en el pavellon e si no subela a su casa;
Carroll has “. . . and if he wants to negotiate with her in the banca, he enters the canopy
but ascends not to her house . . .”
174  M S: Despues las compañeras bienen por ella e antes que amanesca se rrecojen todas a sus
casas; Carroll omits this sentence.
175  E danles la mitad de lo que an ganado; Carroll omits this phrase.
176  M S: palaguey; meaning ‘prostitute’ (i.e., prostitution) in Malay; see Carroll, 14.
177  Approximately 2.0 feet or 88 centimeters.
422 Translation

with poison so that even if only a drop of blood is drawn, the wound is mortal
in the absence of an antidote.178 This is their weapon of choice, and they have
such good aim that they never miss their target. They attach a very fine lance
to one end of the blowgun that they make use of if they fall to hand-to-hand
combat with their foes. They make frequent use of throwing spears made of
either fire-hardened shafts or of iron.179 They use bows and arrows and har-
quebuses, with which the king and his vassals are well trained. And every day
they fire at targets in the presence of the king. They use harquebuses very little
here. They use bucklers and quilted ichcauipilli.180 On their ships they use artil-
lery, although it is not very heavy, since it is nearly all service artillery, such as
falcons181 and falconets, as well as and large and small versos. And they have a
great quantity of this kind of artillery because they import a great deal of metal
from the kingdom of Patani182 and are constantly casting artillery. And their
navy, which protects their inland city, consists of 100 ships, divided between
galleys, galliots183 and foists.184 Their ships are so prepared that within six

178  M S: Traenlas untadas con yerva de suerte que aunque . . .; Carroll has “They have them
smeared with herb of fate [poison] so that although . . .”
179  M S: lanças arronjadizas asi de varas tostadas como de hierro; Carroll has “lances for throw-
ing [that are] of sticks toasted [hard] like iron.”
180  M S: escaupiles; meaning ‘quilted cotton cuirass worn as protection against arrows’ in
Nahuatl.
181  M S: falcon; a light cannon, 6 feet in length, with a caliber of 2.5 inches.
182  Elsewhere in the MS Patan, Patane; the pre-colonial polity, port city and Hindu-Buddhist
kingdom that became a sultanate by the mid-13th or 14th centuries, located on the coast
of the Gulf of Siam (Thailand) and on the north-eastern Malay Peninsula. Because of its
location, it had become a major trading center prior to the 6th and 7th centuries, but
declined, possibly, as a result of silting of its port. Politically, it was a state that almost
always paid tribute to both Siam and China. However, toward the end of the 16th and into
the mid-17th centuries (in other words at the time that the MS was being written and col-
lated), the kingdom was ruled successively by four queens who were able to increase the
sultanate’s economic and military strength to such a degree that, with aid from the sultan-
ates of Pahang and Johor, Patani ceased paying tribute to Siam and fended off repeated
Siamese invasion attempts. In the late 17th century, Ayutthaya forced Patani to return to
being a tributary of Siam. Riberio Gaio’s account of Patani, however, was written prior
to or at the time (1584) in which the sister of Sultan Bahdur (r. 1573–1584), Ratu Hijau
(r. 1584–1616), lit. ‘the Green Queen’, ascended the throne.
183  M S: galeota; normally a two-masted, latin-rigged vessel which could have been oared. See
DLMAA, 284 s.v. galeota.
184  M S: fustas, light oared vessels with one or two masts used for exploration; see OED s.v.
foist.
Brunei 423

minutes185 of the city being called to arms they are all ready to go at the
enemy. And that is why each captain has his armed galley next to his house,
and the oarsmen186 and soldiers at the ready so that each man can run speed-
ily to his ship. The galleys are suspended above the water, fitted on fifteen
or twenty crossbeams of timber, each crossbeam being tightly lashed at its
midpoint, and when they want it to be lowered into the water, they simulta-
neously cut the cables the crossbeams are tied to, and the galley drops imme-
diately into the water. And this is done so quickly that in the time it takes
to say two Credos the galley is in the water. These crossbeams, called salang
gunting,187 serve as sliding baulks.188 And this is why [84v] their fleet can
be launched so quickly. And during those times when he suspects there are
enemy pirates, he sends these galleys out cruising189 for them; they go on
the look-out up to twenty or thirty leagues from the city,190 and every week
these guards are replaced. There are numerous cargo ships that are used for
conducting trade and commerce with other kingdoms; they are not utilized
for fighting. On their voyages they make use of maritime compasses like ours,
with the eight winds, which are called as follows: north, hilaga; north-east,
amihan; east, silangan; southeast, timor; south, selatan; southeast, habagat;
southwest, barat tepat sa araw; northwest, utara barat laut.191
Camphor is found in a very big and thick tree that is probably more than a
fathom192 in diameter. In order to obtain the camphor from this tree, called the
kauyo kapur,193 they cut it down at its base and split it down the middle. In its

185  M S: oras, meaning ‘hours’. Carroll, 15, proposes that this may be a copyist’s error for minu-
tos, meaning ‘minutes’. We concur; six hours is an unimpressive response time for minute
men.
186  M S: equipazón; see Sánchez de la Rosa, Diccionario, I, 25.
187  M S: salanguntin; lit. ‘frame’ or ‘cut’ i.e., crossbeams; see Carroll, 15.
188  Alternatively, “sliding planks” or “launching troughs.”
189  M S: coso, an antiquated form of corso, meaning ‘sea voyage undertaken in the pursuit
of corsairs’; see DME, 183. Carroll has simply “he customarily brings out the said galeras
in battle.”
190  M S: las quales andan beynte o treynta leguas de la çiudad haziendo sentinela; Carroll has
“which go twenty or thirty leagues From [sic] the city doing guard duty.”
191  Tagalog hilaga ‘north’, amihan ‘northeast wind, and silangan ‘east’; Malay timor ‘east’,
selatan ‘south’; Tagalog habagat ‘west wind’; Malay barat tepat ‘due west’ + Tagalog sa
araw ‘toward the sun’; Malay utara barat laut ‘northwest’; see Carroll, 15. Carroll also notes
that the Malay and Tagalog names for the eight points of the compass are peninsular
Malay and Tagalog, but that these names are different in Brunei Malay. See also Moulton,
“Points of the Compass,” 75.
192  Approximately 5.8 feet or 1.8 meters.
193  M S: payocapu; elsewhere catre; lit. ‘wood-camphor’ in Malay; see Carroll, 15.
424 Translation

heart are found two or three small boxes or receptacles containing the cam-
phor. One ounce at most is found in each of these trees. This camphor consists
of several small congealed pieces that are found in the aforementioned little
boxes, which are as thick as a half-real piece,194 and the biggest piece is no big-
ger or thicker than a half-real piece. It has the color and texture of rock candy,
except a little whiter. The camphor that is removed from these gall boxes
smells something like fir resin,195 since they are one and the same and serve
the same purpose. And three names, three species and three prices all stem
from the same substance. The biggest pieces, which are considered the best,
are called kapul kepala, meaning ‘chief camphor’,196 which sells for 30 pesos197
per catty. The other kind consists of smaller pieces the size of the fingernail of
a little finger,198 or a little bigger, called kapul tengah,199 meaning medium size
camphor. [85r] This kind sells for between twenty and twenty-two pesos per
catty. The last kind consists of a few very small pieces, almost like flour, and
this is called kapul dikit,200 meaning small camphor. It is worth fifteen pesos
per catty. It is a highly prized substance;201 indeed, people come seeking it
from all over. The planks sawn from these trees are very good for building ships
because they resist shipworms and they do not rot for a very long time.202 And
thus all the ships in this realm are made with these planks.
The king customarily grants encomiendas to the leading citizens, who are
the titled lords and captains who have served him well in the past and continue
to do so. And he does not grant these encomiendas according to the number of

194  A unit of measurement based upon the diameter of a Spanish silver coin; a half a real was
equal to around ½ inch or 1.25 centimeters.
195  M S: aceite de beto; Carroll has “oil of resin.”
196  M S: capul capa; lit. ‘camphor-head’ in Malay; see Carroll, 15.
197  The famous Spanish silver coin worth eight reales, hence also known as a “piece of eight,”
equal to 532.63 grams or 18.8 ounces of silver; see Y&B, 683 s.v. pataca.
198  M S: melgarite; Carroll could not find a translation for this term. It is one of several vari-
ants found in late medieval and early modern Spanish; cf. merguellite in the Corbacho of
the Arcipreste de Talavera and Vocabulario eclesiástico of Rodrigo Fernández de Santaella
(15th century), malgarite in Quevedo, melguerite in Pedro Mexía, Silva de varia lección
(16th century); see DCECH, 3, 851 s.v. melgarite.
199  M S: capul tanga; lit. ‘camphor half’ in Malay; see Carroll, 15.
200  M S: capul doquit; lit. ‘camphor little or small’; Carroll is not completely sure about the
Malay origin and further surmises that it may actually be sa-dikit, meaning ‘little’, or
damit, meaning ‘small’; see Carroll, 23.
201  M S: Es cosa que se tiene en muncho . . .; Carroll has “It is a thing had in quantity . . .”
202  M S: porque no les entra broma ni se pudren sino es a cavo de muncho tiempo; Carroll has
“. . . because shipworms enter them not nor could they unless it is at the end of much
time . . .”
Brunei 425

people, but rather by the province or the town. And he grants the encomien-
das together with an income, such that they return half or a third to him.203
These encomiendas that he grants are made up of Visayans.
When the king goes out, he takes a guard of more than twenty captains who
go before him, carrying cutlasses on their shoulders. And when he sits on his
dais, these captains have their cutlasses unsheathed, especially if a foreigner
is present. And when the king goes out and a pengiran accompanies him, the
pengiran does not go with the guards, but rather behind the king. Messengers
who are sent to him are well received, and if they are in need of something he
orders they be given it. It is the custom for the messenger who delivers the let-
ters to the king to place them in a vessel that looks like a lidded cup covered
with a cloth out of respect for the letters, which he places on top of his head;
this is how they approach the king.204 The messenger does this so he can do
obeisance, for the letters he carries [85v] are from his king and ruler.205 And
after arriving at the feet of the king in this manner, he places the vessel on the
ground. The king then orders their bishop to take this vessel and open it and
take the letters out and read them in public.
The king has a cheerful countenance. He is a stout man, and in the year 1589
he was 58 years old.206 And when he goes out in a boat, he takes a cushioned
dais with him that is laid on top of the boat, together with a vessel like a large
lidded cup covered with a cloth,207 and a pike lying crosswise underneath with
a long band,208 and two large screens,209 one on one side and another on the

203  The Spanish is unclear here: e dalas con pençion de que le acudan a el con la mitad o con la
terçia parte.
204  M S: E de esta suerte llegan con ellas delante del rrey; Carroll has “. . . and in this way they
arrive with them in front of the king.”
205  M S: Esto haze porque obedesca el mensajero las cartas que lleba pues son de su rrey e gouer-
nador; Carroll has “This the messenger does so that he can do obeisance. The letters
which he carries then are his king’s and governor’s . . .”
206  This would make Sultan Saiful Rijal’s birthyear 1531, which would mean he came to the
throne at four years of age.
207  M S: y una uasija a manera de tazon grande con su tapadera; Carroll has “. . . and a vessel in
the manner of a large cup with its lid and a cup on top . . .”
208  The Spanish is unclear here: E una pica atravesada baja con una uanda larga . . .
209  M S: tirasoles; Carroll has “umbrellas;” his note reads “the Spanish word is tirasoles, which
is obsolete. The Malay translation is paying;” see Carroll, 23. However, it has been well
established for some time that a tirasol is an ornamental screen that is typically adorned
with decorative figures. See Sarmiento de Gamboa, History, 90. For a thorough treat-
ment of the term used in colonial American Spanish of the 16th century, see Smith, et al.,
Kiva Mural Decorations, 80–82.
426 Translation

other side, raised on a long tikin210 in the middle of the prow. No other boat can
carry any of these things except the one the king travels in, even though he is
absent, except the tikin, which can be borne by one who is a pengiran, but not
if he is not a pengiran.
These people have years, months and days like we do, as well as weeks. Their
days of the211 week are the following: arbaa; Monday, canis; Tuesday, jumat;
Wednesday, sapto; Thursday, ahat; Friday, ysnayan; Saturday, salasa. Their first
day of the week is Tuesday, which as I have said they call jumat, because it is
their feast day, and the rest of the days follow, as indicated here. The months
of the year are as follows, the first of which is the month of January, as with
us: almoharram;212 February, safarron; March, rabiolagual; April, rabiolaher;
May, jumarilagual; June, jumarilaher; July, rajap; August, saavan; September,
camalam; October, [86r] sagual; November, rulcayrat; December, rulija.213

210  M S: tiquin; meaning ‘boatman’s pole’ in Tagalog; see Carroll, 16; and Retana, 170.
211  The copyist has omitted the Spanish gloss for Sunday.
212  The copyist has omitted the Spanish gloss for January.
213  The days of the week are not accurately correlated to their European counterparts in the
MS. The correct names for days of the week in Arabic are Ahad ‘Sunday’, Isnin ‘Monday’,
Selasa ‘Tuesday’, Rabu ‘Wednesday’, Kemis ‘Thursday’, Jum’at, ‘Friday’ and Sabtu ‘Saturday.’
Carroll, 23, observes that the Muslim calendar is lunar and that its months cannot be
equated with those of the solar European calendar. The names for the months of the
year in Malay-Arabic are Muharram, Safar, Rabi’u’l-awwal, Rabi’u’l-akhi, Jamadi’l-awwal,
Jumadi’l-akhir, Bajab, Sh’aban, Ramadan, Shawwal, Khu’l-k’adah and Dhu’lh’ijjah.
Maluku 427

Illustration 22 Malukan (Noble) Woman.

428 Translation

Illustration 23 Malukan Warrior.

 Chapter 9

Maluku Islands

[89r]

The Customs, Ways, and Manners of Life and the Sect of the People
of the Maluku Islands1

The men are husky and grow handsome beards and moustaches. And their
speech is very courteous and polished and they address each other well. They
dress in the manner of the Indians from Luzon, except that they wear silk and
gauze and other fine linens from India.
Their weapons consist of swords, pavises, cuirasses, sallets,2 firelocks, hel-
mets, coats of mail, versos, and iron and wooden spears. They have another
weapon called a torana, which is hurled; it has a wooden shaft and the iron
has only one edge; it is half a vara in length. They have other weapons that
resemble fish spears and harpoons. When the fighting begins they step onto
the battlefield wearing their finest clothes, looking splendid with feathers in
their turbans.
The clothing of the women consists of short garments that reach to mid-
thigh and small jackets with very long ruffled sleeves. And the leading women
wear velvet jackets with half-sleeves, and on their wrists and arms they wear
a lot of bracelets made of gold, silver and pearl, and on their foreheads a tight
ribbon with many precious stones and valuable pearls. These women are tall,
plump, vigorous and beautiful, and many of them are white.
The Muslim kings have four main wives whose sons inherit the kingdom,
even if they are the issue of these wives; they also have many daughters from

1  This ninth anoyomously authored section provides a report of the Maluku Islands, a south-
ern neighbor of the Philippine Islands that consists of an archipelago within the Indonesian
Archipelago; it includes the small volcanic Banda Islands, generally located around 2°0′0″S,
128°0′0″E, east of Sulawesi, west of New Guinea, and north-east of Timor. This archipelago
was formerly called the Moluccas and was historically known as the “Spice Islands” because
of its production of nutmeg, mace and cloves, some of the most prized commodities of Asia
that motivated the Spanish, Portuguese and other Europeans to circumnavigate the globe in
search of them.
2  M S: seladas; the celada was a visor-less medieval helmet.

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430 Translation

these main wives. And they do not recognize [89v] their nieces and female
cousins because they only respect their mothers and sisters.
Their law is the law of Muhammad. They have mosques which they visit on
their day of worship, which is Friday; it is their practice that only a few women
attend, those who do afterwards go and visit the homes of the leading families,
preaching their sect to the women and children. The prayers they offer and
the holy days they observe in their daily lives is not like our law, except when
it comes to saying the Ave Maria3 at nightfall, but they also pray once before
dawn and once at midday.
They have Lent4 yearly during the month of August, beginning with the new
moon and ending with the next one. They fast by not eating all day, beginning
with the setting of the stars and ending when they rise again. They also refrain
from washing their mouth or spitting, unless the person is sick or working.
These people have a holy day after Lent in which all the people who live
near the king gather together and march to the mosque while ringing numer-
ous bells and firing artillery and making merry with drums of their own fabri-
cation.5 During this holy day they take a large bearded billy-goat to the mosque
where it is kept while they listen to preaching about their sect. A week later
they have another holy day in which all the leading inhabitants assemble
together with the king’s relatives, and they hold a feast in his honor while many
sorts of musical [90r] instruments are played and dishes and delicacies of all
kinds are served.6 He is carried aloft on their shoulders or on a sedan chair
through triumphant arches.
They are not buried in their mosques, but rather on the property of their
houses and gardens.

3  Latin for Hail Mary, a brief prayer in praise of the Virgin Mary that takes roughly one minute
to recite.
4  The author of this passage is describing the Muslim practice of Ramadan in terms of the
Christian observance of Lent; see Y&B, 756 s.v. Ramdan.
5  This is probably a reference to Eid al-Fitr, the Muslim Festival of Breaking the Fast.
6  We are not entirely clear if this is a pan-Islamic holiday or one that was particular to the
Maluku Islands.
Java 431

Illustration 24 Javanese Warrior.

432 Translation

Illustration 25 Javanese Warrior.

 Chapter 10

Java

[93r]

The Truest Account That has been Possible to Compile Concerning

the Javanese1 and Their Manner of Fighting is as Follows

The Javanese have the same skin color as the rest of these Moros, though they
are a little brawnier. They shave their heads and beards, but if a man can grow
a moustache he lets it grow while removing the rest of his hair.
The clothing worn by men is a wrapped cloth with a v-shaped collar and
long sleeves that reach to the wrists; it extends a little less than a geme2 above
the knee and is tight-fitting. An outer cloth is wrapped tightly around the body
three or four times and extends to shin level. These two cloths are of whatever
color the wearer wishes. On their heads they wear a long headdress that they
wrap around their heads. This is their custom in peace and in war, except that
because the outer cloth is long, in times of war they pass it between their legs
and gather it at their waists. They do not wear shoes or anything else on their
feet.
Their weapons for fighting are pikes and bucklers. They carry their bucklers
on their arms and grasp their pikes with both hands. Their bucklers are big and
round, like a long pavise. They wear a long dagger two spans3 in length, which
they call a kris;4 most of the blade is wavy. The iron is usually laced with poison,
and if it is so laced, the wound inflicted with it is lethal. The iron of the pike is
just as wavy as that of the kris, and a Javanese fighter will attempt to pierce his
opponent’s body by thrusting his pike back and forth while grasping the shaft.
Some of them also brandish long cutlasses, which are like long forest knives,
and they wear them on a kind of sword belt that hangs from their shoulders.

1  Dealing with Java and its people, the tenth section is, again, aynonomously authored and
with no internal evidence to suggest the origin or dates for the information it provides.
2  Approximately 2.5 inches or 6.35 centimeters.
3  Approximately 17 inches or 44 centimeters.
4  M S: cris; for additional information, see Y&B, 274–275 s.v. crease, cris.

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434 Translation

They often become amoq;5 they become amoq when they face death. And
this is how it is done: they bleed themselves and then mix this blood with
watered-down wine and drink it; they also ingest a certain herb called opium,6
which gives them considerable vigor and strength. [93v] It makes them lose
their minds and sends them into a frenzy, and in this state they set upon their
enemies, shrieking amoq, amoq!, and in this way they will either defeat them
or be killed.
They carry versos on their ships. They do not use harquebuses, unless they
fight alongside men from other nations who use them with whom they form
an alliance against other nations. They do not have any defensive weapons,
nor does it appear that they bring them in from outside their land. And if any
messengers do bring them in from outside, the weapons they bring resemble
cuirasses made from carabao leather.

5 MS: amucos; Malay for a frenzied state, meaning “engaging furiously in battle, attacking with
desperate resolution, rushing in a state of frenzy to the commission of indiscriminate mur-
der;” this word is the basis for the English expression to run amok. See OED s.v. amok; and
Y&B, 18–23 s.v. a muck.
6 MS: antion, a copyist’s error in the rendering of Portuguese anfião, meaning ‘opium’, which
in turn comes from Arabic afyūn, itself a loanword from Greek ὄπιον; see OED s.v. anfion; and
Y&B, 641–642 s.v. opium.
Rutter Of Aceh 435

Illustration 26 Siamese Warriors.

436 Translation

Illustration 27 Siamese Couple.

Rutter Of Aceh 437

Re
d
T
Tonkin
(Giao Chi)
Lang Xang
(Laos) Hainan
Hai
aina
Me (Kauchi)
Ka
Kauchi)
auchi)
ch )
ng

ko
Pegu Siam Cochinchina
(Thailand)

Me
Gulf of
C hao P h r ay

ko
n
Martaban

g
Ayutthaya
a

Phetchaburi
Andaman Sea Kampuchea
Sam Roi Yot (Cambodia)
Tenasserim
Champa
Meko
ng South
ChinaSea
Ligor

Patani
Kedah
Aceh
St

Pasai Terengganu
ra

Perak
it
of
M

Pahang
el
ak
a

Barus Melaka
Johor
Nias
Sumatra Borneo
Equator
Minangkabau

Bangka

Palembang Belitung

it
tra
d a SBanten
Bante
Ba
ante
n en Java
te a Se
Sea
n
Su Batavia
Bat
Bata
Ba
B atav
at
a
atavia
av
ava
vi
Java

Map 5 Sumatra and Mainland South-east Asia.

438 Translation

Aceh and its Environs, ca. 1584

Kampung
adek
Kuala Cadek
Proposed
disembarkation site

Tanjung Lulo
Kuala
Panchor Sabang
Pegu
Pulau
Bengala Pedagang
Angkasa Pedayung
Meurasa
Pekan Seri Darya
King’s Palace
I nd r

c eh Riv

A
er
ag
iri River

Map 6 Aceh and its Environs, ca. 1585.

 Chapter 11

Rutter of Aceh, by Dom João Ribeiro Gaio

[101r]

Rutter and Account Written by João Ribeiro Gaio,1

Bishop of Melaka,2 for Our Lord the King,3
Concerning the State of Affairs in Aceh4

Firstly, there is a headland west of Aceh that the sailors call West and which the
natives call Panchor.5 It is approximately five leagues from this headland to the
bar of Aceh, although the map shows it to be further than that. Eastward from
this headland is the coast of Aceh as far as the bar that the sailors call East.

1  The eleventh section of the MS is, as our Introduction mentions, the first of five accounts
with an identified author and general date of authorship. This report was one of three that
were written by the Portuguese cleric Dom João Ribeiro Gaio (elsewhere in the MS Goya—
clearly a copyist’s error), who was born in Vila do Conde (15??–1601) and became the bishop
of Melaka (1578–1601). All three of his manuscripts were contemporaneously written origi-
nally in Portuguese and were later translated into Spanish for inclusion in the Boxer Codex.
This particular account is clearly based upon his interrogation of a Portuguese informant
who had been captured and interned at Aceh on the island of Sumatra. It is a plea for an
Iberian invasion and occupation of this sultanate, which posed a threat to Melaka. See Map
5 for Sumatra and mainland South-east Asia and Map 6 for Aceh and its environs, ca. 1584,
which was created from this account by SA&M, 116; we have reproduced it with labels of the
locations in English.
2  A pre-colonial polity, sultanate and port city that was a tributary of Ming China, strategically
located on the western coast of the Malay Peninsula in front of the Straits of Melaka and
across from the island of Sumatra. Its location formed and still forms an effective “choke-
point” over maritime circulation to and from the Bay of Bengal in the Indian Ocean and the
South China Sea. Taken by Portuguese forces under the command of Afonso de Albuquerque
in 1511, its control was one of the lynch-pins in Portuguese imperial power and pretensions in
Asia.
3  Philip II of Spain (r. 1554–1598) and via dynastic union, Philip I of Portugal (r. 1580–1598).
4  The pre-colonial sultanate on the northernmost tip of the island of Sumatra, which was a
major enemy and nemesis of the Portuguese at Melaka, see Y&B, 3–4 s.v. Acheen; Lagoa, I, 5–6
s.v. Achem.
5  Present-day Ujung Pancu; this location appears as Pancor in the map reconstructed by SA&M
in the Roteiro das Cousas do Achem.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_035

440 Translation

And this headland is located at approximately five degrees north of the equa-
tor.6 Moving past the said headland towards the west7 on this side8 of the island
of Sumatra9 is another point called the Sumatra headland, which is the head-
land on the opposite coast.10 The distance between the two points is about ten
leagues. Between them are villages and streams which will be discussed in the
following chapter.

Chapter 2: Regarding the Settlements and Streams Found Between

the Headland of Aceh and the Headland at the Western End
of Sumatra
One and a half leagues to the west of the headland of Aceh is a small bay called
Talacuna where the fishermen from Aceh go to fish. At the bay there are around
ten houses. It is impossible to anchor there because of the many rocks. Heading
west from that bay is a headland called Ayer Tawar11 where there are gardens
and palm groves and as many as fifty houses [101v] and a sentry for people
traveling on foot. It has springs where water can be taken on at high tide. Three
leagues westward from the point of Ayer Tawar is a small stream called Daya12
where no vessel can enter due to the numerous rocks that are found on the bar.
It has a population of 600 households and contains many gardens. And from
the headland of Ayer Tawar to Daya there is a distance of three leagues. And
on any part of this coast ships can anchor. Four leagues to the west is located
the headland of Sumatra where there are also several streams and gardens and
houses. One can sail to the city of Aceh from all of the cities mentioned in this
chapter. And from the other side of the said headland of Sumatra begins the

6 The actual latitude is 5°34′N.

7  MS: sueste; SA&M have uest, which we follow.
8   I.e., the west side.
9    M S: Samatra, elsewhere Samatria; an elongated island spanning a diagonal north-west
to south-east axis found in western Indonesia and forming part of the Sunda Islands. It is
bordered by the Indian Ocean on the west, north-west, and south-west; the narrow Strait
of Melaka separates it from the Malay Peninsula; the island chain of Simeulue, Nias and
Mentawai are found on its south-west; the islands of Bangka and Belitung, the Karimata
Strait and the Java Sea are found on its lower eastern side; and on the south-east the nar-
row Sunda Strait separates it from Java. The equator crosses the island at its approximate
center at 0°0′0″N, 102°0′0″E. At the time the MS was written, numerous important pre-
colonial state systems, especially the sultanates of Aceh, Jambi and Palembang, as well as
non-Muslim peoples, resided on the island.
10 I.e., on the opposite coast from the city of Aceh.
11   M S: Aer Tauar; Malay ayer tawar means ‘fresh water’.
12  Present-day Daya Bay.
Rutter Of Aceh 441

opposite coast where there are numerous settlements, rivers and islands; for
example, Barus,13 Pariaman14 and many other similar settlements from where
it is possible to sail to Aceh.

Chapter 3
At the tip of the aforementioned headland of Aceh, a harquebus’ shot from
the sea, there is a mansion that functions as a fortress. It has a few rooms and
houses a garrison of forty guards who send signals to the city of Aceh when
ships come to port, as follows: if they see from a ship’s signals that she comes
in peace, they fire two salvos and the fortress on the bar responds [102r] with
another two. And if a ship comes with hostile intentions or cannot be identi-
fied as one of their own, they fire four shots and the fortress on the bar responds
with another four; the residents of the city then take up arms and rush to the
bar. And only at the headland where the aforementioned rooms are located
are there houses where the guards stay. It is impossible to land between the sea
and that headland, nor can people go there. And the whole coast along that
point is high and steep until it descends to the flats. And roads lead from there
to the city of Aceh.
Between the headland of Aceh and the open sea is a small island called Pulau
Chichen which measures about half a league in circumference; this island is
about a fourth of a league from the headland. And between the two points pass
small ships hailing from Java, Minangkabau,15 Barus, Daya and other villages
from the opposite coast and from some islands that are located in the western
part of the sea; they say there is one island16 whose ruler has ten bahars of
gold. And at high tide or ebb tide, the water runs with such force between the
aforementioned headland and the island that no ship can pass there. And if a
ship does pass through where the current runs, she will necessarily pass by this

13  M S: Barros, which is how this kingdom was called in Portuguese. It is the name of both a
location and an indigenous polity or sultanate on the north-western coast of the island of
Sumatra and south of Aceh; see Y&B, 69 s.v. Baros; and Lagoa, I, 91 s.v. Bara, Barros.
14  M S: Priamao; elsewhere Priamam; for further particulars concerning this location, see
Suma Oriental, 160.
15  M S: Manancavo, elsewhere Menancabo; a term that refers to the central highlands
of Sumatra and to an indigenous ethnic group residing at that location. Since the
Minangkabau has no port city, Ribeiro Gaio is conflating this term with the inland port
and sultanate of Jambi, which is on the Batanghari River; see Lagoa, II, 228, 261, 227 s.v.
Manancabo, Menancabo, Monancabo.
16  Based on Tomé Pires, 162–163, this is probably Pulau Nias off the western coast of Sumatra;
see Suma Oriental, 160–163.
442 Translation

island, because the headland creates a whirlpool in the inlet that is so big that
a ship would run the risk of getting stuck in it.
And between the island of Pulau Chichen and the open sea is another island
called [102v] Pulau Nasi,17 which will be discussed below. And between these
two islands there is a distance of about half a league; there is a wide open-
ing between them through which large ships may pass, especially those from
Mecca, Khambhat18 and Dabhol19 when they are pushed off course towards
that side by the winds and currents. And ships do not enter there except during
the day and at high tide because of the rocks in the center of the opening near
the island of Pulau Nasai. And they steer from this opening,20 and in order to
maneuver properly through it and reach the bar of Aceh, ships should head
east-south-east; this way, because of these rocks, they should arrive closer to
the aforementioned island of Pulau Chichen.

Chapter 4
Half a league to the east from the headland of Aceh there is a small island
called Pulau Ruesa. And from this island it is about a camelete21 shot away. On
the island are two houses and a little spring water. And at night the people that
keep watch on this island are the same ones who keep watch on the island of
Aceh, as is recorded in Chapter 3.

Chapter 5
Roughly one league from the headland of Aceh, which is on the western part,
there is another small island which lies towards the bar, called by the Acehnese

17  M S: Pulo Nousa; a small island found in the Andaman Sea to the north-west of Banda
Aceh, almost conjoined with Pulau Weh to its north-west, located at 5°37′0″N, 95°7′0″E.
18  M S: Canbay, Canbaya; a once flourishing and celebrated port city, also known as Cambay,
the seat of an extensive trade in its silk, chintz and other manufactures and goods that lies
in the Arabian Sea at the Gulf of Cambay and at the mouth of the Mahi River in Gujarat
in north-west India. At this time it was still a prosperous port, although later on it would
become insignificant because of silting.
19  M S: Daabul, elsewhere Dabul; an important medieval Konkan port that was never occu-
pied by the Portuguese.
20  SA&M have pera as ilhas Pulo Nousa. E governão deste boqueirão . . . ‘near the island of
Pulo Nousa. And they steer from this opening and. . .’, which is wanting in the MS; we have
introduced it into the translation.
21  Elsewhere in the MS camalete, lit. ‘small camel’; a small siege cannon of the pedreiro type,
since the projectile used was normally stone.
Rutter Of Aceh 443

Pulau Angkasa.22 And this island is half a league from Pulau Ruesa. On the
island of Pulau Angkasa [103r] there is a Muslim pilgrimage house, which
is continually guarded by six or seven Acehnese men. There is also a small
amount of spring water that they use for drinking and washing,23 and palm
groves. From this island of Pulau Angkasa to the mainland there is beach for
the approximate distance of a camelete shot. And between this island and the
mainland you can anchor with your galleys and foists because there is more
than four fathoms of water, at both low and high tides. And there is sand from
this beach to the bar of Aceh where one can always land on any section of the
beach. The soldiers should land in small boats so they do not get wet, because
it is best for them to hit the ground with both their persons and their powder
dry. And when the waves are big, they will have to land between the island of
Pulau Angkasa and the mainland.

Chapter 6
Next, one league separates the headland of Aceh from the island of Pulau
Angkasa, as mentioned above. And the fleet can anchor between the headland
of Aceh and the island at a distance of more than half a league eastwards from
the headland of Aceh and the mainland there, as well as from the island of
Pulau Ruesa, taking shelter there in westerly winds, because easterly winds will
drag the fleet onto the coast. And they must also take care to not throw anchor
near the [103v] headland of Aceh, but rather half a league from it, because
when the current runs in or out it creates a big whirlpool near the place where
the water runs, and any ship in that vicinity would be in danger. And they must
also keep from anchoring at the headland, or in the inlet close to land, or at the
island of Pulau Ruesa, because of the many rocks.
Between the island of Pulau Angkasa and the headland of Aceh the water
is more than four fathoms deep. Further seaward the depth is greater, up to
fifteen and twenty fathoms, and since there are rocks below the surface, one
must be careful not to cut the cables. And note that not only is the water fifteen
fathoms deep or more further seaward between the aforementioned headland
of Aceh and the island of Pulau Angkasa, but also between that headland and
the opposite bar of Aceh. Further seaward there are fifteen fathoms and more,
and towards the mainland there are three to four fathoms of good bottom for
anchoring. And from there seaward the depth increases to fifteen and more

22  
M S: Ancasa; present-day Pulau Tuan, a small island situated very close to Banda Aceh, as
mentioned in the MS, located at 5°33′55″N, 95°14′46″E.
23  
M S: de que beben; SA&M amend the MAR MS to da que bebem e se [lavão], which we
follow.
444 Translation

fathoms, all good for anchoring. And the moorings need to be secure because
of the strong currents and the north-western winds and the winds that come
from that side.
On the sea side, the island of Pulau Angkasa is shaped like an arc, and on the
land side it is straight. It is of average elevation and thus can protect ships that
anchor next to it, except from easterly winds, which are very dangerous [104r]
on that coast. And any kind of ship can receive protection between the island
and the coast, provided they are galleons, galleys or foists. Seaward from this
island there is another island called Pulau Nasi, mentioned in Chapter 3, where
timber is obtained for houses and stone for the graves of the Muslims. The
island of Pulau Nasi lies three long leagues on a north to south line from Pulau
Angkasa.24 And there is nowhere to anchor next to Pulau Nasi except when
heading towards the wide opening which was mentioned in Chapter 3. Indeed,
in front of this wide opening there are places to anchor on both sides where
ships that are waiting to enter throw anchor because of the tides; if they don’t,
they will drift towards the wide opening, as was treated in the said chapter.
This island of Pulau Nasi must be three leagues in circumference. And from
there roughly a half a league to the east there is another island called Pulau
Weh,25 which is the Island of the Exiles. And because this island is located on a
nearly north to south line with the bar of Aceh, it is impossible to miss the bar
of Aceh. And from this island it is about three and a half leagues to the island
of Pulau Angkasa; they are almost exactly north-east and south-west of each
other. This island of Pulau Weh has almost the same circumference as Pulau
Nasi.26 And it is inhabited by exiles. And it has areca, palms, betel, bananas,
water and yams. [104v] And a few prows go there from Aceh to buy and sell.
And there is no sure place to anchor close to the island, but there well could
be one on the south side. However, anchoring the ships in the north-western
winds that come from overtop the island may cause all the people on board
to take ill with fever. And from the western point, which runs from the bar to
the point of Aceh, there are no more islands apart from the ones already men-

24  M S: la qual ysla de Pulo Nousa esta con la de Pulo Ancasa norte sur tres leguas grandes.
Assuming that Pulo Nousa is present-day Pulau Nasi, the MS cannot be saying that Pulau
Nasi is on a north to south line with Pulau Angkasa (present-day Palau Tuan), since Pulau
Nasi lies to the north-west of Pulau Angkasa.
25  M S: Pulo Oe, a small active volcanic island found in the Andaman Sea to the northwest of
Banda Aceh, which at present is referred to as Sabang, after the largest city on the island,
located at 5°49′12″N, 95°16′48″E.
26  This is only true if Pulau Nasi and Pulau Breueh, which are separated by a thin strait, are
considered as a single island.
Rutter Of Aceh 445

tioned. There is also a black rock27 that the locals call Pulau Buro; it is visible at
the surface of the water at high and low tides where the waves are constantly
breaking; as one approaches the bar of Aceh to make a landing there, this rock
is on the side towards the Island of the Exiles.28 If you are anchored in the bar,
you will see this rock to the north. There are also anchorages at a distance from
these islands, as will be discussed in Chapter 9. And there no more islands
from this point to the bar except for those that make up Pulau Gomes,29 which
lie six or seven leagues from to the north of the bar. They have timber but are
uninhabited.

Chapter 7
From the island of Pulau Angkasa to the sea you can anchor but with great dif-
ficulty because of the strong currents and northerly and other winds that come
from the north-east, [105r] and there is no shelter whatsoever.

Chapter 8
No sea-going vessel will be able to maneuver between these islands, even
though they look distant from each other, for there is a high risk of a ship being
lost because of the many rocks there except for the aforementioned open-
ing between Pulau Nasi and Pulau Chichen, which are opposite the headland
of Aceh.

Chapter 9
It is further written that from the headland of Aceh to island of Pulau Angkasa
and from the latter island to the bar of Aceh, and from the bar two leagues
to the east, all is good anchorage, the closer to land the better. And if the
ships are not tied fast they will be driven onto the coast by the northwesterly
winds, which blow most frequently on this coast. The northerly, north-easterly,
easterly, and westerly winds can also be dangerous on occasion, but not as
much as the north-westerlies. And the further ships anchor to seaward, the
stronger the currents and heavier the seas. And this is why they say that gal-

27  
M S: lage; SA&M have lájea, which must have influenced the copyist, since the Castilian
word is actually laja.
28  
M S: quando se ba a tomar la barra del Aceh queda a la parte del Aceh la ysla de los deter-
rados; SA&M have quando se vai tomar a barra do Achem fica da banda de Ilha dos
Degradados, which we follow.
29  
M S: Gomez Pola; a group of four islands off the northern tip of Sumatra (Pulau Weh, Pulau
Breueh, Pulau Bunta and Pulau Nasi). See Lagoa, II, 67 s.v. Gáspola; II, 90 s.v. Gomespolá,
Gamispolá; III, 71 s.v. Pulo Gomes, Pulo Gomus; and Suma Oriental, 138.
446 Translation

leons, galleys and frigates can anchor with protection from the north-west-
erly and westerly winds between Pulau Angkasa and the coast, as well as on
the seaside of the same island in the manner described above. They can also
anchor between the Island of the Exiles and Pulau Nasi at a remove from the
island [105v] both towards the land side and towards the open sea.

Chapter 10
It is also said that there are thunderstorms and downpours on this coast,
though they are not as frequent or dangerous as our people seem to think. Most
of them come over land. And May’s moon is very dangerous because it marks
the beginning of winter. And in the month of June there is so much runoff
from the heavy rain in the mountains that the Madre River overflows its banks
and floods the entire city; the water can be as deep as two or three spans30 and
last for two or three days. And during the month of September there are more
floods, similar to this one, because it is winter during those times.

Chapter 11
It is also said that from the point of Aceh as far as the island of Pulau Angkasa
there is sandy beach with good roads. And towards the interior there are gar-
dens, palm groves, rice paddies and a few other things, but no river blocks
the way and there are roads that lead to the city. The main road begins at the
beach of Pulau Angkasa and runs straight inland from the island. This road
is well travelled and is well known by the Moros, who make a pilgrimage to
the house that is located on this island, which is half a day’s walk to the vil-
lage. The city of Aceh is approximately three leagues away following this road,
which is lined with houses and [106r] gardens. And the village called Meurasa31
is situated at about the midpoint along the road to the city of Aceh. And no
rivers cross the road, except for two streams; one of them, called Indragiri,32
is about a span33 deep where it crosses the road. And past the village of Meurasa
there is another stream called Kuala34 Sabang35 which is more or less two and
a half spans36 deep at this point. And everyone who makes this pilgrimage

30  Between 17.3 and 26 inches or between 44 and 66 centimeters.

31  M S: Mraesa; Meurasa on the map created by SA&M.
32  M S: Yndergit; the Indragiri River empties into the Strait of Melaka.
33  Approximately 8.7 inches or 22 centimeters.
34  M S: Coala, elsewhere Loala. Malay kuala means ‘confluence, conjunction’, referring to the
confluence of two rivers or the mouth of a river.
35  M S: Saban.
36  Approximately 1.8 feet or 55 centimeters.
Rutter Of Aceh 447

crosses this stream on foot at low tide, just as they cross the Indragiri. These
streams are roughly a league apart. If the people from the fleet land on the
beach directly across from the island of Pulau Angkasa and take this road, they
will be heading directly towards the village of Meurasa and will necessarily
pass right through it. And they will proceed from there to the city, as discussed
below in Chapter 17. And note that whenever anyone comes over to the main-
land from the island of Pulau Angkasa near the river called Kuala Sabang, no
matter which road they find themselves on, they should always look for this vil-
lage called Meurasa. And from there they should make their way to the city of
Aceh. And good landing-places are found all along the beach, from which there
are roads leading to the village of Meurasa, but if there are no waves or winds,
the best place to land is between the two streams called Indragiri and Kuala
Sabang. And if there are strong winds and waves they should land between the
island of Pulau Angkasa and the mainland.

[106v]

Chapter 12
Furthermore, it is about a league from the beach opposite the island of Pulau
Angkasa to the river called Indragiri, which is located on the beach of Aceh.
And this stream is less than a stone’s throw wide. And close to it, about a cross-
bow shot upstream, there is a trench that is now very old; once used to store
artillery, it is now empty. There are also gardens and houses and rice paddies.
And up and down the beach there are roads that originate near this stream
that lead to the road to Meurasa, which, as has already been mentioned, leads
from the island of Pula Angkasa to the city of Aceh. And there are roads from
this island that meander through the gardens and rice paddies, and from
these gardens one can reach the main road that runs from the island of Pulau
Angkasa to the city of Aceh, so that this entire beach is good for landing, as
stated earlier, because from any point one can find the road that leads to the
village of Meurasa and the city of Aceh. And they say that the entire beach is
good for landing when the winds are not blowing from the sea on the northern
side because these winds cause rough seas. And it is essential to land on the
beach between the island of Pulau Angkasa and the mainland as has already
been stated.

Chapter 13
Furthermore, from the stream called Indragiri, foists will be able to enter [107r]
another larger stream, called Kuala Sabang, and head upstream to the village
448 Translation

of Meurasa. Both of these are less than one and a half leagues from the bar
of Aceh. Kuala Sabang is a good stone’s throw wide and its waters run swiftly.
Though it cannot be crossed on foot next to the sea, even when the tide is
out, Kuala Sabang can be crossed on foot at low tide in other places, as was
mentioned above, at a distance of one league from the sea. And between these
two streams, near the beach and moving inland, there are palm trees and rice
paddies. And from any point on the beach near the stream, and on either side
of it, there are roads that lead to the village of Meurasa, in the same way that
was stated above regarding the stream and beach of Indragiri. And the beach
of this stream of Kuala Sabang is more than two and a half leagues from the
village of Meurasa. And it should be noted that after landing, food and artillery
and other things can be transported to the village of Meurasa in foists on this
river at high tide when the current is swift. Also, when there are no winds that
make rough seas between these two streams, it is the best of all landing-places.

Chapter 14
Furthermore, it is more than a league and a half from this stream of Kuala
Sabang to the bar of Aceh, which is also good beach. And in the interior there
are [107v] palm tree groves and gardens and rice paddies. And there are roads,
though muddy, heading to the city of Aceh. And the closer one gets to the
bar from the beach near the Kuala Sabang, the further one is from the village
of Meurasa, but not all that far, as was mentioned above regarding the other
beaches.37 And following the Kuala Sabang upcountry from its head towards
the bar of Aceh a distance of a harquebus’s shot, there is a very old and ruined
earthen trench that has no fortification. Ships could also land on this beach, as
they could on the others, except when there is a sea wind, which blows from
the north, like at the other beaches, as mentioned earlier. And between the
stream of Kuala Sabang and the bar the landing-places are not as good as those
that were mentioned above because of the mud and because the roads are
not clear.

Chapter 15
Diogo Gil,38 after being held captive many years in Aceh by the king, never
stopped spying39 or keeping watch, and thinking about this landing-place in

37  The Spanish syntax is crabbed here: y de toda esta playa de Coala Saban para la playa
quanto mas se llega la barra tanto mas lejos poca distancia queda a la dicha aldea de
Mraesa que a las otras playas atras declaradas.
38  Nothing more is known about this individual.
39  M S: espiar; SA&M have esperar, meaning ‘wait’.
Rutter Of Aceh 449

order to give to me, Dom João Ribeiro Gaio, an account of the affairs in Aceh
that is far better than any other available to date. And I state, possessed of more
truth, that the best landing-place is between the beach that is across from the
island of Pulau Angkasa and the said stream [108r] of Kuala Sabang because
it is a clean beach, except when the wind beats the seas up, in which case it
would be necessary to make landfall between the island of Pulau Angkasa and
the mainland, as has been said mentioned, because from any point along the
beach there are very good roads to the village of Meurasa. And the closer you
land to the stream called Kuala Sabang, the closer you will be to the village of
Meurasa and to the city of Aceh. And the best road is found by landing right
next to the Kuala Sabang on the Indragiri side and heading straight to Meurasa
and to the city of Aceh.

Chapter 16: Concerning What is on the Western Side of the Bar

of Aceh
On the bar of Aceh there is a square bastion made with mud walls that contains
artillery; it is a harquebuses’ shot from the river and half a camelete shot from
the sea. Its walls are about two fathoms high and it commands the beach, the
bar and a section of the river, as well as the surroundings as far as its guns can
reach. It stands about three leagues from the city of Aceh, too far for its guns to
bother any foists that approach the bar next to the beach. A stone’s throw from
the southern side of this bastion, next to the bar, the river becomes a marsh,
which extends a short distance inland and then almost immediately becomes
the river again nearly a [108v] league from the city of Aceh. And on the island
that creates this strait are some fishermen’s houses, and banana trees40 and
mangroves.41 There is also a narrow marsh next to the river that runs through
the strait; it crosses the river at a village called Kampung42 Pegu43 and becomes

40  M S: plantanos; SA&M have figueiras.

41  M S: arboles salados, SA&M has arvores salgadas lit. ‘salt trees’; the conventional terms in
Sp. and Ptg. are manglar and mangue/mangezal, respectively, although manglar is lacking
in DA.
42  M S: Canpun, elsewhere Campun, Campum; Malay for ‘village’.
43  Elsewhere in the MS Pengu. Pegu is the name of both a seaport and a region in lower
Burma; see note 14. The term also refers to people from that location, which is how we
believe the name became applied to the village referenced in the present passage. It was
extraordinarily common in Asian port cities or their environs for visiting merchants or
migrant groups to be housed in a segregated quarter of the city. We are surmising that
in Aceh foreigners were not housed in the port city, but rather in villages near the port;
thus for instance ‘Kampung Pegu’ was the ‘village where the people from Pegu reside’, and
‘Kampung Bengala’ was the ‘village where the people from Bengal reside’.
450 Translation

lost in the gardens, almost arriving at the stream of Kuala Sabang. And you
pass close by the village of Kampung Pegu by walking along a boardwalk that
is almost three fathoms44 long. And from this part of the point of Aceh to the
bar there are no more villages save the one that has been described, which is
Meurasa. And next to the river there are some salty mud flats that make walking
very difficult, which is why close to the river is not a good landing-place, as has
been mentioned. And the route to the city of Aceh from the bastion is either
on the said river in prows or on the other, eastern side of the river, which is the
good road. People cross the river from the bastion in prows, as described below.

Chapter 17
Approach the village of Meurasa from either of the landing-places that have
been mentioned, because from whichever of them you disembark, you must
find the village of Meurasa by seeking signs and landmarks in order to go from
there to the city of Aceh. The best landing-place, as has been mentioned, is
the beach next to Kuala Sabang [109r] on the Indragiri side. And as soon as
you reach the village of Meurasa, you should make your way from there to the
city of Aceh in the following manner: the above-mentioned village is in the
middle of a field before the crossing of the stream called Kuala Sabang. You
should then pass directly through the village and, crossing through the field
eastward, pass by the above-mentioned ford of Kuala Sabang. From that point
there are three roads. One of them is on the left side and leads to Kampung
Pedagang,45 but you should not take this one, though the road is good. There
is another road on the right side which cuts through the gardens, ending at the
King’s fence on the western side.46 This one is not good because it is muddy.
There is another road in the middle and this is the one that should be taken.
And follow it eastward, heading for the side of some gardens that extend into
the above-mentioned field a crossbow shot more than the others that are on
the left-hand side. And after passing it on the right side more than a shot from
a harquebus and positioning yourselves on a north to south line, you should
head towards the place where the side47 of the garden starts extending into the
field. And proceeding straight ahead from there, you should reach the gardens
where you will find a road that winds its way through the gardens to the city of

44  Approximately 5.8 yards or 5.28 meters.

45  M S: Dagao; we concur with SA&M that this village is Kampung Pedagang, meaning ‘vil-
lage of oarsmen’.
46  I.e., of the palace.
47  I.e., of the garden.
Rutter Of Aceh 451

Aceh. You will see the sides of other gardens, but you should avoid them, head-
ing only towards the side that lies east by south-east, which is on the eastern
side towards the right hand and is the last one towards the side of the above-
mentioned village of Meurasa. And if you see the sides of other gardens that lie
[109v] to the east by north-east, which is towards the left, you should not follow
along them although they may lie towards the east. And you should only follow
along the above-mentioned side. And after reaching the wide road you should
take it to the east through the gardens, and continuing from there for a harque-
bus’s shot you will end up at the foundry. And from there, turning to the right
and heading south, you will pass through a populated area called Betan Rajal
and Pekan Seri Darya48 where the Pasai49 live and which has a population of
about 700 households. And it has two streets lined with straw houses, one that
leads to the mosque and the other to the King’s palace, which are the main
streets. And by taking them you will be heading south. One of them goes right
through the village and leads directly to the big mosque. And upon arriving at a
large patio at the above-mentioned mosque, if you should take the road on the
left towards the south-east, you will end up at the gate in the fence of the King’s
residence. The other street to the south next to the river will also take you to
the gate in the fence of the King’s residence. And going from the foundry by
way of the road and in the manner which has been described herein you will
end up at the back of the customs house. And from the customs house towards
the north there is a langgar,50 which is their pilgrimage house. Further along
to the north is Kampung Pedagang, which is a large village of 600 households
where all the foreigners live. North of Kampung Pedagang [110r] sits another
village called Kampung Pegu which contains roughly 100 households and is
where people from Pegu live. Behind these villages of Kampung Pedagang and
Kampung Pegu is another small village called Kampung Bengala, which has

48  
M S: Pacan Saridria; according to SA&M, Pekan is Malay for ‘market’ or ‘fair’; Seri is an
honorific term, cognate with Indian Sri; and Darya could be the name of a courtesan of
the sultan ‘Ala ad-Din Ri’ayat Syah al-Kahar, ruler of Pasai.
49  
M S: Pacenes; elsewhere the place is referred to as Pasem, Pacem; the name and term used
for a people, place, and river; a pre-colonial state system, the sultanate of Pasai, also
known as Samudera or Samudera Pasai. It was an Islamized port-city kingdom (late 13th
century) located at the confluence of the river of the same name on the north coast of
Sumatra to the east of Aceh; after the fall of Melaka, the Portuguese occupied Pasai in 1521.
Aceh, subsequently, intervened and exercised control over it for the rest of the sixteenth
century; see Lagoa, III, 14 s.v. Pacem; and Ricklefs, History of Modern Indonesia, 15.
50  
M S: langar; an oratory in those locations without a mosque; see Cabaton, Java, 107.
452 Translation

another 100 households. The rest of the land behind these villages is filled with
groves of palm, banana and large trees.51 There are fenced fields containing
Muslim graves. And by the above-mentioned gardens there are houses and
people live in them. And the gardens are fenced off by hedges and thorns.

Chapter 18: Concerning the Fence Where the King’s Lodgings are
Located
The King’s lodgings are located on a plain that lies beyond the above-
mentioned villages on the southern part. The last of these villages is about
a harquebus’s shot from the gate in the fence of the King’s lodgings. On the
right side of a large patio, or square, as you approach the King’s house, there
is a big house52 with numerous pillars called Bunga Satanguei, which is the
King’s State House in which he receives embassies. It is more than a stone’s
throw from this house to the King’s gate, which is in the fence. The house is
made of wood and straw and is uninhabited. It is approximately seventy spans
long and forty spans wide53 and has an upper story, which has no artillery or
furniture54 of any kind and is only [110v] used as a state room. And the bottom
floor is completely empty. And between the above-mentioned house and the
King’s house, also on the right hand side, there is a balai55 or house forty spans
long and twenty-five spans wide56 that serves as an auditorium for the justice
officials, which is on the right hand side. There is a tree to which an elephant is
tied, and in front of the tree there is an entrance to the gate of the King’s fence
where there are four small balais. And on the left hand side of those four small
balais, or huts, there are another three the same size as the other four where
the commanding general and the King’s nobles sleep.57 The total number of

51  SA&M have figueiras, lit. ‘fig trees’.

52  Size is relative here, since the house measures just 50 feet by 30 feet; see below.
53  Approximately 50 feet or 15 meters by 30 feet or 9 meters.
54  M S: hato; SA&M have fato. The meaning here is slightly obscure. DA, IV, 131 s.v. hato gives
“attire or clothing that each person owns for his use.” DLP’s definition for Portuguese
fato is slightly broader: “property [bens moveis], such as clothing and other kinds;” see
Diccionário, 601.
55  M S: valeo, elsewhere baleo; according to SA&M, 72, from Malay balai, meaning a cov-
ered pavilion usually supported by wooden stakes and lacking walls that functioned as a
meeting place or a residence for foreign travelers; its meaning evolved to denote a public
building. In the MS, it is equated with both casa, meaning ‘house’ and jacal, meaning
‘hut, shack’.
56  Approximately 30 feet or 9 meters by 18 feet or 5.5 meters.
57  SA&M have onde dorme o capitão mor e outros capitães e fidalgos do rei ‘where the com-
manding general and other of the king’s captains and nobles sleep’.
Rutter Of Aceh 453

souls who sleep there every night, including them and their people, could be
as many as 200. Beyond these balais is the entrance to the gate; there might be
twenty-five spans58 between these balais and the gate. In the middle of all this
there is a wooden bridge at ground level;59 water flows underneath the wall in
the moat. There is a space of two spans60 between the bridge and the water in
the moat; the water is about three or four spans61 deep. The water is close to
the King’s chamber, making a circle of about half a league, all of which is pro-
tected by a barricade built with the earth that was taken from the moat when it
was dug around the above-mentioned wall. The fence and barricade are about
twelve spans62 high on the outer part and not as high on the inner part, and
about fifteen spans63 thick.
And on top of this [111r] barricade and dirt wall that was thrown up in this
manner and packed down with heavy stones,64 many bamboo trees were
seeded and planted on both sides in an orderly manner and so close together
that when they grew they created a curtain and fortification which spills down
over the edge like roots so that balls from harquebuses cannot pass through it.
These bamboo plants do not produce thorns; they are a span and a half 65 thick
and not very hollow inside. And with these roots the above-mentioned bar-
ricade has been fortified. But with two blows of a good broad scythe even the
thickest roots can be severed, though with difficulty, for they are closely inter-
woven and mesh snugly together; but artillery will tear the whole thing apart.
Around the entire above-mentioned earthen wall66 there is a moat that mea-
sures 200 spans in length—I mean of width67 from the gate on the north (and
there is no other gate on the west) to the west, and from the west to the south,
and from the south to the south-east, and the water is three to four spans deep,
as was mentioned earlier. And the muck and the mire in the above-mentioned

58  Approximately 18 feet or 5.5 meters.

59  M S: en el peso del suelo; SA&M have no andar do chão, which we follow.
60  Approximately 17.5 inches or 44 centimeters.
61  Approximately between 26 and 35 inches or 66 and 89 centimeters.
62  Approximately 8.5 feet or 2.5 meters.
63  Approximately 11 feet or 3.4 meters.
64  M S: pilones; according to DA, V, 172 s.v. pilon: “Also the name of a large stone that hangs
from the spindles in oil mills or winepresses that serves as a counterweight so the beam
will press.”
65  Approximately 1 foot or 30 centimeters.
66  SA&M have que tirarão dela pera o dito valado, which has been omitted from the MS.
67  This error reflects the initial mistranslation as ‘length’ of Portuguese largura, meaning
‘width’ because largura is a false cognate with Spanish largura, meaning ‘length’.
454 Translation

moat could be about two spans68 deep. And there is always water in it. And
many ducks and other water birds use it. A few thin stakes from some trees
have also been planted in it that have taken root. They are a little more than a
finger thick, and sharp tips, like barbs, have been whittled on them. There are
many such sticks.
The above-mentioned moat, from the south-east to the east and from there
to the main gate, is about half the width of the other one [111v] and just as
high. And it has the same barbed stakes. And from the south-east to the east to
the north where the above-mentioned gate in the fence is located, the moat is
about 100 spans69 wide or less, and the water is just as deep and has the same
kinds of barbed stakes made from plantings. And after entering the gate in the
inner fence, there is a barricade which has been built in the same way as the
one described previously, which is constructed like a corridor fourteen paces
long and eight wide. This corridor only has one gate on the western side. On
the other side of the above-mentioned gate in the wall, after passing through
the gate, there are three pieces of artillery situated on the floor on the west-
ern side. And towards the northern section there are storage rooms containing
foodstuffs, nails, rigging and pitch and other things for the fleets. And from
these storage rooms towards the western side there is a hill surrounded by jun-
gle. And at the base of this hill, on its southern slope, there is a house, or balai
raesa,70 where the officers and servants of the King socialize in the evenings.
They and their servants total upwards of 100 men. And from the aforemen-
tioned gate in the wall and its false door, a distance of 150 spans,71 there is a bar-
ricade like the one previously mentioned, which follows the length of the wall
that runs straight [112r] from the west to the east. And in the middle of this bar-
ricade, opposite the gate mentioned above, is another gate that opens onto the
inside of the fence or another square like the one already mentioned, though
it is bigger. This gate is like the other one, complete with false door and a cor-
ridor in which, ahead of it, there is a flag and a piece of artillery that guards
the entrance to the gate. And inside this second square on the western part
there is thick jungle as well. And in front of it there is a balai, which is called
Sidasida, where the eunuchs72 in the service of the King sleep. And below this
balai is all of the heavy and light artillery that this King possesses. And right

68  Approximately 17.5 inches or 44 centimeters.

69  Approximately 24 yards or 22 meters.
70  This balai raesa, called Sidasida in the MS, was apparently a specific or special house or
hut where the officers and servants of the Sultan socialized in the evenings.
71  Approximately 36 yards or 33 meters.
72  M S: capados, lit. ‘castrated’; this term usually only applied to castrated animals.
Rutter Of Aceh 455

next to this balai is a house where all of the balls and harquebuses are located.
And behind the balai at a distance of 30 spans73 are some small houses that are
used as powder magazines and for storing ammunition for the artillery. And
in the eastern square there is only one small uninhabited house that is used
to store a few items used in the service of the King. And then a wall made of
brick and lime has been built from west to the east that is two and a half feet
wide, running the length of the fence. And the wall extending southwards is
bigger, being nearly a third of the width of the fence. And at the foot of the
northern side in the second square there are a few scant bamboo trees, planted
willy-nilly. [112v] And in the middle of the wall across from the aforementioned
gates behind, there is a gate behind which lives only the King. And he has his
own houses, which are made of wood and covered with straw, on the east-
ern side, and inside of them are compartments where he has his women, each
with her own compartment, and a large house where about 200 laundresses
are kept; there is access through one door, the only one it has. And inside this
third patio from one end to the other opposite the King’s houses, there are
small houses where the servant women live. And from the King’s houses to the
east by south-east inside this third patio, a distance of seventy spans along the
wall, there is a small, hidden side door that leads through the bamboo plants to
the outside through which the bodies of women who die inside are removed.
And be aware that this side door is the one that you should look for to go in, as
will be explained below. No man lives inside the fence except the King, and no
women either, except his own and those who serve him. And all of the rest is
patio that has no trees. And this fence from the north to the west and from the
west to the south of the outside part, and from the south to the south-east has
gardens and common roads. [113r] To the east and from the east to the north-
east there are no roads, only gardens next to the moat. And nobody crosses the
moat except the inhabitants of the gardens because they are ignorant of the
above-mentioned false door in the fence. And because no one knows about it
the fence at that part is narrower. And from that point and from the north-east
towards the north where the door in the fence is located, there is a barricade
made of earth and bamboo that opens to the east onto the gardens. And from
the northern part with the corridor of the main gate, the one that was made so
that nobody could come over from the other side, to the east and south-east,
and so the hole and the false door could not even be seen because it is less
fortified and because entrance is easier there. And there is nothing else about
it worthy of mention on the inside or the outside.

73  Approximately 22 feet or 6.7 meters.

456 Translation

Chapter 19: In Which It is Stated Where the Fleet Should Anchor and
Where the People Should Disembark and the Road They Should Take
to the City of Aceh and Where They Should Enter the Village and the
King’s Fort
The fleet that sails to Aceh should carry a force74 of 4,000 Portuguese soldiers,
in addition to sailors and servants. It should depart from Goa early enough to
arrive in Aceh by the fifteenth of March; arriving earlier would be even more
advantageous [113v], if possible. It must arrive early enough to obtain victory
before the moon of May, which is very dangerous for sailing on that coast
because this signals the beginning of winter in those parts. And because of all
the rain it will not be possible to employ artillery and harquebuses. And winter
lasts through September and into October; and if [the fleet] does not come in
this monsoon, it can also come in the September monsoon75 because from the
middle of October on is summer. And it rains very little until May. The winds
are the following:76 east, east by north-east, and the north-west wind, the north,
and the north-west, and the west by north-west, and the west. All of these are
dangerous on the coast of Aceh. And there is no shelter. The north-west wind
is particularly dangerous. And after the fleet sails from Goa at any of the afore-
mentioned times of year, having an abundance of good sheathed mooring
cables77 and small boats for conveying the people to shore, if it chances to
drift towards the Daya side,78 it should steer from there, if possible, towards
the islands of Pulau Gomes.79 After passing them, head south by south-east,
always keeping those islands and other islands on the right-hand side. And
when you see more islands in front of it,80 head south, leaving the said islands
a little more than half a league behind you on the right. Then steer towards
the coast, veering slightly to the south by south-west until finding depths of

74  M S: mejoria; SA&M have melhoria.

75  This clause is present in SA&M (E não se vindo nesta monção também se pode vir na mon-
ção de Setembro) but is wanting in the MS; we have restored it in the translation.
76  SA&M have entre ambos ‘common to both’, which was omitted from MS.
77  M S: con munchas amarras y buenas aforradas, a garbled translation of the Portuguese
muitas amarras, e boas e forradas.
78  M S: siendo caso que decayan para la banda de daya, i.e., towards the north-western coast
of Sumatra.
79  I.e., to the north.
80  M S: y como no vieren otras yslas adelante governaran al sur ‘and when you see no other
islands in front of you, steer to the south’; this is flatly contradicted by SA&M, which has
e tanto que virem outras ilhas adiante governarão ao sul, which we follow. SA&M makes
more sense because the route suggested here by Ribeiro Gaio has the fleet rounding the
northern end of Sumatra and after sighting Pulau Weh heading abruptly south.
Rutter Of Aceh 457

six to ten fathoms. And run down the coast with the prow towards land81 and
a plumb-line in hand until arriving in five fathoms of water, keeping the land
on the left-hand side; follow this course until it is in front of Aceh. [114r] And
as you arrive in front of the said bar of Aceh, you will see the bastion, and after
seeing it you will pass it heading west; two leagues past it, you will see the
headland of Aceh and the aforementioned island of Pulau Angkasa. And you
should anchor in five fathoms of water, more or less, depending on the ships.
And this anchorage is located between the said island of Pulau Angkasa and
the bar. And this anchorage, which is the best, is across from the stream and
beach of Kuala Sabang on the Indragiri side. And if, after passing the islands of
Pulau Gomes, as has been stated earlier, the currents carry the fleet towards the
east, there will be seen82 at the aforementioned latitudes, if you run down the
coast long enough, a tall mountain called Lobor83 that is about eight leagues
from the city and the same distance from the bar. You will pass the said moun-
tain, maintaining the same heading and watching for a headland that juts out
into the ocean called Ujung Ladang.84 And at the point of the mountain on
the west side there is a sandbank. And a little less than a league further on
there is another point called Lojor,85 which point has palm trees that grow in
the interior and at which point the beach at the bar of Aceh ends, on the east
side of the bar. And after passing said point, you will maintain the same head-
ing indicated above until arriving across from the stream called Kuala Sabang,
where you should anchor. But one must be very careful because the depth is
different from this point of Lojor just mentioned to the spot in front of the bar.
It varies in depth from deep to shallow, but the shallows will never be less than
four fathoms. And there are rocks in this area. And from the bar [114v] to the
west of the island of Pulau Angkasa there is good anchorage.
And if, as was stated above, the fleet should drift towards Daya and cannot
head for the islands of Pulau Gomes, it will then arrive at the headland of Aceh
on the Daya side, but only after ordering that the wide openings be measured,
along with their entrances and exits. And the fleet can enter through them, the

81  M S: corriendo la costa con la proa en tierra, which is logically impossible, unless the land
referred to was the islands of Pulau Breueh and Pulau Nasi.
82  This passage is amended in accordance with SA&M: e virem polas alturas atrás decaradas.
83  M S: Loboc; SA&M has Lobor, which we follow here and subsequently, assuming a copyist’s
error in the MS.
84  M S: Ujung Ladem, elsewhere Ujun Laden, Hujon Ladem; SA&M have Huiom Ladem.
85  SA&M have Loor. The MS omits the following, found in SA&M: a qual ponta tem palmerias
e metidas pera a terra, which we restore to the translation.
458 Translation

big ships86 through the one that is between the point of Aceh and the small
island of Pulau Chichen, and the small ships in the way that was explained in
Chapter Three. And passing the said openings, you will anchor across from the
said stream at Kuala Sabang. And once the fleet lies at anchor, when the oared
vessels87 deem fit, they should fire decoy salvos at the bastion of the bar. And
then move further along the coast to the east for almost two leagues from the
bar where the landing-place is located. It is obvious that the Acehnese greatly
fear this landing-place because it has a good and sure road, and thus this area
is fortified, as will be described below in Chapter 21. And when the foists arrive
in front of this landing-place they will all signal that they want to disembark
so that the people88 will go there. And the foists will lie to89 so that it appears
even more obvious to the Acehnese that the men will disembark there. And the
foists will not be carrying anybody who will disembark to attack the city. [115r]
And in front of the bar, but beyond the range of the artillery of the bastion, a
few carracks90 should also anchor with the fewest possible men on board so
no fleet can sail out from Aceh. And once the men are disembarked, it will be
best for the entire fleet to be anchored in front of the bar, having some of the
heavy ships remain in the first anchorage for messaging and other necessities.
And at the dawn watch91 the men will begin disembarking so that by the crack
of dawn they will have arrived on land. And if there are no waves or high seas,
they should make landfall between Kuala Sabang and Indragiri, but if there are
waves, between the island of Pulau Angkasa and the land. And after the men
and the necessary artillery are disembarked, they will make their way to the
village of Meurasa, and from there to the gate in the King’s fence, as has been
explained above in Chapter 17. And after arriving at the fence, and setting up
camp and ordering the artillery as if the intent were to make your entrance at
the fence through the main gate, which is on the north side, play the artillery
with all possible fury, without endangering the men. Thus disposed, position
700 men and some artillery so that they can be seen and dispatch them on the
west side as if they were also going to attack the moat and entrance on that

86  M S: por ellos puede entrar por el boqueron que esta a la mar las naos grandes; SA&M have
e por eles pode entrar a dita armada polo boqueirão que está ao mar as naos grandes.
87  M S: navios de rremo; the same vessels are called foists below.
88  I.e., the Acehnese.
89  M S: dormiran, lit. ‘will sleep’.
90  M S: naos; according to Boxer, this Portuguese term, equivalent to English ‘great ship’ or
‘carrack’, was a “large merchant vessel, broad in the beam, with three or even four flush-
decks, but lightly gunned for her great size, and a sluggish sailor” with a burthen at this
time that “usually averaged about 1,200 or 1,600 tons;” see Boxer, Great Ship, 13.
91  As discussed in the Glossary under “watch system,” the dawn watch began at 5 am.
Rutter Of Aceh 459

side. And make this attack 250 spans92 from the said main gate on the west
side before arriving at the middle of the said fence [115v] so that the men who
stay behind will already be fighting with the first section93 of the fence, which
is opposite the first gate of the fence. And these 700 men should fight with
the people on the second section. And you should play the artillery in such
a way that it is aimed towards the south so the balls will not strike our men
who will still be fighting on the eastern section, as explained below. And after
these two lines are engaged simultaneously, 1,000 or more good soldiers should
climb the eastern section of the fence, going around a barricade that extends
eastward from the gate. And no sooner than you reach the gardens, you will
crash through them and continue marching next to the moat of the fence,
heading south by south-east, which is almost at the end of the gardens. And
then you will see one end of the fence, which is the second gate of this fence,
as mentioned in Chapter 8. And you should enter here, covering and blocking
the moat with brush and dirt, and carrying the artillery and all the other tools
for making a path and cutting the bamboo on the fence and every other nec-
essary thing, because this is the path you absolutely must take to enter, for it
is here where the moat is the narrowest and the barricade is the thinnest and
the weakest, containing less dirt than the one on the western side, because the
moat on this side94 is narrower and less earth was removed from it. And in the
gardens there are branches and sticks for filling the moat. And this path is bet-
ter for many reasons. For instance, there are no fortifications in the patio [116r]
except for the houses and chamber for the King and his women; also the King
does not let other men enter this patio except when he perceives he is under
attack. And if you attack the entrance through the main gate of the fence, there
are two bamboo barricades to get through, plus the brick wall, and the main
force of the people is there. And if you attack the entrance on the west side
first, there is the moat, which is very wide and full of water and mire.
Therefore, in the name of Jesus, and with the voice of blessed St. James,95
and invoking as intercessory and guide the Holy Virgin, our Lady of Light, to
whom we, João Ribeiro Gaio, give our promise, may the Lord grant this victory
and give us life to build him a house: all of our force and our invasion should
be concentrated on the above-mentioned small door that is on the eastern

92  Approximately 60 yards or 55 meters.

93  M S: tablero, lit. ‘board, plank’.
94  M S: la fosa por alli, which appears to refer to the western side; SA&M have a fossa desta
parte, which we follow.
95  St. James the Greater, the patron saint of Spain whose name was the battle cry raised by
Castilians during the religious wars against their Moorish opponents.
460 Translation

side to the east by south-east, as has been explained above. And the men who
approach it in that way should be advised to take up the fight at each of the
above-mentioned portions of the aforementioned fence, the first group fight-
ing in front of the gate. And the second group that will be fighting on western
side should make their way to the west,96 for that is how they will attack the
second portion of the fence. And the men who come from the eastern side
before arriving at the south-east side where the entrance is will fight, because
the other two groups need to stage attacks with the least possible danger to
the men.

Chapter 20: In Which the River of the City of Aceh is Described

[116v] Between the bar where the river of Aceh empties out to the city and
its wall is about three leagues. And it is long way from the city to the moun-
tains where the river rises. And large vessels do not sail on it. Thus we will
not dwell on the topic of this river, except to say that heading up it from the
said city the temperature becomes cool. It can be navigated in small prows
for nearly three leagues. There are numerous palm groves, gardens and rice-
fields and houses among the gardens and villages. And the said river runs for
three leagues between the city of Aceh and the bar. And in some places it is
as wide as a stone’s throw and a half, while in other places it is no more than
a stone’s throw. And at high tide galleys can navigate as far as the city. And at
low tide foists can enter. The said river has curves and its course runs now one
way and now the other. And it has some deep parts where empty carracks can
enter with the tide.97 And this river has deep banks on both sides, especially
on the west side towards the city. One of these banks runs from the village of
Kampung Pedagang to the patio of the main mosque; it [the bank] is about
ten long spans high.98 The said river can be forded at low tide in some places,
being as deep as a man’s navel. And its water is potable. And the river99 has no
other bank except this one. And the ships that are built are constructed in front
of his100 fence. And they are in ditches at the riverbank, and next to the river
there is no other fortification except the two bastions that are [117r] on the bar,
one on one side and another on the other side. And the bar and the entrance to
this river are good and there is no danger. You should only be watchful of one

96   M S: oest; SA&M have lest, meaning ‘east’.

97  SA&M have porque caregadas não podem entrar, which is omitted from the MS.
98  Approximately 7 feet or 2.13 meters.
99   M S: rio; SA&M have rei, meaning ‘king’.
100  I.e., the King’s.
Rutter Of Aceh 461

sandbar of the river that shifts with the wind, at times being on the east and
other times on the west, according to the winds. It is small and easily spotted.

Chapter 21: In Which are Stated the Things Which are between the
City and the Bar on the West Side
Between the city and the bar, after crossing the river, going from west to east,
there is a village called Kampung Pedagang,101 meaning ‘of the oarsmen’. It
is almost two stones’ throw from the bar of the river and from the river wall
almost two harquebus shots. And past this village there is a road that leads
to the bar. It takes some turns because of the gardens that are found on both
sides. And there is some mud at the beginning for a distance of two harque-
bus shots. And from that point forward the road is almost straight until it
reaches a palm grove that abuts the marsh of Kuala Cadek.102 This marsh can
be forded at low tide; it is about two spans103 deep. And past it the road runs
straight towards the bar. And half a league from the bar there is a farm with
a bamboo barricade; this is the house where the King occasionally repairs to
rest. And past the said farm go straight along the road, and there are some
houses on each side where farmers104 [117v] live as far as the bar and the bas-
tion that is on the riverbank. And a good harquebus’s shot before arriving at
the bar there is a barricade made of dirt and bamboo that runs the length of
the entire beach almost as far as Kuala Cadek, which would be about three
leagues from the bar. It was constructed to guard and defend that beach
during the time that was referred to when Francisco Barreto105 was going to
Aceh. And between the earthen barricade and the beach there are some small
pits filled with pieces of thorns and small trees.106 And as one goes from the
earthen barricade to the beach by the bar next to the river, there is another
earthen barricade, a very weak one, which is like a trench; it was also made
during the time of Francisco Barreto to hinder the latter’s entry into the city.
And this second barricade and trench create an area that is about 300 spans
long and 200 spans wide.107 And after you arrive at this trench and barricade,

101  M S: Pedayam; on SA&M’s map, this is Kampung Pedayang, meaning ‘village of oarsmen’ in
Malay. In our view, Pedayam and Daiao both refer to the same place, Kampung Pedagang.
102  M S: Chadhec; SA&M have Coalla Chiadhee, although the final letter is ambiguous between
a c and an e.
103  Approximately 1.5 feet or .5 meters.
104  M S: labradores; SA&M have negros.
105  Nothing further is known about this individual.
106  M S: arboles pequeños; SA&M have árvores pequenas bravas, meaning ‘small craggy trees’.
107  Approximately 70 yards or 64 meters by approximately 40 yards or 37 meters.
462 Translation

there is a square bastion in a corner that is created on the east side. It is a

square bastion, a little larger than the other one, on the east side. It is just as
wide as the other one and has the same artillery and guard. It is a crossbow
shot from the said river and from the beach it is more than a harquebus shot.
And the artillery commands the whole bar as far as it reaches. And it is further
to the north than the other bastion, on the west on the other side of the river.
The artillery of one bastion reaches as far as the other one. And along this
entire beach, as far as Kuala Cadek, which would be about three leagues, there
are good landing-places and roads to the city [118r] of Aceh. The Acehnese fear
that we will land in this place because one can walk from any of the beaches
to the said city and it is out of range of the artillery from the above-mentioned
bastion. And not only this landing-place, but all of them on this eastern side;
there are others that will be mentioned below. You have to . . . One must108 go
around the above-mentioned barricade, which is an obstacle, as well as the
river of Aceh, where the people from the fleet cannot cross while fighting
because of its depth109—the water reaches below a man’s navel at low tide.
On the city side there are high banks of ten spans110 and more, which cannot
be climbed.111 And at that spot they112 can defend the passage, because it is
a mere stone’s throw from the steep bank of this river to its channel where
the water is deeper. And hence, because of the river and the steep bank, the
landing-place discussed in this chapter is not a good one. And neither is
the one by the bar because of the above-mentioned bastions. And since the
river and its channel are so hindered by curves and shoals, it is necessary to be
well acquainted with the channel.

Chapter 22: In Which Will be Mentioned the Things That Exist from
the Bar to Kuala Cadek
Between the bar and the marsh of Kuala Cadek, which is on the east side,113
[118v] there are approximately three leagues of very good beach and landing-
places, and good roads, except the above-mentioned marsh that stretches

108  M S: Tienen que. Se a de pasar el dicho vallado . . .; It is evident that the copyist made a false
start at this juncture and corrected himself.
109  M S: por ser ondo para pasar la gente armada peleando; SA&M have donde a gente da
armada não pode pasar pelejando por ser alto, which we follow.
110  Approximately 7 feet or 2.1 meters.
111  M S: que no se pueden servir ‘which are not useful’; SA&M have que se não podem subir,
which we follow.
112  I.e., the Acehnese.
113  I.e., of the river.
Rutter Of Aceh 463

from its entrance to the western part where it joins with the river of Aceh two
leagues from the city. This road is not good because of the obstacle presented
by the said river and its bank, as was explained Chapter 21. And the passage
through the marsh presents an even greater obstacle, since at low tide it is
two and a half spans114 deep, not to mention the bamboo barricade that is
next to the beach, a league and a half from the said bastion. In front of this
beach and further towards the east you can anchor in five or six fathoms or
more.115 And from the above-mentioned league and a half to the east until the
headland of Loor there are horrible anchorages, as has been mentioned in pre-
vious chapters.

Chapter 23: Which Declares the Things That Exist from the Marsh
of Kuala Cadek to Loor
A league to the east of the marsh of Kuala Cadek there is a headland that juts
northward116 into the sea called Loor. There is a road leading to this headland.
And there are palm trees along this road, among which a few houses are nes-
tled. Four or five people keep watch over the people on the road and those who
are on their way to Cron Raya and Lobor and other villages that are further
down the road. And thus the only people who are allowed to go pass the head-
land are those who have written permission [119r] and certification of their
identities and their destinations. And there is no landing-place between the
said marsh and the said headland.117 Anchorage is had in the ocean with up to
five, six or seven fathoms.

Chapter 24: In Which are Declared the Things between Loor

and the Headland118 of Ujung Ladang
From the point of Loor towards the east is another point called Ujung Ladang.
And the two are approximately one league apart from each other. And there
is a road, though unpopulated and lacking in palms. And it extends from the

114  Approximately 2 feet or .6 meters.

115  M S: De frente de su playa para el oriente se puede seguir en cinco o seis valças y mas ‘In front
of its beach towards the east one can continue on five or six rafts or more’. The translator
has obviously completely missed the sense of his source document; we have amended the
passage with a translation from SA&M, which reads Defronte de sua praia pera o oriente se
pode surgir em cinco ou seis braças e mais.
116  M S: monte; SA&M have norte, which we follow.
117  M S: Tiene el dicho estero y esta punta no ay desenbarcadero alguno; SA&M have E antre
o dito esteiro de Coala Chadhee e a dita ponta não há desembarcadouro algum, which we
follow.
118  M S: parte; SA&M have ponta, which we follow.
464 Translation

said point to the foot of the mountains. There are perhaps ten houses nestled
among the palms where goats and buffalo are kept.119 And it is not a road that
can be taken by a body120 of men, neither does it have a landing-place next to
the beach because it has a lot of rocks. This point of Ujung Ladang juts out into
the sea a little more than that of Lobor, and nobody lives on it. And from here
a sandbar extends seaward for a league and a half, against which the carracks
should be on their guard. Behind this point on the east side many carracks can
anchor, as well as all the other ships, being watchful of the westerlies, because
from this point of Ujung Ladang eastwards begins the inlet of Loor.

Chapter 25: Which Treats the Things Which are from Ujung Ladang
to Cron Raya121
Between Ujung Ladang and Cron Raya there are approximately two and a half
leagues. And next to the beach there are some very good [119v] landing-places.
And the closer you can get to the stream, the better. And this is because of the
beach at the inlet, and because the seas are lower, except when they blow from
the north. And all the winds in that place and the anchorages in every part of
the inlet are good. And it is more than three leagues from the said inlet to the
city of Aceh. And the roads from this beach to the said city are muddy in some
places, and pass through jungle, orchards and villages. And these are roads of
such miserable vapors that most of the people who travel them come down
with high fevers. Thus, because some people say that this is the landing-place
for going to the city of Aceh, it must be stated that this road is not good for the
above-mentioned reasons, and because of the river of Aceh and its banks, as
has been stated in previous chapters. And foists can enter the said stream of
Cron Raya. And there is a village of a little more than twenty houses that has no
artillery at all. And the water in the stream is cool. This village is about a fourth
of a league up the stream.

Chapter 26: Which Treats the Things That Exist between Cron Raya
and Lobor towards the East
A third of a league eastwards from the stream of Cron Raya is a headland called
Lobor, which is part of the inlet of Cron Raya. Thus the said headland [120r] of
Ujung Ladang is a headland of this inlet, and the headland of Lobor is the other

119  SA&M feel that this sentence is a non sequitur, assuming that it refers to the road. And
while it cannot refer to Ujung Ladang (see below in this chapter), it could arguably be
describing Loor.
120  M S: gulpe, for golpe; SA&M have corpo, which we follow.
121  M S: Cron Rraya; elsewhere Cron Raya, Crom Raya.
Rutter Of Aceh 465

one. And the stream of Cron Raya is in this inlet, but closer to the headland
of Lobor. And everywhere in this inlet is good anchorage and good landing-
places and roads leading to the city of Aceh. And the latter are just as poor and
unsuitable as the ones from Cron Raya, as was explained in Chapter 25. And
anywhere a landing is made in this inlet with the intent of going to the city of
Aceh, the town of Cron Raya should be used as a landmark, because if you try
to go another way there are very high mountains that you will not be able to
traverse. And the said town of Lobor is a headland that juts out into the sea
and makes an arc where many carracks can also drop anchor, more than at the
other headland of Ujung Ladang, being sheltered against the east winds. Thus
these two headlands protect the carracks, that of Ujung Ladang protecting the
carracks from the west winds and the other one of Lobor protecting them from
the east winds. And several people have attested to the Viceroys122 that this
landing-place is good, but it is not because the roads leading to the city of Aceh
are full of perils.

Chapter 27: Regarding the Things of Lobor as Far as Bato Pute

Four leagues eastward from the headland of Lobor there is another headland
called Bato Pute. There are roads all along this beach, but they are fraught with
difficulties. And there is no landing-place whatsoever. The said headland has a
langgar at its base, which is a Muslim pilgrimage house, and at its tip there is
another one. And next to [120v] the one at the base there is a hamlet of ten or
twelve houses belonging to syekhs,123 who are their priests, and a few fisher-
men, where you can disembark at high tide in small vessels. And at low tide
there is no landing there because of the many rocks.

Chapter 28: Regarding the Things Which are between Bato Pute
and Bornot
From Bato Pute to Bornot is perhaps a third of a league. And next to the
said stream of Bornot there is a landing-place, and towards the headland, it
creates a small inlet where upwards of thirty foists, galleys and caravels can
drop anchor. And foists can enter the said stream of Bornot at high tide. And a
harquebus shot towards the river from the stream of the bar there is a hamlet
of fifteen houses.

122  In this instance the viceroy was the official who resided in Goa in India and was appointed
by the Portuguese Crown to administer its empire in Asia.
123  M S: ciacas; according to SA&M, a syekh (from Arabic shaikh) is a Malay term meaning
‘man of religion’.
466 Translation

Chapter 29: Regarding the Things of Bornot as Far as Lampanas124

About one league eastwards from the stream of Bornot there is another stream
called Lampanas. And the bar of this stream is closed off when the west winds
blow. It is inhabited by fishermen. And when the said bar is closed the fisher-
men carry their prows across the sand. And this beach has no anchorages or
landing-places.

Chapter 30: Regarding the Things That are between the Stream
of Lampanas and the Stream of Biar125
About two leagues from the stream of Lampanas is the stream of Biar. [121r]
And galleys enter this stream of Biar at high tide. And it is a sea coast. And you
can easily throw anchor here, but there is no shelter whatsoever. And next to
the stream on the beach there is a village of approximately thirty houses. And
among these there is a langgar, which is a Muslim house of prayer or pilgrim-
age house.

Chapter 31: Regarding the Things Which There are between the
Stream of Biar and the Stream of Laban
About three leagues from the stream of Biar is the stream of Laban. Galleys
enter this stream of Laban, and at high tide. It is somewhat bigger than the
stream of Biar. There is sea coast here. And it has unsheltered anchorages and
a town of around fifty houses that is situated on the beach one harquebus shot
from the stream. And in the town there is another langgar. Eastward from
this stream of Laban there is a small inlet, a league from the said river where
upwards of twenty small carracks can throw anchor. And a half league past
this inlet to the east is a rivulet called Otoy, which is uninhabited, except for
the bar, where there is a balai where passers-by may rest.126 And one league to
the east of Otoy is the river of Pedir,127 which is discussed in the next chapter.

Chapter 32: Which Treats the Things of Pedir

The town of Pedir has a river as big as the river of Aceh, and the town has
around 1,000 households. And there are in the town two weak fortresses and

124  Elsewhere in the MS Lantanas.

125  M S: Bibar; for the kingdom of this name near Aceh, see Suma Oriental, 135; and Lagoa, I,
111 s.v. Biar.
126  M S: de[s]enbarcan; SA&M have descansão, which we follow.
127  Elsewhere in the MS Pidir. For a discussion of the kingdom of Pedir, see Suma Oriental,
139–140; and Y&B, 690–691 s.v. Pedir.
Rutter Of Aceh 467

six of the [121v] King’s elephants.128 They are approximately one league from
the bar. And on the bar there are no bastions, and it is clean. But the only ships
that can enter it are oared vessels and empty carracks, as at the bar of Aceh.
And there are anchorages further seaward. This town of Pedir was a kingdom
that the King of Aceh took by ruse. It has several neighborhoods and food and
herds of buffalo and cattle. It has good gardens, palm groves and flat land and
roads to Aceh. And if the sea lanes are blocked, food can be transported to
Aceh overland. Most of the people are merchants, but that does not prevent
them from being enlisted in the army and navy of the King. And the people are
so suspicious that a father does not trust his own son, nor does a wife trust her
husband—everyone watches out for himself. They are great liars, the same as
the Acehnese and the people of the whole coast of Pasai.

Chapter 33: Which Treats the Things Which There are between
Pedir and the Guiguian River towards the East
Furthermore, from the town of Pedir towards the east there is a stream called
Guiguian. The said stream is two leagues from Pedir. There is a road and it
runs along the coast. And in the interior there are gardens and palm groves,
rice paddies and a few houses.129 This stream has two mouths, separated by
a distance of less than four leagues. And between the said mouths there is an
island. And behind the island, on land, there is a village with [122r] at the most
30 houses. Foists can enter these mouths at high tide.

Chapter 34: Regarding the Things Which are Found between

Guiguian and the Stream of Enjon
East of Guiguian there is a small stream called Enjon which is uninhabited. It
can be entered with foists at high tide. And there are overland roads close to
the beach. And it is approximately a scant league from Guiguian.

Chapter 35: Regarding the Things Which are Found between

Enjon and Ayer Laban130
About a league east of Enjon there is a stream called Ayer Laban. It has
overland roads, and at high tide large foists can enter it. And there are houses
separated from each other. The village comprises approximately 100 house-
holds. It must be about a league from the bar. In this stream there is an abun-
dance of pepper, areca palms and orchards.

128  
M S: sus elefantes del rrey; SA&M have e seis elefantes do rei, which we follow.
129  
M S: cosas; SA&M have casas, which we follow.
130  
M S: Er Laban; elsewhere Aer Labam and Aer Laban.
468 Translation

Chapter 36: Regarding the Things Which are Found between

Ayer Laban and Samarlanga on the Eastern Side
Less than a league to the east of the said river of Ayer Laban there is another
stream called Samarlanga. This river is wide but shallow, such that only catures131
can enter it at high tide. It has a village of 100 households, as well as orchards,
palm groves and rice paddies. And all of these rivers have overland roads.

[122v] Chapter 37: Regarding What There is between Samarlanga

and the Pidada River
A league and a half to the east of this stream of Samarlanga is another stream
called Pidada; it has houses, and catures can enter it at high tide. And it has a
road on solid ground, as well as orchards, palm groves and rice paddies. And
the town comprises roughly 200 households.

Chapter 38: Regarding the Things Which There are between Pidada
and the Stream of Lidey132
A league and a half to the east of this stream of Pidada is another stream called
Lidey. And foists can enter it at high tide. It has approximately 170 households
in a town that is upcountry a third of a league from the bar. And another league
from there is another stream called Xancar, which is uninhabited. And both of
them have overland roads, palm groves, orchards and rice paddies.

Chapter 39: Regarding the Things Which are Found between Xancar
and the Stream of Pasangan
A third of a league to the west of this stream of Xancar is another one called
Pasangan. And it has a town of 500 households. And in that town there is
an palace133 that is like a fortress. And it is approximately a third of a league
upcountry from the bar. And catures can enter the said stream [123r] at high
tide. And it has orchards and rice.

Chapter 40: Which Treats That Which is Found between Pasangan

and the Labu River
A third of a league to the east of the Pasangan River is another one called Labu.
And it has overland roads, just like all the other streams in which catures can

131  Elsewhere in the MS caatares, catares. According to SA&M, this term is Dravidian in ori-
gin, meaning a light, swift oared vessel. See also Y&B, 175 s.v. catur.
132  Elsewhere in the MS Ledey.
133  M S: estancia; SA&M have astana, corresponding to the present-day Malay word istana,
meaning ‘royal residence’.
Rutter Of Aceh 469

enter at high tide. It has a town of 100 households and in the town there are
nipa palms, orchards and palm groves.

Chapter 41: Regarding What There is between Labu and Pucan

One league to the east of Labu is another stream called Pucan. Catures can
enter it at high tide. And about a third of a league from the bar there are
approximately 100 households. It has nipa palms, orchards and rice paddies.

Chapter 42: Between Pucan and Samavey

A fourth of a league to the east of Pucan there is another stream called Samavey.
And foists can enter it at high tide. And along the coast next to this stream
there is a good anchorage for foists and galliots, being sheltered against the
west winds. It has a village of sixty134 households and a langgar, or a Muslim
pilgrimage house. And east of this stream as far as a little past Aru135 is all
sandbanks. It is probably a league from there to the Pasai River. And it is filled
orchards and roads [123v] on solid ground, as with all these streams.

Chapter 43: Regarding the Things of Pasai

In former times, Pasai was a stronger kingdom than that of Pedir, or even Aceh,
with more land and food, people, orchards and riches, and with exceedingly
good sailing when it was a kingdom, where we already had one of our bastions
on the beach, which was later taken by the Acehnese. This kingdom was taken
by the Acehnese through treachery. The bar has a sandbar, and at low tide you
can see all of the land of the sandbar except three channels that cross the said
sandbar to the bar, by which you can enter at high tide by following landmarks
that the galliots lay down. And the city comprises approximately 1,500 house-
holds. The land is full of foodstuffs that support Aceh. And it has many deer to
hunt and numerous villages in the interior. And it has very fertile soil. And it
has a weak fortress.

Chapter 44: Regarding the Things Which are Found between

Pasai and Gouri
Between Pasai and Gouri, which is the Aru River, which is to the east, there
might be as much as twenty-eight leagues, more or less. And in that space
are found the following streams and towns. [124r] A third of a league east of
Pasai there is a stream called Madina, where there are no houses or people.

134  M S: sesenta; SA&M have setenta, meaning ‘70’.

135  The kingdom of Aru sat on the Aru River, known today as the Deli River; see Suma
Oriental, 146–148; and Lagoa, I, 50 s.v. Arus.
470 Translation

And east of this stream is another one where there are no people either. And
there is another one ten leagues towards the mainland called Parlac where
there is a town of 400 households. At this stream of Parlac there are some pud-
dles136 from which oil is taken; this oil is put to multiple uses. And it is burned
in closed metal lamps, because if they were open, when the flame touches it,
all of it burns up. And it is so strong that if it is thrown in the water and lit, it
burns on the surface until it is completely consumed. This stream of Parlac is
six leagues from the stream of Carti. And four leagues to the east of it is another
one called Bauaan,137 and it is populated. And a league beyond it is another one
called Taijan,138 which has a town a league upcountry next to the mountains
comprising 200 households. And a league past Taijan is the stream of Baçitan,139
where there is a langgar. And following this stream up almost to the mountains
there is another town of 150 households. A half a league east of Baçitan is the
stream of Batin Sarangan where there is a town on the river with upwards of
fifty households. And about a harquebus shot east of this stream is the stream
of Cayo Lupan, which has no people. A league past this stream is the stream
of Lancate,140 which also has no people. And past this stream of Lancat is the
river of Gouri,141 which is the Aru River; this river and its town [124v] are dis-
cussed below. From Gouri to Pasai there is nothing but sandbar, as has been
stated. And you can sail in it with foists and galliots.

Chapter 45: Which Treats the Things of Aru

Aru is a city of 1,500 households. And in former times it was a powerful kingdom
of warlike people that was feared by all of its neighboring kings, as they now
fear Aceh. This King of Aceh waged numerous wars against it before vanquish-
ing it. This realm has foodstuffs, though not as many as the kingdom of Pasai.
And most of the land is uninhabitable and overgrown with jungle142 because
the land is vast and the people few. This city has a river on which oared vessels,
foists and galliots can navigate; it is a one day’s journey from the bar to the city
on the river because it is against the current. In some places of this kingdom

136  M S: peras, lit. ‘pears’; SA&M have poças, which we follow.

137  SA&M have Banaam.
138  M S: Taijan; SA&M have Tamiam.
139  M S: Baçitan; SA&M have Beçitam.
140  M S: Lancate; SA&M have Lancat.
141  M S: Uri; SA&M have Gouri, which we follow.
142  M S: y echa montes ‘throws / casts brush’; SA&M have e feita [de] matos. Clearly the transla-
tor of the MS has misread Portuguese feita as Spanish echa.
Rutter Of Aceh 471

there are people who eat human flesh. And there is some gold amongst them.
From this city towards the east are the following rivers: the stream of Kota
Bagun Bele, which is143 a harquebus shot from the city, has houses next to the
mountains. And a league past this stream is the stream of Tanjung Sarrdan144
which is . . . which also has houses145 next to the river close to the jungle. And
a league and a half from this stream there is another one called Care, with
houses in the same manner as the one just described. And a quarter of a league
from this stream there is another one named Caro, which has no people. And
a league [125r] from Caro is Bato Bara. And from146 this stream a half league to
the east there is another stream called Tanjung Pulau Pito, which has people
and a town next to the jungle. Four leagues from this stream of Tanjung Pulau
Pito is another stream called Asahan,147 which also has a town next to the jun-
gle. The boundaries of the kingdoms and domains of Aceh extend as far as this
stream of Asahan. And all of these streams that are mentioned in this chapter
have overland roads that lead to Aru. And the sea is one complete sandbar,
through which foists, galliots and other large boats can navigate because it is
two or three fathoms deep. And the inhabitants of these streams withdrew to
the foot of the mountains when the Acehnese conquered Aru, for before that
they dwelt in the said rivers, which are very fresh and good.148
And in the interior all the way to Aceh, Aceh is the lord over everything, as
far as the opposite coast on the other side, including Pariaman, who pays it
tribute, and Barus, which is further to the west from the Acehnese side.149 And
from Aceh and all the other town and streams of the opposite coast, which all
belong to it, and from the towns that are on the opposite coast as far as Aceh,
there are no overland roads because of the high peaks, which are very jagged
and thick. This is what Aceh has dominion over on the island of Sumatra.

143  M S: que es . . . que esta (self-correction by the translator of the MS).

144  M S: Tajon Sarrdan; SA&M have Tanjon Serdão.
145  M S: que es tanbien ay casas (self-correction by the translator of the MS).
146  M S: y este al oriente; SA&M have Deste . . . pera o oriente, which we follow.
147  See Lagoa, I, 51 s.v. Assam.
148  As explained by SA&M, the narrative of Chapter 45 concerning Aru actually ends at this
point. The material from here to the end of the chapter centers on Aceh and Sumatra in
general terms, and is taken from the text of the letter written by Ribeiro Gaio that was sent
with the Roteiro; see SA&M, 96, n. 59.
149  M S: mas al oriente de la vanda del Aceh; SA&M have mais pera ocidente da banda do
Achem, which we follow.
472 Translation

This island is very big; it must be more than 350 leagues in circumference
and has many kingdoms and domains. And the whole island is by nature of
great benefit, not only [125v] because of its extraordinary agriculture, but also
because much gold and pepper can be taken from it. 30,000 quintals of pep-
per is collected yearly in just the domains subject to Aceh, which is shipped
to Mecca, Khambhat, Dabhol, Bengal [and] Pegu; and this is in addition to
the pepper that is consumed domestically. These domains belonging to Aceh
have long-pepper,150 which is also taken to Mecca and Khambhat. They have
silk, though it is not as good as Chinese silk, and it is taken to Khambhat.
They have indigo,151 many areca palms and numerous coconuts.152 In Barus
there is flowery benzoin,153 and very fine camphor, very good dragon’s blood,154

150  M S: pimienta luenga; Indian long-pepper (Piper longum).

151  M S: añir, for modern Spanish añil; a natural blue dye obtained from a variety of plants
native to the tropics of the genus Indigofera. Its name in English is derived from the Greek
indikón, meaning ‘Indian’, which was Latinized and eventually entered English as we
know it because India had domesticated true indigo, Indigofera tinctoria, and was one of
the world’s earliest major producers and processors of that dye. As the MS attests, indigo
was also produced, processed and commercialized elsewhere in Asia. Use of indigo in
Europe rose significantly after the Portuguese established a sea route to Asia in the late
15th century; prior to that time, Europeans used a chemically identical dye from woad, the
Isatis tinctoria plant of the Brassiaceae family that was cultivated in Europe.
152  M S: cosas; SA&M have muitos cocos, which we follow.
153  M S: meijui de lomas fino (for modern Spanish menjui), meaning ‘fine benzoin from the
hills’; SA&M have bejoim de boninas, which we follow. Dalgado mentions that there were
three varieties of benzoin present at this time and location; flowery benzoin was worth
“ten times as much” as the other two varieties of benzoin, beijoim amendoado, mean-
ing ‘benzoin filled with white almonds’, and beijoim preto, meaning ‘black benzoin’; see
DLA, p. 49 and Y&B, 86–87 s.v. benjamin, benzoin. Benzoin is a balsamic resin with sweet
vanilla-like aroma and fixative properties, which slow the dispersion of essential oils and
other fragrances into the air. It is obtained from the bark of several species of trees in the
genus Styrax found in South-east Asia that was and is used in perfumes, some kinds of
incense, as a flavoring, and medicine. Located predominantly on the island of Sumatra,
benzoin Sumatra is obtained from Styrax benzoin; benzoin Siam, on the other hand,
is found across mainland South-east Asia (Thailand, Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam),
obtained from Styrax tonkinensis. There are some differences in the composition and lev-
els of acid between the two, which influence to some degree and in different markets
their uses today in pharmaceutical preparations or in the flavor and fragrance industries.
154  A bright red resin that is obtained from different species of a number of distinct plant
genera: Croton, Dracaena, Daemonorops, Calamus rotang and Pterocarpus. The dragon’s
blood resin that is being referred to in this passage was most likely produced from rat-
tan palms of the genus Daemonorops found throughout the Indonesian Archipelago.
Rutter Of Aceh 473

excellent soil, and many herds of buffalo [and] cattle, and many deer in the
brush. Every year four or five carracks put in at Aceh from Mecca, two or three
from Khambhat, one from Dabhol, five from Pegu, and five or six from the
Coromandel coast,155 two [or] three of which bring piece goods156 and large
quantities of swords.157 And because of these swords, the Minangkabaus, who
used to come with gold to Melaka, now go to the opposite coast of Sumatra, to
Aceh.158 And those from Khambhat and Dabhol bring clothing, opium, rosewa-
ter and wheat; those from Pegu, piece goods and coarse items,159 such as rice,
oil, lard, wine and lead; and those from Mecca bring harquebuses, terçiados,160
esclavoneses,161 ginoviscos,162 knives, glass and mirrors, rosewater, opium, wool-
ens163 and silk, and some ruanes,164 gold thread, many gold Venetians,165 silver
reales, and Turkish merchants and lombarderos,166 and several [126r] pieces of
artillery, and many other things. Within the space of ten days, Aceh collects

Known as jerang or djerang, it is gathered by breaking off the layer of red resin encasing
the unripe fruit of the rattan. It has been used since ancient times as varnish, medicine,
incense and dye. There has been little or no distinction made in China or elsewhere in the
past or present marketing of the more common dragon’s blood resins from Dracaena and
Daemonorops sources.
155  The south-eastern coast of the Indian subcontinent from the Cape of Comorin to False
Didi Point.
156  M S: ropa; in the MS, ropa and mantas occasionally mean ‘piece goods’.
157  M S: muncho acero, lit. ‘much steel’; for ‘sword’ as one of the denotations of acero, see DA, I,
46 s.v. acero.
158  M S: aconstrumbran a venir con oro a Malaca una ahora por la contra costa de samatria al
Aceh, which is garbled; SA&M have acostumavão a vir como uro a Malaca, vão agora pola
contracosta de Samatra ao Achem, which we follow.
159  M S: los agrosera, which is meaningless; SA&M have cousas grosseiras, which we follow.
These goods functioned as ballast because they were plentiful, high in weight and low in
value; see Souza, “Ballast Goods.”
160  Short broadswords a third as long as usual swords; see DA, VI, 253 s.v. terciado.
161  Lit. ‘slavic blades’; SA&M have escara boneses, whose meaning is uncertain.
162  Lit. ‘Genoan blades’, elsewhere in the MS xinoviscos; SA&M have genuíscos.
163  M S: paños; SA&M have pano de lam, which we follow.
164  M S: Rruanes; a dyed cotton fabric that took its name from where it was manufactured,
Rouen, France; SA&M have panos de linho, meaning ‘linen cloth’.
165  M S: munchos de oro; SA&M have muitos vez [sic] venezeanos de ouro, which we follow. This
is the Venetian grosso; see Y&B, 964 s.v. Venetian.
166  Meaning uncertain; SA&M have bombardeiros, meaning ‘cannoneers’. Lombardero could
refer to a cannoneer who handles a Lombard, a 16th-century cannon.
474 Translation

30,000 men, of both nobles and plebes.167 The king168 constantly has ships
in moats by the riverbank in which these people fight at their own expense,
and not at the expense of the king; there are upwards of 300 vessels, twenty of
which might be galleys,169 seventy170 foists and galliots, and the rest are catures
and launches171 and small prows.172 The said King must have upwards of 100
pieces of heavy metal artillery, as well as some heavy ones of iron, and 200 of
light artillery,173 plus a large number of harquebuses. For they come to him
yearly from Mecca and they have174 a great quantity of good gunpowder made,
as well as a large number of shells of every kind, and numerous arrows, not so
tough as the Turkish ones. And they have175 an astounding amount of barbs
mounted on black sticks that grow in this land176 that they are continuously
fashioning, making it necessary for the people to wear shoes with two thick
double soles. There are also many lances and good terçiados, ginoviscos, escla-
voneses and bucklers. There are 600 elephants, in which the King places all his
power and might, more so than on the artillery. All of this is found in Aceh. But
in the name of Jesus and by the voice of the blessed apostle St. James [and the]
intercession by the Most Holy Virgin of Light, Our Lady, our Lord will grant us
victory, because at the appointed hour each one of the enemy will run to save
his wife and children and protect them from danger, and as a result their power
will be much less.

167  M S: de toda biosa, which is unintelligible; SA&M have antre a gente goa e plebea, which we
follow.
168  M S: Tiene continuamente en cavas . . .; SA&M have Tem continuadamente o rei em fossas . . .,
which we follow.
169  M S: trezientas enbarcaçiones las veynte galeras . . .; SA&M have trezenta[s] embarcaçõis
[sic] das quaes podem ser vinte galés, which we follow.
170  M S: setenta; SA&M have sessenta, meaning ‘60’.
171  M S: lanchas. According to SA&M, 98, the word is derived from Malay lancang or lanca-
rang. They describe it is a light vessel used in the island regions of South Asia for com-
merce or war. See also Y&B, 502–503 s.v. lanchara.
172  M S: y paroos y pequeños; SA&M have e paros pequenos, which we follow.
173  M S: y duzientas de artilleria menuda; SA&M have de artelharia meã terá duzentas pessas,
e de meuda terá perto de quatrocentas, meaning ‘of mid-size artillery, 200 pieces, and of
light artillery, close to 400’.
174  M S: que todos los navios les bienen de Meca y tiene echa muncha y buena polvora; SA&M
have Porque todos os anos lhe vem de Mequa . . . e tem muita pólvora feita, which we follow.
175  Wanting in the MS, but present in SA&M.
176  Wanting in the MS, but present in SA&M.
Rutter Of Aceh 475

[126v] Chapter 46, Which Deals with the Things Which are Found
between Cape Comorin and Japan, and How These Places in the
South are the Best and Richest ìn India, Which, If His Majesty Invests
His Capital There, Will Become the Most Powerful That Ever were in
the World, and Concerning the Fleets That Aceh Can Assemble at
This Time, and If the Aceh Comes to an End, How Valuable His
Majesty’s Customs House will Be177
As long as Aceh stands and is not destroyed, it will obstruct the riches from
India, as well as His Majesty’s customs duties,178 both in these southern regions
and in India and in the kingdoms of Portugal. In September of ’82,179 the said
Aceh launched 120 sails, among which were seven large sea-going vessels and
fourteen galleys; the rest were galliots and foists and other vessels, launches
and brigantines.180 And according to the spies we took, they had181 15,000 men
and they laid siege to this city of Melaka182 during almost the whole month of
September. And this year of ’84183 we are certain that [the fleet] has left and is
in Perak,184 seventy185 leagues from here, with 300 vessels. It is said that forty
galleys have been sighted and that the King himself has been seen in person.186
And most of the vessels are foists, launches and brigantines. And they say he
is coming against this city of Melaka, or against the Straits of Singapore, [127r]

177  M S: balora muncho las aduanas de su magestad; SA&M have valerão muito as alfândegas
de Sua Ma<gesta>de, which we follow.
178  M S: no rrentan los derechos de las aduanas, which is better than SA&M: não rendem os
direitos e alfândegas.
179  I.e., 1582.
180  M S: bantines. According to the OED, a brigantine is “a small vessel equipped both for
sailing and rowing, swifter and more easily manœuvred than larger ships, and hence
employed for purposes of piracy, espionage, reconnoitering, etc., and as an attendant
upon larger ships for protection, landing purposes, etc.” According to SA&M, it is derived
from Malay banting. See also Dalgado, 97 s.v. bantim.
181  M S: biniendo; SA&M have tinhão, which we follow.
182  For a contemporary account of this siege, see Lemos, História.
183  I.e., 1584.
184  M S: Pera; a pre-colonial state system on the Malay Peninsula formed after the fall of
Melaka to the Portuguese in 1511, famed for its tin-mining activities. The sultanate of
Perak, also known by its Arabic honorific Darul Ridzuan, meaning ‘Abode of Grace’, is one
of the states that comprise Malaysia, and is located on the border of Kedah. It borders the
Thai province of Yala on the north, Penang on the northwest, Kelantan and Pahang on the
east, Selangor on the south, and the Straits of Melaka on the west; see Lagoa, III, 43 s.v.
Perá and, for further historical context, Andaya, Abode of Grace.
185  M S: setenta; SA&M have sessenta, meaning ‘60’.
186  M S: y el en persona; SA&M have e a pessoa do rei, which we follow.
476 Translation

to construct a fortress in order to hinder shipping from China and all those
regions. Therefore, His Majesty should make haste to engage in this enterprise
wherein are found all the solutions and riches of India. And it can be con-
quered in the following way. Your Majesty should raise 5,000 men in the realm
and dispatch them to India, where 2,000 from that total will be chosen, plus
2,000 of the veteran soldiers who are there. Accompanying these 4,000 men
should be the Viceroy, a person who is responsible for serving God and Yourself
[the King], and not himself.187 A governor should be left behind in India in
the interim who will assist him with whatever is necessary and with all the
revenues,188 and he189 should do so in the way he himself orders it done, and
the Viceroy himself should come with this conquering force of the said 4,000
men directly to Aceh, according to the instructions in the rutter that accom-
pany this letter. And the other 3,000 men who come from the kingdom should
remain in India to guard it; Aceh will be taken as indicated in the rutter and the
explanations given above, leaving in India the necessary defense in the form
of fortresses, with captains who will complete them. And the Viceroy himself
should come with the rest of the people against Johor,190 where there is a fortress
and a customs house belonging to the King of the land which is very harmful to
Christianity and to Your [Majesty’s] treasury, for this customs house of Melaka
will render much profit if it were destroyed, or if ours, the fortress and customs
house of Johor, were destroyed.191 And Johor is our neighbor, and by both land
and sea it always gives us much trouble, and it joins with the fleets from Aceh
when they come against this city. [127v] And once the kingdom[s] of Aceh and
Johor are pacified,192 the said Viceroy should send upwards of 1,000 men of
the said 4,000 men that he brings193 to the Maluku Islands, which should be
enough to vanquish it. And he can do all of this in one monsoon, which will
take him from the 15th of March to the 15th of January. And in January he can
return to India, leaving in these regions a governor and a capitão-mor of the
fleet, whomever he sees fit. And in this way these southern regions will be paci-
fied for His Majesty, and you will be lord over them, where all the riches go to

187  M S: siendo el visorrey persona que trate del serviçio de dios y vuestro y no de si; SA&M have
sendo o Viso Rei pessoa que trate do serviço de Deos e nosso e não de si, which we follow.
188  Wanting in the MS, but present in SA&M.
189  I.e., this interim governor.
190  M S: Joor; elsewhere Jor. A pre-colonial sultanate on the southern tip of the Malay
Peninsula; see Lagoa, II, 158 s.v. Jor.
191  M S: o estuviere por nuestra, meaning ‘or if it were ours’; SA&M have ou nossa, esta Fortaleza
e alfândega de Johor, which we follow.
192  SA&M have destruido, meaning ‘destroyed’.
193  Wanting in the MS, but present in SA&M.
Rutter Of Aceh 477

Mecca and to India for194 Portugal. And from Aceh, which is the whole island
of Sumatra—more than 300 leagues of coastline—more than 1,000 quintals of
pepper are shipped yearly, the best in all the Indies,195 as well as much cam-
phor, flowery benzoin, gold, and silk, and all kinds of foodstuffs, and many
other things, and great quantities of timber for shipbuilding, as is stated in the
rutter than accompanies this letter. And from Siam196 numerous gems197 and
rubies, benzoin, silk, and Brazilwood198 and many other things that are listed
in the said rutter. And from the Maluku Islands, much clove; and from Banda,199
much nutmeg and mace; and from China, all sorts of goods, piece goods, and
other riches; from Brunei, much gold and tortoises; from Sunda,200 much

194  M S: de, meaning ‘from’; SA&M have pera, which we follow.

195  M S: la India.
196  M S: Y dezian, meaning ‘and they said’; SA&M have E de Sião, which we follow.
197  M S: pedreria.
198  M S: palo de Brasil; elsewhere palo de Braçil. Here Ribeiro Gaio is confusing a species
of a South American flowering tree in the pulse or Fabaceae family called Brazilwood
(Caesalpinia echinata) with another similar species from the same family or genus known
as sappanwood (Caesalpinia sappan), which is native to South-east Asia. Both of these
woods yield a red dye called brazilin that oxidizes to brazilein, and both were major
regional and global trading commodities by the 17th century. The dye from sappanwood
is slightly lighter in color than Brazilwood, which could influence that wood’s price in
Europe versus the other; for further particulars, see Souza, “Dyeing Red.”
199  A group of ten small mountainous, well watered, and fertile volcanic islands found on the
north side of the Banda Sea, approximately 87 miles (140 kilometers) south of Seram at
4°35′0″S, 129°55′0″E; they form part of the Maluku Islands in the Indonesian Archipelago.
Since they were the only location in the world where the nutmeg tree (Myristica fragrans)
grew and the exclusive source of supply for nutmeg and mace until the early 19th century,
the Banda Islands were globally renowned in a manner similar to the neighboring island
of Ambon via its production of cloves. Hence, both Banda and Ambon were involved in
the conflict over control of the “Spice Islands.”
200  Ribeiro Gaio has clearly written Sunda; its use is somewhat perplexing, since it potentially
refers to one of three distinct locations; (1) (more speculative than the context of its use
suggests) Sunda which had been and is still used for all of the islands of the Malay or
Indonesian Archipelago, which is sub-divided into the Greater (Sumatra, Java, Borneo,
Sulawesi and adjacent smaller islands) and Lesser (Bali, Lombok, Sumbawa, Sumba,
Flores, Alor, Timor and adjacent smaller islands) Sunda Islands; this option is discarded
since pepper production cannot be linked to all parts of this region; (2) (a somewhat
likely possibility, since it is the region that would have been the best known for its pep-
per production out of the three) one of the neighboring western Indian kingdoms to the
south of Goa, India, the administrative center of the Portuguese Empire in Asia. While the
author does go afield from maritime and continental South-east Asia and mentions other
locations in East and South Asia, we tend to believe that in this instance he is dealing
478 Translation

pepper; and from Timor,201 much sandalwood;202 and from the islands of
Java, which is an exceptional land, many foodstuffs and numerous boats
that are called junks; and from Japan, much silver; and from Quanzhou,203

with centers of production and supply of commodities that are relatively nearby; and
(3) Sunda (the most likely of the three).
201  An island whose name derives from the Malay timur, meaning ‘east’, located at 9°14′0″S,
124°56′0″E. It lies north of Australia and the Timor Sea at the eastern end of the Lesser
Sunda Islands, and together with Sumba, Babar and other associated smaller islands
forms the southern outer archipelago of the Lesser Sunda Islands, which includes the
inner islands of Flores, Alor and Wetar to the north and, beyond them, Sulawesi. It is
the latter that Ribeiro Gaio is referring to with the phrase “inner islands of Timor.” At
this time, Timor and one of its neighboring islands, Solor, were commercially known for
their production of sandalwood, which attracted indigenous, Chinese and European mer-
chants. Portuguese missionaries, adventurers and administrators had already established
themselves primarily toward the eastern half of the island at Dili.
202  M S: sandalo; the name of a once important fragrant heavy, yellow, fine-grained wood from
medium-sized hemiparasitic trees in the genus Santalum (part of the same botanical fam-
ily as European mistletoe) found in South-east and South Asia, as well as Oceania, that
was a highly valued trading commodity for centuries. It is used as incense, in carving and
for its oil. Requiring about 60 years to reach exploitable size, stocks of the wood in Asia
and Oceania in general have been prey to over exploitation. Historically, sandalwood or
Indian Sandalwood (Santalum album) was indigenous and very abundant in both South-
east Asia (on Solor and Timor in particular in the Lesser Sunda Islands, East Java, Madura
and the Malukus) and in the Western Ghats and a few other mountain ranges in South
India. It survives nowadays on the island of Timor and it is a threatened species in India.
Other members of this family, such as the Australian (Santalum spicatum) and Hawaiian
sandalwood or ʻiliahi (Santalum ellipticum, Santalum freycinetianum, and Santalum
paniculatum), are also found in Pakistan, India, Nepal, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Australia,
Indonesia, Hawaii and other Pacific Islands. These three species were all over-exploited
on Hawaii between 1790 and 1825, which led to the exploitation and commercialization
of stocks on South-west Pacific islands. There are also a number of non-Santalum species
from India and Africa that substitute sandalwood and have been commercially exploited,
e.g., Red Sanders (Pterocarpus santalinus) and African sandalwood (Osyris lanceolata),
as well as various unrelated but similarly-scented wood or oil plants. See Y&B, 789–790
s.v. sandal, sandle, sanders, sandal-wood and, for example, Shineberg, They Came for
Sandalwood.
203  M S: Chincheos; elsewhere Chuinchuiu, Chinchiu, Cunchiu. Ribeiro Gaio is here referring
to one of three major historical port cities on the southeastern coast of Fujian province
facing the Taiwan Strait, the other two being Xiamen and Fuzhou. Quanzhou, formerly
known as Zayton, was the maritime hub during the Song and Yuan Dynasties for China’s
Maritime Silk Road contacts and the home port for famous maritime expeditions of
Zhenghe during the early Ming Dynasty. Subsequently this port city, the surrounding area
and its inhabitants were confusingly referred to on occasion as Chinchew and a number
of its variants. Today Quanzhou is Fujian Province’s largest city.
Rutter Of Aceh 479

[128r] all of the same kinds of goods that come from China, though of lesser
quality; and from Cochinchina,204 eaglewood,205 calambac206 and tortoises;
and from207 Pahang,208 eaglewood and gold; from Kedah,209 pepper; from

204  After capturing Melaka in 1511, Portuguese merchants sailed to a variety of port cities on
the mainland coast of South-east and East Asia and throughout maritime South-east
Asia. In 1516 they sailed to and established a presence in an area under the control of
the kingdom of Champa that is known today as Da Nang, Vietnam. Having understood
that the name for this area was known as Kuchi in Malay (and pronounced Giao Chi in
Vietnamese and Jiaozhi in Chinese), the Portuguese called it Cochin and added China to
its name; hence Cochinchina. This was done in order to keep this location separate from
or being confused with the port city and princely state on the Malabar Coast of western
India also named Cochin, which was the initial headquarters of the Portuguese Empire in
Asia; see Y&B, 226–227 s.v. Cochin-China; and Reid, Age of Commerce, II, 211n.
205  M S: aguila, lit. ‘eagle’. A very dark and dense resin-embedded heartwood used in
Ayurvedic medicine, as well as for perfume and incense. It is produced in response to an
infection by a parasitic ascomycetous mould or sac fungi that occurs naturally in two gen-
era of large evergreen trees (Aquilaria and Gyrinopsi) in the Thymelaeaceae family, which
are native to South-east Asia and South Asia. The heartwood, prior to being infected, is
relatively light and pale colored; afterwards, however, the tree produces a progressively
deeper and darker aromatic resin. Eaglewood gained great cultural and religious signifi-
cance in ancient India, China and Japan. It is known by several names in different cul-
tures; for example chenxiang (沉香) in Chinese, tram huong in Vietnamese, jinko (沈香)
in Japanese and gaharu in Malay. Most of these terms, if not all, mean ‘sinking incense’,
which alludes to the wood’s high density. Through the process of folk etymology, the
Malay word gaharu entered Portuguese and Spanish as the similar sounding águia and
aguila (respectively), meaning ‘eagle’, a translation of which entered English (via French)
as eaglewood. Over time, it would become known as aloeswood or agarwood in English
and oud (from Arabic) in Dutch. The wood historically and presently appears com-
mercially with gradations in qualities or varieties based on its presentation. Calambac
is the term for a commercial gradation or variety of eaglewood (apparently, the highest
quality; called kỳ nam in Vietnamese) that was found in South-east Asia in general, but
especially in central Vietnam or Cochinchina. See Y&B, 144 s.v. calambac; and Li, Nguyen
Cochinchina, 79.
206  M S: calamda, a copyist’s error for calambac; see n. 205.
207  Wanting in the MS, but present in SA&M.
208  M S: Pan; a pre-colonial state system/sultanate situated at the mouth of the longest river
and its basin of the Malay Peninsula. The Pahang River begins at the confluence of the
Jelai and Tembeling Rivers in the Titiwangsa Mountains and flows south-eastwards,
draining into the South China Sea. Today, Pahang is bordered to the north by Kelantan,
to the west by Perak, Selangor and Negeri Sembilan, to the south by Johor and to the east
by Terengganu and the South China Sea; see Suma Oriental, 263; and Lagoa, III, 17 s.v.
Pahang.
209  M S: Quedan; a pre-colonial Hinduized state system located on the relatively flat, rice-
growing terrain on the north-western coast and in the hinterlands of the Malay Peninsula;
480 Translation

Tenasserim,210 nipa palm, Brazilwood, eaglewood and tin;211 from Patani, from
Perak and from Barus,212 tin; from Labe,213 Roca Velha diamonds.214 And also in
these regions there are many bezoar 215 stones, musk, and porcupine stones,216
and many other things and riches. These are the regions of the south and
numerous other islands; the smallest part of what they produce goes to India
and Portugal, and the biggest portion goes to Mecca and other regions of infi-
dels. And once Aceh is pacified, everything will pass through His Majesty’s cus-
toms and produce much revenue. And the drugs,217 spices and riches will not
go to the Moors, Turks and infidels, and moving them in this way His Majesty’s

it became the earliest sultanate on the peninsula in 1136 with the conversion to Islam of
King Phra Ong Mahawangsa, who thereupon took the name Sultan Mudzafar Shah. Today
Kedah shares an international boundary to its north with Thailand (Siam), and borders
the Malaysian states of Perlis to the north, Perak to the south and Penang to south-west;
see Suma Oriental, 106–107.
210  M S: Tenazarin. The long narrow southern region of Burma (Myanmar), known today as
Tanintharyi, found to the south of the Mon State on the Isthmus of Kra; the Andaman
Sea/Bay of Bengal is to its west and beyond the Tenasserim Hils to its east is Siam
(Thailand). The major population centers in this region at this time were Tavoy (Dawei)
and Mergui (Myeik), off the shore of the latter is found the Mergui Archipelago. The area
was repeatedly contested by the Burmese and Siamese; when King Bayinnagung of the
Toungoo Dynasty conquered all of Siam in 1564, the region reverted to Burmese control.
After Siam regained its independence from Burma in 1587, Ayutthaya resumed control
of the southern half of this region in 1593 and the entire peninsula in 1599. The Burmese
recovered the upper half of it to Tavoy in 1612. Mergui and to its south remained in control
of the Siamese and that port was a principal center of trade between the Siamese and
Europeans on the Bay of Bengal side.
211  M S: peltre, lit. ‘pewter’, a metallic alloy primarily consisting of tin; SA&M, 100, have calaim,
an Indo-Portuguese word for ‘tin’, which is clearly referring to that metal and not to an
alloy containing that metal; see Y&B, 145, s.v. calay.
212  M S: Barbas; we assume this is a copyist’s error for Barros, i.e., Barus.
213  Kumai, a port city on of the south-western coast of the island of Borneo (central
Kalimantan). See Lagoa, II, 185 s.v. Laue, Lave.
214  These diamonds came from the Roca Velha (lit. ‘old rock’) mine, located at Tanjung Puting
on the southern coast of Borneo, a day’s journey from Labe; see Suma Oriental, 223.
215  M S: besehares; SA&M have bazar; a stone found in the dung of a goat believed to be a
universal antidote; see OED s.v. bezoar.
216  M S: piedras de puerco; the porcupine stone was a hard concretion found in the head
or body of a porcupine that was used for medicinal purposes. See Borschberg, “Trade,
Forgery and Medicinal Use.”
217  M S: drogas. The designation drogas included all the spices: pepper, cinnamon, cloves,
nutmeg and mace, although it is construed by some to include other goods.
Rutter Of Aceh 481

revenues will be highly valuable218 and His Majesty will be able to maintain
the power to pacify the island of Sri Lanka,219 which is very large and has been
causing us problems and expenses for many years. And it is an island that yields
much profit, and numerous pearls and foodstuffs. And furthermore, the entire
coast of the Coromandel220 will be tranquil, where the house wherein lies the
body of the Apostle St. Thomas,221 and where there is a great wealth of fine piece
goods and foodstuffs. And Bengal222 will be pacified, which also has a wealth of
fine piece goods and foodstuffs and sugars; and Mausulipatnam,223 which has
much fine clothing and other riches, and so will224 Pegu, which225 has much
piece goods, rubies, gold, silver, crystal, lead, iron, musk [128v] and a profusion
of foodstuffs, and other kingdoms as far as Melaka. And on the other side as
far as Cochin,226 you [the King] will become lord and conqueror over parts of
China, Siam, Cambodia,227 Cochinchina, and will also become lord over and

218  Wanting in the MS, but present in SA&M.

219  M S: Ceylon; an island shaped like a pear or leg of ham; located at 7°0′0″N, 81°0′0″E off the
south-east coast of the Indian subcontinent in the northern Indian Ocean, and sharing
maritime borders with India to the north-west and with the Maldives to the south-west;
it was famous for its production and collection of “true” cinnamon in its southern and
south-western littoral and for pearl farming in its north-western regions. Ribeiro Gaio
is here alluding to Portuguese efforts beginning in the early 16th century to establish
hegemonic control over the entire island and to conflicts and confrontations between
the Portuguese and the Sinhalese kingdom of Kandy and the Tamils in Jafna. In 1624 and
1638, some three decades or so after the MS was composed, Sri Lanka was also the subject
of two similar reports that dealt intimately with the ethnography of the island and in
particular with Portuguese encounters with the Sinhalese people; see Flores, Olhos do Rei.
220  M S: Charamandel; SA&M have has Choromandel.
221  Ribeiro Gaio is referring to São Tomé de Meliapore (St.Thomas of Mylapore), a Portuguese
colony situated on the Coromandel coast; sometime in the 9th or 10th centuries accounts
by Arab travellers and merchants began to associate this location with the martyrdom
and interment of the apostle St. Thomas.
222  M S: Mengala; SA&M have Bengala, which we follow.
223  M S: Masulepatan; a pre-colonial port city with a long-standing history as an important
commercial entrepôt, located on the south-eastern or Coromandel coast of India at the
mouth of the Krishna River on the Bay of Bengal. The Portuguese occupied and controlled
this port city from 1598 to 1610.
224  Wanting in the MS, but present in SA&M.
225  Wanting in the MS, but present in SA&M.
226  Present-day Kochi, where Pedro Álvares Cabral founded the first European settlement in
India in 1500 and was the site of a Portuguese fortress from 1503 to 1663.
227  M S: Canboxa; see Y&B, 150–151 s.v. Camboja. In other passages of the MS there appear
two Hispanized forms of Kampuchea (Tampochia and Campuchi), the pre-colonial and
present-day designation for Cambodia.
482 Translation

will pacify the coast of Malabar,228 Chaul,229 Bassein,230 Daman231 and Diu232

228  The coastline of the Kerala region of south-western India.

229  A western India port city, now in ruins, located 60 km south of Bombay (Mumbai) in
Raigad District; today it forms part of Maharashtra state in western India. The town was
taken from the sultanate of Gujarat and settled by the Portuguese in 1521 but destroyed in
a siege by the Sultan of Ahmednagar, Nizam Shahi, in 1570–71. Chaul was reconstructed
and re-fortified shortly afterwards. At the time of the writing of the MS, Chaul already
had been and was then part of the Portuguese Estado da India’s Província do Norte or
Northern Province, which extended from Chaul in the south to Daman in the north for
100 km or so along the coast of present-day Maharashtra and Gujarat. The headquarters
of the Província do Norte, as already mentioned, was at Bassein (present-day Vasai), north
of Bombay.
230  M S: Basayn; SA&M have Baçaim. The English name for a once relatively active village that
was known as Vasai prior to the arrival of the Portuguese in India (and is known as such
today). It was ceded to the Portuguese via the Treaty of St. Mathew by the Sultanate of
Gujarat in the early 16th century. Although the Portuguese tested the idea of centering
their imperial efforts from the Malabar coast at Cochin there, they eventually established
Goa, to the south of Bassein, as the administrative center of their Asian Empire. Situated
on the northern Konkan coast of western India, Bassein became the site of a Portuguese
fortress of some consequence and a colonial port city. The commander of the fortress
administered the city and was involved with other relatively proximate cities of northern
India: Chaul, Bombay, Salsette, Diu and Daman; these constituted what was known as the
Province of the North. The Portuguese were evicted from Bassein by the Marathas in 1739.
231  Another western India port city, located at the confluence of the Ganga River, 193 km (120
mi) north of Bombay [Mumbai] in an area that along with another former Portuguese
possession, Diu, today forms the district in India under both of their names that is a union
territory in India. While en route to Hormuz in the Persian Gulf in 1523, the Portuguese
under Diogo de Melo had to take refuge at Daman, which subsequently resulted in their
taking of the city from the Mughals and holding it as part of the Asian Empire until 1961. It
was, as has been mentioned, one of the Portuguese holdings that was considered as being
integral to the Província do Norte.
232  Historically part of the Saurashtra region of Gujarat in north-western India, the town of
Diu sits on the island of the same name, located at 20°42′36″N, 70°58′48″E, which lies off
the south coast of Gujarat’s Kathiawar peninsula. Prior to the arrival of the Portuguese
in Asia, Diu was a commercially prosperous and strategically important port city that
belonged to the Sultanate of Gujarat. Early Portuguese attempts to establish themselves
there met with failure, but a short-lived Gujarati-Portuguese defensive alliance against
the Mughals in 1535 offered the opportunity for the Portuguese to build and man a for-
tress on the island. Despite repeated sieges and attempts by the Guajarati and others at
different times (e.g., Ottomans, Arabs and Dutch) to evict the Portuguese, Diu remained
a part of their Empire in Asia from 1535 until 1961, when the Indian Union invaded and
reoccupied all of what remained of Portuguese India.
Rutter Of Aceh 483

and Hormuz,233 and the entire cost as far as Mozambique234 and Sofala,235
because as soon as these southern regions are tranquil, which are the best in
the world, and Aceh is destroyed, His Majesty’s customs duties will become
highly profitable. And because the viceroys who subsequently govern in India
are slow to remember this great service to Our Lord and to His Majesty, as well
as to His vassals, it seems best to all of us that His Majesty choose a person from
the kingdom who is worthy of this enterprise who is not only prudent in war
and noble and wealthy, and a virtuous Catholic, but who also has the gift from
God to give to and share with the soldiers, and who is not in it for himself, but
is intent on serving God and His Majesty. Because if his service to Our Lord
is anything like that of Afonso de Albuquerque236 and Dom João de Castro,237
he will acquire238 much from so many millions of Christians as we hope to
make in these regions, and of so much wealth for the income of His Majesty
and His vassals, all of which at present is being enjoyed by infidels and is lost
because it is not being sought. And His Majesty should know that those regions
that lie between Cape Comorin239 [129r] and Japan, all of which is considered
the southern regions, are the best regions in the world, because in them there
are all the riches, gems, all the goods in the world, all the240 drugs, and many

233  An island, straits, and, at this time, a kingdom that was part of the Portuguese Empire in
Asia, as a result of it being taken by Afonso de Albuquerque’s forces in 1507, located at the
mouth of the Persian Gulf at 27°06′04″N, 56°27′08″E.
234  M S: Maçanbique; SA&M have Mosanbique. The reference is not to the present-day
nation-state of Mozambique, but to the island located at 15°02′12″S, 40°43′58″E where
the Portuguese built a fortress that become the primary center for their activities in East
Africa and a principal port of call of the carreira da Índia (i.e., the Portuguese name for
the sea route to and from India).
235  The primary seaport of the Monomotapa Kingdom, which at this time was under the con-
trol of the Sultanate of Kilwa. It was located at the mouth of a wide estuary formed by the
Buzi (Sofala) River on the Swahili coast of East Africa. From the political, administrative
and commercial center of their empire on the east coast of Africa at Mozambique Island,
the Portuguese maintained contacts and relations with Sofala.
236  Afonso de Albuquerque (c. 1453–1519). Born in Alhandra near Lisbon, he was a Portuguese
soldier, imperial strategist, administrator and author, the single individual whose strate-
gic thinking and military prowess was most responsible for establishing the Estado da
India (name given by the Portuguese to their empire in Asia), and its second governor
(1509–1515).
237  D. João de Castro (1500–1548). Born in Lisbon, Portuguese soldier, humanist, author and
administrator, fourth viceroy (1545–1548) of the Estado da India.
238  M S: alcançaran, which is plural; SA&M have the singular alcançará, which we follow.
239  The headland of the southernmost tip of the India subcontinent.
240  Wanting in the MS, but present in SA&M.
484 Translation

great kingdoms and empires. And with these 4,000 men and the expenditure
of 800,000 or 900,000 cruzados,241 everything may be accomplished. May Our
Lord grant His Majesty many long years of life to bring about this victory,
of such glory and merit for Our Lord and of such profit to His kingdoms
and vassals.

241  A Portuguese gold coin, which at the time was the equivalent of 400 reis.
 chapter 12

Rutter of Patani, by Dom João Ribeiro Gaio,

António Dias, Henrique Mendes, Francisco das
Neves and João Serrano

An Account1 Written by D. João Ribeiro Gaio, Bishop of Melaka,

with António Dias, Henrique Mendes, Francisco das Neves and
João Serrano2 Regarding Matters in Patani and the City of Aceh and
Panare Khan.3

Chapter 1
Facing the city on the eastern side next to the beach, in front of the bar, is a
large town4 called Chachen and Panare Khan. From this town it is roughly the
shot of a lombard to some parts of the city of Patani, and to other parts, more or
less than this. And in this town live all the Chinese and people from Quanzhou
and other foreigners and natives, of which there are more than 3,000 men, all
of them able-bodied.5 The entire coastline from the Tanjung Lulo6 headland as
far as Kuala Baça, which is the exit from the inlet to the sea towards the north,
is a beach of dry sand. And heading inland [129v] as far as the city on this side
there is also a sandy beach and dry earth as far as a point across from the city
on the city-side of the river. And the closer you are positioned across from the
city on the eastern side and by the sea, the better the beach and ground and
the more dry sand. And on the seaside as far as the tide reaches all is marshy,
loose and very deep. And in this town there is no fortress whatsoever. And all
of the houses are made of straw and thatched roofs. And it has no resistance,
except for the strength of the people, because the men of this town are the

1  This is the second of the rutters by Dom João Ribeiro Gaio; see p. 439, n. 1.
2  Nothing further is known about these Portuguese individuals.
3  M S: Panarican; the text suggests this is a district of Patani.
4  M S: plazon; we understand this to be a copyist’s error for poblazon or poblaçion, especially
in light of the next clause, which reads de la qual poblaçion, meaning ‘from the which town’;
interestingly, the next instance of this word is also miscopied, this time as poblazon, which
suggests the original Portuguese word of which these words are translations might have been
povoação.
5  M S: todas buena gente, lit. ‘all good people’; see RAE, I, 701 s.v. bueno.
6  M S: Tanjon Lulo; elsewhere Tancon Lulo.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_036

486 TRANSLATION

most valiant of all the King of Patani’s men. And you must land on this beach
at high tide, and in order to reach the beach, the landing must be performed
with a[n iron] plank because of the marshy conditions. But there is another
landing-place that seems better, as is treated below.

Chapter That Treats the City of Patani and

That Which is Found in It
The city of Patani is approximately a league and a half in circumference, more
or less. And there is a moat fifteen fathoms wide and just as deep, which a foist
can cross at high tide, beginning at the Garzen7 headland and running to the
south as far as the Tanjung Lulo headland, and from Tanjung Lulo westward as
far as the turn at Ro to the west, and from the turn of Ro to the Ro headland
towards the west, which are the three parts of the city. It has been dug by hand
and is marshy, but only on the north side, except for the part near the district
of Panare Khan, which is sandy. And inside all of the said moat [130r] and its
banks are numerous barbs.
This city is completely enclosed by a stockade made of thick beams six
fathoms8 tall. This city has nine bastions, each of them seventy spans square.9
And each of these bastions has three platforms for heavy and light artillery.
And each bastion [has] twelve pieces that tower three fathoms10 over the
height of the walls. One is on the Garzen headland, on the north side, and it
commands the north side towards the sea, which is towards Panare Khan and
towards the river, with its turns along the walls. And next to the said bastion
towards the north is a big headland. And the distance of a falcon shot from the
said Garzen headland towards the south on the side of the Tanjung Lulo head-
land is another bastion which is much stronger and bigger than all the other
bastions, with more than thrity pieces of artillery; and among them is a very
large culverin,11 in addition to many other heavy pieces. Since the boundary
runs through this place, they fear an invasion at this location. And next to this
bastion towards the Garzen headland is the main gate of the city. And before
it [there is a] wooden screen.12 And this bastion is constructed in the same

7  Elsewhere in the MS Gorsen, Garsen and Gransen.

8  Approximately 11.6 yards or 10.6 meters.
9  Approximately 50.5 square feet or 15.4 square meters.
10  Approximately 5.8 yards or 5.3 meters.
11  MS: culebrina; a piece of artillery with a long barrel (13 feet or 4 meters on average) and
narrow caliber (5 inches or 12.7 centimeters on average).
12  MS: anteparo, which is Portuguese; the Spanish equivalent would be antipara, which may
explain the presence of the feminine article una in the MS.
Rutter of Patani 487

manner as the stockade, and is stronger, having three upper garrets,13 and in
each of them there are artillery stations. And from this bastion to the one that
is behind it there are two artillery stations, one with heavy artillery on ground
level, with its gun-ports, and another one on the same platform of the same
walls with falcons and versos. And all of this artillery is disposed in an orderly
fashion in the said stations, all of them placed [130v] at intervals of three
fathoms,14 the heavy and the light artillery by less than that. And from the bas-
tion that is next to the said main gate, which is called Pintu15 Garban,16 towards
the south on the Tanjung Lulo headland, is another bastion, constructed in
the same manner as the one on the Garzen headland. And from this headland
as far as the main headland, there is the same order of artillery as that found
on the wall behind it, and in the same order that is found on the entire wall
that encloses the city, except on the border from the gate of Garzen as far as
the Tanjung Lulo headland, which has much more artillery and which is also
placed closer together. And there is always a sentry on this side, which holds
the concentration of the city. And one harquebus short to the south from the
Tanjung Lulo headland where the bastion mentioned above is located there
is another bastion of the same construction, and a gate next to it. And from
the said bastion towards the west is another bastion of the same construction
and distance from the next where there are some small doors. And from this
bastion towards the west is another one where there are also some small doors
that serve to clean the city. And there are no other bastions between the turn
of Ro and the Ro headland. And on the Ro headland there is a bastion of the
same construction as all the rest. And next to this one, towards the west, is a
gate, and between this bastion on the Ro headland and the Garzen headland
is the drawbridge that was mentioned above. And farther along is another big
and beautiful gate called Pintu Quidiya [131r]. In front of this gate, inside the
walls, are the King’s palaces. And behind them is another bastion, like the oth-
ers, and beyond it is another gate, and then next to it another bastion of the
same construction. And there is more to this city than what is laid out on its

13  MS: soberados, for modern Spanish sobrados. The reference could be to three turrets pro-
jecting from the top of the bastion or to three chambers in the upper level of the bastion.
14  Approximately 5.8 yards or 5.3 meters.
15  MS: Pinto, meaning ‘gate’ in Malay.
16  Elsewhere in the MS Garvan.
488 TRANSLATION

main streets17 and side streets18 by the said gates. And it has a very wide main
street that begins at the main gate, which is Pintu Garban, and divides the city
in half as far as the other part and the King’s palaces.
All of the houses in this city are made of straw and wood, as are their
mosques. And from the royal house to this city there might be 1,000 pieces
of heavy and light artillery, to wit, salvagems,19 camellos20 and fifty esferas,21
which includes the aforementioned culverin; and the rest of the artillery
comprise canes,22 falcons, falconets, versos and muskets. Plus, they have an
abundance of high quality domestically produced harquebuses. There are in
this city approximately 4,000 inhabitants who are fighting-men, and to them
this King can add over 20,000 men from the peasantry. This city is strong in
numbers, and the people are sturdy, robust, courtly and affable and fit for war,
which they have never had with the Portuguese.23

Chapter That Treats the Landing and the Roads to the City
In order to go against Patani, the fleet should sail from Manila at the time of
year mentioned above, and it would be best [131v] to depart at the end of this
time, because on that coast there are no dangerous winds towards the end
of the monsoon; but towards the beginning the fleet would be at great risk
because of the winds, which are extremely fierce on that coast. And the fleet
will arrive in conjunction with “live waters”24 so that the people can make
a better landing either on the beach of Panare Khan or on the other beach
because of the marsh. And the best thing is to arrive in Patani at the beginning
of February, because during the winter, which is November, December and
January, nothing can be done. And once the people arrive, they should make

17  MS: arruada de calles; arruada appears to be a Lusism, meaning ‘layout of the streets of a
city’; see DLP, 123 s.v. arruar.
18  MS: servidumbres; another Lusism, probably from servidão, meaning ‘easement, right of
way’; see DLP, 397 s.v. servidão.
19  MS: salvajes; a heavy piece of artillery weighing approximately 6,170 pounds or 2,800 kilo-
grams that threw a shot weighing 16 pounds or 7.25 kilograms; see DLMAA, 478.
20  Lit. ‘camels’; a heavy siege cannon, though it was also mounted on caravels. It was specifi-
cally known also as a pedreiro, since the projectile used was normally stone; DLMAA, 130.
21  Lit. ‘spheres’; also known in Spanish and Portuguese as espera, which the DLMAA, 244,
defines simply as “a piece of artillery with short range.” See Autoridades, III, 599 s.v. espera.
22  Lit. ‘dogs’; a small piece of artillery with a caliber smaller than that of an esfera;
see DLMAA, 134 s.v. cão.
23  MS: de guerra la qual nunca t[r]abo con los portugueses; a difficult and speculative reading.
24  MS: aguas vivas; “the maximum rising of the tides at the time of the equinoxes, or with
each full moon” (DA, I, 125 s.v. aguas vivas).
Rutter of Patani 489

their landing at high tide. And it should be noted that there are two landing-
places. The first one is north of the neighborhood of Panare Khan as far as the
river of Kuala Saba. It is very good at high tide, having a good sandy beach;
the ground is not mucky at all. And the second one is at the tip of the inlet
on the west side in front of the Ro headland. And this one is found to be the
better of the two. And if the people land at the first one, they will encounter
resistance from the people of Panare Khan, who are the best warriors the King
possesses. The men should walk along the strip of land next to the marsh that
emerges from the swamp of the city and then enter the river of Kuala Baça.
And as they walk alongside the said marsh, which is towards the headland of
the city called Garzen, before they reach the said headland, they will pass the
said marsh on the other side, which is the part of the land where the artillery
[132r] of the bastion of Grazen will not harm them. And they should continue
walking in this direction, with their faces towards the city, until they reach the
other marsh at the mouth of the river. And there they should turn once to enter
it. And all the men from the fleet can stand on the island that is formed by this
marsh because it is surrounded by the river and the marsh. And the further
to the south from the end of this marsh you can attack the city, the better,
because it is weaker on this side. And it is to be done by following the overland
roads. And this road is found to be the best one; after you land on the beach of
Panare Khan, you can also walk from there to the city without passing the said
marsh, because it is a good road, having no marsh. However, on this side is the
main gate, called Pintu Garban, and here the city is well-fortified and has much
artillery and a large bastion, and here there is all the force of the population,
because it is at this point where the King and his men fear an attack, as for
example when the Javanese came against Patani. It seems better for the men
to make their landing at the other landing-place of the inlet at high tide with
sounding lines in hand because of shoals. And if one boat goes ahead, watch-
ing for them, the rest can follow; these should be foists and other smaller ves-
sels. And moving through the said inlet towards the south a way, they should
come back a short space towards the west to the end of the said inlet where the
river empties into it, which is called the Ro headland. By avoiding the artillery
of the fortress on the other side of the river, which is on the west, you can make
your landing without meeting [132v] resistance. And you will be able to trans-
port all the artillery in foists and other vessels, together with other foodstuffs
and anything else you may desire. And as soon as the people are disembarked,
they will walk along the riverbank, moving north, away from the artillery of
the bastion on the walls, and they will pass through a shallow marsh. And as
soon as they reach a point in front of the middle of the city, which is where
the river makes a turn towards the land, which is at the gate called Larap, this
490 TRANSLATION

spot is where they should make camp, as close as possible to the riverbank on
the side of the city, because the river in this location is only a stone’s throw
wide and you can bombard the city much better than from any other location.
And almost all the overland roads that lead to Patani can be taken from here,
except a few on the north side. But in this place you can take any of the roads,
on which food is transported to the city. And also a sea-faring galliot can be
brought through the inlet with artillery to the river to assist in the barraging
of the city. It should have the map so that it can make its way through shallow
water. And this side seems better to all of us for making a landing, where it can
also be done more easily because there is timber in this place. You can cross the
river25 by bringing empty junks and scuttling them so they lodge in the mud,26
and the people can walk over them to the other side.

Chapter Regarding the River Kuala Baça, Which is on the North Side
[133r] A falcon’s shot from the neighborhood of Panare Khan to the north is a
river called Kuala Baça. And at its bar there are anchorages for foists and gal-
leys. And a harquebus shot from the bar of this river there empties into it the
moat that comes from the point of Garzen to the said river, mentioned above.
And this river of Kuala Baça rises in the interior, and on its banks there are vil-
lages and orchards. And it is very cool and there are many fruits and foodstuffs.

Chapter Regarding That Which is Found between the Kuala Baça

River and the Kuala Tauar River towards the North
A day’s walk northward from the Kuala Baça River is a stream called Kuala
Tauar, on which large ships cannot travel because it is small. And in the interior
there are small villages of poor people. They have orchards and fruits, [but] few
foodstuffs.

Chapter Regarding That Which is Found between Kuala Tauar and

the Kuala Tiua River towards the North
More than half a day’s walk northwards from this Kuala Tauar River is another
river called Kuala Tiua. And also on in this stream only small vessels can travel.
And it is cooler and more populated and [teeming]27 with poor people.

25  MS: Pasaje del rrio con traer algunos xuncos. . .; the Spanish is garbled here.
26  MS: para que se enbasen; the last word is from Portugues envalar-se, meaning ‘to bog
down, stick in the dirt’; see DLP, 517 s.v. envalar.
27  MS: fertivar, uncertain meaning.
Rutter of Patani 491

Chapter That Deals with the Kuala Tiua River as Far as the Sangora
River towards the North
[133v] A day’s walk northwards from the stream of Kuala Tiua is another stream
called Sangora on which only small vessels can travel. And there are villages of
poor people, like those mentioned above.

Chapter That Deals with the Stream of Sangora as Far as the City of
Patthalung28
Two days’ walk northward from the stream of Sangora is a big and deep river
on which junks and galleys can travel; upriver, in the interior, is a city called
Patthalung where there is a king who is subject to the King of Patani. This river
is very cold and gives much fruit and foodstuffs, particularly rice and meat.
And the soil is very good. And it has a good beach and good landing-places.
And in front of the mouth of the river two lombard shots to the south is a very
beautiful island. And there are very fine anchorages all around it. And there are
many villages opposite this island in the interior. And this city provides Patani
with many foodstuffs by land and by sea. And the kingdom of Patani reaches
as far as this city; anciently it belonged to the kingdom of Siam. They say it is
stockaded and fortified.

28  MS: Bardalu; a town and province in the southernmost region of Thailand on the Malay
Peninisula.
 Chapter 13

Rutter of Siam, by Dom João Ribeiro Gaio

Account and Rutter1 of the Kingdom of Siam,2 for the King, Our
Lord

Chapter 1
The city or town of Siam is located at approximately 16 degrees north latitude.3
And there is a [134r] monsoon from Melaka to this city in the month of August,
and in February it is also possible to sail along the coast. And because there
are numerous pilots and rutters that describe this voyage nothing more will be
said about that here.

Chapter 2
If one intends to sail from the Philippine Islands to Siam, or from China to
Siam, he will have a monsoon from mid-February to the end of March. And
during this time and earlier it would be best for him to chart his course accord-
ing to the rutters which are found for this voyage.

1  This is the third rutter by Dom João Ribeiro Gaio; see p. 439, n. 1.
2  M S: Çian; Siam is an exonym that was formerly used for the present-day nation state and
people of Thailand, especially Central, Eastern and Southern Thailand (except the prov-
inces of Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat). The kingdom of Siam was in reality the kingdom of
Ayutthaya that existed from 1351 to 1767 and was centered in the city of the same name in the
Chao Phraya River valley. Siam was a Hindu-Buddhist influenced polity that at this time was
more of a patchwork of self-governing principalities and tributary provinces pledging alle-
giance to the king of Ayutthaya than a unified state. The kingdom was repeatedly attacked
by the Toungoo Dynasty of Burma in the middle of the 16th century. With the death of King
Bayinnaung of Burma in 1581, King Maha Thammarachathirat proclaimed Ayutthaya’s inde-
pendence in 1584 and the Siamese repelled multiple Burmese invasions from 1584 to 1593.
Subsequently, the Siamese, under King Naresuan, went on the offensive and captured the
entire Bay of Bengal–Isthmus of Kra coast from Tenasserim to Martaban in 1595. See Y&B,
833–834 s.v. Siam.
3  The city of Siam, or Ayutthaya, whose full name is Phra Nakhon Si Ayutthaya, located at
14°20′52″N, 100°33′38″E, was the capital of the kingdom at this time; the coordinates given in
the MS must be a copyist’s error.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_037

Rutter of Siam 493

Chapter 3
The bar of Siam lies at 14 degrees north. A landmark for recognizing it is an islet
that lies north to south with respect to the bar; this islet is approximately five
leagues from the bar. And there are other islets at a far remove from this one,
and anchor can be dropped at any one of them, especially at this one, which
lies north to south with respect to the bar. And the entire fleet, however big it
may be, can lie behind this islet without being detected by the people on land
and the city of Siam, because Siam and all of its ports are ensconced in the inte-
rior. And as soon as the entire fleet that sails to Siam arrives in view of some
high peaks that resemble organs, called Peynes,4 which are on the west side,
it should not approach the land, thus escaping detection. And it should then
head for the said islet, and there and at the other islands it can remain for one
or two months without being seen. And departing from this [134v] islet with
the tide and the wind, in four hours at most it will arrive inside the bar, which
has a sandbar that lies under eighteen spans5 of water and mud; it sits north to
south with respect to the said island; and the sides to the right and left of it are
full of sandbars for ships that draw deep water; but oared vessels can always
go there on either side. At the entrance to the bar on the right side is a stream
called the Mandarin’s stream where there are always ten or twelve men who
man light prows by command of the King in order to send the alarm to the city
when ships enter in. The mouth of the stream is very easy to take because there
is no other exit to the river, and with two brigantines it can be barred, which
should be done as soon as they6 spot the fleet so they do not carry the news
to the city. And the stream can be entered without being detected because the
said men have no other task than to be lookouts for this purpose.

Chapter 4
This bay of Siam from the said Peynes Mountains to the bar has several ports,
one of which is Bangplasoi.7 The city of Phetchaburi8 has a very beautiful
river, which was in former times very large. And in the year 1582 the King of
Cambodia came against it and conquered it and carried all of the people off

4  The Sam Roi Yot, lit. ‘three hundred peaks’, in Prachuap Khiri Khan Province, Thailand. The
word peynes lit. means ‘combs’. These peaks were a notable landmark for mariners navigating
the Gulf of Siam.
5  Approximately 13 feet or 4 meters.
6  I.e., the Siamese prows.
7  M S: Obibancosea, present-day Chonburi on Thailand’s eastern seaboard, 62 miles or 100 kilo-
meters south-east of present-day Bangkok.
8  M S: Perferir, a port city on the west coast of the Gulf of Siam.
494 TRANSLATION

to live in his lands, leaving no living soul there; it became all unpopulated wil-
derness.9 But [135r] now it has been rebuilt, as if the said destruction and ruin
had never occurred. The aforementioned ports have very good anchorages and
spacious inlets, though the far end of it has only three fathoms of water. There
is much Brazilwood there from which inks are made in Spain. And in the inte-
rior there are many more villages that are not discussed here because they are
so small.

Chapter 5
It is approximately thirty-five or forty leagues from the bar of Siam to the city,
and any oared vessel would be able to traverse this distance in four hours if
it were fitted out because the tide comes in with great force as far as a vil-
lage called Tabanga, which is approximately three leagues from the city. Many
prows continuously sail up and down this river of Siam,10 because every league
there is a village, each with numerous fresh orchards. The residents abandon
their villages when they receive word of an enemy attack, rushing to congre-
gate in the city and the seat of this river. No one will ask you who you are except
at a house that is like a customs office, which is called peridiagui,11 where they
ask the people from the ships that come in what they are declaring, who and
how many there are in their party, where they are coming from, and for what
purpose, and so on. And once a ship has completed these transactions with
this customs office of peridiagui, a very swift prow is dispatched to the village
of Enbanga to make it known. And at the ship’s arrival, they make her cast
anchor and allow her to proceed no farther until she makes obeisance [135v]
to the King’s hand-picked officer who has been stationed there. And once the
said obeisance is made, she makes her way to the city, where she pays her tax
according to the custom of the land.

9  Generally the Khmer raids on Siamese seaboard towns were for looting, especially of pre-
cious manpower. Chanthabun, Rayong, Chachoengsao and either Nonthaburi or Thonburi
all lost many inhabitants to these Khmer attacks in the 1570s and 1580s. The Siamese Royal
Chronicles mention a successful Cambodian attack on Phetburi around the early 1580s.
The King of Lawaek (i.e., King of Cambodia) attacked Phetburi with a naval force and
70,000 troops. The Cambodians took away all the inhabitants of Phetchaburi—so it is
very likely that the city was destroyed as well as depopulated.
10  The Chao Phraya River, also known as the Menam, which means river in Thai.
11  Elsewhere in the MS peruidillegui; unrecognizable transliteration of a Siamese term or
place name for ‘customs house’. The Thai term for Royal Customs House is Khanon or
Khanon Luang. In this instance there were two possible locations for the Royal Customs
House, one at Bang Chao Phraya at the mouth of the Chao Phraya River and the other at
Bang Tanao just south of Ayuttaya.
Rutter of Siam 495

Heading towards the terminus of this river of Siam there are numerous inns
where people eat according to their manner and customs. And the houses of
these inns are the very prows they travel in. And all the food is sold only by
women, and they themselves are the ones who row the said prows they travel
in. The main food of this land of Siam is noodles cooked in a fish broth and
stewed shrimp with pepper and tamarind.12

Chapter 6
A few short years before the kingdom of Siam13 was destroyed by the King of
Pegu,14 it was an empire. And he is the most venerated King15 in our day that
we know of, because nobody speaks to him by looking directly at him; rather,
he does so with both hands raised and with his face to the ground.16 And in this
manner, kneeling off to the side a good distance, he tells what he wants to one
of the King’s mandarins,17 who according to our ways would be like a member
of the King’s council. And this mandarin, displaying the same courtesy with his
raised hands, tells the king what the person wants and is requesting. The latter
then answers very slowly, telling the mandarin the favor that he will grant the
person. And to speak to the King in this way before he grants a request, [136r]
the King must first know what gift or present is being brought to him. If it is of
the sort that pleases him, he speaks to him, and otherwise he will not, and the
supplicant turns back without speaking to him.

12  A fascinating reference to an unidentified dish; the passage suggests that the Siamese
were eating (rice?) noodles as early as the late 16th century.
13  MS: El rey de Çian, lit. ‘the king of Siam’.
14  Pegu refers to both a major seaport strategically located with access to the Gulf of
Martaban and to the surrounding region, which covered most of lower Burma (Myanmar).
Pegu was the royal capital of the kings of Taungoo or Toungoo from 1539 to 1599, which
they used as their base of operations for repeated invasions of Siam (Thailand). The
Taungoo or Toungoo Dynasty ruled over the kingdom of Burma from 1539 to 1752 and suc-
cessfully reunified the areas of Burma that had been part of the Pagan Empire, dramati-
cally expanding its territories. At its peak, Burma, under Taungoo leadership, comprised
Manipur, the Shan States, Siam (Thailand) and Lan Xang (Laos). However, faced with
rebellion by several cities and with Portuguese incursions towards the end of the 16th
century, the Taungoo withdrew their capital from Pegu and re-established it at Ava. The
Taungoo continued to rule Burma from Ava from 1599 to 1752.
15  The King of Siam at this time was Phra Maha Thammarachathirat (r. 1569–1590).
16  This practice is known as mob krab, which consists of doing reverence while in a posture
of prostration.
17  MS: manderin, which does not appear in any Spanish dictionaries, is from the Ptg. man-
darim, which iself derives from Malay menteri, meaning ‘a minister of state’; see Y&B,
550–551 s.v. mandarin; and OED, s.v. mandarin and mentri.
496 TRANSLATION

As stated earlier, this kingdom of Siam was once a great empire; it was her-
alded as lord over all its neighboring kingdoms, who paid it tribute. And today
Patani sends it a certain acknowledgment that it was obligated to pay by its
ancestors, and it is true to say that it was one of the kingdoms in the world
whose lands still belong to Siam. And the number and quality of bays are the
highest in the world, as is explicated below.

Chapter 7
The King of Siam who presently rules is placed on the throne by the Burmese
King18 of Pegu. And he is a very old man. He has two sons, one of which seeks
his father’s throne solely in order to extricate himself from submission to the
Burmese. His father does not wish to give it to him.19 He20 is very wicked and
possessed of bad habits. And he is so arrogant that he understands the world
to be too small a place for him. He is a great shooter of harquebuses, which are
made better in Siam than in Goa, to our shame.21

Chapter 8
This kingdom of Siam contains everything necessary for sustaining human life,
and this in so great abundance that in order to collect the harvest, the one
from the previous year is discarded, especially [136v] rice, of which there is
so much that all the neighboring kings, save the one from Cambodia, receive
their supply from Siam, for which purpose more than 300 junks enter this river
yearly from the kingdoms of Ligor,22 Patani, Pahang, Banten,23 Johor, Jambi,24

18  MS: brama rrey; see Dalgado, I, 149 s.v. Burmá.

19  MS: el padre se lo desea dar; we have amended the MS because Maha Thammarachathirat
did not cede the throne to his son, Naresuan, who only succeeded his father upon the
latter’s death.
20  I.e., the King.
21  MS: por nuestros pecados, lit. ‘because of our sins’.
22  Nakhon Sri Thammarat, a pre-colonial port city kingdom that was an active trading
entrepôt on the east coast of the Malay Peninsula and the Gulf of Thailand; it became the
administrative center for southern Siam (Thailand) during the Ayutthaya and Bangkok
periods.
23  MS: Bintan. A pre-colonial sultanate on the extreme western tip of Java; see Suma Oriental,
170; and Lagoa, I, 112 s.v. Bintam, Bintao.
24  MS: Janbean. A pre-colonial sultanate on the central-eastern coast of Sumatra; see Suma
Oriental, 154; and Andaya, “Cash Cropping.”
Rutter of Siam 497

Drugun,25 Palembang,26 Bangka,27 Banjarmasin,28 and from Arrimata,29 and

many other aforementioned ports.

Chapter 9
This kingdom of Siam also has an abundance of cattle. And one very large cow
is worth two phai,30 which is a little more than a cruzado. There are many pigs,
and so many deer that they are impossible to count, which, when the freshets31
come, are captured by hand and taken to the houses. And so many are killed
that yearly they sell 20,000 and 30,000 and 40,000 hides to Japan and other
places.32
This land has much indigo, gunpowder and ink, which supplies all of Java
and Minangkabau; 20,000 tinajas33 of this indigo are produced yearly, and
indigo and rockrose34 are very cheap. It abounds in sappanwood,35 which is
Brazilwood, with which the whole of India, China and Japan are supplied. It

25  MS: Drugun; most probably the author is alluding to Dungun, a seaport by that name on
the eastern coast of the Malay Peninsula that is possibly synonomous for Terengganu.
26  MS: Palinban. A pre-colonial sultanate on the southern coast of Sumatra; see Suma
Oriental, 154–156.
27  MS: Banca; an island lying off the eastern coast of Sumatra, surrounded by the Bangka
Strait to the west, the South China Sea to the north, the Gaspar Strait to the east, and the
Java Sea to the south, located at 2°15′0″S, 106°0′0″E. Politically, Bangka was part of the
Palembang Sultanate and known for its production of tin; by the beginning of the 18th
century, Bangka was one of the world’s principal tin producing centers. See Lagoa, I, 76,
82 s.v. Bamqua, Banqua.
28  MS: Banxai Masen; a pre-colonial state system and sultanate located on a delta island
at the juncture of the Barito and Martapura rivers, in present-day South Kalimantan,
Indonesia, on the island of Borneo; see Lagoa, I, 99 s.v. Bazarmacem.
29  Unidentified location; possibly a reference to the province of Arima in Japan.
30  MS: paas; an old Siamese currency unit called equivalent to 100 cowries, 4 of which
equalled a füang. Four füang made a salüng, four salüng made one tical/baht. Phai were
minted as tiny silver coins (more like little round pellets or bullets, called phod duang) in
units of two, called song phai, meaning ‘two phai’.
31  MS: creçientes; a freshet is a “flood or overflowing of a river caused by heavy rains or
melted snow”; see OED s.v. freshet.
32  For details concerning the deerskin trade between Siam and Japan, see Smith, Dutch in
Seventeenth-Century Thailand, 36–37, 48, 51–52, 60, 65–66, 78–81.
33  Lit., ‘earthen jars’, but for the Spanish in the Philippines, a unit of liquid measure equal to
48 liters.
34  MS: jara, also equivalent to ‘labdanum tree’.
35  For the subtle contrast between sappanwood and Brazilwood, see Souza, “Dyeing Red”;
and Y&B, 794–795 s.v. sappanwood.
498 TRANSLATION

has a great deal of white benzoin in brick-size pieces, as well as an abundance

of coarse piece goods—by comparison fine piece goods are worth much in Siam.
It abounds in timber for building carracks and galleys, more than in other
lands of our time.36 [137r] Trading, buying and selling are so robust in Siam
that every day is market-day, and once a week there is a general market-day on
their Sabbath, which is celebrated once on the day of the new moon, again
on the quarter, again on the full moon and finally on the last quarter. This city
has enormous freshets that flood the entire city and the adjacent countryside
in a cubit37 of water. And when this occurs there is no transportation except by
prows. And with prows and other boats they perform all of the trading, buying
and selling and any other business.

Chapter 10
The river of this city of Siam has good depth. Big carracks and junks that draw
eighteen spans38 of water enter it, and they travel up river as far as the city,
and much farther if they wish, because all of the said river is good with fine
anchorages.

Chapter 11
The city of Siam is situated on a floodplain and is completely surrounded by
brick and earth that was dug to make the wall and which disintegrates on its
own. And in many places the said wall measures over eight leagues in circuit,
so that a person walking swiftly would have his work cut out to walk around it
in two days. And because it is built of earth and brick, it is ill-defended, quite
apart from the fact that it was built in an order and fashion that makes it easy
to breach. Furthermore, because of the city’s great size, it has numerous parts
where it can be entered because of the numerous streams that run into it. They
are navigated in prows. [137v] And all these streams have their gates in the city
wall, which are weakly defended. And all of them can be forded at low tide.
This city of Siam also has two bastions on the riverside with several pieces
of artillery lying on the ground, without proportion or measure, because they
have no experience in their use; these bastions afford as little defense as the said
wall. This entire city is built of wood and bamboo and thatch, and in the whole
city there might be twenty or thirty houses made of brick that some of the rich

36  This is a perceptive observation by Ribeiro Gaio, since Siam was renowned for its
abundance of teak (Tectona grandis, of the family Lamiaceae), which was prized for
shipbuilding.
37  MS codo, lit. ‘elbow’, equivalent to 33 fingers; approximately 22 inches or 56 centimeters.
38  Approximately 13 feet or 4 meters.
Rutter of Siam 499

men have for fear of fire to which it is greatly susceptible; it burns many times.
And for this reason there are reed beds next to the houses to prevent fire from
spreading from one house to the next. Inside the city there are many varelas,39
which are their churches. And their priests are held in high esteem and enjoy
the best there is to be had in the land. There must be in this city approximately
30,000 households. They are a weak people who do not know how to fight. The
city is thus very ill-fortified and can be entered anywhere without much resis-
tance, for the people are also cowardly and weak in spirit.

Chapter 12
In this city there are numerous wealthy men who possess much gold, not
because it is found in the land but rather because it comes from China every
year for the purchase of Brazilwood that is taken there. There is also much
silver. And everything is valued by weight. And when they want to make a pay-
ment to a merchant, they say that so-and-so possesses so many catty of silver
and so many tinajas of gold, and all of these riches are kept in ships that are
built inside the city on its streams, [138r] which are called memas.40 And the
ships function as houses when there is news of war, because the people travel
in them upstream and enter the streams that are in the city. The coins of this
realm are cowries,41 which are small snail shells that come from the Maldives
and the Philippine Islands. In this land everything that has been mentioned is
very inexpensive.

Chapter 13
This kingdom of Siam has numerous cities and towns in the hinterland. And
one may go from the city of Siam to Pegu by land, as well as to Tenasserim.
This kingdom of Siam has on its east the kingdoms of Cambodia, which have
a great abundance of cattle and foodstuffs, and much timber; the same is true

39  A term used by early Portuguese writers used to identify Buddhist pagodas in Asia, prob-
ably derived from Malay barhala or Javanese brahala, meaning ‘idol’; see Y&B, 961 s.v.
varella.
40  Unidentified reference to what appears to be a fascinating allusion to a proto-banking
system.
41  MS: cauries; see OED s.v. cowrie: a “porcelain-like shell of a small gastropod, Cypræa moneta,
found abundantly in the Indian Ocean, and used as money in some parts of Africa and
Southern Asia; also the animal itself.” Although cowries from the Maldives were preferred,
it is interesting to note, as this author does, that the Philippines were an alternative and
competitive source for supply for this shell at this time. For the seminal study that deals
with the employment of cowries in the African slave trade, see Hogendorn & Johnson,
Shell Money.
500 TRANSLATION

of Champa,42 where there is much ebony. [Another neighboring realm] is the

kingdom of Cochinchina, where eaglewood abounds, and the kingdoms of the
great China, where there are all manner of goods. There are also the kingdoms
of Japan where there is much silver.43 And there are voyages from Siam to all
of these places, and trade. Also, on the western side is the kingdom of Ligor,
where there is much pepper, and the same is true of Patani; Pahang, where
there is gold, and diamond, and bezoar stones, and eaglewood. There is Johor
and Melaka and all the islands of Borneo and the Philippines, the Maluku
Islands, Java and all the other islands on that side that can be reached by sail.
And to the north there is terra firma, and there is Pegu, as has been mentioned,
and other kingdoms and cities, as far as the opposite [138v] coast on the Pegu
and Tenasserim side.

Chapter 14
This city and kingdom of Siam, according to what has been said, can be con-
quered with 1,000 men according to the following directive: in order to take
these southern regions at the time His Majesty should send the fleet to Aceh
by way of India, in accord with the report that is being sent to him. During the
same year he should send, by way of New Spain44 and the Philippines, 2,000
men against Patani, as is stated in the report regarding Patani that accompa-
nies this one; and once Patani is conquered, he should leave 1,000 men there
to retain it. At the same time, the other 1,000 should go against Siam; they will
be sufficient to pacify it, and thus all these southern regions will be tranquil.
And once Aceh is razed, the following may be easily conquered: Patani, Siam,
Cochinchina and China, and His Majesty will be the great lord, and will pos-
sess the city of Guangzhou,45 which is so rich and sumptuous, and all the other
southern regions, which are many, and very great and very wealthy. And thus
you will be the greatest lord that ever was in the world, as has been amply
stated in the report that accompanies this one. And be advised that it is

42  Elsewhere Chamcia, Chamçia; a Hinduized pre-colonial polity that existed from approxi-
mately the 7th to the 19th centuries located in what corresponds to present-day central
and southern Vietnam. The Viet people absorbed this kingdom through a centuries-long
process known as the nam thien. See Y&B, 183–184 s.v. Champa.
43  Japan reportedly produced around one-third of the world’s production of silver during
the late 16th and early 17th centuries; the mines were located on Sado Island and in the
provinces of Iwami and Tajima. See Souza, Survival of Empire, 54–58.
44  The designation during the colonial period for Mexico.
45  MS: Canton; elsewhere Quinchiu, Cuinchiu. Here the context requires that Canton be
interepreted as Guangzhou, although elsewhere in the MS it refers to the province of
Shandong; Cuanton normally refers to Guangzhou.
Rutter of Siam 501

important that the conquest of Aceh, Patani and Siam be concluded quickly,
because at present only 6,000 men need be sent to these regions, but later more
will be needed, because these infidels are daily becoming more powerful and
ingenious in matters of war, quite apart from the many millions of Christians
who would be made in these regions, plus the riches and the advantages accru-
ing to His Majesty’s royal [139r] revenues and to His vassals, which are limitless.
May Our Lord preserve the Royal Person of His Majesty for many years. Your
humble servant, from Melaka, December 27th, 1584.
 502

Ternate
Tidore
Halmahera
Maluku Islands

Gebe
Waigeo
Kasiruta
Bacan Raja Ampat
Mandioli
Tapaeba
Tapat Kofiau Salawati
Bisa Tapa Torobi Doberai

Obi
Tobalai New Guinea
Gomumu Misool

Boo
MacCluer Gulf
Seleman Bay Ogar
Sekar
Hatu Alau
Atula Bomberai
Seram Berau Gulf
Waru Waru
Buru Mangussa

Kidang
Ambon
Seram Laut

Banda

Map 7 The Maluku Islands and the Raja Ampat Region: Roxo de Brito’s Voyage, 1581–1582.
TRANSLATION
 Chapter 14

New Guinea, By Miguel Roxo De Brito

Miguel Roxo de Brito’s1 Account of New Guinea2

I left Bacan3 on May 17th, 1581, with two kora-kora4 of Indians, vassals of our
friend, the kinglet of Bacan, at my own expense. The ships were manned by

1  Most of the little that is known about this Portuguese soldier comes from the Boxer Codex;
for example, SG, 124–125, based on information found in this account, proposes that Roxo
de Brito is from the island of Terceira in the Azores. Because of references in this report
to the ascension of Philip II to the throne of Portugal in 1580, we are inclined to believe,
pace SG, that Roxo de Brito’s fifteen-month journey to and reconnaissance of the Raja Ampat
Archipelago in 1581–1582 was ordered by the Crown. However, Roxo de Brito may have made
his voyage before receiving that order, since communications between Europe and Asia suf-
fered lengthy delays.
2  New Guinea, the world’s second-largest island, lies to the east of the Malay and Indonesian
Archipelagos in the south-west Pacific Ocean at 5°30′0″S, 141°0′0″E. Geologically it is a part of
the same tectonic plate as Australia and anthropologically it is considered part of Melanesia.
Today the island is divided politically, with the easternmost half forming Papua New Guinea
and the western half forming two provinces of Indonesia: Papua and West Papua. Early
Iberian explorers in the 16th century initially called the western tip of the island by the
name that the entire island was known before contact with them, i.e., Papua. However, by
the mid-16th century, another name for the island, New Guinea, began to be used, which
referred to the similarities in the appearance of the indigenous people with those peoples
that Europeans encountered in the region of Guinea in western Africa. The Spanish would
complete their reconnaissance of the entire island before the end of the first decade of the
17th century, publishing maps to that effect. However, we shall see that this section of the
MS concentrates on locations found on two or three peninsulas that form the western tip
and half of the island: (1) the Bird’s Head or Doberai Peninsula, which makes up the north-
western portion; (2) the Bomberai Peninsula, which makes up the south-western portion;
and (3) the Onin Penisula, which forms part of the Bomberai Peninsula. For this location and
others in this section, including the return route taken by Roxo Brito in 1581–1582, see Map 7;
Roxo Brito’s route comes from the re-creation of it found in SG, 124.
3  M S: Bachan; the name for: (1) a group of three islands that lie south of Ternate and west of
Halmahera’s southernmost arm of the area, formerly named the Spice Islands or Moluccas,
the present-day Maluku Islands of Indonesia, located at 0°37′0″S, 127°31′0″E; (2) the larg-
est island in that group (the second and third largest islands being Kasiruta and Mandioli);
and (3) an indigenous polity or sultanate located on this and throughout these islands at this
time. The Portuguese initially established a feitoria or trading post on Bacan in 1513, whose
sultan and court converted to Catholicism in 1557 but apostatized in 1578. According to our

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_038

504 TRANSLATION

140 natives from an island called Obi,5 which lies about two6 leagues to the
south of Bacan, and by natives from a neighboring island called Tapat.7 These
people were supplied to me by the said kinglet to serve and accompany me in
all things.
I headed south with them and landed on the said island of Obi, where I took
on provisions and better men, leaving the boys behind and taking on strong
men for rowing.8 And from here following a south by south-east course there
is9 an island called Tapa,10 and farther on the same course I landed at another
one called Tapaeba,11 both of which are small, uninhabited islands with plenty
of fish and indigenous crabs,12 which are excellent. Heading eastward, I landed
at the island of Tobalai,13 which has a volcano; from a distance it looks exactly

present account, the sultan was favorably disposed toward the Iberians at this time, and
as an apparent result, the Spanish subsequently established a fortress on the island in
1606. Their presence and influence was successfully contested and replaced by that of the
Dutch East India Company in the early 17th century. See Lagoa, I, 62 s.v. Bachan, Bacham,
Bachão and Bacão.
4  MS: caracoas; large double outrigger canoes that could carry upwards of 200 oarsmen and
passengers, also transliterated as karakoa; Roxo de Brito probably travelled on midsize
versions with crews of 70.
5  MS: Obe. A group of islands located at 1°30′0″S, 127°45′0″E, north of Buru and Seram and
just south of Halmahera in the Maluku Islands. The largest island in the group is Obi
(or Obira), and nearby are the islands of Bisa, Gomumu, Obilatu, Tapat and Tobalai.
6  MS dos, clearly a copying error since the actual distance is closer to 100 miles or 254
kilometers.
7  MS: Tapa; an island in the Obi group of the Maluku Islands in the Indonesian Archipelago,
located north-west of Obi at 1°10′45″S, 127°24′51″E.
8  MS: para la boga; SG has “for the voyage.”
9  MS: tiene; here and in several other places in Roxo de Brito’s account tiene, lit. ‘it has’, is
used to mean ‘there is / are’ (equivalent to Spanish hay), presumably a semantic calque of
the original Portuguese tem.
10  MS: Tape; SG thinks this is probably Tapa Besar, meaning ‘big Tapa’, an island on the north-
east coast of Obi, located at 1°34′10″S, 128°05′30″E.
11  SG thinks this is probably Tapa Kecil, meaning ‘small Tapa’, situated off the north-east
coast of Obi at 1°32′16″S, 128°05′10″E.
12  MS: muncho pescado congrejos de la tierra; SG has “plenty of fish and land crabs.” SG iden-
tifies these as Coconut or Robber crabs (Birgus latro).
13  MS: Tamilonga; SG, 128, conjectures that Tamilonga is Roxo de Brito’s rendering of the
place-name Timlonga; however, we concur with him that the island in question is Tobalai
because not only does it have a volcano, but it is the only island between Obi and the Boö
islands large enough to sustain a population of 100 people.
New Guinea 505

like the islands of Varas.14 This island is populated by about 100 Indians who
made obeisance to me. I had them launch a kora-kora into the sea, in which
they have accompanied me all this time and throughout these regions.15 From
Tobalai I headed eastward in the kora-kora and found the Boo Islands,16 which
are numerous and uninhabited and where there is a great variety of fish and
wild [139v] boar. And from these Boo Islands, continuing on an easterly course,
I landed on an island named Torobi,17 which I found to be inhabited by a king-
let and about 2,000 men, who also made obeisance to me. This kinglet was
frightened at the sight of white people because he had only heard of us but
never seen us. These islands are about one day’s travel apart.18 From here they
took me to an island named Misool,19 where I found a king and 4,000 to 5,000
men. The king received me, finding me to be a most extraordinary sight to
behold. He kept me in a village for about a month and treated me most gene­
rously, giving me gold valuables in recognition of our friendship. When I asked
him if there were any more islands and people in that area, he set20 me on an
east by north-east course to some islands called Waigeo,21 which I found to be
inhabited, and on them there is a king who received me in the same way as the

14  MS: yslas de Baras; B&M’s transcription has yslas devaras. Roxo de Brito is actually refer-
encing a mountain called Pico da Vara on the island of São Miguel in the Azores, located
at 37°34′32″N, 25°40′32″W.
15  MS: con la qual me acompañaron todo este tiempo e por estas partes; SG has “and they
accompanied me for as long as I was travelling in that region.”
16  B&M transcribe the name of these islands as Bojo, mistaking a vertical slash that separates
the two vowels, characteristic of this copy of the MS, for the letter j. The Boo Archipelago
consists of a small group of islands in the Raja Ampat region, West Papua, Indonesia. The
main island in the Boo archipelago is Boo Besar, located at 1°9′0″S, 129°24′0″E.
17  MS: Labey; we concur with B&M, 178 and SG, 129, that Labey is Roxo de Brito’s rendering
of Tolobi, present-day Torobi, a small island in the Kofiau archipelago located at °12′01″S,
129°40′49″E.
18  The islands referred to in the Boo and Kofiau archipelagos are approximately eight
Spanish leagues apart, equivalent to 18 miles or 30 kilometers, which we assume to be a
normal day’s travel for kora-kora at the time.
19  MS: Mesol; elsewhere Maçol, Moçol. Misool is one of four major islands (the others being
Salawati, Batanta and Waigeo) that comprise the Raja Ampat archipelago that are found
off the western end of the island of New Guinea; it is located at 1°53′41″S, 130°5′1″E.
20  MS: llevo, lit. ‘took’; we agree with SG’s suggestion here because it is highly unlikely that
the King of Misool physically accompanied Roxo de Brito to Waigeo.
21  MS: Baygeo; elsewhere Bayceo, Baybeo, Baygelo. Waigeo is the largest of the four main
islands of the Raja Ampat archipelago (the others being Salawati, Batanta and Misool);
it is located about 40 miles or 65 kilometers from the north-western end of the island of
New Guinea at 0°120′0″S, 130°50′0″E.
506 TRANSLATION

previous one, giving me many gifts and hanging a gold chain that must have
weighed ninety ducats22 from the prow of the kora-kora I had come in.
This island, called Misool,23 is spacious and mountainous in many places.
It is approximately forty leagues in circumference, and its village is located
at its north-east end on a salt-water lagoon whose mouth is roughly as wide
as the throw of a spear.24 Once inside the opening, the entire lagoon is half a
league around,25 in which their houses have been built on big poles planted in
the water.26 There are approximately 4,000 men in this village under the rule
of a king whom they have elected. They call him Suntien.27 There are28 many
Indians in the interior who have cultivated fields and [140r] landang29 gardens,
which is their bread,30 very similar to biscuits and quite wholesome. Here they
brought me a good amount of wrought and unwrought gold in case I wanted
to buy it. When I asked the king where this gold came from, he replied that
every year he gathered his people together and sent them to an island called
Seram Laut,31 which lies off of Seram32 and where there are roughly 5,000 men,

22  Approximately 11 ounces or 310 grams.

23  MS: Esta ysla que se llama çol [sic], which is clearly a copyist’s error for Maçol; R&M, 178,
think the author or copyist has erred because the text shifts from Waigeo back to Misool;
however, we side with SG, 129, who argues that Roxo de Brito inserted a digression on
Misool at this point.
24  MS: tendra en la boca anchura de una lança; presumably this would be equivalent to a
vara, which is only a yard. We are assuming that this is an error and that what Roxo de
Brito actually meant was “as wide as one can throw a spear,” more or less equivalent to the
English expression “a stone’s throw,” which is how SG renders it.
25  MS: y luego entrando para dentro se haze en toda torno de media legua; SG has “and after
one passes through this, the inside is wide, and more than half a legua across.”
26  SG, 129, believes this description matches the ancient capital of the kings of Misool on
Tomulol Bay.
27  B&M read this is Suncien, with which we disagree, recognizing that c’s and t’s are easily
mistaken in 16th-century Spanish manuscripts. SG has “Fun Moi.” Fun, meaning ‘father,
lord, prince’, was the kingly title, and SG, 130, believes Moi would have been his name,
though he allows that this could also have been Tien.
28  MS: tiene; SG has “He has.”
29  MS: landan; elsewhere landa; Visayan landang is a dish made from powdered buri palm
starch.
30  The bread Roxo de Brito is referring to is baked sago (sago lempeng in many Indonesian
languages); see SG, 130.
31  MS: Cerdeña; elsewhere Cerdenha, Serdenha, Serdeña, Serdanha, Serdaña, Serdena.
We concur with SG, 180, that this island is Seram Laut, which is located at 3°53′07″S,
130°55′53″E; Laut is Malay for ‘sea’.
32  MS: Seyron; elsewhere Siron, Çiron. The largest of the Maluku Islands, located at 3°8′0″S,
129°30′0″E. While inhabitants speak of Seram as the main island in the group that forms
the “Spice Islands”, the smaller island of Ambon, which is located just to its south, is
New Guinea 507

all of whom are very wealthy merchants. My vassals secured the release of the
people who had been taken prisoner in exchange for gold and gongs33 and
many piece goods. They also take these gongs to New Guinea, which they call
Botan,34 meaning ‘mainland’, to sell them in exchange for gold in a kingdom
at one end of the mainland called Onin.35 And thus they36 possess much gold,
as I have stated, for I did not see a single one among all of them, unless it was
a slave, who did not routinely wear a gold piece in his ears, each one possibly
weighing more than an ounce. And because of this lust for gold these men
from Misool are much given to plunder, and to that end they build very light
vessels that travel more than twelve leagues per day and which hold four banks
of oarsmen, one inboard and three on the outside. While I travelled in them
I was completely unable to remain standing because they are so light that a
man’s body is tossed aside with each oar stroke.
These men from Misool only make raids on the island of Seram Laut, which,
as I have stated, lies 30 leagues to the south of Misool, more or less. And they
do this by sending a fleet there of thirty to forty ships, none of which comes
back empty-handed. The first to land ransoms the captives and returns to their
country.37 And not a year goes by in which they fail to take seventy to eighty

historically more important on account of its commercial spice production; see Y&B s.v.
Ceram.
33  A percussion musical instrument of broadly three types: suspended, bossed (nipple), or
bowl, which is found from Africa to East Asia. The English word derives its name from
Malay. It is a usually flat and circular disk, chiefly made of bronze or brass, that is struck
with a mallet. Depending upon the shape of its surface, a gong produces either a “crash”
or a tuned note sound. In Indonesia and in the Philippines, in particular, gongs are incor-
porated into musical ensembles, known respectively as the gamelan and the kulintang.
34  SG, 126–127, believes Botan is an error for Notan, and that Notan “must have been some-
where on the west coast of Salawati, probably Sailolof.” We disagree; as SG himself reports,
the first syllable probably reflects bat, meaning ‘ground, earth’ in the languages of the Raja
Ampat region; in other words, Botan may quite literally mean ‘mainland’, as Roxo de Brito
says. The context of this passage establishes beyond doubt that for Roxo de Brito Botan
is simply the indigenous name for the entire mainland of New Guinea. Furthermore, it is
possible that Botan was Noton, the Portuguese name for an old kingdom on the Bomberai
Peninsula of New Guinea; see Lagoa, II, 318 s.v. Noton.
35  MS: One; this is the north-western tip of the Onin Peninsula, which is a continuation of
the Bomberai Peninsula of West Papua, New Guinea.
36  I.e., the inhabitants of Misool.
37  MS: La primera que la toma rrescata los cautivos y se buebe [sic] para su tierra; SG has “[The
fleet] first takes hostages, [then] releases them for a ransom, [and] returns to its base [in
Misoöl].” It is clear from what Roxo de Brito says a few sentences earlier that he is here
describing men from Misool securing the release of their countrymen taken captive by
those of Seram Laut and not the other way around.
508 TRANSLATION

inhabitants of Seram Laut captive [140v], each time charging the same price as
the first; they pay the same undiminished price every time they are captured.
And if they do not have enough to pay their ransom, they are killed. Because
of this villainy, if they lack the wherewithal to pay their ransom, they ask other
wealthy people from Seram Laut to purchase them to escape this plight, and
thus they become slaves. This was told to me by the very inhabitants of Seram
Laut themselves.
The King [of Misool] took38 thirty kora-kora to make peace with the people
of Seram Laut on the condition that they become vassals of the said king. I had
counseled him thus, but when I tried to have them commit to this agreement,
they replied that there was not a person from Seram Laut who had not been
taken captive five times, [saying] “and as long as we have ships with which we
can earn our living through trade, we refuse to be vassals, for we can purchase
our freedom with our money.” To which this Papuan39 king responded that as
long as his people had oars and kalawai,40 which are their usual weapons, nei-
ther he nor his men would ever be found lacking gold or clothing at the people
[of Seram Laut’s] expense.41
And so we departed from Seram Laut and landed on an island and town42
named Waru,43 which lies off the mainland of Seram. Here I obliged the King
to make peace because these Indians gave me news44 of Portuguese who were
on the island of Banda. And this Papuan king agreed to keep the peace as long
as he lived; he also agreed to command that all captives ever taken at Seram
Laut should be ransomed from this town in order to bring them great profit.45
This island of Seram Laut measures eight leagues around and on the south-
ern side lies its town, which lies along beach. A stone fence has been erected

38  MS: Yendo con este rrey; B&M transcribe it Y endo con este Rey.
39  See p. 503, n. 2.
40  MS: calauales; ‘a barbed spear or javelin’ in the Maluku Islands; see SG, p. 131.
41  MS: a su costa dellos; this phrase is lacking in SG.
42  MS: lugar; usually the meaning of this word in medieval and early-modern Castilian is
‘town’ or ‘village’; SG has “place.” See DA, IV, 437 s.v. lugar.
43  MS: Daro; B&M think this is a copyist’s error for Baru, representing Waru on the north-
east coast of Seram. SG adds that Daro could be a correction by a copyist who was familiar
with the Aru Islands on Portuguese maps but was unfamiliar with Waru in Seram. The
present-day name is Pulau Parang.
44  MS: por ser yndios que me dieron nuevas; the Spanish syntax is garbled.
45  MS: y desde este lugar mandar rrescatar los cautivos que tomaren en Serdenha por que en
ello les de grande ganancia; SG has “and would give orders from here that all the captives
they had taken at Serdanha should be redeemed, as that is the way he makes his greatest
profit.”
New Guinea 509

on a hill [141r] which is used as a fort; it has sentry boxes46 that house a num-
ber of versos. This town is allocated to eight chiefs, each of which is assigned a
number of men that answer to him, and so the leader of one division cannot
act as judge in another. Each year two of the chiefs go off in their ships with
some of their people to trade while the rest stay behind to guard and defend
the country. And when those who had left returned home, those next in line47
set out, and this is how they govern themselves with no differences among
them. In Seram Laut there are four depositories48 who hold in trust everything
that is brought to them. And they collect the gold and goods49 and gather them
into one place for the needs and common well-being of the entire village. And
each time their ships return from abroad they contribute a certain amount to
the fund. And when a particular need arises or when they go to war, as they did
against the islands of Banda, they pay the people from the north-west coast
of the island of Seram a certain fee, and with them fit out a fleet to defend
themselves with it, and sometimes to go on the offensive. And this fund is also
used if the inhabitants of Misool take an honored citizen hostage who lacks
the wherewithal to pay his own ransom, in which case they draw on the fund to
ransom him so that this person is not lost to the village and his honor remains
intact.50
The inhabitants of this island of Seram Laut have told me that they are
amazed that their island is not better known, considering their wealth. They
have many versos, close to 600 all told, complete with powder chambers; they

46  MS: guritas or goritas, an apparent variant of Spanish garita, clearly influenced by the
hypothetical guarita of the Portuguese original from which the copy was made, and
perhaps also influenced by Portuguese gorita, meaning ‘ship’s castle’ according to DLP.
Spanish garita is defined in DA, IV, 26 as “a rotunda-like work that is built on the flanked
angles of bastions, big enough for one soldier, who is stationed there as a lookout. They
are made of stone, and sometimes of strong timber, but stout enough to resist a rifle
shot; and small windows are created on the sides from which the soldier can descry the
countryside.” We have also found instances of Portuguese gorita meaning ‘sentry box’ in
Nuno da Cunha’s accounts of his governorship in India; see for example “[a fortaleza] era
quadrada, e nas esquinas torres quadradas bem ordenadas, huma que defendia a outra,
com suas goritas.” See Gaspar Correa et al., Lendas da Índia, 465.
47  MS: los otros que les cave de entrar; SG has “others immediately set out.” See DA, II, 16 s.v.
caber.
48  MS: depositarios; SG has “treasurers.” According to the OED, a depository is “a person with
whom anything is lodged in trust; a trustee; one to whom anything (material or immate-
rial) is committed or confided.”
49  MS: hazienda; SG has “cash.”
50  MS: y no pase detrimento su honra; SG has “and he in no way loses respect for all that.”
510 TRANSLATION

keep them for prestige, not knowing how to use them. [141v] The inhabitants
of Seram Laut sail in their ships, which are as good as Javanese junks, to all
the inner islands of Timor51 and to those islands where they collect that fra-
grant wood they call sandalwood, and throughout the kingdom of Bali52 from
whence they bring much gold and piece goods, and throughout the kingdom of
Bima,53 where there is found much gold, amber and wax, and throughout most
of greater Java. And they trade with the inhabitants of the islands of Makassar54
and the islands of Butung,55 where they barter56 for much gold and piece goods
and cotton yarn. They also trade with Tobungku,57 from where they bring much
iron which they take to New Guinea to sell in a kingdom called Mangussa,58

51  As previously mentioned on p. 478, n. 201, when Roxo de Brito refers to the inner islands
of Timor, he means the following islands in the Lesser Sunda Islands and Maluku Islands:
Flores, Alor and Wetar, which are located, respectively, at 8°40′29″S, 121°23′04″E; 8°15′0″S,
124°45′0″E; and 7°48′0″S, 126°18′0″S.
52  MS: Bale; an island in the Indonesian archipelago located at the westernmost end of
the Lesser Sunda Islands between Java to the west and Lombok to the east at 8°20′58″S,
115°08′50″E; see Lagoa, I, 72, s.v. Bale.
53  The Bima Kingdom, or Bima Mbojo, was an indigenous polity found toward the eastern
segment of the island of Sumbawa, which is located at 8°27′36″S, 118°43′36″E; it would
eventually become the Bima Sultanate, an Islamized polity, in the early 17th century
(reportedly in 1620). The Bima Kingdom was strategically situated and became wealthy
from its regional intermediation in the commerce of locally produced rice and dye (sap-
panwood) and in its development of shipping capacity. It maintained close contact and
relationships with other neighboring competing and comparable polities with similar
capabilities and expansive interests such as the Kingdoms of Gowa and Ternate. At the
time the MS was written, Bima reportedly extended from the west near the tip of Sumbawa
(i.e., from Satonda Island on Sumbawa’s north-western coast) through the archipelago as
far as the islands of Solor, located at 8°29′18″S, 122°58′26″S and Alor, located at 8°16′25″S,
124°44′06″E.
54  MS: Marcho; the island of Sulawesi was considered to be several islands until close to
the end of the 16th century; Makassar, or the Kingdom of Gowa, is located on Sulawesi’s
south-west coast; while B&M, 184, hesitantly suggest that Marcho is as a copyist’s error
for Maluco (the Maluku Islands), the context of the passage and the proximity between
Makassar and Butung lead us to agree with SG that Marcho is an adaption of Makassar;
see SG, 132. For Sulawesi, formerly the Celebes, see Y&B, 180 s.v. Celebes.
55  MS: Botan; a group of islands located off the south-east peninsula of Sulawesi in the
Indonesian Archipelago at 5°18′31″S, 123°0′25″E.
56  MS: rrescatan; SG has “buy.” See DA, V, 591 s.v. rescatar.
57  MS: Tambuco; in the Tolo Bay, Central Sulawesi.
58  MS: Magusia; an indigenous polity located on the on the Bomberai Peninsula; see B&M,
p. 184.
New Guinea 511

where they exchange it for a kind of wood called massoia.59 They then sell it
to the Javanese, who prize it as treatment for the illnesses; they grind it and
smear it on their bodies, even those who are well, spending a lot of of money
on it every year.
From here60 I returned home to the island of Misool, from whence I departed
for the islands of the king of Waigeo, which are numerous and are inhabited.
The island where he resides is called Boron.61 It measures about fifteen leagues
in circumference and on it there is an abundance of landang, chicken and wild
boar. In this town there reside about 1,000 men who are under the rule of the
said king. The latter received me very well and very lovingly, telling me many
times that he longed for me to stay in his country to teach him the ways of our
Holy Catholic faith, for he was a Gentile62 and lived as he dressed,63 and thus
his Hinduism forbade him to eat pork. But when I ordered him to eat it, he did
so without delay.64 And since we had the cross as our emblem, he requested
[142r] that I set one up in his town to worship it the way we do. And so I ordered
a large and beautiful one to be fashioned by two craftsmen and I raised it on
the beach of his town while shooting off the versos and harquebuses that I had
with me, which said king received with great satisfaction and joy while his wife
and children wept with pleasure. I also gave him a flag with the cross of Christ
that I had with me so that whenever he had skirmishes with people from the
same island, or rather with those from New Guinea,65 he could raise it at his
residence and our Lord would defend him and grant him victory; this pleased
him very much.

59  Elsewhere in the MS masor, palo mose, massoya; the aromatic bark from a specific tree
(Cryptocarya massoy), which is indigenous to forests in southern New Guinea and which
is a member of the laurel or Lauraceae family. Massoia can also be collected from other
trees in the same family: Cinnamomum Burmanni var. Kiamis, Cinnamomum xanthoneu-
ron and Sassafras gaesianum.
60  After a long digression, Roxo de Brito resumes his narrative from where he left off at the
island of Waru; see p. 506.
61  While the MS clearly shows Boron, B&M, 184, transcribe it as Boton, noting that it could be
any number of islands in the Raja Ampat area called Batan.
62  MS: gentil (i.e., a Hindu); SG has “heathen.”
63  MS: y bibia como vestia; SG has “he lived like a dumb creature.” The text is spectacularly
ambiguous here, since vestia could correspond to either modern bestia, meaning ‘beast’,
or vestía, meaning ‘he dressed’—Roxo de Brito seems to be extoling the king’s saintly
qualities by praising the simplicity of his diet and garb.
64  MS: y porque se lo mande comerlo comio luego; SG omits this phrase from his translation.
65  MS: rrefriegas con los de la misma ysla digo con los de Nueva Guinea; SG has “a skirmish
between the inhabitants of this island and people from New Guinea.”
512 TRANSLATION

He then fitted out his fleet and set out with me to the east by south-east,66
and we landed on an island called Garau,67 which we found to be deserted
because a serpent that lives there had consumed most of the natives.68 We
beached the fleet, consisting of thirteen kora-kora, and spent some time mak-
ing plans and provisioning the crew69 with landang and fish, of which there
was an abundance. That done, we put the fleet out to sea, heading south by
south-east and landing on a small island called Onelor,70 where there were
approximately 200 people. And they made obeisance to us and gave us jewels
as a token of their vassalage, which the king ordered be given to me because I
was the general of that fleet and those people. And from this same island, we
traveled due east and reached the kingdom of Onin, which is on the south-
ern coast of New Guinea, [142v] about half a degree south. And some of these
towns also made obeisance to us. They were very poorly defended because
they were located next to the water along the beachfront. And some towns
that were situated in less accessible areas fought back. And even though they
fought back, we brought one of them into submission at the cost of a few of our
men being killed by arrows, which is their customary weapon and with which
they are very proficient. There are no other weapons in all of this land except
arrows and spears, none of them poisoned.
All the people in this province are Negritos like those of Guinea and all of
them are merchants; they go to a kingdom just below the equator called Sekar71
where there is a town with a huge slave market. These people from Onin pur-

66  MS: lesuest, a copyist’s error for lessuest; SG has “due south-east.”
67  SG, 133, hypothesizes that this is the village of Arar, which would have been pronounced
Araw in the Waigeo dialect of the Biak language.
68  Presuming that Roxo de Brito was either visiting this island in July and August, or that
his informants were using this reference for communal planting practices, this passage
is probably dealing less with the fabulous and more with the mundane, to wit, the begin-
ning of planting season, which would explain the dearth of people. For the Biak, the ser-
pent in this instance is in the heavens: two constellations (Scorpius and Corona Austrina,
or the “Snake of Heaven”) are found in the sky at this time of year. The tail of the latter
nearly touches the horizon; see SG, 134.
69  MS: concertandonos y haziendo bastimentos para la chusma; SG has “accommodating and
provisioning the crew.”
70  According to SG, 134, this must be Saboeda, the largest of the Pisang islands, which are
found off the headland of the Bomberai Peninsula of New Guinea, due west and approxi-
mately one day’s travel from Onin; Saboeda is located at 2°38′33″S, 131°36′27″E.
71  MS: Segat; B&M conjecture that Segat is a copyist’s error for Segar or Sekar (remembering
that the letters r and t are very similar in 16th-century Spanish manuscripts). Present-day
Sekar Bay is on the Bomberai Peninsula.
New Guinea 513

chase slaves here and take them to Seram Laut to sell. And because the inhabit-
ants of Seram Laut are very wealthy, they purchase them and take them to the
island of Kidang72 to work their gardens.73 And it is no exaggeration that there
are Indians from Seram Laut who own 1,000 black slaves, and these slaves make
a lot of landang biscuits for them and gather it together to sell to the Javanese;
the latter trade it for nutmeg and mace74 in Banda,75 because the Bandanese
are wanting in foodstuffs.
These inhabitants of Onin also have much wrought gold that they wear in
their ears and around their necks. When I asked them where they got this gold
from, they told me that farther down the southern coast was a kingdom called
Offin,76 and that next to it77 were two other very powerful kingdoms [143r]
in a province called Ogar,78 in which there is an abundance of fine gold. And
when I told the King of Waigeo that we should go in search of these people, the
people from Onin said that this would be very risky because they had many
swift ships, and that if we had forty or fifty79 ships we could take the town,
even though it was very big, because as soon as they heard the harquebuses
they would all flee. They added that the people of Ogar search for this gold in
the interior and that they also find a lot of gold in rivers, and that beyond this
province there are other peoples who also possess it, but they did not know if
they buy it in Ogar or if they find in their own land. They added that this entire
kingdom of Ogar is famous for being rich in gold. And the King of Waigeo him-
self, who always heard that Ogar had much gold, is in another province80 that
lies between Ogar and Onin, called Offin, in which there are more than 40,000
men; they are all black, like those in Guinea. The people of Seram Laut come

72  MS: Çitan; an islet east of Seram Laut located at 3°54′1″S, 131°2′52″E.
73  MS: huetas, a copyist’s error for huertas; B&M see puetas, but the initial p has clearly been
corrected by the copyist to h.
74  MS: masa; the word for mace is macis in Spanish and Portuguese.
75  MS: nues moscada en masa y en Banda; we accept B&M’s correction to . . . e masa en
Banda.
76  MS: Ufia; elsewhere Sufia. According to SG, 135, this is the village of Offin, which lies
between Onin and Ogar on the northern coast of the Bomberai Peninsula.
77  MS: y junto a este estan. . .; SG has “on which border in the east . . .” which is impossible
grammatically.
78  MS: Ugar. An island off the northern coast of the Bomberai Peninsula located at 2°38′57″S,
132°28′50″E.
79  MS: si obiese quarenta o çinquenta; not only does the syntax here confirm that this figure
refers to the number of ships, but below Roxo de Brito informs us that this fleet comprised
7,000 men; SG has “if we had forty or fifty [arquebuses].”
80  MS: esta en otra provinçia; SG has “spent time in another area.”
514 TRANSLATION

here to buy a kind of wood they call massoia, which is prized in Java, and they
trade it for iron and a kind of sword called a kris,81 which the Offinese in turn
sell in other provinces. And thus most of these people on the southern coast
are traders. These people of Offin also have much gold; they wear it in their
ears and around their necks, as I have stated earlier.
Here and in other regions the staple food is landang, which is of very high
quality and which can pass for bread; it is hard enough to be used as biscuit,
and it is very filling. There is much chicken and a lot of wild boar and a wide
variety of very good fish. They also have some goats [143v] and wild buffalo and
there are many small streams.82
And all along this southern shore of the mainland83 there runs a string of
islands, all of them small and inhabited by people, some of which who are
black and some mulatto. Some of these islands reportedly have white people
with red hair and freckles,84 meaning they had brown and red spots on their
faces. They say that these islands also have gold and sandalwood. In this area I
found the kind of shell that produces pearls, apparently in great quantity; if it
was known how to harvest them, there would be plenty of them. Also in this
area the Indians and Negritos would go into the jungle and bring back pieces
of honeycomb. And they showed up looking like animals that had been stung
by bees, certain evidence that there is wax in these parts.
From here the King of Waigeo and I turned around and ran eastwards down
the coast, passing the province of Sekar, where we were ambushed by more
than 3,000 men in an inlet, which is the landing for that town; they stood up
to their waists in the water, all of their bodies smeared with red ochre and
wearing rooster feathers on their heads in the style of the Guineans who wear
them. In this ambush the Negritos shot many arrows and threw spears; but at
the first shot of a harquebus from our ships, they all bolted for the jungle as if
the devil were chasing them. And about a half hour later they emerged to see
what we were doing from a distance; even so, we gathered up one of them we
had wounded in the leg with a harquebus ball85 and placed him in my ship.
The Negritos then came onto the beach with many bamboo cylinders of tura86

81  MS: talisa; B&M, 186, think this is a copyist’s error for calisa. For additional details, see
Y&B, 274–275 s.v. crease, cris.
82  MS: riveras de agua; SG has “fresh-water streams.”
83  I.e., of the Berau Gulf.
84  MS: sardos; this is a Lusism, though the actual Portuguese word for freckles is sardas; the
Spanish word would have been pecas.
85  MS: bala; SG has “bullet.”
86  MS: cañas de tura, although this last word might be tuia; SG believes tura is the pronuncia-
tion in the local dialect for sura, a kind of palm wine.
New Guinea 515

and [144r] chicken, begging us to return the injured black men to them, and
indicating that they desired our friendship. And the King of Waigeo spoke to
them and made them bring us a gong that was four spans87 across that they
valued very highly; and they gave it to us in as a token of our friendship.
From here we ran down the same coast, now to the north. And because
the crew was spent after a day of rowing, we threw anchor at a headland and
landed the people on shore so they could catch us some fish. And on the other
side of this headland there were 160 oared ships, whose occupants, as we later
discovered, had gone ashore to eat and rest.88 And apparently they spotted
the smoke from our fires, took to their ships, set out to sea and rounded the
headland. As soon as they sighted our ships they hesitated like men who were
trying to decide what to do. They then approached us in a crescent forma-
tion, with thirty-five ships on each arm and the rest ordered not as barbarians
would be, but rather as skilled and rational people. What really amazed and
frightened me was seeing so many of them that they covered the sea, to which
the King of Waigeo responded that I should take heart because they were a
timid people. And thus we went at them in the same order that experience had
taught us, and charging while firing two versos and two harquebuses that I had
with me, they all dove into the sea, not a single one remaining in his boat. So
great was the fear that overtook them that the King of Waigeo climbed into a
small baroto and talked them back into their ships, for he knew their language
very well. And he brought the king and commander of their fleet to me, [144v]
along with a few of his relatives and chiefs. They came over and embraced my
feet, but not before asking us to put away our versos that were aimed at them
because they were afraid they would make fire again. I reassured them and
received them the best I could. They were so amazed to see our ways that they
remained speechless for more than half an hour.
These people are uncivilized89 Negritos, like those from Guinea—indeed
even darker. And they are from a province that lies a little less than one degree
north of the equator. This fleet comprised approximately 7,000 men, who had
gone to sea to rest and forget their sorrow90 over the death of their queen,
which appears to be their custom. This province is called Wabau,91 and it is

87  Approximately 3 feet or 0.9 meters.

88  MS: 160 enbarcaçiones de remos los quales estavan en tierra comiendo y holgandose; SG has
“the rowers of a hundred and sixty ships and gone ashore to eat and rest.”
89  MS: çafios; SG has “primitive.”
90  MS: a holgar y a desechar la tristeza; SG has “to celebrate and to end the [period of]
mourning.”
91  MS: Apaa; according SG, 137, this Wabau is on the western coast Pulau Rumberpon,
located at 1°50′31″S, 134°10′52″E.
516 TRANSLATION

densely populated; the people go about completely naked, with the exception
of some of their chiefs who wear red92 and black cloth. I saw no gold or silver
among them, nor do they hold it in high regard; it seems to me, therefore, that
they do not prize it.93 They take great delight in iron. Their wealth lies in gongs.
They responded that they were going to raid94 an island called Gebe,95 explain-
ing that these people ransom the captives with gongs, and that the people of
Gebe wear much gold similar to that which I showed them when I asked them
if they had any. They said they didn’t want it because iron was much better;
first, because it is stronger, and second, because it is useful for many things,
while gold is good for nothing. They have many palms, chickens and pigs in
their country. They cultivate rice, [145r] but when they set out to sea, they take
landang for provisions.
The islands they call Gebe lie seventy-five leagues to the north-east, judging
from the number of days it takes them to get there, and I have gone with them.
And beyond these islands of Gebe there are reportedly many other towns.
These people from Wabau notified me that there were three white men on
the mainland of New Guinea, that many more had died, and that now only
these three remained. And when I asked them what sort of clothing they wore,
this king ordered that a baqueruelo96 and an old hat be brought from his ship
where he had kept them for a long time in order to demonstrate to me that
this was the sort of clothing they wore; he also said that these three men were
casados.97 I had them asked if the white men had given them this garment.
The king answered that during a battle with some ships belonging to an enemy
king, they captured two of his ships, and they found this clothing in them,
and that the people that had captured in them told them that these men were
staying on the same coast, beyond their country. And after I returned to the
Maluku Islands, I learned that these men were from the group of mutineers

92  MS: coloradas; SG has “colored.”

93  MS: me parece no lo pasen; the meaning is unclear, although one of the fifty definitions
found DA, V, 149 s.v. passar, is “speaking of goods and merchandise, it is taken to mean the
same thing as ‘to be worth’ or ‘to have a price.’ ” SG has “they do not trade in it,” for which
we find no support in dictionaries or corpora.
94  MS: yban a hurtar; SG has “had gone to raid.”
95  MS: Gele; elsewhere Geve, Jeve, an island half-way between Waigeo and Halmahera,
located at 0°5′18″S, 129°27′53″E.
96  According to the RAE, Diccionario histórico, 83 s.v. baquero ‘a short sleeveless tunic’; a
baqueruelo is apparently a small baquero.
97  Lit. ‘married men’. Within Portuguese colonial communities, one of the preferred meth-
ods of tracking population figures was marital status; in this system casado contrasts with
solteiro, meaning ‘batchelor’.
New Guinea 517

from the San Gerónimo98 because they had also reported that people with full
beards had settled on an island, confirming that these were the bearded men
at the spot where the San Gerónimo made landfall.99 On the chart the island
is depicted as being quite far from the mainland of New Guinea, and accord-
ing to what some of the Negritos who go there in their ships say, it is much
closer; there is no possibility that there is so much open sea as is depicted on
the charts.
From what the King of Waigeo learned from these [145v] Negritos, and from
other people we encountered, people also wear gold100 on the northern shore,101
though he thought that there is much more of it on the southern coast because
most people wear it there as a rule. In this kingdom of Wabau there are some
trees whose bark102 the Negritos peel off and dry in the sun and which they use
to treat many illnesses—at least stomach aches; I must say it helped me feel
much better. It has a very fine color, like cinnamon, and produces a very par-
ticular burning sensation, and when chewed it makes one’s face burn the same
way chewing betel does. It must be highly prized in cold countries and might
be confused with tarragon,103 which it resembles in color and taste.
This country through which we traveled has very temperate and healthy air,
despite its location directly on the equator, or at the most one degree south of
it. The sun does not burn unless it is directly overhead. Every night so much
dew is deposited that the sun does not completely dry it up before nine o’clock
in the morning, which I always found to be invigorating and pleasant.104

98  According to Schurz, the San Gerónimo was one of the first of the Manila galleons.
Departing Acapulco for Cebu in early 1567, Pedro Sánchez Pericón was in command of
a crew of nearly 150 men. A mutiny occurred with the plan to become pirates and oper-
ate off the China coast. They reached a group of islands in the Carolines that became
known as Barbudos, ‘Isles of Bearded Men’. Under suspicion of not supporting their
actions and plans, the mutineers marooned some twenty-six members of the crew on
that island. They were never seen again. After their departure, the mutineers eventually
wavered in their resolve and, after five eventful months out from Acapulco, they put the
San Gerónimo into port at Cebu on 15 October, 1567. Many years later, a Spanish galleon
reported that, while passing the Carolines, they had been informed by local inhabitants
that bearded white men lived on distant islands. See Schurz, Manila Galleon, 277–279.
99  I.e., to exile the mutineers.
100  M S: se usa tanbien oro; SG has “gold is used.”
101  I.e., of the MacCluer Gulf.
102  S G, 139, advances two possibilities for the identity of this bark: massoia or lawang.
103  M S: dioja. We are inclined to accept SG’s argument that this is a copyist’s error for droga,
meaning ‘drug’, which itself is a misunderstanding of drago, meaning ‘tarragon’ (Artemisia
dracunculus), though the usual form is the diminutive dragoncillo.
104  M S: con lo qual me allegue siempre muy rreçio y bueno; the syntax is ambiguous here. SG
has “and so I always felt very vigorous and well.”
518 TRANSLATION

Because we had been travelling throughout these islands for more than two
months by this time, and the oarsmen were exhausted, we aimed our bows
towards the west by north-west. We landed on a deserted island105 where we
caught much fish and lobsters like those from Spain. From here, after running
down a string of islands, we landed at one called Noton, which belongs to the
King of Waigeo, where we stayed longer than a month resting while the latter’s
vassals brought us much fruit, chicken and goats, plus many varieties of fish.
We decided [146r] to meet with the King of Misool and take a journey in search
of the three Spaniards whom I have already mentioned.
During our stay on the island of Notan, the King of Waigeo was driven by
curiosity to ask many questions. He also asked me a few more light-hearted
questions about things he thought strange; for example, he asked if there were
people among us who had no fire and who eat their fish raw. I responded that
there are none such, and asked him what they used for light. He answered that
there were some animals on that island where these people lived106 as big as
large cats, and that at night they come around to feed, and that they have a
stone set in their foreheads that they cover up107 with a hood, and when they
come out in search of food at night, they uncover it and search for it by its
light; and if they hear a sound, they cover it with their hoods shut out the light.108
And the inhabitants of these islands stalk them and kill them with their bows
and arrows and remove the stones, which they use as lights. I asked him if there
were many of these stones, and he told me that there was not a house that did
not have seven or eight of them, and that they took a reed and split it at one
end and placed the light in it and carried it around at night and hunted for
shellfish along the reef by the light of the stone. I asked him why he did not
have a couple of these stones. He replied that his light was better because he
could turn it off and on at will. I asked him whether he himself or any of his

105  S G identifies this as one of the small islands east of the southern entrance to the Sele
Straits.
106  M S: en aquella ysla donde estos vivian; SG has “on an island not far from here.”
107  M S: cuvierta; B&M transcribe this word incorrectly as acuerta.
108  This is a fanciful folk description of the common spotted cuscus (Spilocuscus maculatus),
a marsupial that lives in New Guinea, on nearby smaller islands and in the Cape York
region of Australia. It grows to about the size of a common house cat, weighing between
3.3 to 13.2 pounds (1.5 to 6 kilograms) and approximately 14 to 26 inches (35 to 65 centi-
meters) long, with a tail 13 to 24 inches (32 to 60 centimeters) in length. It has a round
head, small hidden ears, a prehensile tail and thick fur of varying color, typically greyish
or brownish white with splotchy patterns on its back and a white underbelly (males) or
white or grey and unspotted (females); alternatively, Crossley (Boxer), 8, believes it may
be the Gebe cuscus (Phalanger alexandrae), which we deem less likely.
New Guinea 519

people had ever been to that island, or [146v] where they had heard about it.
He told me that while his father was alive his people had once gone in search
of a boat and had chanced upon a small ship with five Indian women who
had told him this about this island because they were amazed at their light.
And they told him about this island. They told him that there was a river flow-
ing down from a volcano in which much fine gold was found. And because of
this news, his father fitted out two ships and sent them off with two of these
Indian women. They have not been seen to to this day.109 They think the sea
swallowed them because their ships are small and very thin—they are built
like that for speed. And because the currents are very strong, it seems probable
that they were sucked into a whirlpool and crushed and that that is how they
died, because otherwise they would have been heard from. I asked him if he
wanted us to go there, assuring him we would build strong boats in which we
would travel safely. He replied that there weren’t any pilots who knew the way
there because the four Indian women who had remained behind in his village
had died—they had not been able to adapt to their ways and so had not even
lived two years. I asked him if it was far away. He answered me in the negative,
and according to what he said, this island sits to the north-east and must lie
in the vicinity of Gebe. For this reason if there are carbuncles in the world,
these are they, for I always found the King of Waigeo to be very forthright in
everything we discussed [147r] and he never had ulterior motives of any kind
in this matter.
His Majesty should be merciful to the King of Waigeo because of how zeal-
ously he wishes to serve Him,110 submitting to Him without being forced to
do so.111 And whenever the occasion arose, he proclaimed the majesty of King
Philip, Our Lord, and what a large portion of the world He possesses, and
how He was ruler of the best people in the world, the Spanish nation that has
recently inherited the kingdom of Portugal, thus adding another New World to
His royal crown. He has stated to me how very fortunate he considered himself,
for during his lifetime he has become the vassal of so powerful a monarch,
and how he hoped that it might please God to grant him a long enough life so
that one of his sons that he had could be taught to serve such a people as we
are, for by our manners we clearly showed what kind of ruler our king was. He
conveyed all of this to me through a nahuatatle112 I had brought with me to

109  M S: Y hasta oy no an parecido mas; SG has “But up until now they had not returned.”
110  M S: por el muncho zelo que tiene de le servir; SG has “because of the great zeal with which
he has served Him.”
111  M S: sin nadie lo costreñir a esto; SG has “without any reserve.”
112  M S: naguatato; Nahuatl for ‘interpreter’.
520 TRANSLATION

the island of Tobalai, but over time I had stopped using because I had learned
the language myself and quickly developed good command of it. I found this
good king to be in possession of such good sense that had I not remembered
how making him more familiar with these things would be for the greater ser-
vice of God and His Majesty, I would have stayed with him a few days.113 The
Hinduism114 of these people has certain rituals which could easily be abol-
ished. They consider their ancestors as gods and take their bones with them
when they travel by sea; they carry them in a box and whenever they eat, they
present them with food and drink. And when [147v] they go into battle, they
eat of a certain kind of wood, saying that its virtue makes them invulnerable.
They also take a piece of wood with them115 so that if they encounter winds
they can divert them with it.116 They have other Hindu customs117 besides.
This king has only one wife, and he has ordered that this be the rule in his
kingdom. They are a generous and friendly people. They are always obliging,
and keep a smile on their face, unlike the people of Misool, who are very self-
ish and given to lust and theft. When I took the latter with me to New Guinea
with three ships, they never ceased pleading with me to plunder Seram Laut.
But because I remembered that it would add to the greater service of God and
His Majesty if they118 had more knowledge of us, I informed them that there
was a fortress of His Majesty’s very close to Seram Laut where they should
go to make obeisance. For I could not repay the good will they had shown to
have for us any better than by the way it would be repaid and recognized here,
and also because they could see the new power and how it is used, and they
could see our artillery, which is what most amazes them, and they could see

113  M S: que si no me acordara de lo muncho que convenia al serviçio de Dios y de Su Magestad

ynformarle de estas cosas me quedara con el por algunos días; SG has “if I had not thought
of all I had to do in the service of God and His Majesty, I would have remained with him
for a few days to explain all these things.” SG’s elegant translation of this passage makes
eminent sense but is unfortunately totally unsupported by the grammar of the original,
which appears to have been copied erroneously. What Roxo de Brito actually appears to
be saying here is that while he would have preferred to remain with the King of Waigeo in
the latter’s town, duty compelled him to take the king to New Guinea.
114  M S: gentilidad; SG has “paganism.”
115  M S: Tanbien traen uno palo consigo; SG has “They also wear on their person a [piece of]
wood.”
116  S G, 141, thinks this piece of wood is akar bahar (Antiphates spp.), Malay for ‘bahar root’,
also known as black coral, which is is actually a dried and processed aquatic plant root
material used to make black bangles that ward off illness.
117  M S: gentilidades. SG has “pagan customs.”
118  I.e., the people of Waigeo.
New Guinea 521

our churches119 and our religious practices. And all of this would surely please
them greatly, considering that they were already pleased with me, being just
one Portuguese, and with one other Portuguese I had brought with me.120 And
also so that with their testimony I might receive some compensation for this
modest service I have rendered His Majesty. [148r] Without hesitation or objec-
tion the King of Waigeo told me that because it was far away, he would rather
go with two ships so that the rest of his people could stay behind to protect and
defend his islands from an attack by the people from Wabau in retribution for
the loss of face they endured in the skirmish they had with us when they dove
into the sea, because news that I was away from those islands would spread
quickly. And so we set out for the island of Misool with five ships, to which
the King added two more; thus with seven we headed for Seram Laut and then
reached the island of Seram. And while running down its north-western coast
we came upon many towns, with 500 or 600 men, until arriving at the town of
Atula,121 where I received news that Rubohongi,122 the captain of the king of
Ternate, had been plying the sea with a formidable fleet of kora-kora and that
with them had ambushed His Majesty’s fortress in Ambon123 and killed several
Christian Indians. And thus from that moment on I travelled with a sentinel.
And a little farther on, when the sun rose at dawn near the village of Anaade,
we sighted many ships over against the town of Permata.124 I immediately
sent my two fastest vessels, each with two Portuguese-speaking125 Indians, to

119  M S: nuestras yglesias, abbreviated as nras yglesias; B&M transcribe this as mas yglesias,
and SG translates it as “as well as churches.”
120  M S: Y todo les auia de agradar muncho porque siendo yo un solo portugues y otro que lleve
conmigo les agradauamos tanto; SG has “I, as one Portuguese, and the other I had with me,
would both like them to do this.”
121  Present-day Cape Pemali at the eastern end of Seleman Bay on the northern coast of
Seram.
122  M S: Rreboanje; elsewhere Areboanje; a Ternate title, meaning ‘Smasher of Fleets’ accord-
ing to SG, 142. The holder of this title was ordered by the Sultan of Ternate to engage the
Portuguese in the area around Ambon in 1570 and again in 1581 and 1582.
123  M S: Anbohin; elsewhere Anbino, Anboyno; a mountainous, well watered, and fertile vol-
canic island with an irregular figure eight or hourglass shape, found on the north side
of the Banda Sea, lying to the southwest of Seram, which is much larger; it forms part of
the Maluku Islands in the Indonesian Archipelago and is located at 3°38′17″S, 128°7′2″E.
See Y&B, 17 s.v. Amboyna; and Lagoa, I, 24 s.v. Amboena, Amboino, Amboyno. Ambon was
globally renowned until the 19th century for being the center of the world’s production of
cloves and the center of conflict over control of the “Spice Islands.”
124  M S: Beramita; according to SG, 143, Permata is near Wahai on the northern coast of Seram.
125  M S: en cada uno dos yndios ladinos; SG has “each with one or two bright Indians.” While
one of the meanings of ladino was indeed ‘clever’ or ‘sharp’, this word also meant ‘capable
522 TRANSLATION

reconnoiter and see if these were supply ships; if it was a fleet, they were to
quickly turn back [148v] towards whence they came, thus giving me time to
return home. For the two ships I had brought from the Maluku Islands were
very sluggish after almost a year at sea, and the crew was worn-out from
rowing. And the two vessels did indeed sight the fleet and turned back from
the open sea. And twenty-five Ternatese kora-kora started chasing them.126
And when I saw this, I put about and took up the chase127—I mean I headed
back to shore so they would not catch sight of me. And I landed at a town
called Suwai,128 which is a vassal to the King of Bacan, and there I met one
of his nephews by the name of Kacili Menteri,129 who received me very well.
And it turned out that the two ships I had sent beyond the headland130 to
reconnoiter131 the fleet had not returned; and the next morning132 they met
up with me in the said village, where we stayed for twelve days. At that point
I sent the kings of Waigeo and Misool back to their countries, telling them
that I wanted to go to the fortress in search of the Portuguese so that all three
of us might return to New Guinea, on account of what the people of Wabau
had reported, and that they should keep their ships in readiness for that jour-
ney. The King of Waigeo asked me how many moons I would be gone, and I
assured him it would only be three or four at most. And so he said goodbye to
me with tears in his eyes, and I gave him a scarlet cape,133 which pleased him
very [149r] much; but he was also very sad because of my departure because
we had formed a bond.134

of speaking a Romance tongue’, which is surely what is meant here, since Roxo de Brito is
interested in receiving the report of the reconnoitering mission of these four scouts. See
DA, IV, 347 s.v. ladino.
126  M S: fueron en su alcance; SG has “started overtaking them.”
127  M S: yo me bolbi coxendo su alcance digo la tierra; apparently Roxo de Brito corrected his
own mistake here.
128  M S: Savay; elsewhere Sabay; a village located in Seleman Bay on the northern coast of the
island of Seram.
129  M S: Quilmontere; according to SG, 143, this is a Ternatese title meaning ‘Prince Councilor’.
130  According to SG, 143, this headland would have been Hatu Alau.
131  M S: reconocer; SG has “spied on.”
132  M S: al otro dia por la mañana; SG has “only two days later.”
133  M S: ferreñuelo; standard Castilian ferreruelo, meaning ‘a short collarless cape’.
134  M S: porque se an echo de consejo; the translation here is highly conjectural, but the Spanish
syntax of the MS makes it improbably that this clause is the first part of the next sentence,
which is how B&M transcribe it and how SG translates it.
New Guinea 523

The captain of Ambon received notification that I135 was on the opposite
coast of Seram, according to a letter which is in my possession. And he also
received news in letters from the Maluku Islands that I had left Bacan136 with
two kora-kora more than a year before. They believed I was dead because they
had not heard from me since. He wrote this to Diogo de Azambuja,137 who
when apprised of this immediately ordered the King of Bacan to send a kora-
kora to find me; this vessel found me in the village of Tolimata, not far from
this other village of Suwai, where he [the King of Bacan] had a fortress made
of timber. He138 did this because he had received reports that Rubohongi was
coming against me to prevent the Portuguese from occupying this opposite
coast of Ambon.139 And from here I went to the Maluku Islands140 from whence
I had departed nineteen months earlier. Here I met with Diogo de Azambuja,
who at the time was the commanding general of Tidore.141 I presented him
with a slave from New Guinea, wrought and unwrought gold, and massoia and
that other variety of wood which is similar to cinnamon,142 and pearl shell,
which he much appreciated. And he told me that he would advise His Majesty
accordingly. It seemed more appropriate to me that I should do this in person
since I had seen that country with my own eyes and had set foot in it, so that
His Royal Majesty might do as he sees fit in accordance with what best suits
His royal service. And therefore he143 gave him this accurate report, without
adding anything or stating anything other than the truth.
The land of New Guinea, at least as far as the regions and routes I travelled
are concerned, [149v] has many shoals and sandbanks and rocks and numer-
ous sandbars and currents among its islands, for they are many. There are also

135  I.e., Miguel Roxo de Brito.

136  M S: Ban; B&M correct this to Bachan, which we follow.
137  M S: Diego de Asanbuja; elsewhere Diego de Açanbuxa; nothing further is known about this
Portuguese administrator.
138  I.e., Azambuja.
139  We interpret Roxo de Brito to be referring here to his location at this time, i.e., Seleman
Bay on the northern coast of Seram.
140  S G has “Ternate.”
141  M S: alle a Diego de Açanbuxa capitan mayor que entonces era de Tidore; SG has “I met with
Diogo de Azambuja, the Captain Major, who at that time was in Tidore.”
142  Roxo de Brito is referring to a tree that is also indigenous to this area, the lawang
(Cinnamomum culiawan), whose bark can be steam-distilled to produce a dark yellow
brownish essential oil with a rich spicy odor of cinnamon, clove and nutmeg.
143  It is not clear whether Roxo de Brito is referring to himself in the third person, or if he is
referring to Diogo de Azambuja.
524 TRANSLATION

many whirlpools, which is why seagoing vessels144 cannot take this southern
route to New Guinea. From here trade can be conducted with New Spain in
the things I have mentioned and in many slaves, for they are like those of
Guinea, and travel would be very easy and quick. The prevailing winds are west
by south-westerly; they are useful for gaining latitude. From here nutmeg and
mace can be taken, because the islands of Banda are about sixty leagues south
of New Guinea, and one can get there according to sailing instructions145 I
shall provide. And with that I close.

144  M S: navios de alto bordo; SG has “high-sided ships.”

145  M S: una orden; SG has “a course.”
Japan 525

[152r]

Illustration 28 Japanese (Samurai) Couple.

 Chapter 15

Japan

[153r]
The current ruler of these Japanese1 people is called Kubo-sama.2 It is said
that he became king after serving under Nobunaga,3 the uncle of another
prince4 who ruled over a portion of this empire, or kingdom, of Japan, the
empire being divided between them. The nephew, desiring to be the exclu-
sive ruler, decided to wage war against his uncle Nobunaga. Gathering his
forces, he stormed one of his uncle’s cities and slew him. This Kubo-sama had
commanded a fleet to come to the defense of his master Nobunaga against
some other enemies. After defeating them, he learned of the death of his lord
Nobunaga on the return voyage, and with the fighting-men he had at his com-
mand, and joined by other forces, he attacked his lord’s nephew to avenge the
death of Nobunaga, which he did by slaying the nephew, together with all of
his captains and men. He accomplished this by ambushing them in a certain
pass, delivering them a crushing defeat.5 Immediately afterwards, he declared
himself king over the lands formerly ruled by his master Nobunaga and the
latter’s nephew, whom he had defeated in battle. Subsequently, without hes-
itation, he succeeded in declaring himself absolute ruler of the many other
kingdoms in the land that had never paid tribute to his predecessors, which
had been independent to that point. He proved himself so capable that three
years after becoming king he vanquished all the other kings and kingdoms,
taking complete control over them, thus becoming absolute ruler over all the
land. He set out to conquer the vast territory and kingdom of Korea,6 which
borders on China. Fearing the power of Kubo-sama, they paid him tribute, and
after receiving it, this king returned [153v] to his own land and kingdom of
Japan where it is said that he is preparing his armies to invade China after first

1  This brief account is anonymous.

2  M S: Cabakundono, elsewhere Bacabundono, Cavacundono. Kubo-sama was an honorific
title originally applied to the emperor and later to the shogun, more particularly to Oda
Nobunaga, Toyotomi Hideyoshi and Tokugawa Ieyasu; see Boxer, Christian Century, 43, 180 et
passim.
3  Oda Nobunaga (1534–1582), Japanese warlord credited with the unification of Japan.
4  Akechi Mitsuhide (1528?–1582), a samurai who betrayed Oda Nobunaga during the Honnoji
Incident on 21 June 1582.
5  The Battle of Yamazaki, 2 July 1582.
6  M S: Core.

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Japan 527

marching through Korea. It is also rumored that he has readied 2,500 troops,
500 ships and made many other preparations for war against the nation of
China. For many years now, the Japanese have regularly plundered the coast,7
sacking many of their villages and cities. When Japanese and Chinese ships
encounter each other and engage in combat, the Japanese always best their
adversaries because they are much better fighters and more spirited. They are
so feared by the Chinese that when a Japanese vessel8 enters Sangley Bay,9 it
is hailed in the traditional manner with drumming; an instrument resembling
a kettle or a tin frying pan is struck while two other men station themselves
on the stern of the ship and bow completely to the ground to the sound of
these drums or kettles. Failure on the part of the entering vessel to respond
means it has come to wage war, in which case both parties prepare for battle.
It is also reported that he has taken over another large island close to Japan,
known as Madiuyn. He is said to be a small, gaunt man with round eyes, yet
with a very solemn expression. He is greatly feared and respected by his men.
It is also said that he is friendly to Christians, and was even one himself before
becoming king. The following story is related about him: One day, while the
king was present at a certain gathering, one of the fathers of the Company10
approached him [154r] and asked permission to preach the gospel, requesting
that those who had already become Christians, or those who chose to become
Christians in the future, should not be persecuted. The king was on the verge
of agreeing to this petition when one of his nephews or close relatives, fear-
ing lest the petition would be granted, sought to thwart it, threatening that he
would lop off his head with one swipe of his sword if Kubo-sama took up his
cause, thus obstructing the attempt. It is said that Kubo-sama himself related
these events to the same father on a certain occasion when, annoyed at the
Christians and the fathers of the Company, he had exiled them from his king-
dom, expressly ordering that they leave all of his lands within ten days and
that no one be allowed to become a Christian. And although the fathers feared
this persecution and tribulation, in the end they conquered their fear through

7  I.e., of China.
8  For the red seal trade, see Gunn, History without Borders, 211–236.
9  MS: puerto sangleyes, Manila Bay between Cavite City and Manila around the area of
Sangley Point.
10  A Catholic religious order commonly known as the Jesuits, whose Latin name is Societas
Iesu, abbreviated as SG or SI. The order, also known as the Company of Jesus—or simply
the Company—was established by St. Ignatius of Loyola in the mid-16th century. For an
overview of Jesuit activity in the Portuguese Crown’s patronage, see Alden, Making of an
Elite Enterprise; for activity in Japan, see Boxer, Christian Century; and for activity in the
Philippines, see De la Costa, Jesuits.
528 TRANSLATION

their industry, aided by the grace of our Lord, and entered again into the good
graces of Kubo-sama. The latter lived in luxury,11 for Kubo-sama is much given
to pleasures and sensuality. And although he has his principal wife at home—
that is to say that he lives with her—he has eighty more in another house des-
ignated solely for this purpose. Each woman is allotted ten taels per month
for clothing and adornment. And these are the leading ladies in his kingdom,
and the most beautiful. He also has servants whose exclusive responsibility is
to search the kingdom for the most beautiful young maids, whom they bring
to him so he can corrupt them. One of Kubo-sama’s aged priests and court
favorites, [154v] a minister of this abominable practice, had a run-in with the
fathers of the Company over some Christian maids whom he had attempted
to carry off. Heeding the counsel of the fathers, the maids refused to submit to
this abominable law. This so perturbed the accursed old man that he reported
the incident to Kubo-sama, whose rage against the fathers and Christians was
why he decreed they be banished.
These Japanese are by nature spirited and fearless. They have something of
that ancient ferocity of the Romans, who in their valor would take their own
lives before falling into the hands of their enemies. But in this the Japanese sur-
pass the Romans because they not only consider it dishonorable to die at the
hands of their enemies, but they also consider it an indignity to die in any man-
ner that is not killing themselves with their own hands. This was confirmed
to be the case by actual experience. A Japanese man, while sailing through a
stretch or channel of the sea, was caught by a minor storm. And because his
was no more than a small boat of the sort people use here, called a sampan,
it capsized. Realizing what was happening, he drew his katana, which are the
weapons they normally use, much like our swords, and cut his belly open. He
then stabbed himself numerous times. But he managed to be rescued, and
when he was asked why he had done what he did, he answered that he did not
wish to die unless it was by his own hand, and not in the water. I have made
this digression because over on the street of the fathers of the Company there
is a very long and full account of the affairs of this kingdom, its customs and
its ceremonies.12

11  MS: Fue pues el en uien por porque . . . The Spanish syntax is garbled here.
12  The work in question may have been Fr. Luís Fróis’ História de Japam, written between
1583 and 1597.
 Chapter 16

China’s Tributary Neighbors

[156r]

Illustration 29 Giao Chi Warrior Couple.

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530 TRANSLATION

[156v]
Giao Chi is a country that borders on China and pays tribute to its king. They
say that the soldiers and fighting-men go about naked, as depicted, and that the
citizens and men of letters wear the kind of clothing as shown. They respect
the same rituals and ceremonies as the peoples from China.
China ’ s Tributary Neighbors 531

[158r]

Illustration 30 Giao Chi Couple.

532 TRANSLATION

[162r]

Illustration 31 Quang Nam Couple.

China ’ s Tributary Neighbors 533

[162v]
Quang Nam1 is a large province and the people are vassals to the Emperor of
Giao Chi. And they respect the same rites as the Chinese.

1  M S: Canglan; the present-day province of the same name located in the area of Hue in central
Vietnam.
534 TRANSLATION

[166r]

Illustration 32 She Couple.

China ’ s Tributary Neighbors 535

[167r]
The She2 people are Chinese laborers who dress in the way depicted here. And
they do not pay taxes to the Emperor because they have no agreements or con-
tracts; they live exclusively by their labor in the fields.

2  M S: Xaque; 畲客, sheyu, lit. ‘mountain traveler’; the largest minority Chinese ethnic group in
Fujian province.
536 TRANSLATION

[170r]

Illustration 33 Keelung Couple.

China ’ s Tributary Neighbors 537

[171r]
Keelung3 is kingdom that neighbors on Japan. They have their own king who
governs them and to whom they pay taxes. Their land abounds in sulphur and
they fight and they fish with harpoons.

3  M S: Cheylam, elsewhere Cheylan. Keelung, northern Taiwan; Boxer reported that this name
was also used at times during the Ming for the whole island of Taiwan. See BC, 42.
538 TRANSLATION

[174r]

Illustration 34 Champa Couple.

China ’ s Tributary Neighbors 539

[175r]
Champa4 is a sovereign kingdom. And it borders on the kingdom of Giao Chi.
The people are courageous and daring. They greatly prefer plundering neigh-
boring peoples and they are also corsairs.

4  M S: Chamçia.
540 TRANSLATION

[178r]

Illustration 35 Danshui Couple.

China ’ s Tributary Neighbors 541

[179r]
Danshui5 is a sovereign kingdom. It borders on the kingdom of Keelung. It is
independent. The inhabitants are proud and are disposed to warring and dis-
putes. They are great archers, and they frequently plunder and make war. And
it is their custom to cut the heads off the people they kill, which they then
skin, leaving just the skulls, which they gild. And after they are gilded, they
are placed in the walls of the main room of their houses where the people live
among them in perfect order. And they consider these very fine trophies so
that others may see their bravery. And the head of the most important man
they have killed is carried around by the wife of the man who killed him so she
will be honored and respected as the wife of a brave man.

5  M S: Tamchui, elsewhere Tamchuy; Ch. 淡水, north-western Taiwan.

542 TRANSLATION

[182r]

Illustration 36 Daimao Couple.

China ’ s Tributary Neighbors 543

[183r]
The Daimao6 are people who respect the rituals of the island of Luzon, and
there are many of them here.

6  M S: Taypue, elsewhere Taipue. We concur with Boxer’s observation that although there is a
district in the interior of the Tonkin called Taipue, this term refers more likely to the people
around the Taimei anchorage area of the Lingayen Gulf in the Philippines on Luzon; see BC,
42. The accompanying Chinese characters, 玳瑁 Daimao, mean ‘tortoise shell’. We speculate
that such shells were readily available from that site in the early modern period.
544 TRANSLATION

[186r]

Illustration 37 Kampuchea Couple.

China ’ s Tributary Neighbors 545

[187r]
Kampuchea7 is a sovereign kingdom and it borders on the kingdom of Siam.
Nothing is known at present about its rituals or customs.

7  I.e., Cambodia.
546 TRANSLATION

[190r]

Illustration 38 Terengganu Couple.

China ’ s Tributary Neighbors 547

[191r]
Terengganu8 is a sovereign kingdom, and it also borders on the kingdom of
Siam. It has an abundance of pepper.

8  M S: Temquigui; Boxer thought that this location could have been Pulau Tinggi, an island off
the eastern coast of Malaysia; see BC, 42. We do not entirely agree, since the translation sug-
gests a polity whose border was more probably contiguous to that of Siam with sufficient
arable land to produce pepper, which would be Terengganu, a present-day province on the
eastern coast of Malaysia.
548 TRANSLATION

[194r]

Illustration 39 Patani Couple.

China ’ s Tributary Neighbors 549

[195r]
Patani9 is a sovereign kingdom next to Kampuchea. It also has an abundance
of pepper.

9  M S: Tohany; we concur with Mills that this location is Patani, see BC, 43.
550 TRANSLATION

[198r]

Illustration 40 Tatar Couple.

China ’ s Tributary Neighbors 551

[199r]
The Tatars are the greatest enemies of the Chinese. This report will be kept
brief because the section on China deals with the wars between them and the
Chinese; in that section something of their customs may also be seen.
552 TRANSLATION

[202r]

Illustration 41 Sangley Couple.

China ’ s Tributary Neighbors 553

[204r]

Illustration 42 Sangley Couple.

554 TRANSLATION

[206r]

Illustration 43 Chinese Commanding Generals.

China ’ s Tributary Neighbors 555

[208r]

Illustration 44 Mandarin Scholar and Consort.

556 TRANSLATION

[210r]

Illustration 45 Chinese Prince and Consort.

China ’ s Tributary Neighbors 557

[212r]

Illustration 46 Chinese Emperor and Empress.

 558

Nu`ergan
N

lu
Ya

Liaodong
all Jingshi
tW Gitpon
Grea
Beijing Chao (Japan)
Dada
Hsien

G ra
Shanxi (Korea)
Shandong

n d Ca
Duogan

e
na
Shaanxi Nagasaki

l
g H
Hua n
CHINA Henan Zhongdu
Y Dengzhou Chuzhou Nanjing East China Sea Xiaoliu
Nanjing Danshui

an
Ningguo (Taiwan) Keelung
Ningbo

gtz e
Zhejiang
Sichuan
Wusizang Huguang
Da Liuqiu
uqiu
Jiangxi (Ryukyus
(R
(Ryukyus)
yukkyus)
s)
Fuzhou
Guizhou Fujian Meizhou
Lianzhou Xiamen
Zhangzhou Xiaoliu
Guangxi
Guangzhou
Macau
Guangdong

Kauchi
Lan Hsien
en
TRANSLATION

Map 8 Ming China, ca. 1575.

 Chapter 17

Tai Ming, by Fr. Martín de Rada, O.E.S.A.*

[213r]

An Account of the State of Affairs in China, More Correctly Called

Tai Ming.1

The country we typically call China2 was called the kingdom of Cathay3 by the
Venetian Marco Polo,4 perhaps because such was its name in the Tatar lan-
guage at the time, for when he went there, in approximately 1312, the Tatars
were in power. The natives of these islands5 call China Sangley, and the Chinese

* Fr. Martín de Rada (1533–1578) was a Spanish Augustinian friar. As a reward for his assistance
to Juan de Salcedo in the Spanish expedition against the Chinese pirate Lim Hong in 1574,
Rada was chosen to head an expedition to Ming China in May 1575, the main goal of which
was the opening of that country to evangelization, although the Governor-General at Manila,
Guido de Lavezares, also instructed him to explore the possibility of Spain being granted
a trading port in Xiamen Bay that would compete with Portuguese Macau. Accompanying
Rada was his fellow Augustinian Fr. Jerónimo de Marín, and two military observers, Pedro
Sarmiento and Miguel de Loarca; the latter left a valuable detailed account of the embassy;
see Loarca, Relación, avaialable in English translation in B&R, V, 29–181. The first part of
Rada’s report of his embassy was incorporated into San Agustín, Conquistas, and is available
in English translation in Boxer (Rada), 243–259. The second part, which is more properly a
description of China, corresponds to the present section of the MS and was also translated
into English by Boxer (Rada), 260–310.
1  M S: Taybin; elsewhere Tabin, Tavin and Taivin, 大明, lit. ‘Great Ming.’ The forms appearing in
the MS reflect the Hokkien pronunciation.
2  See Map 8 for most of the locations mentioned in this section on China and later for some of
its tributaries.
3  M S: Catay; elsewhere Cantay. After the collapse of the Tang Dynasty around the 9th century
and the expansion of the Qi-Tan or Tatars into China, the Tatars employed the term Cathay
for the territory they held and administered, which divided China into two parts (northern
and southern), with greater direct control by the Tatars in the north and co-existence with
the Sung Dynasty in the south for about two centuries. Consequently, for contemporary and
later European travellers, there was confusion as to whether Cathay and China were distinct.
4  Venetian merchant, traveller and author (c. 1254–1324); see Yule, Marco Polo and Vogel, Marco
Polo Was in China.
5  I.e., the Philippines.

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560 TRANSLATION

merchants themselves call it Zhonghua.6 But its proper name in our day is Tai
Ming, which is what it was called by the Emperor Hongwu,7 who forced the
Tatars out of China, just as at different times in the past it had several names,
such as Hanton, Tuntzon, Guan, Tong, Gu8 and Cathay.
Some of the things we shall be discussing here regarding this realm we were
eyewitness to, while others have been culled from their own printed books and
descriptions of their land, for they have a natural curiousity about themselves.
Not only have they given us general and detailed descriptions of their own
country, but they have also printed books about it in which are described all its
provinces, cities, villages, and frontier posts and garrisons, plus all their details,
and their families and taxpayers and taxes and revenues that the Emperor
receives from each one of them. There came into my possession seven differ-
ent books, printed in different years and written by different authors; and thus
by comparing them I have been able to better arrive at the truth, although
these people know little about orthography or geometry, let alone arithme-
tic. Their drawings are very crude, and even the distances and circumferences
are so inaccurate that it is impossible to reconcile them in some [213v] places.
Nevertheless, I shall follow what seemed to me most factual after comparing
all of these with some of their rutters which came into my possession. As far
as distances are concerned, I shall be abbreviating them considerably in some
places from what is written in their books, for even after taking them one at a
time, and then adding them together, their sum is highly inaccurate in their
books. So what I shall be reporting here for the size of the land and distances
will be much reduced from what is found in their books, but, by my estimation,

6  M S: Tunsua; 中國華, lit. ‘Middle Flowery’ kingdom.

7  M S: Hombu. In the mid-14th century, Zhu Yuanzhang, 朱元璋 (1328–1398), rose to com-
mand of Han and other Chinese forces in a revolt that successfully defeated and ended the
Yuan Dynasty. Those forces seized Khanbaliq (Beijing) in 1368; the Tatars or Mongols then
retreated to the steppes of Central Asia. Zhu claimed the Mandate of Heaven and became the
founding emperor of the Ming Dynasty (r. 1368–1398). His era name was Hongwu Di, 洪武
帝, meaning lit. ‘Vastly Martial Emperor’. As was customary, he also had a temple name, Ming
Taizu, 明太祖, lit. ‘Great Ancestor of the Ming’. He ruled from Nanjing, the original capital of
Ming China.
8  Boxer (Rada), 261, is of the opinion that the names in this list are corrupted renderings from
the Hokkien names of earlier Chinese dynasties; FiF has Han, Ton, Tzon, Guan, Tou and Gu.
Boxer suggests that the first three dynasties referred to in the Paris MS (FiF) are the Han, the
Tang and the Sung, but he does not offer suggestions for the remaining items. While it seems
safe to equate the Guan and the Gu of the MS with the Yuan and Wu Dynasties, the interpre-
tations of Tun and Tong remain unresolved.
Tai Ming 561

more accurate. And I leave the truth to future writers and experience9 when
the entire country is further explored; in all else I shall follow what is written in
their books. And we shall be calling this country Tai Ming, for that is its proper
name, because I do not see where the Portuguese could have come up with the
name China, or Sina,10 unless they ran across it in some village or location in
these environs and then called the whole country by this name, just as in these
islands,11 the Bruneians, though they are also called Burneyens, are also called
Chinese.12 But we needn’t quarrel over names, since the first discoverer calls it
whatever he wants, and it keeps that name forever.

Regarding the Great Size of the Kingdom of Tai Ming

and Its Location

The kingdom of Tai Ming measures approximately 1,000 leagues in length and
400 leagues in width and nearly 2,500 leagues in circumference. It is bounded
[214r] on the east and the south by the eastern Indian Ocean of India,13 which
the ancients called Serica.14 On the other, western, side is a very big river,15
which rises in some lakes some fifty leagues from the sea; it then runs many
leagues to the north, finally passing by the end of the wall16 that divides [the

9  MS: rremito la verdad a la scripcion y exsperiencia; Boxer has “I leave the truth to subse-
quent experience. . .”.
10  It is accepted that the term for China and the Chinese originated with the Qin dynasty
that flourished in the 3rd c. bc., see Boxer (Rada), 28, 262.
11  I.e., the Philippines.
12  MS: que en estas yslas los burneyes con llamallos tanbien burneynen los llaman tanbien
China; Boxer has “Just as in these islands [Philippines] the Burneyes are also called
Burneyen, as the former are called China.” Boxer’s adds the following annotation: “I am
aware that this does not make sense, but neither does the original. . . There is obviously
some copyist’s error here; but I presume that Rada was trying to explain that just as the
(Malay) name of Brunei town in N. E. Borneo was applied by the Filipinos to the whole
island and its inhabitants, so the name of China, derived from some prominent coastal
feature, was applied by the Portuguese to China and the Chinese in general.” However,
there is another possible reading of the MS that does not require positing a corruption in
the text, to wit, that the Bruneians were also called Chinese in the Philippines.
13  MS: de la yndia; Boxer has “of Further India.”
14  Latin for the ‘country of the Seres’, the ‘land where silk comes from’.
15  This river could either be the Huango (Yellow) River or the Yangtze.
16  A series of fortifications made of stone, brick, tamped earth, wood and other materi-
als, which stretch generally along an east-to-west line from Shanhaiguan in the east, to
Lop Lake in the west, in an arc that roughly delineates the historical northern borders of
562 TRANSLATION

Chinese from the] Tatars, and then, after coursing nearly 100 leagues outside
the wall, it bends towards the east and enters China, nearly dividing it through
the middle, and empties into the sea in the province of Nanjing,17 after twisting
and turning for more than 1,000 leagues.
In the northern region there is a magnificent wall or barrier made from
dressed stones. It is one of the world’s most extraordinary pieces of workman-
ship ever produced, for it must be 600 leagues long, seven fathoms high, and six
fathoms wide at the base and three at the top,18 and it is said to be completely
faced with tiles. According to their histories, this wall or barrier was built by
the Emperor Qin Shi Huang19 nearly 1,800 years ago. And although outside this
wall there are many cities or towns that are frontier garrisons against the Tatars
where the Chinese Emperor has installed two viceroys and three command-
ing generals, they are not considered part of the kingdom of Tai Ming (though
they are subject to it) because this territory was acquired and annexed after the
Tatars were expulsed.
And this realm has nearly 800 leagues of sea-coast.20 Beginning at 20 degrees
latitude, the coast runs nearly east by north-east as far as 25 degrees, where the

China with the southern edge of Inner Mongolia. The Chinese referred to it by a number
of different names, changcheng (長城), meaning ‘long wall’, being the more common.
Its current English name, the “Great Wall of China,” was coined by the end of the 19th
century on the basis of reports of travelers. While several walls were built in northern
China as early as the 7th century bc, Qin Shi Huang, who became the first Emperor of
China by conquering all opposing states, unifying China and establishing the Qin Dynasty
in 221 bc, is credited with joining those fortifications and building the wall 220 and 206
bc. Subsequent dynasties generally added to it, although little of the wall from the Qin
remains. The majority of the existing wall, which the MS alludes to, is from the Ming
Dynasty. It has been estimated to measure 5,500 miles or 8,850 kilometers in actual wall
and connected physical barriers. The reason advanced for its construction was in part
to protect the Chinese Empire or its prototypical states against intrusions and military
incursions from various warlike nomadic peoples or forces. It was also used to impose and
collect duties on goods transported along the Silk Road, regulate or encourage trade and
control immigration and emigration.
17  MS: Nanquin; elsewhere Namquin, Namquien, Nanquin, Nanquien.
18  Approximately 42 feet or 12.8 meters high by approximately 36 feet or or 11 meters wide at
the base by approximately 18 feet or or 5.5 meters wide at the top.
19  MS: Cincio; elsewhere Cinçion. As mentioned in n. 16, Qin Shi Huang (260–210 BC), 秦始
皇, the King of Qin (247–220 BC), became the first emperor of China (r. 220–210 BC).
20  MS: Y en este rreyno de costa de mar casi ochocientas leguas y comensando de veynte grados
de altura de polo. . . . The Spanish is somewhat garbled here, though the general sense is
apparent.
Tai Ming 563

city of Fuzhou21 is located. And from there [214v] the coast continues north-
east as far as 29 degrees, where it curves back to the north22 and at times to the
north by north-east as far as approximately 45 degrees, at which point it turns
back to the east, creating a sea23 that is like the Adriatic or the Gulf of Venice,
which penetrates the province of Shandong24 and runs to the north-west for
100 leagues. From the far end of this sea it is no more than a three days’ journey
up the river, which cannot be navigated by large ships, to the capital or lead-
ing city of the kingdom of Tai Ming, called Shuntian,25 where the king resides.
I believe that Shuntian sits at approximately 50 degrees latitude. This whole
coast as far as26 29 degrees latitude, where the city of Ningbo27 is located, or
Linpo, which is how it appears on our maps, is clean and reportedly has very
good ports. From what little we could glimpse off the coast of Fujian,28 it was
full of clean ports with very deep water, because along the whole coast are
innumerable islands, all of which are considered to belong to the same country
of Tai Ming—many of them populated and many unpopulated. And thus the
sea between them is like rivers. But heading up the coast from Ningbo past the
entire province of Nanjing there are many shoals. And from there the coast
is reportedly clean, although the entrance to the gulf that I mentioned above
that begins in the province of Shandong is said to be dangerous and have rough
waters, such that they dare not cross it from point to point, but rather by coast-
ing it.
In addition to these islands that lie next to the coast there is a very great
number of [215r] large populated islands. I shall list the ones depicted in

21  MS: Hocchiu; elsewhere Hochiu, Hocchui, Hocchuy, Hoccheu and Occhiu; the forms appear-
ing in the MS are most probably derived from its name in the Hokkien dialect, which is
Hokchiu.
22  MS: vuelve la costa al nordeste, lit. ‘returns to the north-east’, obviously a copyist’s error; we
agree with Boxer’s correction.
23  Bohai sea or gulf is a body of water found off the north-eastern and northern coast of
China in close proximity to Beijing; actually the innermost gulf of the Yellow Sea and
roughly bounded by the Liaodong and Shandong Peninsulas.
24  MS: Santuanton; elsewhere Santun, Santon, Suatan, Canton, 山東.
25  MS: Suntien; elsewhere Sunthien and Suntin, Zunçien; 順天, the city and, at this time, also
the prefecture of Beijing.
26  MS: hasta los veynte e nuebe grados; Boxer has “from latitude 29°.”
27  MS: Ninpo, 寧波.
28  MS: Hocquien; elsewhere Hoquien, 福建; the form appearing in the MS is derived from its
name in Hokkien.
564 TRANSLATION

their drawings.29 Beginning with the last one in the province of Guangdong,30
which we said was situated in 20 degrees, from there close to 40 leagues sea-
ward is reportedly the large and inhabited island of Kauchi,31 which is under
tribute to China. Opposite the province of Fujian, past Takao,32 which we saw,
as is related in our report,33 to the north-east of it is the island of Lan Hsien.34
North-east from there is Lu Hsien,35 and from there to the east is Siaugij,36 and
from thence to the north-west is Xiao Liuqiu,37 which is east of Fuzhou. To
the north of this is Da Liuqiu;38 these islands are called Lequios on our maps.
Further north is Humal,39 off of Zhejiang.40 From there to the north is Japan,41

29  I.e., maps.

30  MS: Canton, elsewhere Cuanton, Quanton, 廣東.
31  MS: Cauchij. This is Hainan Island, 海南, located at 19°12′0″N, 109°42′0″E; the form appear-
ing in the MS is derived from its name in Hokkien.
32  MS: Tacao, present-day Kaohsiung, 高雄 located in the south-western region of Taiwan.
33  This is an allusion to the narrative of the mission of Fr. Martín de Rada and Fr. Jerónimo
Marín to Fujian contained in Fr. Gaspar de San Agustín’s Conquistas de las islas Philipinas,
Madrid, 1698, translated by Boxer (Rada), 243–259.
34  MS: Zuansin, lit. ‘Lan District’; based on Rada’s geographical description, this is probably
present-day Lan Yu, 蘭嶼, or Orchid Island, located at 22°03′15″N, 121°32′44″E.
35  MS: Lusin; lit. ‘Lu District’; this is probably present-day Lu Dao, 綠島, or Green Island,
located at 22°39′28″N, 121°29′01″E, which is actually nearly due north of Orchid Island.
36  Boxer (Rada), 265, mistakenly transcribes the name of this island as Siaguy; unidentified
reference.
37  MS: Leuquui el menor, elsewhere Lauquiu, Lonquia; Ch. 小琉球, lit. ‘Lesser Liuqiu’.
Specifically, a coral island known in English as Lamay Island that lies off the coast of
Fujian and belongs to Taiwan, located at 22°20′19″N, 120°22′11″E. However, at this time the
name referred to the island of Taiwan, which did pay tribute to China, and not specifically
to Lamay Island.
38  MS: Leuquui el grande; Ch. 大琉球, lit. ‘Greater Liuqiu’, the term used at this time for the
Ryukyu Islands, an independent kingdom that had unified most of the islands stretch-
ing between Taiwan and Japan with its political and administrative center on Okinawa,
and which maintained tributary relationships with both China and Japan; also known
as the Loo-Choo Islands. See Suma Oriental, 129; and Y&B, 514–515 s.v. Lewchew, Liu Kiu,
Loo-Choo.
39  Unidentified island off the coast of the province of Zhejiang, see Boxer (Rada), 265.
40  MS: Chetcan; elsewhere Chitcan, 浙江, again the MS reflects the name of this location in
Hokkien. Located, as suggested by the text, on the east coast of China, the word means
‘zigzagging river,’ which was taken from the old name of the river, the Qiantang, that
flows through Hangzhou, the provincial capital. Today, this province borders the follow-
ing provinces to the north: Jiangsu (and the municipality of Shanghai); to the north-west,
Anhui; to the west, Jiangxi; and to the south, Fujian.
41  MS: Gitpon, apparently Rada’s transliteration of Nippon, i.e., Japan.
Tai Ming 565

which we call the Japones. And farther to the north of the Japan is Chao Hsien.42
And next to the strait of the gulf that penetrates Shandong is Teng Lai.43 And
at the furthest extreme of Tai Ming is the Yalu River.44 We had neither time nor
opportunity to discover the names of the peoples and nations that border on
the country of Tai Ming, and therefore we shall only write here what we call
Tatars and whom they call Tacsuy.45 And these are the ones they have had
the most wars and conflicts with, more than with any other nation, and with
whom they have had to negotiate the most.46

[215v] Regarding the Provinces into Which

the Kingdom of Tai Ming Is Divided

This kingdom of Tai Ming—everything contained inside the aforementioned

wall, the great river and the sea—is divided into fifteen provinces, which they
call sheng,47 two of which are governed by high courts, which are Beijing48 and
Lamquiaa.49 Beijing, or Pacquin, is where the Emperor resides, and is governed
by his high court, and Nanjing, or Lamquiaa, was the ancient seat of the kings,
and thus was also governed by a high court. And Beijing means ‘Northern
Court’, and Lamquiaa means ‘Southern Court’, because the main cities of each
of these provinces, which cities are respectively Shuntian and Yingtian,50 lie
due north and south of each other, 340 leagues apart. Another thirteen prov-
inces, called buzhengshi,51 are governed by viceroys.

42  MS: Tauçian, 朝鮮; the Hokkien for Korea is Tiausien.

43  MS: Tanhay; according to Boxer (Rada), 265, Teng Lai could possibly be the name of a
circuit in Shandong comprising Teng Chou Fu, Lai Chou Fu and Ching Chou Fu.
44  MS: Halecan, 鴨綠.
45  The Chinese for Tatary was actually Dada 韃靼.
46  MS: con quien les a dado mas en que entender; Boxer has “who have given them most cause
for concern.”
47  MS: çe, 省, meaning ‘province’.
48  MS: Pacquiaa, elsewhere Paquiaa, Pacquin, 北京; the forms found in the MS stem from
the Hokkien pronunciation of Beijing.
49  Elsewhere in the MS Lanquiaa, Lamaquiaa, Lamquiaa; 南京 the forms found in the MS
stem from the Hokkien pronunciation of Nanjing.
50  MS: Ynthien, 應天; this was the name for Nanjing during the Ming. Actually, both Shuntian
and Yingtian were prefectures as well as capital cities.
51  MS: pochinsi, elsewhere pouchinsi, pauchinsi, and bauchiu; 布政司, the name given
during the Ming to the system of government over the thirteen provinces governed by
566 TRANSLATION

And to begin with, Beijing is the chief province,52 the boundaries of which
extend to the aforementioned wall. On its east is the province of Shandong,
or Suatan,53 which reaches to the sea, and thus also to the wall, because it
begins at the sea. And to the west of Beijing is Shanxi,54 or Suansay, and then
Shaanxi,55 in which province the barrier or wall comes to an end after running
there from the sea for 600 leagues.56 And south-west from Shaanxi is Sichuan,57
[216r] which is bounded on the west by the aforementioned big river. And
southwards from Sichuan is Guizhou,58 and then Yunnan,59 or Onnam,60
which is the southernmost boundary of Tai Ming. And on the west it has the
big lakes where the aforementioned river rises, and high mountain ranges;
on the south side it reaches almost to the sea. I have heard that this land is
harsh, and that the sea-coast is uninhabited—they say that region is uninhab-
ited. Eastwards from Yunnan is the province of Guangxi,61 or Cuansij,62 which
while not extending all the way to the sea either, comes close to the coast. After
that is the province of Guangdong, or Guyntan,63 where the Portuguese have

viceroys, i.e., all of the provinces other than Nanjing and Beijing. Below, Rada uses the
same term to refer to provincial comptrollers or treasurers; see p. 592, n. 218.
52  MS: cavecera; Rada means the chief province, not the capital city.
53  Hokkien for Shandong, lit. ‘east mountain’.
54  MS: Sancij; elsewhere Sansi, Sançij, 山西; the forms appearing in the MS are Hokkien for
Shanxi, lit. ‘west mountain’.
55  MS: Simsay; elsewhere Siamsay.
56  Approximately 1,920 miles or 3,090 kilometers.
57  MS: Susuam, elsewhere Susuan. 四川; Shitsuan in Hokkien.
58  MS: Cuychiu, Cuynchiu, Cuichiu. 貴州, close to K/Guichiu in Hokkien.
59  MS: Olam; elsewhere Onnam, Onam, Omlam, 雲南.
60  Boxer explains that the form appearing in the MS is derived from its name in the Hokkien
dialect, Hunlam. (H)or/(d)/lam in Hokkien.
61  MS: Cuansij; elsewhere Caynsay, Cuynsay, Cuinsay, Quansij 廣西; Boxer suggests that
Rada’s transliteration and spelling came from his hearing informants say Gungsai, the
name of this province in Hokkien. Located in the far south of China on the mountain-
ous border between Vietnam and China, Guangxi was made a province during the Yuan
Dynasty and remained one until being designated an autonomous region of China in
1958. Taking its name from guang, meaning ‘expanse’, it has had a reputation for being an
open, wild territory on China’s southern frontier.
62  MS: Acynsay, which is a copyist’s error for Caynsay, showing metathesis of the first two let-
ters; Boxer corrects the transcription to Cansay, which is still not accurate because Cansay
corresponds to Jiangxi, not Guangxi.
63  MS: Suyntan; 廣東. According to Geoffrey Wade (p.c.), Suyntan is probably a copyist’s
error for Guyntan, which would be a reasonable representation of the Hokkien pronun-
Tai Ming 567

settled.64 And continuing eastwards along the coast is the province of Fujian,65
or Hokkien,66 where we went, and further on is Zhejiang, in which the coast
doubles back towards the north. And above it is Nanjing, or Lamquiaa, and then
the last province on the coast, Shandong, which we have described above. And
these are the provinces that encompass all of Tai Ming in a circuit. And three
more provinces lie in the center of this ring, which are Henan,67 Huguang68
and Jiangxi.69 Henan is in proximity to70 the following provinces: Beijing,
Shandong, Lamquiaa, Huguang and Shanxi. And going from Henan towards
Guangxi, Huguang lies between them, a little to the south-west. And Jiangxi
lies between Huguang and Hokkien,71 almost to the south-east of Huguang.
We have provided [216v] two names for nearly every province, the first in the
courtly language72 and the second in the language that is specific to the prov-
ince of Fujian.

Regarding the Number of Cities and Towns

in the Kingdom of Tai Ming

The kingdom of Tai Ming has two kinds of cities in its fifteen provinces; the
first are called hu or fu73 and the second are called xian.74 The most impor-
tant ones are usually called fu; each one of these usually has its own governor,

ciation of Guangdong; Boxer mistakenly transcribes this as Saytang. (Saytang may be folk
etymology, lit. 西東 ‘west-east’, because Guangdong is east of Yunnan.)
64  MS: do estan poblados los portugueses; Boxer has “which is frequented by the Portuguese.”
65  MS: Fuquien.
66  MS: Hoquien; elsewhere Hocquien.
67  MS: Olam, elsewhere Holam, 河南; Boxer explains that the form appearing in the MS is
derived from its name in Hokkien, Olam or Oram.
68  MS: Oucun, elsewhere Ouçun, Oucum 湖廣; a province during the Yuan and Ming dynas-
ties. Boxer explains that the form appearing in the MS is derived from its name in the
Hokkien, Okńg (Hogung). There is potential confusion in the MS because Olam also refers
to Yunnan; see n. 59.
69  MS: Cansay, elsewhere Cunsay, Cuynsay, 江西.
70  MS: Esta Olam cerca de las provinçias de. . .; Boxer has “Olam is surrounded by the
provinces. . .”
71  Boxer corrects the transcription to Fuquien.
72  Mandarin.
73  Meaning ‘prefecture’; hu is Hokkien for the same term. Rada freely alternates between the
two.
74  MS: chuy, elsewhere chui and chues, meaning ‘county’.
568 TRANSLATION

except75 the capitals of the provinces, where the viceroys usually reside. But
the cities called xian are normally subject to the governor of some fu, though
some xian are not thusly subjected, but have their own governor; contrariwise,
some hus are subject to the governor of another fu. The towns are called zhen.76
In fine, there are in all of Tai Ming fifteen provinces and 390 cities, of which 155
are fu; and there are 1,155 towns. And the number of villages is infinite, for each
city and every town has a great number of villages subject to it, some more
than others.
And these cities and towns have the following distribution: In the province
of Beijing, there are twenty-seven cities, of which eight are fu, and there are 115
towns. In that77 of Shandong [217r] there are twenty-three cities, six of which
are fu and eighty-nine are towns. In that of Shanxi there are twenty-three cit-
ies, four of which are fu and twenty-nine towns. In that of Henan, twenty cities,
eight of which are fu and ninety-seven towns. In that of Shaanxi, twenty-eight
cities, eight of which are fu and ninety-four towns. In that of Sichuan, twenty-
eight cities, eight of which are fu and 105 towns. In that of Huguang, thirty-
one cities, fifteen of which are fu and ninety-five towns. In the province of
Zhejiang, twelve cities, eleven of which are fu and seventy-five towns. In that
of Jiangxi, fourteen cities, thirteen of which are fu and seventy-four towns. In
that of Fujian, nine cities, eight of which are fu and fifty-eight towns. In that
of Guangdong, seventeen cities, ten of which are fu and seventy-one towns. In
that of Guangxi, fifty-five cities, twelve of which are fu and fifty-eight towns. In
that of Yunnan, sixty cities, twenty-two of which are fu and thirty-four towns.
In that of Guizhou, thirteen cities, eight of which are fu and eight towns. There
are other cities and towns apart from these that are not included in the gov-
ernment or in the list of provinces; among these are seven cities fu of salt-
makers,78 and in the border regions, another eleven called comien,79 ____ called

75  MS: sacado, lit. ‘taken’, a Lusism.

76  MS: coa, 镇; FiF has coan.
77  MS: en las de . . ., meaning ‘in those of . . .’; Boxer corrects this to “In that of. . .”, which we
follow.
78  For a thorough discussion of salt production during the Ming, see Vogel, Marco Polo Was
in China, 278–280, 341, 344.
79  While we are not entirely sure of the meaning or use of this term, Rada is probably trans-
literating junmen or ‘viceroy’, which suggests that he understood that there were non-
provincial regions of China governed by viceroys; unfortunately, that suggestion does not
correspond to historical reality.
Tai Ming 569

xuanfusi,80, 81 and eleven called zhangguansi,82 and fifteen called anfusi,83 and
one cantosi,84 and 115 called tionco.85 And thus the sum of all the cities and
towns is 1,720, all of them surrounded by high stone walls. And in addition
to these there are many other walled towns that are garrisoned along all the
boundaries, both terrestrial and maritime, as we encountered [217v] on our
journey to Zhenhai,86 a very large walled town that reportedly has a garrison
of 10,000 men, and after that, Tionçoçou,87 mentioned above; these towns are
not included in the list above for same reason that the entire coast and the
frontier districts are studded with garrisoned armies. And these have not been
included in the list of cities and towns, though I could have easily listed the
names of every city and town, for they were all obtained, but in order to avoid
prolixity and because it seemed superfluous to do so, I shall not enter them
into this account.
One thing that should be noted is that each province has a capital or metrop-
olis, and though it has its own name, they also normally give it the name of the
province itself. For example, Fuzhou, which is the metropolis of the province
of Fujian, is also regularly called Fujian. And in the province of Guangdong, the
capital is Guangzhou,88 which is also called Guangdong. And thus the prov-
ince where the King resides, called Beijing, or Paquin, is the capital where the
Emperor resides continuously, is also called Shuntian, which means ‘Heavenly
City’; the same city is also called by the name of the province of Beijing. And
in most of their writings and printed books they call it Jinshi,89 or Quiansay,
which means ‘The Great Court’. [218r] And thus Marco Polo also called it Jinshi
although he interpreted this name to mean ‘Heavenly City’; but that is not

80  MS: onze que llaman comien que llaman samuysi; the MS is corrupt here. Boxer specula-
tively improves it by adding “and 4 called Samuysi;” see Boxer (Rada), 269.
81  MS: samuysi, 宣撫司, “pacification areas or administrative districts in regions during the
Ming that were inhabited by aboriginal tribes such as the Lolo or the Miao;” see Boxer
(Rada), 269.
82  MS: canbusi; 長官司, according to Boxer, similar to the xuanfusi, see Boxer (Rada), 269.
83  MS: anbusi; 安撫司, according to Boxer, another kind of xuanfusi, see Boxer (Rada), 269.
84  Unidentified reference.
85  Unidentified reference.
86  MS: Tinhayue, 镇海区; based on a comparison with Chapter 4 of Loarca, Relación del
viaje, Boxer (Rada), 269, argues that this is Chên-hai-wei [Zhenhai], “a wei or garrison
town on the promontory south of the entrance to Amoy Bay.”
87  Boxer explains that this is Chung-tso-tso, “the name of Amoy during the Ming dynasty.”
88  MS: Quinchiu, elsewhere Cuinchiu.
89  MS: Quinsay; elsewhere Quiansay; 京師.
570 TRANSLATION

what it means. Rather, such is the proper meaning of Shuntian.90 And it is the
largest city in all of China; according to their books,91 it takes two days to walk
across it.
The Emperor’s palaces there are so big that they reportedly occupy the
space of a city, where he has every kind of amusement. And it is said that he
never steps foot outside his palace, nor does anyone ever see him except for
his servants and a few very important people. And they consider him a demi-
god, telling fantasies about him, such as that no bird or animal ever deposits
manure on the royal palace,92 etc.
According to their books, from Fuzhou, where we stayed, to Beijing is a
journey of eighty days, 612 leagues. We also garner from their books that from
Guangzhou, which is the capital of Guangdong, to Shuntian, the capital of
Beijing, is 103 days’ journey, 783 leagues. I do not wish to record the distances
from the remaining cities and towns to Beijing because doing so seems super-
fluous to me, though I have collected all this information.

Concerning the Fighting-Men, Garrisons and Weaponry

In all the provinces of Tai Ming there is a very great number of fighting-men,
some of which are natives [218v] and from the same province, which are called
jun,93 and which make up the largest portion; they do not bear arms, nor do
they use them, nor do I think they even have any in their houses, because
although we entered many of their residences, we did not see any weapons.
These are people whose sole task is to man the wall and defend it when the
need arises. And each one has his assigned place where he must go. And where
we saw this extensively was in Fuzhou, where the wall has many casements
because it is covered with tile. And in each one was carved the name of the
squadron that was required to report at that casement; these squadrons com-
prise ten men each. And it is the responsibility of these men to repair any part
of the roof or the face or any other part of the wall assigned to them if it falls

90  MS: Hunhien; Boxer corrects the transcription here to Suntien; for the meaning of the
name of this city, see p. 563, n. 25, and Glossary.
91  It is clear from other passages of Rada’s account that these books are Chinese; we do not
agree with Boxer’s supposition that they were written by the Portuguese writers Galeote
Pereira and Gaspar da Cruz.
92  MS: ningún ave estorcula por ençima de la casa real ni animal e<t ceter>a; Boxer has “no
bird or animal drops dung on the roof or in the grounds of the royal household.”
93  MS: cun; 軍, fighting-men, troops from the same province; see Boxer (Rada), 271.
Tai Ming 571

down. At regular intervals there was a garrison station with a garret above it,
which is the sentry’s post during a siege. In each of these guardrooms is writ-
ten the name of the captain, whom they call çey94 or zhang,95 who must report
there together with his men. In the guardrooms of the wall of Fuzhou there
were between seventeen and twenty casements, spaced approximately 100
common paces apart. The same is true of the other cities and towns. Although
the wall was not faced with tiles, it had its openings in the battlements, each
with the names of those who had to present themselves there, called jun. This
responsibility and post is passed down from father to son, [219r] and because
of their title of soldiers, they pay no taxes.
The other kind of fighting-men are outsiders from other provinces who are
paid for their services. And among these must be included the guards of the
viceroys and governors and captains and justices, and all the servants of these
ministers of justice, sheriffs, bailiffs and executioners, etc., and even all the
sailors who man the royal fleets and ships. As all these are counted among
the number of fighting-men soldiers and garrisons, their number reaches an
incredible total, amounting to 4,178,500 foot and 780,000 horse, distributed
in the following manner: In the province of Beijing 1,141,100 foot and 229,000
horse; in Shandong 223,800 foot and 99,000 horse; in Sichuan 152,600 foot and
32,900 horse; in Henan 140,000 foot and 15,900 horse; in Shaanxi 130,000 foot
and 61,000 horse; in Sichuan 120,000 foot and 10,000 horse; in Huguang 310,000
foot and 72,600 horse; in Lamquiaa 840,000 foot and 70,000 horse; in Zhejiang
160,000 foot and 40,000 horse; in Jiangxi 110,000 foot and 30,000 horse; Fujian
200,000 foot; in Guangdong 157,000 foot; in Yunnan 170,000 foot and 80,000
horse; in Guangxi 100,000 foot and 12,000 horse; [219v] in Guizhou 160,000 foot
and 37,400 horse.
Of these outsiders, the guards of the captains and governors, and the guards
of the city gates, which are continuously guarded, are armed at all times. Their
weapons are harquebuses, pikes and halberds, and other kinds of hafted weap-
ons, some like scimitars and others in the manner of sickles designed to cut
legs, and still others with three prongs, as well as scimitars and bucklers. They
also use bows and arrows in battle, both ahorse and on foot. And these archers
are reviewed every month, and they are very skilled in the use of their weap-
ons. We witnessed [one of these reviews] in Fuzhou, two captains with 600 sol-
diers each, and it was impressive how skillful and quick they were in carrying

94  MS: çey, Boxer was inclined toward the interpretation that these terms were for militia
formations and not their commanders but, if we are correct in identifying zhang, this is
probably not the case; see Boxer (Rada), 271.
95  MS: çon; 長, lit. ‘senior’, captain of a group of soldiers.
572 TRANSLATION

out their responsibilities, although their charges were not executed with the
kind of order we use, but in crowds, all cramped very closely together.
All of their artillery, at least what we saw of it—and we did visit an armory
in Fuzhou—is worthless, consisting of small iron pieces. And they do not have
bastions or cavaliers96 from which to play their artillery; instead, all their force
is directed at their gates. They use gunpowder fire-bombs extensively, espe-
cially on their ships, and fill them with many iron caltrops97 that together with
the fire fill the [220r] deck of the ship so that nobody can walk on it. They also
use flaming arrows to set the sails on fire, as well as many bundles of large
javelins98 with iron barbs on long shafts. The iron tips99 used for boarding are
more than half a fathom100 long.

Regarding the People That Live in the Kingdom of Tai Ming

and Taxpayers and Taxes

Although it is impossible to report the precise number of people that live in

such vast and populous kingdoms—this information is not recorded in any
of their books, for there are countless people according to the register of tax-
payers and other things that are written—, some notion can be arrived at. An
idea of their magnitude is suggested by observing that the fighting-men alone
total nearly five million. But in regards to taxes, it should be noted that in the
provinces of Tai Ming the people are divided into households, and that some
of these are nobles and others are commoners.101 And the nobles can be recog-
nized by the square bonnets they wear, which resemble a clergyman’s biretta,

96  MS: cavalleros, lit. ‘knights.’ According to DA, II, 6–7 s.v. caballero, this is “a work that is
raised above the terreplein of the Square . . . [it is] called a Knight because just as a man
on horseback towers over those who are on foot, so this Knight dominates the entire high
Square.” The OED (s.v. cavalier) concurs: “a work generally raised within the body of the
place, ten or twelve feet higher than the rest of the works . . . to command all the adjacent
works and country round.”
97  MS: abrojos; iron balls “armed with four sharp prongs or spikes, placed like the angles
of a tetrahedron, so that when thrown on the ground it has always one spike projecting
upwards”; see OED s.v. caltrop.
98  MS: gran cantidad de hazes de gorguses grandes; Boxer has “large numbers of great
javelins.”
99  MS: los hierros; Boxer has “as also broad-swords.”
100  2.9 feet or .88 meters.
101  M S: pecheros, lit. ‘tax-payers’. The implication is that the pecheros pay taxes and their
numbers will therefore appear on the tax rolls, while the hidalgos, being exempt, will not
be counted.
Tai Ming 573

while the commoners wear a round one. And by what we saw wherever we
went, there are nearly as many nobles as there are commoners. And among the
families of commoners, some pay for six or eight or less taxpayers, even though
there are many more people in their household, as many people told us, one
of whom was a man named Jacsiu.102 He told us [220v] that in his household
there were seventy men, and that they only paid taxes for seven. And another
man told us that in his household there were close to sixty men, and that he
only paid taxes for four. Hence the record of taxpayers is much less than the
number of commoners. This caveat should be born in mind regarding the
numbers of households and taxpayers in each province,103 which is as follows:
In the province of Beijing, 418,789 households, 3,413,254 taxpayers. In the prov-
ince of Shandong, 770,555 households, 6,759,675 taxpayers. In Shanxi 589,959
households, 5,084,015 taxpayers. In Henan 589,296 households, 5,106,107 tax-
payers. In Shaanxi 363,207 households, 3,934,176 taxpayers. In Sichuan 164,119
households, 2,104,270 taxpayers. In Huguang 531,686 households, 4,325,590
taxpayers. In Lamquiaa 1,962,818 households, 9,967,439 taxpayers. In Zhejiang
1,242,135 households, 4,515,471 taxpayers. In Jiangxi 1,583,097 households,
7,925,185 taxpayers. In Fujian 509,200 households, 2,082,677 taxpayers. In
Guangdong 483,380 households, 1,978,022 taxpayers. In Guangxi 186,090
households, 1,054,767 taxpayers. In Yunnan 132,958 households, [221r] 1,433,110
taxpayers. In Guizhou 148,957 households, 513,289104 taxpayers. Thus the total
of the households in all the fifteen provinces totals 9,676,246, and taxpayers,
60,187,047. And this total does not include the cities of the salt-makers, nor
the others that we said were outside the jurisdiction and register of the fif-
teen provinces, because they and their subjects are not included in this reg-
ister, along with many others, because they bring no revenue to the Emperor
beyond supporting the western frontier garrisons; there is nothing about them
in the books except their names. And neither is there anything in the books
about the people who live in just the seven cities of salt-makers. The number of
subject villages is incredible;105 it is said that there are 1,177,525 villages, which,
even if they do not average more than 30 households apiece, would amount

102  Unidentified name; see Boxer (Rada), 274.

103  M S: De suerte que la quenta de los tributantes es muncho menor aunque el numero de los
pecheros. Esto asi advertido en la quenta de las familias y tributantes de cada provincia;
Boxer has “In sort that the register of the tributers is much less [than it ought to be]
although the number of tributers is thus recorded in the register of the families and trib-
uters of each province.”
104  Boxer mistakenly transcribes this number as 5,132,891.
105  M S: E no esta tampoca gente que en solas las siete ciudades de salineros ponen en los libros.
El numero de las aldeas subjetas yncreyble; while this passage seems clear enough, Boxer
sees fit to amend it as follows: “But these contain not a few people, for in the seven cities
574 TRANSLATION

to more than 35,000,000 people, from which it can be judged what an infinite
number of people there are in this realm. And in fact the country we travelled
through was a veritable ant-hill of people, and I do not believe there is a more
populous land in all the world. The taxes which are collected each year by the
king, when converted to our weights and measures, are as [221v] follows: sil-
ver 2,863,211 ducats; hulled rice 60,171,832 fanegas; barley 29,391,982 fanegas;
another kind of grain [sic] 139,535 quintals; salt 5,990,262 fanegas; silken pieces
of 14 varas 205,598; pieces of cotton cloth 130,870; raw silk 47,676 pounds; clean
cotton 12,856 arrobas; pieces of linen 3,077; petates106 2,590. They say that all
this belongs to the Emperor, which does not include everything that is given
to the judges, viceroys, governors, justices, captains and soldiers, which is not
included in this report. We only included in the amount of rice eight million
fanegas, which is what is given to the Emperor’s bodyguard and for the city of
Beijing.

Concerning the Antiquity of the Kingdom of Tai Ming

and Details107

Their histories, which also come into my possession and which discuss the
origin of the population of their country, include a slew of fantasies, for they
claim the heavens and the earth and the water were all joined together ab
eterno, and that one called Taiji108 separated the earth from the heavens, and
soon a man was born named Pangu,109 who never married or had children.
And after him was born Tianhuang, with his thirteen [222r] brothers. And their
descendants possessed the land for more than 18,000 years. After them came
Dihuang with his eleven brothers. And his descendants lived nearly the same
number of years. And afterwards Renhuang with nine brothers, and they lived
many years as well.110 Thus between the time of the separation of the heavens
and the earth and the appearance of the race of men who now live, more than

of the salt-makers alone, an incredible number of villages are registered in the books as
pertaining to them.”
106  While Boxer speculates that petate could refer to fodder for cattle, it is better understood
as mats used for sails.
107  M S: menudençias, lit. ‘trifles’; Boxer has “changes.”
108  M S: Taehu; the ‘Great One’, ‘Great Unity’; see DCM, I, 478–480.
109  M S: Pancou, 盘古, lit. ‘plate ancient’, the first living human being.
110  These are the Three Sovereigns: Tianhuang, the Heavenly Sovereign; Dihuang, the Earthly
Sovereign; and Renhuang, the Human Sovereign. These are respectively represented in
the MS as Tonho, Teyoncon and Sinhon.
Tai Ming 575

90,000 years have passed. And they esteem all of these as saints. After this there
fell from heaven to the province of Shandong a man called Fu Xi Sanhuang111
and a woman,112 who were nursed by heaven. And from these two descend all
the people in the world.
After him came Sinon, and then Youchao,113 who, seeing that the people
lived like savages, organized them into communities and taught them how
to build houses in the trees. Afterwards came a woman called Tayhou, whose
son was Hoquiu Yntey.114 And his son was Da Yu,115 who was the first Chinese
Emperor, and he ruled for 100 years.
To this point all is fantasy. Everything from here on I understand to be true
history. And to avoid prolixity I shall not list the names of the emperors, nor
the times of their reigns, but shall rather summarize the changes that have
occurred.
His116 kingdom, and those of his descendants, continued for 2,257 years and
117 emperors.117 After these there arose one named Qin Shi Huang, who built
the barrier or wall that we discussed earlier, which is 600 leagues long. And he
engaged the [222v] entire kingdom in its construction,118 ordering one man
of every three, or two of every five, to report from all over. And because they
went to such different climes from such faraway lands, countless people died
during the construction; consequently they rose up against him, killing him
and one of his sons after a reign of 40 years.119 And then followed the reign of

111  M S: Ochisalan, 伏羲; according to Chinese mythology, the first man who fell from heaven.
112  Nuwa, 女娲, the creator goddess known for creating mankind and reparing the wall of
heaven.
113  M S: Usau, 有窩; the mythical inventor of houses and buildings.
114  According to Chinese mythology, the father of Da Yu was Gun, 鲧, a demi-god who was
credited with transmitting the secret of controlling floods from the gods to mankind.
115  M S: Vitey, 大禹, c. 2200–2100 bc, legendary initiator of dynastic rule and founder of the
Xia Dynasty (c. 2070–1600 bc), the first dynasty in China to be described in Chinese his-
torical chronicles.
116  I.e., Da Yu’s.
117  The number of years reported here by Rada is approximately equivalent to the actual
2,380 years that intervene between the establishment of the Xia dynasty in 2070 bc and
the beginning of the Qin Dynasty in 221 bc, which period also includes the Shang and
Zhou dynasties.
118  M S: En la hazer la terçio toda la gente de todo el Reyno; Boxer, incorrectly reading terçiar as
‘dividing into thirds’, renders it “And in order to make it, he mustered the entire nation in
groups of three.”
119  Qin Shi Huang reigned as King of Qin from 246 bc to 221 bc and then as Emperor of the
Qin Dynasty from 220 bc to 210 bc, for a total of 35 years.
576 TRANSLATION

Han Gaozu;120 and there were twenty-five kings in his lineage, which lasted 410
years.121 Against the last of these, Xiandi,122 rose up one of his nephews, called
Liu Bei,123 with the help of two very valiant men, one of reddish complexion
named Guan Yu,124 considered a saint by the Chinese, and the other a dark-
skinned man called Zhang Fei.125 He began to reign, though the kingdom was
divided into three parts, and this division lasted forty-one years.126 At the con-
clusion of this period, Jin Wu Di127 rose up against the son of Liu Bei, named
Gongsi,128 and took over the entire kingdom. And there were fifteen emperors
in his line who reigned for 176 years.129 Against the last one, who was Gong Di,130
rose up Shao,131 and there were eight kings in his line who reigned for sixty-two
years.132 The last of these was Shun Ti,133 from whom the kingdom was taken

120  M S: Hancosau, 高祖 (247–195 bc), founder of the Han Dynasty (206 bc–220 ad).
121  The Han Dynasty existed from 206 bc to 220 ad for a total of 426 years.
122  M S: Yantey, 獻帝 (181–234 ad), twelfth and last emperor of the Eastern Han Dynasty.
123  M S: Laupi, 劉備 (161–223 ad), courtesy name Xuande, 玄德, a warlord in the late Eastern
Han dynasty who founded the state of Shu Han (r. 221–223 ad) in the Three Kingdoms
period.
124  M S: Quanhu, elsewhere Quanya, Quamya, Hokkien for 關羽, one of Liu Bei’s generals who
helped him establish the late Eastern Han Dynasty. His biography was fictionalized in the
Romance of the Three Kingdoms in which he epitomizes the virtues of justice and loyalty.
125  M S: Tihunhuy; another of Liu Bei’s generals in the Late Eastern Han Dynasty and early
Three Kingdoms period. Both Zhang and Guan Yu were intimates of Liu Bei and were
essential in the establishment of the Shu Han state.
126  Liu Bei declared himself Emperor of Shu Han in 221, which he considered to be a continu-
ation of the Han Dynasty.
127  M S: Chinbutey, 晋武帝 (236–290 ad), first emperor (r. 266–290 ad) and founder of the Jin
Dynasty (265–420 ad).
128  M S: Huctey, courtesy name of Liu Shan, 刘禅 (207–271 ad), son of Liu Bei, and the second
and last emperor (r. 223–263 ad) of the state of Shu Han.
129  This is the Jin Dynasty, the seventh official Chinese dynasty (265–420 ad), which actually
lasted for 155 years and had fifteen emperors.
130  M S: Quiontey, 晋恭帝 (386–421 ad), the last Jin Emperor (r. 419–420 ad).
131  M S: Tzou, 宋少帝 (406–424 ad), son of Emperor Wu, the actual founder of the Liu Song
Dynasty, who was the one who forced Gong Di from the throne in 420 ad, thus bringing
an end to the Jin Dynasty.
132  The Liu Song Dynasty (420–479 ad) was not one of the official Chinese Dynasties; it is
considered to be part of the chaotic era from 220 to 589 ad known as the Southern and
Northern Dynasties period, during which China was fragmented and subject to civil war
and foreign invasion, though at this same time there was also a flourishing of arts and
culture and the spreading of Buddhism.
133  M S: Suntey, 宋順帝 (467–479 ad), last of the Liu Song emperors (r. 477–479 ad).
Tai Ming 577

by Gao Di,134 and there were five kings in his line, who reigned for twenty-
four years. And the last of these, He Ti,135 was killed by Yan,136 and there were
four kings in his line who reigned for [223r] fifty-six years.137 Then there arose
Chen,138 and there were five kings in his line over a period of thirty-two years.139
In time Tang Gaozu140 seized the kingdom, and there were twenty-one kings
in his line who ruled for 294 years. Then Liang141 rose up and between him
and his son they possessed the land for eighteen years. After this, Zhuangzong142
rose up and with three of his descendants ruled for fifteen years. After these
Hou Jin143 and his son144 reigned for nine years, and then Gaozu145 and his
son146 for four years, followed by Taizu,147 his son148 and his grandson149 for
ten years. And then Taizu150 rose up and there were seventeen kings in his line

134  M S: Cotey, 高帝 (427–482 ad, r. 479–482 ad), founding emperor of the Southern Qi
Dynasty (479–502 ad).
135  M S: Hoctey, 齊和帝 (488–502 ad), last of the Southern Qi emperors (r. 501–502 ad).
136  M S: Dian, 蕭衍 (464–549 ad); Xiao Yan was the personal name of Emperor Wu, founding
emperor of the Liang Dynasty (502–557 ad).
137  There were actually six emperors in the Southern Liang Dynasty, which lasted 55 years.
138  M S: Tin; this is actually the name of the Southern Chen Dynasty (557–589 ad), founded
by Emperor Wu of Chen, 陳武帝 (503–559 ad, r. 557–559 ad).
139  At this point in the narrative, FiF and Boxer (Rada) have the following sentence:
“Afterwards there arose Zuy and the kingdom belonged to him, his son and grandson, for
thirty-seven years.” This Zuy refers to the Sui Dynasty (581–618 ad).
140  M S: Tancotzou, 高祖 (566–635 ad), founding emperor of the Tang Dynasty (618–907 ad).
141  M S: Dian; this is actually the name of the Later Liang Dynasty (907–923 ad), founded by
Emperor Taizu, 後梁太祖 (852–912 ad, r. 907–912 ad).
142  M S: Outon, 後唐莊宗, personal name Li Cunxu, 李存勗, (885–926 ad), founding
emperor (r. 923–926 ad) of the Later Tang Dynasty (923–937 ad).
143  M S: Houtzin, lit. ‘Later Jin’; once again Rada gives the name of the dynasty instead of its
founding emperor, who in this case was Gaozu 高祖 (r. 936–942 ad).
144  Emperor Chudi, 出帝, adopted son of Gaozu (r. 942–947 ad).
145  M S: Cotzo, 高祖, (r. 947–948 ad), founding emperor of the Later Han Dynasty (947–951
ad).
146  Emperor Yin, 隱皇帝 (r. 948–951 ad) of the Later Han Dynasty.
147  M S: Auchiu, 太祖 (904–954 ad); Taizu was the temple name of Emperor Guo Wei 郭威
(r. 951–954 ad), founding emperor of the Later Zhou Dynasty (951–960 ad).
148  Emperor Shizong 世宗 (r. 954–951 ad), whose personal name was Chai Rong 柴榮.
149  Emperor Gongdi 恭帝 (r. 959–960 ad), whose personal name was Xiande 顯德.
150  M S: Taytzon, 太祖 (927–976 ad); this is the temple name of Zhao Kuangyin 趙匡胤,
founder of the Song Dynasty (960–1279 ad).
578 TRANSLATION

who reigned for 320 years. Shizu,151 King of the Tatars, fought against the last
of these, named Ti Bing,152 killing him and taking over the whole of China,153
which was possessed by nine Tatar kings for ninety-three years. And at the end
of this line there arose Hongwu154 from the royal line and forced the Tatars out
of the land. According to this reckoning, there elapsed 1,641 years between the
beginning of the construction of the wall and the expulsion of the Tatars. We
were unable to determine exactly how long the present line has been reigning
because we could not get possession of their history, but it is said that he who
currently reigns, called Wan Li,155 is the twelfth Emperor of his line. He has
been reigning for three years, being approximately [223v] thirteen years old.
They say that the Tatars were driven out approximately 200 years ago; if we add
to that the 1,557 years of the reigns of the kings before the construction of the
wall, it is astonishing that this realm has remained so inviolate and untouched
by foreigners, with the exception of the brief period when the Tatars had pos-
session of it, such that if this history is authentic, they began to have kings not
many years after the flood and have remained unadulterated by foreigners.

Regarding the Mores of the People and Their Customs and Apparel

All of the people of Tai Ming are without exception white and well-
proportioned. The men are very beautiful as children but become ugly as they
mature. They have light beards and small eyes. They grow their hair long and
take pride in a fine head of hair, which they coil and knot on the crowns of
their heads; then, donning a hair-net with a cleft in the center to hold and set
their hair, they place atop it a bonnet made from horse-hair. This is the norm,
though the bonnets of their captains are made from another thread of the fin-
est quality, under which they wear a small gilt hairnet. They spend much time
[224r] every morning combing and arranging their hair.

151  M S: Tziptzou; the temple name (元世祖) of Kublai Khan (Ch. 忽必烈), (1215–1294 ad),
grandson of Genghis Khan, the fifth Great Khan of the Mongol Empire (r. 1260–1294 ad)
and founding emperor of the Yuan Dynasty (r. 1271–1294) in China. Kublai became the
first non-Chinese Emperor to conquer all of China.
152  M S: Teypin, Emperor Bing, 宋帝昺 (1271–1279 ad), last emperor (r. 1278–1279 ad) of the
Song Dynasty.
153  M S: Contra el ultimo llamado Teypin peleo Tziptzou rrey dellos tartaross e lo mato; Boxer has
“The last, called Teypin, fought against Tziptzou, King of the Tartars, who killed him . . .”
154  M S: Hombu; see p. 560, n. 7.
155  M S: Bandic, 萬曆 (1563–1620 ad), thirteenth emperor of the Ming Dynasty (r. 1572–1620
ad).
Tai Ming 579

The women wear no headdresses of any kind beyond a garland, or silver or

gold gems set in the coils of their hair. And these people strictly seclude their
women; we were amazed to see not a single woman in the cities and large
towns unless they were very old. Only in the villages, where life seems to be
much simpler, did women move about freely, even working in the fields. And
from infancy the custom is to twist and bind their feet in such a way as to
deform them, curling all their toes under their big toe.156
The men normally grow their fingernails very long, which is something
they rather prize; we saw many whose fingernails were as long as their fingers.
The common clothing for men is made from cotton dyed blue or black, unless
they are in mourning, in which case both their clothing and their bonnet is
made of another kind of course fabric, and the closer the relationship with the
deceased, the coarser the fabric of their clothing. Their usual attire is a long
tunic reaching to the stockings, long close-fitting pants and straw sandals. And
instead of a shirt, some of them wear a [224v] thick mesh garment under their
tunics, the openings big enough to stick a finger through. And the captains
who accompanied us removed their tunics because of the heat, wearing only
this mesh shirt and pants. The pages of the captains usually wear their hair
coiled on top and tied with a thread and skewered with a bodkin. They wear
knee-stockings and straw or woven shoes that closely resemble silk mesh.
The important people, together with the captains and governors, wear long
silken gowns, usually of damask, that reach to the ground, with very ample
and wide sleeves and wide and large black boots, with the toe turned up. And
in order to don them they first bind their feet and legs with a large linen fillet.
And their boots and bonnets are made differently to distinguish who has the
office of justice or captains and so forth.157 It is their custom to wear a big lion
embroidered on the breast and back of their silk clothing. The bonnets worn
by the commoners are round, while those worn by the nobles are square like a
churchman’s biretta. And all of these are made from horse-hair, unless they are
in mourning, as we explained above. When at home, the viceroys, governors,
captains and ministers of justice wear a bonnet like a small bishop’s miter, with
golden welts and [225r] embroidery. But in public or when they sit on their

156  This reference is to the Chinese custom from the 10th or 11th centuries until the early 20th
century of applying painfully tight binding to the feet of young girls to prevent further
growth as a means of displaying status; women from wealthy families who did not need
them to work could afford to have their feet bound. The practice, known as “lotus feet,”
was correspondingly adopted as a symbol of beauty.
157  M S: Y estas botas y el bonete que es de diferentes la insignia de que tienen cargo de justicia o
es captian y mas. The Spanish is garbled; we follow the tenor of Boxer’s solution.
580 TRANSLATION

thrones they wear bonnets, the back half of which is raised almost a geme158
or more, and which have, so to speak, two wings, or large flaps that extend
straight out on both sides. And this bonnet is worn by all the ministers of jus-
tice and the captains and the viceroys. But if one of their captains or justices
meets with one of his superiors, he does not wear this bonnet, but rather car-
ries a state-umbrella.159 The Emperor’s bonnet, according to what I have seen
depicted in many places, is identical to that worn by the justices, except it is
square, and the two flaps we have mentioned are not so big, nor are they on
the sides, but rather on the back, sticking straight up like horns. The bonnets of
the scribes or secretaries also have flaps, but they are of a very different design
from these others. The bonnets of the auditors and the Emperor’s counselors
differ from the rest in the placement and the shape of the flaps. The bonnets
of students like look highly gilded and polished letter carriers or small chests.
Those worn by their friars are after the fashion of a miter, different from those
we have already mentioned belonging to the captains, and something akin to
rosettes are made in the folds of the front part. In short, their bonnets reveal
the identity and station of each person.
As a people they are friendly,160 humble and helpful, with the exception of
the mandarins, who insist on being worshipped. They are industrious and are
prompt in carrying out their responsibilities; 161 it is alarming to so how quickly
their finish their tasks, and in this they are most skillful. You will find entire
streets [225v] devoted to each trade. Except for the mandarins and the garri-
soned soldiers, they all have their trades, and although they have their mules,
their little donkeys and their pack-horses, men also commonly carry burdens162
like the natives of New Spain. But one Chinese man can carry as big a load as
three Indians from New Spain. And with that load he will walk almost as far as
a horse, and it is easier to find men to carry loads than it is animals. Many times
they argued and exchanged blows over who would carry our burden. Whenever
we would draw near the place where the next day’s journey would begin, as
soon as we were spotted from the town or from the fields, many people would
run over to us to compete for taking some of the loads. And they would take
them from those who were carrying them, many times as far as half a league

158  Approximately 2.5 inches or 6.4 centimeters.

159  M S: sombrero, normally meaning ‘hat’, but see Boxer (Rada), 284, n. 2; Y&B, 851 s.v. som-
brero; and Dalgado, II, 314–316 s.v. sombreiro.
160  M S: gente llana; Boxer has “plain.”
161  M S: liberalisimos en sus ofiçios; Boxer has “very active in their trades.”
162  M S: vsan tanbien los hombres cargarse: Boxer has “they also employ men to carrry
burdens.”
Tai Ming 581

from the town, to secure possession of the load for the following day, soley for
the gain and profit of it. And sometimes they would come to blows over who
would carry the load. Their method for carrying loads is to place them in two
bundles or wicker baskets hanging from a pole carried over their shoulders.
And if it is a heavy load or box, they will carry it between two men on a pole.
And they usually carry their loads seven leagues a day. And once they deliver
their load they return to their town; I assume that they go there to sleep.
The way the important people move about, even if inside the city to visit
a friend, is in a sort of great chair with a canopy that is carried on the shoul-
ders of men; everyone else goes by horse or by foot. And when the sun is at its
fiercest, everyone, no matter how poor or low in station, carries a parasol and
a fly-whisk. And if a commoner [226r] wishes to be carried in a chair because
of illness or fatigue, he must go in a low cane chair, because only the captains
and the justices can ride in the big canopied ones. And the more dignified the
person, the richer the chair they ride in. And all the chairs of important people
are decorated with wide and carefully worked ivory bands on gilded planks
that are quite lovely and really stand out. And in every community house is a
great number of all kinds of chairs for carrying visitors, according to their sta-
tion in life.
As a people, they give many compliments and perform many courtesies.
And they do not doff their cap or hat to anyone; rather, upon encountering
each other, instead of doffing their bonnet, they put their hands in their sleeves
and, clasping their hands together, raise them chest-high. And when they want
to be even more courteous, instead of making the kind of curtsy we do, they
make a deep bow with their hands, which are set in their sleeves as I have said,
reaching almost to the ground with their head lower than their knees; and as
they straighten up, they touch their hands to their breast. And they are not
satisfied with one of these bows, but rather execute three or four or more. And
if four or five people meet together, each performs his bows to the others. And
even while discussing business they will from time to time place their hands in
their sleeves and raise them to their chest. And they have dozens of other kinds
of ceremonies for every occasion, not only for taking their seats, but also for
receiving and going out to meet someone. [226v] When speaking with or greet-
ing a superior, they bend both knees, and with their hands clasped together
inside their sleeves and raised to their breast, they bow their head while touch-
ing their forehead to the ground, repeating this at least three times.163 And

163  M S: Y otros veynte generos de serimonias asi en asientos como en rrecevir o salir a acom-
pañar. Quando hablan o ban a saludar o a otro mayor que no el hincanse entrambas las
roodillas . . .; Boxer has “They have scores of other kinds of ceremonies. Both in dealing
582 TRANSLATION

while speaking, they never get up, but remain on their knees while listening
and answering. The commoners did this even to us several times, speaking to
us while kneeling and bowing their heads to the ground. And some of them
who had been in Manila laughed at the Spaniards who took just one knee in
church, saying that if they were to kneel on just one knee before one of their
mandarins they would be soundly whipped. And that is why those who are
obliged to deal often with an official tend to take kneepads with them.164 It is
also their custom when one pays a visit to bring his credentials in which165 he
states that he has come to kiss his hands, which he hands to him after making
his bows. And when one person pays a visit to another, after making their bows
and taking their seats, a house servant brings in a tray of as many cups of hot
water as there are people seated. And this water is steeped with certain slightly
bitter herbs, and in the water there is placed a dollop of fruit jam. And each
person is given a bowl and a tiny spoon,166 and they eat the jam and sip167 the
hot water. And although at first this hot water did not taste [227r] good, we got
used to it and it began to taste good; for nobody pays a visit without this being
the first thing they do.

Regarding Their Manner of Eating, and Their Banquets

The main food of all Chinese people is rice. And although they have wheat and
barley168 and bake bread from these grains, they only eat it as if it were fruit.
And their staple bread is cooked rice, from which they actually make wine,
and it is even good enough to compete with a tolerable grape wine, perhaps
surpassing it. They eat while sitting at tables, but they do not use tablecloths
or napkins because they do not touch any of their food with their fingers;
instead they eat it with long narrow sticks. And they are so expert with these
that they can pick anything up with them, no matter how small, and carry it to
their mouth, even if it is round, like plums and other fruits. They eat the main

with as in receiving or in going out to accompany any superior, they kneel down on both
knees . . .”
164  M S: E por esta causa a los que an de tratar munchas vezes con algun mandador vsan traer
vnas rrodilleras colchadas. The underlined a is otiose.
165  M S: Usan tanbien quando alguno viene a visitar o a traer una cedula en la qual. . . . The
underlined o is otiose.
166  M S: Y dan a cada vno su escudilla con una cucharita muy pequeña; this phrase is omitted
by Boxer.
167  M S: sobre, for sorbe.
168  M S: e sevada; Boxer omits this phrase.
Tai Ming 583

dish169 first without bread, and afterwards instead of bread they eat three or
four bowls of cooked rice, which they also eat with their sticks, though they
tend to gobble it down.170 In their banquets, a table is placed for each person,
and for solemn banquets, several tables are laid for each one. And to expand
on this, allow me to describe the banquets that were held in our honor, and the
manner in which they were served. In a great hall, at the far end, they placed
seven tables in a row for each one of the religious, and on the sides of the hall,
five tables for each of the Spaniards who was present, and for each of the cap-
tains171 who [227v] accompanied us, three tables. And next to the doors of the
hall, opposite the religious, sat the captains who had invited us, each one with
a single table. In another hall, separate from ours, three tables were laden with
the servings that had been prepared for each of us.172 All of these tables were
chock-full with plates of food, except that the first table contained only cooked
food, while the rest had uncooked food for ostentation and show. There were
whole geese and ducks, capons and hens, gammons of bacon and other salted
pork cuts,173 pieces of veal and beef, many kinds of fish, an abundance of all
kinds of fruit, pitchers, small elegant174 bowls, and other sweet delicacies and
other things. As we rose from the tables, everything that was set out on them
was placed in hampers and taken to our lodgings; in other words, the food that
was set out for show was destined for the guests.
Outside the door of the house where the banquet was to be held the entire
bodyguard of our host was arrayed with their weapons and their drums and
musical instruments, which they began playing as soon as we arrived. And the
captains who were going to the banquet came out to receive us more than
halfway into the courtyard, and without making any curtseys or bows, they
escorted us to a reception hall that was before the dining-hall where we made
our bows one by one, according to their custom. And after many ceremonies
we each [228r] took our seats. They then served us the hot water described
above. And after we drank it, we chatted for a while and then went to the
dining-hall, where after many rituals and courtesies, which to avoid prolixity

169  M S: Comen al prinçipio la vianda sin pan; Boxer has “At the beginning of a meal they eat
meat without bread.”
170  M S: aunque algo puercamente; Boxer has “even though somewhat hoggishly.”
171  I.e., the Chinese captains.
172  M S: En otra sala por si tenian puestas a cada vno de nuestros serviçios tres mesas; uncertain
reading. Boxer has “In our room they had arranged on one side three tables bearing the
covers for each one of us.”
173  M S: y otras postas de puerco frescal pedaços de ternera e baca; Boxer has “and other chops
of pork, fresh pieces of veal and beef.”
174  M S: elefantes; Boxer corrects this to “elegant,” which we follow.
584 TRANSLATION

I shall not relate, each one of us was escorted to the table where he was to be
seated, on which the captains placed the first serving and a little cup of wine.
And when all had taken their seats, the music began to play, with small drums
and timbrels, and rebecs and lutes with big bows,175 and they played for as long
as the banquet lasted. Others acted out a play in the middle of the hall. The
plays we saw were sophisticated performances, all of them representing stories
and wars, the plots of which had been explained to us beforehand, and while
we did not understand the words, we could easily follow what was happening.
And in Fuzhou, in addition to the plays there was an acrobat who performed
beautiful feats, both on the ground and on a pole. And although the table was
full of food, they never stopped serving soups and stews as long as the banquet
lasted. And they make abundant toasts, though not with goblets, but with what
resembled little saucers, which they use to drink. They are a temperate people,
from what we saw. They do not drink wine continually, but only water, and
when they drink wine, they drink it very hot, sipping it like broth, though they
served it to us chilled, knowing that we do not drink it hot. And they consider
it ungenerous for the host176 to rise first from the table; instead, as long as the
guests wish to stay,177 they never cease serving more and more dishes178 [228v]
until they want to get up. And even after we arose from our tables, they had
us sit down again, begging us to wait for two more servings, doing this two or
three times.
Their performances consist of singing; they also frequently put on puppet
shows, the dolls making actions and the men behind them saying what is to
be said. In their meals they are not great meat eaters; instead their usual fare,
where we were, is fish and eggs and vegetables and broths and fruit. The food
we saw that was similar to our own, besides many different kinds of fish and
wheat, is barley and rice, beans, millet and maize. There were cattle and buf-
faloes, and reportedly there are sheep in the interior, as well as pigs, goats and
hens like ours, and others that have dark flesh and are more flavorful. There are
also capons179 and francolins.180 We saw no game because in the places we saw
there was no open country for them, but they say there is some in the interior.
We saw birds of prey as well as great numbers of geese and royal ducks, and
doves and turtle-doves. As for fruits, there are white and black grapes in vine

175  M S: rraveles y viguelas de arco grandes: Boxer has “rebecks, and lutes with a big arch.”
176  M S: el que no convida; Boxer corrects this to “the host,” which we follow.
177  M S: mientras quieren estar los conbidados; Boxer has “as long as the guests are there.”
178  M S: manjares; Boxer has “dainties.”
179  A castrated rooster; see OED, s.v. capon.
180  M S: francolines, probably the Chinese or Burmese francolin (Francolinus pintadeanus).
Tai Ming 585

arbors, though we saw no wine made from them, and I do not think they know
how to make it. There are also oranges and lemons of all kinds, and big cit-
rons, pears and apples, wild pears and plums, apricots,181 mulberries, walnuts,182
jujubes,183 gourds, cucumbers, melons, cabbages, turnips, radishes,184 garlic
and onions, and many other fruits and vegetables that are unique to this land.
And they have much sugar and [229r] prepare many and very fine jams. And
even in the squares and on the streets they have dwarf trees that they grow
in pots and tubs which with some mysterious cunning of theirs bear fruit,
even though they are so small, for we saw some laden with fruit. There are also
trees from whose fruit they extract a kind of fat from which they make candles
throughout the land that are used for light; anyone would think it was ani-
mal fat. There are coconut palms in the southern provinces, but not in Fujian,
nor from there northwards. There are horses, though they are small, and little
asses, mules and donkeys, of which we saw many good ones.

Regarding the Buildings, Mines and Other Things in the Land

Their185 way of building is a single level with no upper stories, although in

some places—not many mind you—we saw some houses with second stories,
and above the city gates there are usually galleries and large halls. There are
also some very high square towers with idols on them, each of the four sides
full of galleries of windows where they place their idols. And we saw two of
these in Quanzhou, and another two in Fuzhou, and three more on the top of
some mountains, one of which sits on a high hill called Wuyucun186 at the very
entrance of the port; it can be seen from a good distance at sea, and can serve
as a landmark for the port.
The houses of the important men are very big, though lacking upper sto-
ries, and they occupy a good deal of space because they have courtyards and
more courtyards, [229v] and great halls and many chambers and gardens. And
these halls are usually raised up off the ground as high as three or four steps

181  M S: priscos; Boxer omits this word from the list.

182  M S: nueces; Boxer has “nuts.”
183  M S: azufeifa; OED: “An edible berry-like drupe, the fruit of various species of Zizyphus
(family Rhamnaceæ).”
184  M S: coles y nabos rrabanos; Boxer has “cabbages, cole-worts, turnips, radishes. . . .”
185  M S: Una manera; The stylized initial appears to have been mistaken for U by a copyist,
who then added an a. Boxer corrects this to “Their,” which we follow.
186  M S: Gousu; this hill is on Wuyu Island, located at 24°19′54″N, 118°08′54″E.
586 TRANSLATION

made of large and beautiful flagstones. And the foundations are usually made
of dressed stones and are built up from the ground under each room to the
height of one vara. And next pine pillars or posts are erected on stone bases,
and on top of them their keystones, which are finely wrought. And the ceiling
is faced with tiles and the floor is paved with bricks set tightly together without
lime; other times the floor is paved with flagstones. Between the posts they
construct thin walls of woven wattle reinforced with heavy wooden beams; the
wattle is daubed on both sides and then plastered over. The walls of the court-
yards and gardens are made of mud bricks, plastered on the outside. We saw a
house in Tangoa that was well-worth seeing, with a very large pool completely
paved with flagstones, with its arbors and pathways above the water, and very
beautiful tables made from single slabs of stone. The above-mentioned royal
community houses, which are found in every town, are constructed in exactly
the same way, some being bigger than others. The houses of the common-
ers are like the little houses belonging to the Moriscos.187 Each one occupies188
about fourteen feet of street, and they usually have two large halls with a small
courtyard between them. And the first hall, which opens onto the street, is
divided into two parts, the front part functioning as a shop.
The main streets are very wide, and all of them have a good number of trium-
phal arches, some made of well-wrought stone and others of timber, because
every [230r] important man prides himself on leaving an arch as a memorial,
in the name of the man who built it, and the year, and other celebrated deeds,
if he performed any. And these main streets serve as market squares; in them
are found every kind of meat and fish, fruits and vegetables, book shops, paper,
knives and scissors, bonnets, shoes, straw sandals, etc. These streets are so wide
that there is room for plenty of street space in the center. There are shops from
one end to the other, with room to pass between the shops and the houses. The
other streets are wretched alleyways.
The manner of building walls has been described above; they are all made of
dressed stone, though they are daubed with mud without lime, and their joints
are plastered over on the outside. Their lime is made from the shells of large
oysters and mussels. The royal highways are paved with flagstones, and there
are many well-wrought stone bridges. The tombs of the important people are
usually outside the towns and cities and are made of stone; and in front of the
tombs, on the street, is a very large stone on top of a tortoise or some other

187  Muslims on the Iberian Peninsula who were forced to convert to Christianity in the early
16th century.
188  M S: Ocupada vna como catorze pies de calle. Boxer’s reading assumes a correction to
Ocupa cada vna. . . , which we follow.
Tai Ming 587

animal, sculpted from just one stone slab, on which are inscribed the achieve-
ments of the man who is buried there.
Most of their farming is by irrigation, according to what we witnessed, and
relies heavly on bodies of water and rivers. And with a special kind of wooden
bucket189 they easily irrigate all of their crops. And they even have irrigated
crops on the hilltops. And I think they let their fields lie fallow very seldom, for
when we went to Fuzhou, we found all of the land tilled in this way, and the
rice had not yet been transplanted, while some had just been, [230v] and some
was more advanced, some was ripe, and some was being harvested. On our
return, we found the land in the same condition, for the fields that had been
harvested were being re-planted, and other fields were being harvested. They
work the soil with plows and hoes. They have mills for both cleaning rice from
straw and for grinding meal; they also have hand mills, though we did see a few
water mills.
All over the country there is an abundance of silk and cotton and sugar and
musk, not to mention many drugs. There are mines for all kinds of metals—
iron, steel, copper, tin, brass—in great abundance and very cheap, plus lead
and tin. They say there are mercury mines in the province of Nanjing.190 The
mines of silver and gold that are recorded in their books are as follows. In the
province of Beijing, within the city limits of Poam, there are silver mines.191 In

189  These buckets were attached to water wheels.

190  Known also as quicksilver, mercury was found and mined primarily in deposits of cin-
nabar (mercuric sulfide). According to Golas, numerous provinces (Guizhou, Hunan,
Guangxi, Guangdong, Sichuan and Zhejiang), as well as the prefecture of Beijing,
exploited their deposits of cinnabar and mined for mercury. However, neither cinnabar
deposits nor mercury mines are recorded at this time in the city or prefecture of Nanjing
and Jiangsu, the province in which Nanjing was located. See Golas, Mining, 139–150, espe-
cially his map of pre-20th century cinnabar and mercury mining sites on pp. 140–142.
191  As we have already seen, Rada mistakenly reports that the city and the prefecture of
Beijing is a province during the Ming period. The name of the province which included
Beijing at this time was Beizhili, which Rada does not include in his account. According
to Golas, he is correct about silver being mined in Beijing or its surroundings at this time.
However, since the evidence that Golas is using does not distinguish between mining
activity in the Yuan and the Ming, we cannot be entirely sure whether these silver mining
sites in Beijing were still operational or not in the late Ming. As to the probable identity
for the name of the city limits mentioned in this passage where silver mining took place,
we are inclined to believe that Poam was Baoding (保定), which is located in what the
author considered Beijing province, i.e., Beizhili (modern Hebei province), and which is
mentioned in Golas’ list as being mined in the Yuan and Ming periods. See Golas, Mining,
125–126, and in particular his map of pre-20th century cinnabar and mercury mining sites.
588 TRANSLATION

the province of Shandong, within the city limits of Dengzhou,192 there are
goldmines. In the province of Nanjing, within the city limits of Ningguo,193
there are silver mines. In that of Zhejiang, within the city limits of Chuzhou,194
gold. In that of Fujian, within the city limits of Fuzhou, there is silver, and in
that of Guizhou, gold and silver.195 In that of Guangxi, within the city limits
of Guixian,196 there is silver. There is also a pearl fishery in the province of
Guangdong within the city limits of Lianzhou.197
Nevertheless, there is widespread poverty; the number of poor people is infi-
nite, and thus everything sells very cheaply, and everything is sold by weight,
including birds and even firewood. We did not see coins of any kind, except
within the city limits of Quanzhou [231r] and its subject villages, where there
was a stamped copper coin with a hole in the center, and they gave us 312 and

192  M S: Tinchiu, 登州; according to Golas this location was already famous for the mining
and production of gold well before and during the Ming period; see Golas, Mining, p.113.
193  M S: Linquoy, 寧國; silver mines had been in production at this location since the Yuan
period. See Golas, Mining, 127.
194  M S: Unchiu, 处州, an older name for a prefecture in Zhejiang province, known today as
Lishui prefecture, that was famous for the mining and production of gold. Golas only men-
tions one gold-mining location within Chuzhou prefecture: Longquan 龍泉. However, it
is understood that one other goldmines in particular was named for a county that was
also located in this prefecture: Suichang, 遂昌, which had been in production since the
Tang or Song periods. See Golas, Mining, 115.
195  While Rada is correct in reporting the existence of numerous silver mines in Fujian prov-
ince during the Ming period (as well as during the Song and Yuan Dynasties, too), Golas
lists Fuzhou as only being mined in but not after the Song. Rada’s information concerning
gold and silver mines in Guizhou is correct. Examples of gold and silver mines mentioned
by Golas as being actively mined in that province during the Yuan and the Ming include,
for gold, Tixi 提溪, Shengxi 省溪 and Tongren Taipingxi 銅仁太平溪; and for silver,
Tongren 銅仁. See Golas, Mining, 117, 128, 129.
196  M S: Quinoan, 貴縣; in actuality there are two locations in the province of Guangxi that
Rada may be referring to in this sentence: the one that we have indicated, which is the old
name for the county known today as Guigang 貴港; and Guiping 桂平, a silver-­mining
site that began producing in the Yuan period, if not earlier. We are inclined to select
Guixian over Guiping, since the sound of the transliteration of the first from Chinese to
Spanish appears to be closer than the second. They are both located in Guangxi province
and are sites where silver mines were located and were in production at this time. See
Golas, Mining, 131.
197  M S: Yanchiu, 廉州, the name for the prefecture within the province of Guangdong where
some very famous and successful pearl-fishery industries were located during the Ming
period.
Tai Ming 589

320 of them for four reales. There, and in all the other cities,198 everything is
purchased by weight with little pieces of silver, the weight of which they call
a nio, which weighs eleven reales in our currency. And one nio is worth ten
lacun, and one lacun is worth ten phou, and one phou is worth ten dic;199 thus
the weight of eleven reales is broken down into 1,000 parts. We also saw poor
people who walked the streets begging for alms, especially the blind.
Since200 there are so many people, they throw nothing away; they waste not
a bone or a horn, but from them will make a thousand trinkets, as well as from
straw and grass; they make use of everything for many purposes.
Their ships are rather sluggish and of shoddy construction,201 although they
sail well before the wind and handle well on a close reach. They have no nauti-
cal charts, but they do have a few handwritten rutters. And they have a com-
pass-needle, but not like ours, because it is merely a very sensitive steel silver
that they touch with a loadstone and place in a bowl full of sea-water on which
the winds are painted, and they divide the compass into twenty-four points
instead of our thirty-two.
They say that their paper is made from the inner pith of bamboo.202 It is very
thin and it is difficult to write well on both sides because it bleeds. Ink is sold
in little cakes which are dissolved in water. Their pens203 are like little [231v]
brushes. Their letters are the most uncultured and difficult that have ever been
discovered, being more characters than letters, and there are different letters
for every word or object, so that even though one knows 10,000 letters, he still
cannot read everything. And thus among them the person who knows how to
read best is the wisest. There came into our possession printed books on all the
sciences, not only regarding astrology and astronomy, but also physiognomy,
chiromancy,204 arithmetic and of their laws, and medicine, fencing, and all of
their games and their gods. In all of these areas, with the exception of medicinal

198  M S: En todo lo demas; Boxer’s translation supposes a correction to En todos los demas,
which we follow.
199  Rada is supplying Hokkien terms for the following weights used in China: nio = liang
(‘tael’); lacun = qian (‘mace’); phou = fen (‘candareen’); dic = li (‘cash’).
200  M S: Como; Boxer has “Although . . .”
201  M S: Los navios son algo torpes e mala echura; Boxer’s translation suppopses a correction to
Los navios son algo torpes de mala echura, which we follow.
202  As Boxer explained, “Rada is evidently referring to the finer class of Chinese paper which
is made from bamboo pulped after not more than two years’ growth;” see Boxer (Rada),
295.
203  M S: Sus planas; Boxer’s translation supposes a correction to Sus plumas, which we follow.
204  M S: chiromarrçia; Boxer’s translation supposes a correction to chiromançia, which we
follow.
590 TRANSLATION

matters—they are like simplists205 who know from experience the properties
of herbs and depict them as we do in the book of Dioscorides206—in every
other field they are useless, for they contain only the merest whiff or name of
things. For example, they know nothing of geometry, nor do they have com-
passes or know how to use them, nor do they know more arithmetic than addi-
tion, subtraction and multiplication. And they believe that the sun and the
moon are men, and that the heaven is flat and the earth not round.207 It is true
that, like the natives of these islands,208 they know many stars, and by their ris-
ings they know the seasons for sowing and harvesting, and when the breezes
and strong winds begin, and when the calms and stormy seasons come in. If
these savages know these things, all the more the Chinese should know them.
I saw sundials [232r] in the city of Fuzhou, but because they are an ignorant
people, these were poorly made and no doubt fail to mark the hour accurately.
All of their augury is normally done by casting lots.
If they know that a man is from a line of nobles, one called ajaju209 comes
to examine him,210 and if it is determined that he knows how to read well, he
is given the equivalent what we might call a bachelor’s degree, and he places
two silver bouquets in his ears; he is then taken on horseback in procession
through the city with flags and minstrels going before. We witnessed this in

205  M S: sinpliçitas; ‘one who cultivated medicinal herbs;’ see OED s.v. simplist.
206  Pedanius Dioscorides (c. 40–90 ad), Roman physician and author of De Materia Medica,
a five-volume encyclopedia on herbal medicine.
207  M S: y no rrodeado la tierra; the translation in Boxer (Rada), 296, supposes a correction to
y no rredonda la tierra, which we follow.
208  The Philippines, where Rada wrote his account.
209  M S: uno que llaman Ajaju; Boxer (Rada), 296, has “one called a Ja Ju.”
210  In this passage, Rada mentions and discusses late Imperial China’s civil examination sys-
tem. The examinations, themselves, were called zhongju 中舉 and were rigorous tests of
a candidate’s abilities to hold official office. A range of examinations were held in differ-
ent locations for the degree level for which the candidate was being examined. The low-
est level was the provincial examination, which was specifically known as the xiangshi
鄉試. If successful, the candidate obtained the juren 舉人 degree. The highest level was
the palace examination and the successful candidate, as a result, obtained the juren 舉人
degree. Chief examiners, zhukao 主考, were responsible for insuring the probity of the
examinations and their results. They held different official titles depending upon which
level of civil examination that they supervised. The chief examiner at the palace exami-
nation was supposed to be the Emperor or Huangdi 皇帝. Consequently, ajaju, as men-
tioned in the text and in our preceding note, is the Spanish transliteration of the sound in
Chinese that Rada used for an unidentifiable specific title for the official who acted as the
chief examiner, in this instance, of a provincial examination in Fujian. See Elman, Civil
Examinations, 142–146 and 151.
Tai Ming 591

Fuzhou, and the boy was very young.211 And after they receive this degree, they
are deemed competent for an office of justice, because one who cannot read
and write well and does not know the language of court can never become
a governor or a justice. For in each province a different language is spoken,
though they all converge, as do Portuguese, Valencian and Castilian. And
Chinese script has the following idiosyncrasy, namely that because they use
characters instead of letters, the same document can be read in every language
of China, although I saw some documents written in the courtly language, and
the characters were different from those used in Fujian; nevertheless, each
script can be read in both languages.

Regarding the Justices and the Methods of Ruling

In the entire kingdom of Tai Ming they say there are no lords over vassals; only
to the Emperor is everything subject. But there are slaves who are themselves
natives [232v] of the country, because they also say that they do not receive
foreign slaves. And of these slaves, some were born into slavery, and some have
sold themselves into slavery because of their poverty,212 and still others are
sold as slaves for several more years because of crimes they have committed.
The number of people who hold offices of justice is almost infinite. We
shall describe the manner of government in the province of Fujian, which we
assume is the same in other provinces that have viceroys,213 though the prov-
inces of Beijing and Nanjing have different kinds of offices and are governed by
high courts. In the capital city of the province of Fujian, which is Fuzhou, the
viceroy, whom they call junmen,214 takes permanent residence. And the second
person after him is the tidu,215 who is the commanding general of all the fight-
ing-men. And these two have command over all the people and the governors
have the entire province. After these two there is the chief standard-bearer,216

211  M S: a un harto muchacho; Boxer (Rada), 297, has “and he was a noble youth.”
212  M S: parte dellos mismos se venden por pobreza; this phrase is missing in Boxer’s translation.
213  M S: La gente que tiene cargo de justicia es tanta que es casi sin numero. Pondremos la
manera de governaçion de la provincia de Hocquien que de la misma manera se deven de
rrejir las demas provincias que tienen visorreyes; Boxer has “The number of people who
have offices in the administration of justice is so great as to be almost infinte,—at least
judging by the way in which the province of Hocquien [Fukien] is governed. The other
provinces which have viceroys must be ruled in the same way. . .”
214  M S: commun; 軍門, Hokkien kun-bun for ‘viceroy’.
215  M S: tetoc, elsewhere teutoc; 提督, a provincial military commander.
216  M S: alferez general; equivalent to the more common title alférez mayor.
592 TRANSLATION

whom they call guanjunshi.217 And the pauchiu is the royal treasurer, and the
buzhengshi218 is the lieutenant treasurer, and canjiang219 is the lieutenant of
the commanding general, and the anchashi 220 is like the governor,221 uiansay,222
who is like the chief magistrate, and three more called zhifu,223 who are like
ordinary magistrates. All of these are justices who can punish criminals,
although very seldom do the higher ranking justices [233r] mete out punish-
ment, unless it is for a captain or a chief, or for some grave offense, because
all other offenders are remitted to the ordinary magistrates with a certificate
in which the punishment that is to be administered is indicated, as we saw on
a number of occasions. It is frightening to see the solemnity that all of these
justices have both in their homes and in public. And each one has a number of
bailiffs whose emblem is a crest of peacock feathers, and several executioners,
sporting their whips, sticks and cords. Their whips resemble paddles; they are
made from the stems of bamboo canes, for the bamboo in this country is very
big and thick. Each paddle is approximately six spans or more in length and
four fingers in width,224 and is as thick as your thumb and very heavy. They
normally flog with this, but when they want to mete out a more severe punish-
ment, they use cudgels or round sticks as thick as your arm.
The manner of whipping is as follows: as the mandarin gives a shout, five or
six executioners seize225 the wretched offender, throw him on the ground in an
instant and pull his trousers down. And placing him face down, one of them
grabs his feet and another his head, and yet another one raises the said cane or
cudgel and strikes him as hard as he can on the backs of his thighs until he is
told to stop. And every five blows they turn him over to beat him on his other
side. And another executioner kneels while shouting out the number of lashes,

217  M S: cancunto; 冠軍使, chief standard bearer; see Hucker, 36 s.v. kuan-chün shih.
218  Rada here uses two variants of a term (pauchi and pouchinsi) which earlier he defined as
a type of province governed by a viceroy.
219  M S: sanchian; Boxer (Rada), 298, explains that the Spanish may reflect Hokkien chham-
chiong and links the term to a canjiang, 參將, an assistant regional commander, accord-
ing to Hucker, 517.
220  M S: Ansasi; 按察使, a provincial judge or surveillance commissioner; see Boxer (Rada),
298 and Hucker, 103 s.v. An-ch’a-shih.
221  M S: gobernador; Boxer preferred the term corregidor and argued that this term in Spanish
was usually translated as ‘civil governor;’ see Boxer (Rada), 298.
222  Boxer cannot identify the Chinese title and neither can we; FiF has Diançay.
223  M S: tihu; 知府, a prefect or magistrate; Boxer explains that this form of the term may be
derived from its name in Hokkien, ti-hú, see Boxer (Rada), 298.
224  Approximately 4.5 feet or 1.4 meters long and 2.6 inches or 6.6 centimeters wide.
225  M S: arrebatan; Boxer has “hurl themselves on.”
Tai Ming 593

which are such that those who receive more than sixty rarely escape death.
And those whom they wish [233v] to torture even more are first bound hand
and foot in a way that is much worse, called the law of Bayona.226 And once
bound in this manner, they are flogged. And there is no distinction of persons
in this, except that the high-ranking official does not mete out the punishment,
but has a lesser official do it, no matter how honorable the victim is, and even
if he has a royal office. While we were in Fuzhou, the tidu had an honorable
captain flogged for a mere trifle, ordering him to be given eighty lashes; the
man expired the next day.
Every morning when they wish to open the main gate, which is usually at
eight or nine o’clock in the morning, the whole bodyguard is waiting227 out-
side. And they first fire three versos and sound their trumpets and beat their
great drum, and then the minstrels begin to sing, and this is how they open
it. He228 is seated there with the majesty we have described of the Xinghua
Quanzhou-dao229 in the report on our voyage to Quanzhou, and with even
greater majesty because of his greater dignity. And straightaway many captains
make their entrance to perform their obeisance, as we described earlier, kneel-
ing from afar and bowing their heads to the floor three or more times as they
approach. At the conclusion of this veneration by the captains, the whole of
the bodyguard do the same thing all together from outside the gate, which is
more or less a harquebus shot from where the official is seated. At the conclu-
sion of the captains’ obeisance to the junmen, those who are not obligated to
remain there or have no business there perform the same obeisance to the tidu
and to the others.
Besides these mandarins, [234r] who are the superiors, there is one called
liangdao,230 the purveyor of provisions who ensures that there are always pro-
visions; he also punishes those who fail to deliver the things they are ordered
to bring on time. There is another called zhouguan231 who punishes idlers. And
in every neighborhood there are other lesser mandarins who hear suits and
administer justice in minor matters and make the rounds at night. And these

226  A manner of flogging known in New Spain in which the victim is first bound to a ladder
or chair; see Block, Ordinary Lives, 56, 248. The geographical reference may be to Bayonne
France, Bayona Galicia (Spain) or even Bayona, Dominican Republic.
227  M S: aguardando; Boxer has “drawn up.”
228  I.e., the viceroy.
229  M S: insuanto; elsewhere ynsuanto; 興化泉州道, governor of the prefectures of Xinghua
and Quanzhou.
230  M S tanpoa; 糧道, a provincial grain intendent in late Imperial China who had power and
authority over granary supplies, as suggested in this passage.
231  M S: choqua; 察官, a surveillance official, see Hucker, 105 s.v. ch’a-kuan.
594 TRANSLATION

are the ones to whom the higher mandarins remand criminals for punish-
ment. The other cities of the province have their own governors, though they
have different titles according to their official ranks; for example one is called
Xinghua Quanzhou-dao and another hedao, 232, 233 and still another tixuedao,234
etc., and instead of buzhengshi235 there is one called xunfu.236 And while the
magistrates and purveyors are the same as in the capital, in the villages there is
one who is like a corregidor237 called zhixian,238 and his chief magistrate, called
canzheng,239 and one who is like the police magistrate,240 called dianshi,241 and
a purveyor, and lesser justices in each neighborhood. The villages have their
magistrates and bailiffs and mandarins who answer to the capital, such that
the villages and their justices are subordinate to the cities, and each city and
town has many subordinated villages. And each of these has its own execution-
ers, complete with their canes for scourging, who precede them wherever they
go, shouting for everyone to make way and to move back, and if they don’t, they
are promptly ordered to be whipped.
And the mandarins wield such power and control over other people that
when [234v] they pass someone on horseback, he must dismount and stand

232  M S: hayto; 河道, Waterways Circuit, see Hucker, 224 s.v. ho-tao.
233  FiF has otro pinpito, meaning ‘another, pinpito’, the latter word apparently being the
Hispanization of an unidentified Chinese term relating to a rank.
234  M S: tiacto; 提学道, according to Hucker, 496, “Education Intendant Circuit.”
235  M S: bauchiu; see p. 565, n. 51.
236  M S: soupu; 巡撫, Grand Coordinator during the Ming Dynasty or Provincial Governor
during the Qing Dynasty; see Hucker, 255.
237  An important and high-ranking administrative position that began in Spain and was
spread throughout the Spanish Empire, including the Philippines. The corregidor corre-
sponded to a magistrate or municipal governor who was appointed by the Spanish Crown;
he was charged with representing the interests of the Crown, usually at the municipal
level and in outlying districts. For the office of corregidor in Spain, see Lunenfeld, Keepers
of the City.
238  M S: ticon; 知縣, a District Magistrate; see Hucker, 78 s.v. Chih-hsien. Boxer (Rada) explains
that the form appearing in the MS may be derived from the name of this title in Hokkien,
Tikoain.
239  M S: cansin; 參政, a chief magistrate or executive vice minister.
240  M S: alcalde de hermandad. In Castile, there were two alcaldes de la hermandad (lit.
‘magistrates of the brotherhood’) in every city, town and village; they were each elected
for a one-year term. The duties of the first of these was to watch over the affairs of the
hijosdalgo (lesser nobles) while the second was responsible those of the hombres buenos
(laborers). They had authority to enforce the law with respect to lesser crimes, such as
thefts, manslaughter, arson, etc. See DA, I, 177 s.v. alcalde de la hermandad.
241  M S: tensu; 典史, a district jailor, see Boxer (Rada), 301 and Hucker, 506 s.v. tien-shih.
Tai Ming 595

to one side, and anyone in a chair must have it placed on the ground and step
out of it, and a person carrying a parasol closes it up, and if someone has a fly-
whisk, he hides it up his sleeve. And they say that no justice can sentence any-
one to death, the exception being captains during war. But if someone is found
to deserve a death sentence, he is kept in prison until the king is informed of
his case and by his command the prisoner is so sentenced. And hence they
have many prisons where some of the prisoners have been incarcerated for
many years.
Their fetters, at least the ones we saw, are wooden hand manacles, and a
great board that goes around the neck, like a pillory, though the prisoner can
walk around with it on him and work and carry a load, and on it is written the
reason for his imprisonment. Their prisons are reportedly dark and fetid. And
the usual punishments meted out by their judges and justices, besides prison,
are the aforementioned floggings, which are administered to all kinds of peo-
ple, irrespective of their station in life, and some little sticks that are placed
between the fingers and pulled together as tightly as possible with cords,
squeezing the fingers and causing the wretched victim to scream until the judge
orders them to stop. This is also used for torture. And women are more often
punished with these little sticks than with flogging, although according to what
we were told they are also flogged. [235r] And it is also normal to punish the
children or the brothers or the father of a criminal if he is absent, as we saw and
heard from some of them. And according to what they say, in the case of a grave
crime, not only is the criminal punished, but all of his relatives as well.
All of these justices and governors must be from another province, and not
from the one in which they administer, and they are replaced every three years.
Furthermore, every year the king sends an inspector, called a daoli,242 to each
province, who redresses wrongs and investigates whether the viceroy, the com-
manding general and the governors are executing their duties faithfully, and he
can send them or take them to the king. He also determines if they are taking
bribes, because in this they are most circumspect, though they are very fond
of them; in fact one can hardly do business with them without greasing their
palms, but this must be done secretly, because they will take nothing openly.
And I say this because besides the ones we saw there might be many others as
well. They punish idlers severely, and thus they are all very diligent workers.
And they are hostile to merchants, whom they say are idlers; the only reason
they are tolerated is because of the fear that they will become highwaymen,
of which they say there are many in the interior, as well as corsairs at sea. And

242  M S: saule; çanhi in FiF and Çauli in Boxer (Rada), 302; 道吏, a censor or inspector of the
thirteen circuits, or Dao 道.
596 TRANSLATION

no one can leave the city limits, even if it is within the same province [235v]
without written permission; otherwise he is summarily thrown into prison or
punished. This permission is normally written and bears many seals and little
certificates from the magistrates and other mandarins. But when someone is
on public business, or they want to honor him, they give him a patent written
on a board, as we explained earlier; we ourselves were given one of these. And
the post riders sent with dispatches are identifiable not only by their garb, but
also by the heavy bells attached to their horses’ breast-straps.
They do not let foreigners in, although they say that in Shuntian, the seat of
the court, many different nationalities are represented, each one with its own
neighborhood; the name of each nation and the kind of people are inscribed
on the gate. We were given a summary of these nations to inspect: Giao Chi,243

243  M S: Cauchin; elsewhere Caupchi, Caupchy. In the late 16th century, i.e., at the time of
the compilation of the MS, a number of names were used for a series of kingdoms that
comprised the territory that has become present-day Vietnam: Giao Chi, Tonkin, Annam,
Cochinchina and Champa. There are three sources of potential confusion as to what parts
of Vietnam are being referred to by some of these terms: (1) Chinese involvement and
the employment of Sino-Vietnamese terms, which were not always uniformly accepted
by either the Chinese or the Vietnamese; (2) a dramatic and dynamic expansionary
process (known as the nam-thien or ‘south[ern] advance’) by Vietnamese polities and
peoples over non-Viet polities and peoples, particulary over Champa; and (3) the migra-
tion of these labels southward during the French colonial period from 1862 to 1954 in
ways that did not always correspond to earlier historical reality. To summarize, at the
time of the compilation of the MS, the area of mainland South-east Asia that became
Vietnam was divided into three parts and controlled by two competing Viet families and
a non-Viet, non-Sinitic Hinduized polity: (1) Tonkin in the north, controlled by the Trinh;
(2) Cochinchina or Quinam (i.e., by the Dutch East India Company) in the center, con-
trolled by the Nguyen; and (3) Champa in the south, which during the French colonial
period was confusingly called Cochinchine. Giao Chi originally referred to a district level
administrative unit in Van Lang, the earliest kingdom of the Vietnamese people that
included present-day Hanoi and was located on the northern bank of the Red River in
present-day northern Vietnam; the term also exists in Chinese as Jiaozhi 交趾, which
may mean ‘commandery’, i.e., an administrative unit larger than the one in Vietnam. Van
Lang was succeeded by Au Lac and was annexed by Nam Viet or Nanyue (南越) in 197
bc. Au Lac was divided into two commanderies: Giao Chi (or Jiaozhi) and Cuu Chan
(or Jiuzhen). Hence Giao Chi/Jiaozhi was the name used for all or part of Vietnam from
the time of the Hung Vuong era to the middle of the Third Chinese domination (c. 7th–
10th centuries) and during the Fourth Chinese domination (1407–1427). Furthermore, this
early name for all or part of Vietnam at this time was rendered in Malay as Kuchi. Tonkin
is a corrupted rendering in English of Dong Kinh (東京), the name for Hanoi during the
Le Dynasty (i.e., the late Le, who ruled Vietnam from 1428 to 1788) and was used to refer
to northern Vietnam, which today is referred to locally as Bac Ky or ‘Northern Region.’
Tai Ming 597

Xiao Liuqiu, Xianlou,244 Melaka, Brunei,245 Kampuchea,246 Joseon,247 Tatary,248

Kao-li,249 Japan, Uyghurs;250 they say that these last ones are Moors who live
in the interior between China and Bengal. All these nations pay tribute to the
Chinese Emperor. In Fuzhou we saw some men from Da Liuqiu, whom we call
Lequios—they were coming to pay their tribute, or parias.251
Besides these mandarins, there are many others of much lower rank, as well
as many different kinds of captains, among whom are some called bazong,252
of which there are many, and who also have jurisdiction and even authority
[236r] to ride in a great chair and have his executioners go before him carrying
their canes to scourge and their cords to bind, and they can also administer
punishment, and all of these253 have this power to punish the pitiable people,
not only in the town they live in, but wherever they may be, and thus they hold
them in subjection.

Regarding Their Gods and Idols, Sacrifices and Feasts

They have so many idols that we saw everywhere we went that they cannot be
counted, because they are found not only in their temples, but also in special
houses designated for them. For example, in one of these houses in Fuzhou
there were more than 100 statues of all kinds, some with six or eight arms,
or more, and others with three heads; these are said to be the princes of all
the demons. And others were black, red and white, both male and female. Not
a single house is free from idols, and even in the hills and on the roadsides
there are scarcely any great cliff faces where idols have not been sculpted.

Annam was another of the early names given to Vietnam by the Chinese; Annan, 安南,
lit. ‘Pacified South,’ which initially was used as a synonym for Tonkin. Subsequently and in
particularly during the French colonial period, it was used for the area of central Vietnam
that had earlier been better known as Cochinchina.
244  M S: Chienlo; 暹羅, Xianluo, Siam; see also Boxer (Rada), 303.
245  M S: Pyni; this is Bo-ni in Chinese.
246  M S: Campuchi, elsewhere Tampochia, i.e., Cambodia; see p. 481, n. 227.
247  M S: Chausin, i.e., the Joseon Empire of Korea (1392–1897).
248  M S: Tata.
249  M S: Cauli, i.e., Korea.
250  M S: Vyue; a Turkic ethnic group from Eastern and Central Asia.
251  A syonynm in Spanish for ‘tribute’, stemming from the practice in Medieval Spain of tai-
fas, or Muslim city-states, paying tribute to Castile.
252  M S: pettzon; 把總, according to Boxer (Rada), 303, a garrison commander.
253  M S: todos estos; Boxer has “all of this.”
598 TRANSLATION

Nevertheless, what they consider their true god is Heaven;254 all their other
gods are positioned as intercessors to plead to Heaven, whom they call Tian,255
to grant them safety, wealth, honor or a good journey. And they imagine that
Heaven creates and makes everything. And the greatest of those who are in
heaven is called Yuhuang, or Yuhuang Shangdi,256 whom they say was ab
eterno, like Heaven, though he is inferior to it and has no [236v] body. And he
has a servant named Sansay,257 who was created by Heaven and likewise has no
body, and who they say is responsible for everything under Heaven, including
life and death. He has three servants258 who by his command rule this world:
Tianguan,259 who controls the waters, and Shuiguan,260 the sea and sailors,
and Diguan,261 men and the fruits of the earth. They also consider a certain
god to be the gatekeeper of Heaven, and there are many others of this sort. And
besides these there are many more they consider saints, some of which they
call Fo262 and others pusa.263 And they worship them either because they led
a solitary and chaste life of great penitence, or because they were very valiant,
as is the case of a red god called Guan Yu, mentioned earlier, who helped Liu
Bei rise up against the kingdom. But the one they give the highest honor to is
a woman named Guanyin,264 daughter of a king called Dao-xuan,265 who led
a solitary and, in her own way, a holy life. But sailors honor another woman

254  M S: sielo, modern Spanish cielo, which means either ‘heaven’ or ‘sky’.
255  Chinese 天, lit. ‘heaven’ or ‘sky’.
256  M S: Yocon; Yuhang, 玉皇, lit. ‘Jade Emperor’, and MS: Yocon Sautey; Yuhuang Shangdi,
玉皇上帝, lit. ‘Great Emperor of Jade’. In Taoist theology he is Yuanshi Tianzun, one of
the Three Pure Ones, the three primordial emanations of the Tao.
257  Unidentified; Boxer conjectures that this is a corrupted variant of Shangdi.
258  Sanguan Dadi 三官大, the Three Great Emperor-Officials who ruled over all things: the
Heavenly Official (天官 Tianguan); the Earthly Official (地官 Diguan); and the Water
Official (水官 Shuiguan).
259  M S: Tianquan, the Heavenly Official.
260  M S: Cuicuan, Water Official.
261  M S: Teyquan, Earthly Official.
262  M S: Fut; 佛 Buddha.
263  M S: Pousat; 菩萨, a bodhisattva.
264  M S: Quanin, 观音菩萨, a female bodhisattva associated with compassion in East Asia;
Guanyin is an abbreviated form of Guanshiyin, meaning ‘Observing the Cries of the
World’.
265  M S: Tonsou; 道宣; Rada has confused the name of the author of The Precious Scroll of
Incense Mountain, a popular 7th-century work, with a character in that work who is
actually the father of Guanyin, the Emperor Miao Chuang Wang of the Chou Dynasty;
see Knapp, Women in Myth, 196.
Tai Ming 599

called Niangma,266 who was born in the province of Fujian in a village of

Hsing-hua267 called Puhi. She is said to have lived a solitary life on the des-
ert island of Meizhou,268 three leagues off the coast, where they say there are
horses. They also worship demons so they will do them no harm. It is also usual
for them to place three statues of the same [237r] person together. And when
asked about this they say that those three are no more than one, as we saw in
Liau-loa269 three giant statues of Niangma seated together with a grating in
front and an altar, and on the sides a statue of a red man and another of a black
man270 who receive the offerings. Their usual offerings they give after making
their bows and prayers are perfumes and scents, and a great quantity of paper
money that they later burn while ringing bells. They also burn this money over
their dead, and if the deceased is a rich man, they also burn pieces of silk.
And they keep lamps burning before their idols, though they are not a very
devout people. They also offer their idols whole cows and pigs, ducks, fish and
fruit, all of it raw and placed upon an altar. And after performing many cer-
emonies and prayers, they take three cups of wine with great genuflections and
pour it out, one for their god, who is Heaven, and the other two they drink, and
they divide all that food among themselves and eat it, considering it holy. In
addition to these rituals and ceremonies, they have other very ridiculous ones;
we witnessed one such in the ship we came on, because as we were nearing the
islands,271 they said that Niangma wished to give us good winds and had been
accompanying us.
They make a little ship of bamboo with sails and a rudder and while per-
forming [237v] many ceremonies place a small grilled fish and a bit of cooked
rice in it, plus a little cup of wine,272 and launch it into to sea. And in order
to cast the devil out of their ships, they all stand by the gunwales of the ship,
each with a little club. And then two men come, each with a large ladle273 full

266  M S: Neoma; Boxer (Rada), 305, transcribes this name as “Nemoa.” The name for the god-
dess of the sea, 妈祖, Mazu or T’ien-hou Niang-niang in Hokkien.
267  M S: Hynhua; a prefecture of Fukien during the Ming period.
268  M S: Vichui; 湄洲; Boxer explains that the form appearing in the MS is derived from its
name in the Hokkien, Bî-chiu.
269  M S: Laulo; see Loarca, Relación del viaje, Ch. 12, where Laulo is identified as the south-east
corner of Quemoy Island in the Xiamen Bay.
270  These two figures are Mazu’s heavenly assistants, respectively Shun Feng Er, 顺风耳,
‘Favorable Wind Ears’, who can catch the sound of the faintest breeze, and Qian Li Yan,
千里眼, ‘Thousand Leagues Eyes’.
271  Presumably the Philippines.
272  M S: una tasuela de vino; Boxer omits this phrase from his translation.
273  M S: caso; Boxer has “saucepan.”
600 TRANSLATION

of cooked rice, which they strew into the sea from one end to the other, begin-
ning with the stem and ending at the stern. And behind them come two other
men armed with scimitars and bucklers, brandishing their weapons and mak-
ing fierce grimaces,274 while the rest of them beat on the gunwales with their
clubs making a great din, and other ridiculous things.
It is also their custom to make vows and promises and offerings. We wit-
nessed vows of abstention from eating meat, eggs or fish for many days, allow-
ing only rice, herbs and fruits. Others took what looked like silken altar frontals
which they had sent as offerings on which were written the name of the peti-
tioner and the petition and to whom. As a people, they are devoted to casting
lots, and thus everywhere, even along the roads, you will find their lots and
their idols. After first saying a prayer to their idols, they take a handful of little
sticks and, after rolling them around in their hands, they take the first one they
happen to grab without looking275 and read the word written on it, and accord-
ing to its meaning, they refer to a table where all the answers are indicated.
Another method is to write on each side of a small square stick,276 and after
saying a prayer and burning incense on an altar,277 tossing the stick onto it, and
what is written on the side facing [238r] up is considered a sure thing, and so
forth and so on.
They hold feast-days on all the first days of the moon and the fifteenth days,
but mainly their New Year, which this year falls in February. They say that their
year has twelve moons for two years in a row, and the third year has thirteen.
And if this reckoning is always followed,278 their years will never catch up with
ours, because 57 of our years will come to have two moons less, and hence their
year is always behind.
They also celebrate as a very important feast-day the opposition279 on the
fifteenth day of the seventh month; we witnessed this feast-day in Fuzhou
because they celebrate it in all the community houses, and thus this was done

274  M S: haziendo bisajes; Boxer has “gesticulating.”

275  M S: que se les ofrece sin mirar; Boxer has “take the first one [which falls?] without looking
at it.”
276  M S: escriven en un palillo esquinado por todas las partes; Boxer has “they write on a little
stick which is squared off on all sides, . . . .”
277  M S: y echa su oración armando un altar con sus sahumerios; Boxer has “after praying they
erect an altar complete with thurible.”
278  M S: Y siempre va seguido; Boxer’s translation supposes a correction of the omission
through homoeoarchon to Y si siempre va seguido. . ., which we follow.
279  M S: la opusiçion; Boxer omits this word in his translation. Opposition here refers to the
moon being 180° from the sun with respect to a given reference point on the earth, i.e., a
full moon.
Tai Ming 601

as well in the inn where we were lodged. And the feast of the dead in honor of
Shih-chia,280 who was the founder of the religious orders that exist in China.
An image of Shih-chia was erected in a hall with many other statues that were
kneeling before him. There was also a big altar with seven or eight separate
tables laden with food. And then, at the first watch,281 three men began to sing
from their book, one of them a priest and the other two cantors. At times282
they sang after the manner of psalms, and other times like hymns while con-
tinuously playing timbrels and small drums. And from time to time the priest
would take one of those little dishes of food from the table, say a prayer, and
place it on the altar; this went on until all the dishes were finished, which
lasted until almost midnight.

[238v] Regarding the Friars, Hermits and Nuns

Which There are in Tai Ming

There are in the kingdom of Tai Ming two kinds of friars after their manner of
religion. The first kind does not eat meat or eggs or fish, but lives only on rice
and herbs and fruit. And many of these live as hermits, such as one we saw on
a hill next to the wall of Fuzhou, who was in a tiny little cell. And he had three
little idols there, and he appeared to be in contemplation.283 And surround-
ing his cell was a little garden where he grew gourds, cucumbers, melons, egg-
plants, and other vegetables, and there was a brook of running water. And all
of this was surrounded by a high and dense thicket of bamboo at a remove of
a harquebus shot from the houses of the village. There are others in the jungle
and the hills. And we some of these hermits wearing rosaries that were bigger
and divided differently from ours.
The second kind of friars live in a community in the towns. And from what
we were told, these are granted property284 from the Emperor on which they
live, though we also saw some in Fuzhou that walked the streets begging for

280  M S: Siquiag; 釋迦牟尼佛, Shih-chia Muni Fo (Chinese for Shakyamuni or Sakayamuni,

lit. ‘sage of the Shakya people’), the Buddha of the present dispensation, one of several
names of the Buddha; see Baroni, Zen Buddhism, 230.
281  M S: prima noche; Boxer (Rada) has “At nightfall.” The first watch ran from 8 to 11 pm on
Iberian ships; see Glossary.
282  M S: unas bozes; Boxer’s translation supposes a correction to a vezes, seconded by FiF,
which we follow.
283  M S: y al parecer es que estava en contamplaçion. Boxer (Rada)’s translation supposes a cor-
rection to el pareçe questava en contemplaçion, seconded by FiF, which we follow.
284  M S: poseçiones; Boxer (Rada) has “possessions.”
602 TRANSLATION

alms while singing and playing timbrels, carrying a big fan that they swing
from side to side so that anyone who wants to give them alms can put them or
thrown them in it. These friars eat anything. We stayed in one of their houses
in Quanzhou, and they often woke up more than two hours [239r] before dawn
to sing their matins while a great bell was rung and a drum and timbrels were
played. And it was the same sound we heard during the feast of the dead. We
did not see them sing anything else but those matins, which they concluded
just before dawn. And they burnt incense before their idols night and day.
It is also said that there are convents285 of nuns, though we saw none. Both
monks and nuns shave their heads, and the monks, their beards. The monks
are called heshang.286 They have the equivalent of a general who lives at court,
called shangshu,287 who appoints what amounts to a provincial, called a sen-
kang,288 in each province. And the head or prior of each house is called seng-
lu.289 The founder of these orders is called Shih-chia, whom they revere as a
saint. And he was a foreigner—they say he was from the province of Tianzhu,290
although some of the friars told us he was from Syria.
The Chinese believe that souls are immortal, and that good people and
saints291 go to Heaven. As far as the others are concerned, a heshang told us292
that they become demons. Friars are held in low esteem and only captains
and mandarins are respected because of the punishments. Finally, the land is
very fruitful and abundant, and contains infinite people, though they are infi-
dels, and thus beset by the evils that afflict those who do not believe in God,293
[239v] to whom be honor and glory forever, and may He convert them and
bring them to a knowledge of Himself. Amen.

285  M S: monesterios [sic].

286  M S: huxio, 和尚, a Buddhist monk or priest.
287  M S: çisua, 尚書, President of the Board of Rites; see Boxer (Rada), 309.
288  M S: toucon; Boxer (Rada), 309.
289  M S: tionlo; Boxer (Rada), 309.
290  M S: Tiantey, 天竺, an old name for India; see Boxer (Rada), 310.
291  M S: los santos; Boxer’s translation supposes a correction to los buenos y los santos, sec-
onded by FiF, which we follow.
292  M S: nos dixeron; Boxer’s translation supposes a correction to nos dixo un huexio meaning
‘a huexio told us’, which is seconded by FiF, and which we follow.
293  M S: y con eso los mas que se siguen aqui no conocen a Dios, meaning ‘and with this the more
of them that follow. Here they do no know God’; Boxer’s translation supposes a correction
to y con eso los males que se siguen a quien no conoce a Dios, seconded by FiF, and which
we follow.
 Chapter 18

Chinese Imperial Ceremony*

[242r]
The manner and order illustrated above depict the procedure that is always
followed when the Chinese Emperor takes leave of his palaces, which happens
very rarely; in fact this Emperor, like many kings before him, have never set foot
outside their house their whole lives. The grave persons who guard and escort
him are all mandarins, and the degree of greatness of their rank and command
determines how close to the Emperor they go. The number of other people
who accompany him is infinite. It is the custom that every year he emerges
from his house so that he, the Emperor himself, can put a plow into the earth
with his own hand, because they have great faith that by the Emperor doing
so the year will be very fertile and abound in all kinds of food. He lives with so
much fear and caution that the occasions on which he ventures from his house
to do this, or even when he does it inside his house, the following manner and
order are followed. He orders the person he trusts the most with his own per-
son to search out in all of his kingdoms people who look the most like him,
the Emperor, both in body and in the physiognomy of his face, and of these
he chooses twelve and takes them back to the royal palace, where they serve
continually.
When it comes time for him to take his leave, the Emperor dresses them in
the same garb and royal insignias that he wears, and puts each one in his own
carriage, which is identical to the one the Emperor rides in, with absolutely
no discrepancy between them. Hence the time he goes out for the purpose
[242v] of putting the plow into the ground, thirteen carriages go forth, all of
them looking exactly the same and each drawn by six stags (which is different
from the horses that usually draw his carriage in the main departure),1 such
that no one, much less any of those who accompany him, know which one
is the Emperor, except for the people of his house and his servants. There are
no others who know him. And he lives with all of this caution because of his
considerable fear of treason.

* This anonymous illustration was intended to accompany an illustration that was never
included in the MS.
1  M S: en la salida principal. The word salida is ambiguous here, meaning either ‘departure’ or
‘exit(way)’.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_042

604 TRANSLATION

In front of the people in his entourage, which, as has been mentioned can-
not be counted, are proclamations, banners and ensigns. In the center of the
first one is written this one word: Flee! And as the first banner comes near and
someone does not flee or hide, and he is seen, he is seized and cruelly scourged.
And if the second banner comes near, which carries the phrase in its center:
The Emperor Approaches! and someone is caught within eyesight of it, they
immediately cut his head off. And for the purpose of these punishments there
go deputized ministers who carry them out with exceptional swiftness. The
other insignias he wears are military, except the payos,2 which are like parasols
in Spain, and big ruffles, which are worn by the Emperor’s closest confidants.

2  Unidentified reference.
 Chapter 19

Chinese and Tatar Cavalries1

[244r]
The Chinese go to battle against the Tatars in the way depicted above. The
Tatars carry only one standard with their army, and all of them follow and pro-
tect it. The Chinese gather all the fighting men in their army under five flags
and standards, the colors and styles of which are seen in the drawing. It should
be noted that most of these Chinese and Tatars fight on horseback with lances
in their hands, and with other weapons that require the use of both hands.
And after much debate regarding how they handle their horses while freeing
a hand, since both hands were in use, it was discovered that they steer their
horses with their feet as we do with our hands, and their horses are trained for
and accustomed to this. And thus they do not use reins, save for a few decora-
tive headstalls.

1  This brief anonymous text resembles a caption to a missing illustration; see the Introduction
for fuller discussion.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_043

 Chapter 20

Chinese Deities

[241v]*
The following figures are the gods and idols that are worshipped in China.

* As mentioned in the Introduction, we concur with Boxer that when the MS was bound, this
folio was placed in the wrong location.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_044

Chinese Deities 607

[245v]

Illustration 47 Husin.
608 TRANSLATION

[246r]

Illustration 48 Hanc Pia.

Chinese Deities 609

[247v]

Illustration 49 Caishen.
610 TRANSLATION

[248r]

Illustration 50 Yuayçon Concho.

Chinese Deities 611

[249v]

Illustration 51 Nazha.
612 TRANSLATION

[250r]

Illustration 52 Sansaico.
Chinese Deities 613

[251v]

Illustration 53 Xianguan.
614 TRANSLATION

[252r]

Illustration 54 Xiangu.
Chinese Deities 615

[253v]

Illustration 55 Tu Di Gong.
616 TRANSLATION

[254r]

Illustration 56 Lu Ban.
Chinese Deities 617

[255v]

Illustration 57 Chimbu.
618 TRANSLATION

[256r]

Illustration 58 Tianzun.
Chinese Deities 619

[257v]

Illustration 59 Tianjiang Guan.

620 TRANSLATION

[258r]

Illustration 60 Puaqua.
Chinese Deities 621

[259v]

Illustration 61 Amtam.
622 TRANSLATION

[260r]

Illustration 62 Guan Yu.

Chinese Deities 623

[261v]

Illustration 63 Chinsim.
624 TRANSLATION

[262r]

Illustration 64 Chincum.
Chinese Deities 625

[263v]

Illustration 65 Tirhu.
626 TRANSLATION

[264r]

Illustration 66 Goujian.
Chinese Deities 627

[265v]

Illustration 67 Hou Yi.

628 TRANSLATION

[266r]

Illustration 68 Honsun.
Chinese Deities 629

[267v]

Illustration 69 Hiau Ganzue.

630 TRANSLATION

[268r]

Illustration 70 Huatuo.
Chinese Deities 631

[269v]

Illustration 71 Shun Feng Er.

632 TRANSLATION

[270r]

Illustration 72 Qian Li Yan.

Chinese Deities 633

[271v]

Illustration 73 Gonggong.
634 TRANSLATION

[272r]

Illustration 74 Ungançua.
Chinese Deities 635

[273v]

Illustration 75 Laojun.
636 TRANSLATION

[274r]

Illustration 76 Honcsungançue.
Chinese Deities 637

[275r]

Husin

This idol, called Husin,1 was the first of these Chinese to invent the art of sail-
ing and who made the first ships. Anciently, they prayed to him during their
storms and travails and always made sacrifices to him, although he is no longer
revered as much, except by those from Guangzhou, because they are the ones
who come to these islands2 and must make sea voyages, and thus they revere
him more. And these idols of the Chinese are much like the famous and val-
iant men who lived in our Spain and other places whom we commemorate
and whom we honor for their valor. In precisely the same way do the Chinese
honor the first to invent any art or trade and all those who have achieved fame
on the battlefield—these are worshipped and regarded as their advocates
with God. The homage we render to our heroes becomes worship for them,
although they revere a single God over all the rest, for they say that He is Lord
and Master over all others, who are His creations, and that He has assigned
them their individual roles according to who they were.

Hantea

This is an idol of the people of Quanzhou, who do not worship any other god
because he succors and favors them in all of their times of need.

Yusanconcho

This is the god of all the woodlands. He is worshipped throughout China and
people offer sacrifices to him when they go hunting.

Ybayconchu3

Fishermen offer him sacrifices because they consider him to be the god of the
sea.

1  Huangdi, i.e., the Yellow Emperor is reputed to have those attributes.

2  I.e., Philippines.
3  Elsewhere in the MS Yuayconchu, Ybaiconchu.
638 TRANSLATION

Nazha4

Nazha is held in the highest veneration among the Chinese because they say
that three days after his birth he went swimming in the ocean and the god
of the sea became enraged at him. So Nazha went into his house and broke
everything, throwing it on the floor. Eventually the two faced off against each
other and Nazha came off victor and the god of the sea was defeated. After this
fight he contended with many other gods and valiant men of his time, [275v]
always emerging victorious. This went on until he was seven years old. On his
seventh birthday, he sat down with his parents, and to his father he delivered
the bones of his body, saying that they belonged to him because he had given
them to him, and to his mother he gave his flesh, saying the same thing. And
saying this he ascended into heaven, where the supreme God5 received him
very well and made him commanding general of all the soldiers of heaven. He
is said to punish demons when they defy God. In this they seem to be aware
of and approach the idea of the pride of Lucifer, understanding that he was
proud, and that it was he and his gang who were cast out of heaven because of
their pride, and that it was this Nazha who meted out their punishment, and
that he continues to do so whenever demons do harm to people. They say that
he keeps all these soldiers in an enclosure or ring that he drags around with his
hand, and that he takes 1,000 or 10,000 of them out at a time, whatever number
is necessary to punish them, and then puts them back in his strongbox or ring.
They also say that whenever there are dangerous monsters on the earth, he
comes down to kill them. For all these fantastical reasons he is worshipped and
revered by this people.

4  M S: Lochia, Hokkien for 哪吒; the story of Nazha narrated here differs somewhat from that
told in the 16th-c. Fengshen Yanyi 封神演义, a novel attributed to Xu Zhonglin (d. 1560).
According to the Fengshen Yanyi, the people of Chentang Pass sacrificed food to the East Sea
Dragon King Ao Kuang as part of their petition for rain to end a severe drought. Rejecting
their offering, Ao Kuang demanded instead a daily meal of one boy and one girl. After a series
of battles in which Nazha defeats the children of Ao Kuang one at a time, Ao Kuang sent tor-
rential rain to the pass, causing a deluge. Nazha offered himself as sacrifice by carving up his
own flesh and dismembering his bones, returning his body to his parents.
5  See Pregadio, Encyclopedia of Taoism, I, 61, for the unstable nature of the Taoist pantheon.
Chinese Deities 639

Sansayco6

They worship this idol because he tells them and warns them of everything
that will happen to them. For example, if someone is ill, they cast lots with
tin coins that look like Spanish contadores7 on which are written certain char-
acters; these coins are then tossed as when one plays heads or tails, and the
future is told according to which characters land face up or face down. Before
tossing these coins, the priest (or more accurately the [276r] sorcerer) who will
toss them must fast for two days. They also say he must be free from sin to
toss them. They then say their prayers while lighting little candles and incense,
begging Sansayco that if the sick person is going to die that so many characters
fall face up or face down, however they choose to ask or represent it, and they
have faith that the future will unfold accordingly. They consult these lots for
all their voyages, wars, journeys, and everything else that they are going to do,
including the labors of their women in giving birth. And as I have said, they
place so much faith in this that if the lots tell them that things will not turn
out well, they will not undertake their journey, or whatever the nature of their
enterprise, even if their lives depended on it, until their fortune turns positive
again, and then they will do it. And this is why they worship Sansayco.

Xiangu8

She was a woman who in her time healed all manner of infirmities with
water, wine or vinegar, as she saw fit. She carried these beverages around in a
gourd and only cured hopeless cases and injured people9 as further proof and
evidence of her wisdom and power. After her death, she is believed to have
ascended into heaven, and therefore they worship her. She is also said to have
been a great warrior and that she fought like a very valiant man, which is why
she is depicted with a naked sword in her hand.

6  Elsewhere in the MS Sansay.

7  According to DA, II, 544 s.v. contador: ‘A certain variety of small coins used by those ignorant
of figures in order to work their sums’.
8  M S: Siancou, Siamcou, Hokkien for 仙姑, the only female deity among the Eight Immortals,
most commonly known as He Xiangu 何仙姑, lit. ‘immortal woman He’. She is depicted as
carrying a bamboo bowl filled with objects associated with immortality (peaches, magic fun-
gus, sprigs of pine and bamboo). She also carries a lotus flower in her hand, which is a symbol
of purity.
9  M S: adevidos; we conjecture that this is a copyist’s error for heridos.
640 TRANSLATION

Xianguan10

Xianguan was the husband of Xiangu. He had the same power or calling of
healing as his wife Xiangu, and hence is worshipped as much as she is. It is also
said of Xiangu that if a devil ever tried to carry off the body of a sick person, she
would brandish her sword and seize it from him. They confess that there are
devils, and that they take evil people away, though they refer to such people by
a different name, because if someone is a great scoundrel and an evil man, they
are persuaded to say he has a bad heart, [276v] and inversely, saying someone
has a good heart is to say every good thing possible about him.

Tu Di Gong11

Tu Di Gong is the god of the earth and the advocate of cattle, and he heals both
the wild beasts of the field and domestic animals from their sicknesses.

Lu Ban12

Lu Ban is charged with looking after the earth and is the protector of buildings,
and thus whenever a magnificent building is to be constructed, they make sac-
rifices to him.

10  MS: Siancoa, Hokkien for 仙官.

11  MS: Toute, elsewhere Tobte, Hokkien for 土地公.
12  MS: Quilara; elsewhere Quilam. We assume that the descriptions follow the same order
as the preceding illustrations, and hence this section, which in the MS is titled Quialara,
corresponds to Illustration 56, which is captioned Quilam. Lu Ban (魯班) was the patron
saint of Chinese builders and contractors (507–440 bc), whose original name was
Gongshu Yizhi (公輸依智). He is a carpenter, engineer, philosopher, inventor, military
thinker and statesman. Acknowledged as a master craftsman, he was the patron saint of
Chinese builders and contractors. According to tradition, he was responsible for a variety
of inventions, such as: (1) the cloud ladder—a mobile counterweighted siege ladder; (2)
grappling hooks and ram-implements for naval warfare; (3) the wooden bird—a non-
powered, flying wooden bird which could stay in the air for three days that has been sug-
gested as being a prototype of a kite; (4) lifting implements to assist with burials; (5) the
wooden horse carriage with coachman; and (6) other woodworking implements.
Chinese Deities 641

Tianzun13

Tianzun. They say that he binds the demons and whenever they commit evil
against the Chinese, he scourges them. In sum, he is the god and lord over the
demons. On one occasion the king wanted to perform an experiment to see
if this was true. So he gave him a glass of water and told him to do something
with it. He put the glass in the air and made it stay in place. The king asked him
who was holding the glass; he answered that it was one of his devil servants.
He has many relations who are still alive today. And when he died, one of his
descendants with the same power as he took his place. And thus it continues:
when one passes, another comes forward to take his place. And the one who is
meant to be his successor is born with signs in his hands that testify that it is to
be he, or that it is he who will rule and govern the demons.
This Tianzun also resides with the rest in the heavens, according to their
belief, and they say that when the one who takes his place wishes to consult
him on some serious matter or seek his advice, he burns a little incense and a
few of the fingernails that belonged to him and which were clipped when he
was close to death for this very purpose. He then comes down from heaven
and speaks to him and tells him what he should do. This is what they believe
regarding their god Tianzun.

Chimbu14

Chimbu was a great soldier while he was alive; he was mighty in strength
and spirit and accomplished great feats. One example is that after he went to
heaven the supreme god [277r] considered him so valiant that he gave him the
keys to the gates of heaven and guardianship over them, and so he is the one
who opens them to those with a good heart, meaning those who have lived

13  MS: Yuanshi Tianzun, elsewhere Tiansu, 元始天尊, one of the highest Taoist deities. He
is one of the Three Pure Ones, or Sanqing 三清. He is the Jade Pure One or Yuquin 玉
清, also known as ‘The Celestial Venerable of the Primordial Beginning’ or ‘The Primeval
Lord of Heaven’. Taoists believe that he resides in The Heaven of Jade Purity, having come
into being at the beginning of the universe as a result of the merging of pure breaths. He
is the creator of Heaven and Earth, who in the beginning was the supreme administrator
of Heaven but later entrusted that task to his assistant Yuhuang, the Jade Emperor. He is a
representation of the principle of all being, since it is from him that all things arose—he
is eternal, limitless and without form.
14  Elsewhere in the MS Chinbu.
642 TRANSLATION

well, and to those with a bad heart, the evil ones, he closes them and the devil
takes them.

Tianjiang Guan15

Tianjiang Guan. They say that he has a book in which are recorded the names
of all the inhabitants of China. And if someone is a great scoundrel with a bad
heart, he is so enraged that he scratches his name from the book, and after the
person dies he is erased from it.

Panguan16

Panguan has a book much like Tianjiang Guan’s in which are written every-
one’s names, and when someone has a good heart, he enters his name in his
book and extends his life by the days and years due him because of his good
heart. This error coincides with the others.

Hamtam17

Hamtam was a man of many faces and ruses in both peace and war. He was
a great warrior who also possessed the power to bind the demons with that
chain. And both Hamtam and Guan Yu live in heaven and are, as it were, ser-
vants of Chimbu, who guards the gates of heaven.

Guan Yu

Guan Yu was also a great soldier and is to the Chinese as the apostle St. James
is to us, for they say that he was seen many times in the sky fighting for them in
their wars against the Tatars and that he killed so many of them that this was
the cause for one of their great victories.

15  MS: Tenganzuce, elsewhere in the MS Tengançue, Tengançuçe, Hokkien for 天將官.
16  MS: Puacoa, elsewhere Puaqua; 判官, lit. ‘judicial officer’.
17  Elsewhere in the MS Amtam.
Chinese Deities 643

Zhendi18

Zhendi was a great physician and herbalist. He performed great cures and
because of this he is also worshipped.

Zhenjun19

Zhenjun performed the same art as Zhendi and thus sacrifices are made to him
as well.

Terhu20

Terhu lives in heaven and has the following responsibility: when there is fight-
ing on the earth, he tells God what is happening [277v] in the battle. And when
the Chinese are asked what sort of god they worship such that another being
has to tell him what is happening, their response is that God sees all, but when
there is fighting he desires not to witness it and so averts his visage and his
eyes, and that this Terhu tells him what is happening.

Goujian21

Goujian watches over men from heaven. When the demons do people harm, he
takes many fistfuls of gold bricks, hundreds or thousands at a time, and hurls
so many of them that the demons withdraw from fright and dare do no evil.

Tiosian

Tiosian is the god to whom they make sacrifices when a woman is sterile. They
say that if they make sacrifices to him and hold celebrations in his honor he
will bless them with children. Furthermore, if a devil tries to carry off a boy he
shoots an arrow at him, making him let him go.

18  MS: Chinteym, Chintim, Chintin, Chinsim, 真帝.

19  MS: Chincun, Chincum, 真君.
20  Elsewhere in the MS Tirhu.
21  MS: Quoxian, 勾踐.
644 TRANSLATION

Honsun

Honsun was one of their young men who was a great warrior, brave and mighty
in battle. He was only fifteen years old when he died and is worshipped for his
valor.

Hiau Ganzue22

Hiau Ganzue is believed to be the god of the clouds. They say that when men
are scoundrels with bad hearts he makes a lot of noise and racket in the heav-
ens and hurls thunderbolts to earth, which makes it thunder. They believe this
happens because of the sins and guilt of men.

Huatuo23

Huatuo. They say that he healed any illness or disease and bestowed health
with his words. He watches over those afflicted by poison, venomous serpents
and poisonous substances.

Shun Feng Er

Shun Feng Er. He knows how to fight and they say that he hears everything that
is said on the earth, that is to say in China, no matter how softly it is said, and
they worship him for this reason as the person who knows all their dealings
and agreements.

Qian Li Yan

Qian Li Yan was also a famous man and they believe that he sees everything
that happens on the earth, and thus [278r] both he and the other one who
hears everything are worshiped and held in veneration.

22  Elsewhere in the MS Chiaugançue. Chiau is Hokkien for 鳥, lit. ‘bird’.

23  MS: Juabchu, Hokkien for 華佗, a physician who lived during the late Eastern Han Dynasty
and who is credited with the invention of anaesthesia.
Chinese Deities 645

Honsunganzuen24

Honsunganzuen is a great god who is worshipped and revered more than many
of the others described above because he was of particular valor among them,
and they understand that he is a great god in heaven and thus they esteem him
the most.

Laojun25

Laojun is the supreme god, the lord over Honsunganzuen and all the others. He
rules over all things and in short is the most revered of all the gods, being more
powerful than all the evil ones. He never lived among them like the others;
rather, they worship him as the supreme god of all.

24  Elsewhere in the MS Honcsungançue.

25  MS: Loozum, elsewhere Loocun, Hokkien for 老君, the name of Laozi after his deification.
Laozi is the reputed author of the Tao Te Ching and the founder of Taoism; he is also wor-
shipped as a god in religious Taoism and in traditional Chinese religions.
 Chapter 21

Chinese Bestiary*

[278v]
What follows and is shown from this point on are some of the birds and ani-
mals and monsters that are seen in China, in some cases only occasionally and
in other cases quite commonly, and what is reported regarding the good and
bad properties that each one possesses. And they claim great nonsense about
these creatures of which the devil himself must have persuaded them, for
many of the things they say about them are impossible to believe. And nothing
is included about the pictures of some of the birds and animals because the
brevity of our stay prevented us from learning the whole story, or even part
of it, behind them. Others of the creatures are birds, of which there is a great
abundance in China; they have been included out of curiosity so that the dif-
ference between them and the birds from Spain can be appreciated.

[279r]
[upper right quadrant]
[blank]
[upper left quadrant]
When this bird is seen they say there will be many wars.
[lower right quadrant]
It is called quiy because this is its song.
[lower left quadrant]
When this bird is seen there will be a great dearth of water on the earth.

* The following brief introduction to the Bestiary, as well as the captions written opposite each
drawing, are anonymous.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_045

Chinese Bestiary 647

[279v]

Illustration 77 [a] Shusi [b] Gac [c] Yu [d] Quiy.

648 TRANSLATION

[280r]

Illustration 78 [a] Tiap [b] Luan [c] Huv [d] Pit.

Chinese Bestiary 649

[280v]
[upper right quadrant]
At the time this bird is seen there will be great peace.
[upper left quadrant]
This bird has the following property: if a city is burning and it is brought within
view of the fire, it will go out. This they know from experience.
[lower right quadrant]
Whoever sees this bird is said to live a long life.
[lower left quadrant]
Whoever eats this bird, if he is ill, will be cured, and if he is already in good
health, he will maintain it and will not fall ill in the future.

[281r]
[upper right quadrant]
This animal has so much strength in the horn on its head that even if it rams it
into a wall of rock, the rock will break it as if it were made of soft wax.
[upper left quadrant]
A vast number of people used to drown in a certain river in China, and when
this animal was thrown into the water, the drowning ceased and nobody has
drowned in it since.
[lower right quadrant]
This monster has the voice of a child and it lives on human flesh.
[lower left quadrant]
If there is a plague in a city, after this animal is brought into it, it ceases.
650 TRANSLATION

[281v]

Illustration 79 [a] Feifei [b] Ma [c] Binhoay [d] Mateam.

Chinese Bestiary 651

[282r]

Illustration 80 [a] Chac Çin [b] Souv [c] Quiyrin [d] Xiauquy.
652 TRANSLATION

[282v ]
[upper right quadrant]
If anyone eats this animal he will swell and be filled with the plague.
[upper left quadrant]
This bird lives in a woodland and in order to please their gods, all the people
bring it offerings of gems and no other kind.
[lower right quadrant]
When this bird is seen it means there will be a great war, and its name is taken
from its song, which is this.
[lower left quadrant]
When this animal is seen there will be peace. They firmly believe that whoever
is reigning when this is animal is sighted will be very upright and will reign
with great love. And they do not know where it comes from, or how, or how
many there are; it is only seen in times of peace.

[283r]
[upper right quadrant]
This bird is not seen in times of heat, only when it is cold. They say that who-
ever retrieves one of its feathers will never be struck by lightening while he is
carrying it.
[upper left quadrant]
They claim some nonsense about this one, as usual, saying that when this ani-
mal wants there to be a strong wind, it is done, and when it wants it to rain, it
rains. They don’t consider it a god, even though they attribute this power to it.
[lower right quadrant]
If anyone eats this bird, he will break out in a rash.
[lower left quadrant: blank]
Chinese Bestiary 653

[283v]

Illustration 81 [a] Homtae [b] Yu [c] Biym [d] Gongji.

654 TRANSLATION

[284r]

Illustration 82 [a] Gu [b] Zhulong [c] Xixi [d] Simlioc.

Chinese Bestiary 655

[284v]
[upper left quadrant]
When this animal opens its eyes, they say that day breaks, and when it closes
them, night falls, and when it blows, it makes wind and winter comes on, and
when it holds its breath, it turns summer and is hot. And it doesn’t eat or drink.
And if it turns its head towards the north, there is a lot of wind. And its body
is 100 leagues long.
[upper right quadrant]
This monster or, more accurately, demon, has been seen by some of them.
[lower right quadrant]
It is worshipped by nine Chinese cities. And if they cease making sacrifices to
it, it comes into the city that has been revealed to it and creates havoc.
[lower left quadrant]
This fish swims in a river and sings like a bird. If a house is on fire, they say it
will go out if this fish is taken from the river.

[285r]
[upper right quadrant]
They say that this monster has been seen eating serpents.
[upper left quadrant]
They say that this animal can sing and dance and that it is very merry because
of its happiness. Its form is how it is depicted.
[lower right quadrant]
They say that wherever this monster sets its foot down, the ground dries up
and will never be green again.
[lower left quadrant]
This monster has been seen among them.
656 TRANSLATION

[285v]

Illustration 83 [a] Dijiang [b] Qioamleam [c] Chasisin [d] Sinpuat.

Chinese Bestiary 657

[286r]

Illustration 84 [a] Kaimingshou [b] Jiaochong [c] Xiangliu [d] Yoc Siu.
658 TRANSLATION

[286v]
[upper right quadrant]
This monster has also been said to have been sighted in China.
[upper left quadrant]
This monster has also been said to have been seen in some parts of China.
[lower right quadrant]
They say that the devil has appeared to them in this form.
[lower left quadrant]
This monster has been seen among them like the others.

[287r]
[upper right quadrant]
This animal is seen when the king is virtuous, or has a good heart, as they say.
[upper left quadrant]
The kingdom or province in which this animal is seen will fall, according to
their predictions.
[lower right quadrant]
When this animal is seen there will be universal peace in China.
[lower left quadrant]
A king kept this animal in his palace because of its enormous size.
Chinese Bestiary 659

[287v]

Illustration 85 [a] Quiv Bihou [b] Jiuweihu [c] Haychay [d] Ytcac Çiu.
660 TRANSLATION

[288r]

Illustration 86 [a] Hec Hou [b] Luy [c] Chemhim [d] Manchu.
Chinese Bestiary 661

[288v]
[upper right quadrant]
Whoever partakes of this animal will live so happily that he will never envy
another person.
[upper left quadrant]
They also say what has been said about the previous ones, that when this ani-
mal is seen there will be great peace.
[lower right quadrant]
They say that this animal barks like a dog.
[lower left quadrant]
This animal was presented as a gift to the king from a king of a realm distant
from China.

[289r]
[upper right quadrant]
This fish has nine bodies.
[upper left quadrant]
Whenever this fish is seen there will be great drought in the earth.
[lower right quadrant]
They say that whoever eats this fish will never be overcome by sleep.
[lower left quadrant: blank]
662 TRANSLATION

[289v]

Illustration 87 [a] Cozhu [b] Heluo [c] Caphu [d] Yamhui.

Chinese Bestiary 663

[290r]

Illustration 88 [a] Siuhu [b] Liomma [c] Lioc [d] Emliom.

664 TRANSLATION

[290v]
[upper right quadrant]
The same thing is said about this one as the others, that when it appears, there
is a good king in China.
[upper left quadrant]
This one was included here because of its form. It is a bird that they say always
walks on water.
[lower right quadrant]
This animal or serpent has been seen in China.
[lower left quadrant]
This animal dies with the cold of winter and comes back to life with the heat
of summer.
Chinese Bestiary 665

[291v]

Illustration 89 [a] Locto [b] Hu [c] Qiirin [d] Y Yo.

666 TRANSLATION

[292r]

Illustration 90 [a] Hou [b] Chay [c] Çay [d] Tu.

Chinese Bestiary 667

[292v]
[upper right quadrant]
This animal eats tigers.
[upper left quadrant: blank]
[lower right quadrant]
They say that when the moon is new these rabbits are born from the mouths of
others, and that they have no other opening in their bodies, and that through
this one they eat and perform all their other necessities.
[lower left quadrant]
They believe this animal to be the king of the animals, like we believe the lion
to be, and the Chinese Emperor has one in his house.

[293r]
[upper right quadrant]
This animal has enormous strength and it is made use of as mules are in Spain.
And it is said that unless 100 quintals1 is laid on its back, it refuses to walk.
[upper left quadrant]
This is an animal that walks on water.
[lower left quadrant: blank]
[upper right quadrant: blank]

1  100 pounds or approximately 46 kilograms.

668 TRANSLATION

[293v]

Illustration 91 [a] Chuibe [b] Pecte [c] Chem [d] Xiang.

Chinese Bestiary 669

[295v]

Illustration 92 [a] He [b] Anchun [c] Ha [d] Xique.

670 TRANSLATION

[297v]

Illustration 93 [a]Zhegu [b] Yingwa [c] Luci [d] Yeji.

Chinese Bestiary 671

[298r]

Illustration 94 [a] Xique [b] Baixian [c] Maque [d] Banjiu.

672 TRANSLATION

[299v]

Illustration 95 [a] Huabiy [b] Xique [c] Jiling [d] E.

Chinese Bestiary 673

[300r]

Illustration 96 [a] Kongque [b] Fenghuang [c] Soariy [d] Baihe.

674 TRANSLATION

[300v]
[upper right quadrant]
Kongque.
This bird never loses sight of the sun and its rays, and it is said that it receives
its sustenance from it.
Chinese Bestiary 675

[301v]

Illustration 97 [a] Kuang [b] Ekouchuang [c] Yelu [d] Zaomei.

676 TRANSLATION

[302r]

Illustration 98 [a] Yuanyang [b] Zhegu [c] Yeji [d] Dandinghe.

 Chapter 22

Champa

[303r]

An Account of the Customs of the Kingdom of Champa1

This is a land very fertile in food and livestock,2 and most healthy, though its
people are few; they are olive-skinned3 and they are heathens. They dress like
the Moros4 of this island of Luzon, and from the beginning to the present day
they have broken with none of their ancient customs. There is no coinage or
silver to sell anything with, and in order to buy what they need they trade
food for piece goods and other items they make for the purpose of buying and
selling with each other. And they trade in this way even when trading on a
large scale.
These people do not eat anything cooked, but only raw or rotting. And in
order to pass and digest5 these foods, they drink great quantities of very strong
spirits, which they drink a little at a time, but very frequently, considering it no
disgrace to fall down from drinking too much. On the contrary, when the nobil-
ity and the king have to discuss an important issue, first they all dine together
and drink as much as they wish6 and then decide what to do about the matter,
and then carry that decision out without fail.
The justice of this people is peculiar, for nothing whatever is a crime unless
they think it is.7 And when the crime is serious, they investigate it with two wit-
nesses. Their oaths are made with fire and boiling oil, and sentencing is carried
out with great cruelty on those condemned to death. Some are sentenced to be
trampled to death by elephants; others are flogged to death; others are tortured

1  This brief account is anonymous.

2  M S: ganado mayor; Boxer (Chams), 40, has “cows and oxen.”
3  M S: de color bazo, lit. ‘spleen-colored’; Spanish dictionaries define this color as yellowish-
brown; Boxer has “swarthy.”
4  Boxer has “Muslims.”
5  M S: para desistir e dixerir; Boxer (Chams), 40, has “digest and consume.” Desistir may be a
Lusism based on desistivo, meaning ‘purgative’ or desistir, meaning ‘defecate’.
6  M S: beben a discreçion; Boxer (Chams), 40, has “they drink their fill.”
7  M S: no es crimen para cosa alguna sino conforme a su parecer; Boxer (Chams), 40, has “they
have no fixed criminal code, but only their personal opinions.”

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004301542_046

678 TRANSLATION

for two or three days, during which time bits and pieces are cut out of their
bodies with pincers until they die. And for very trifling and everyday offences,
they cut off [303v] their feet, hands, arms and ears, punishing all offences in
this way, and not with flogging, fines or imprisonment. This is why all dealings
in this kingdom are concluded suddenly, and the judges of these trials are the
king and those who govern the land, which are four mandarins.
No one can wear shoes except the king, nor can a man be married to more
than two women.
The king and the all the leading men of this kingdom retain their offices in
perpetuity, using them for their own gratification.
They divide the year into six festivals. The first of these is consists of all their
vassals paying him8 tribute of what they possess. The king goes to a field, and
there all these tributes are gathered together and then alms are given9 to the
souls of their dead, and great obsequies and honors are performed10 in their
memory by raising an arigue,11 which is like a beam, in memory of them. Every
year this beam is hollow on the inside, and there the put their clothes so it can
get dressed.12 And at the foot of the arigue they put huge meals made in their
fashion. And then they mount some animals called carabaos, which are exactly
like Italian buffaloes; they also mount some horses they have and run many
races on them and on the carabaos. And they consider themselves daring and
noble if by the end of these celebrations their heads are split open, and thus in
the end he who takes the most spills is the most honored. These celebrations
last two months.
The second festival lasts as long as the first one, during which they spend
the entire time [304r] chanting; they can do nothing else, nor can they cease
their singing for anything except to eat. This festival takes place in the square
where the king lives, where they dine sumptuously. In the evenings they per-
forms plays in which they portray the customs, rituals and apparel of neighbor-
ing peoples. During these festivities the women from any social standing are

8  I.e., the king.

9  MS: y ellos da luego por las animas de sus difuntos de limosna; the syntax is garbled and the
meaning somewhat ambiguous—it could be the king who offers these alms.
10  MS: Y haze grandes obsequias y honrras en memoria dellos; again, the syntax is ambiguous;
the subject of the verb is singular, suggesting that it is the king who performs these rites.
11  Tagalog for ‘beam’ or ‘post’; Boxer (Chams), 41, has “stake.” See Williams, “Natural History,”
75, 88.
12  MS: Cada año este arigue esta gueco por de dentro y alli le meten sus vestidos para que se
vista. The text appears to be poorly copied here.
Champa 679

exempt from answering for their actions for three days, during which time they
may do as they please.
The third festival is that they go to the seashore and spend another two
months fishing. And the king is the first to throw his net into the sea, followed
by the leading men, and then the rest in their order. This is how they celebrate
all of this time, catching enough fish for the whole year, storing it in clay jars
with a little bit of salt thrown in. And they eat it rotten in this way, considering
it a delicacy. And when it is fresh, they cut it up in little pieces and eat it mixed
with with green ginger and pepper, topped with their very strong rice wine.
And this food keeps them very strong and robust.
On the king’s return journey to the city, lamps burn day and night, with
plays and public races held by the king.13 This festival, held upon the return of
the king, is their fourth festival.
The fifth one is that the king goes on an elephant hunt, of which there are
many in this land, taking with him the great and leading men of his kingdom,
riding their female elephants, accompanied by 500 or 600 Indians with their
hemp14 nets, which are made from rattan cords. And [304v] they surround the
jungle15 where the elephants live. And the females enter the place where the
wild elephants are, which follow the females all the way into a small area that
has been firmly fenced off, and there they keep them for several days until they
are tamed. This is how they capture a great number of them, though many are
killed for their ivory tusks.
The last festival they celebrate is a tiger hunt. And before going off to hunt
them, they hold great feasts and revels, for they say that their feasting and
revelry attract the tigers, which come to eat the buffalo that have been tied
to trees in several places. They place watchmen over them so that when the
tigers come to feed they can run and report it to the king, and they do this
very cautiously. And as soon as the king is notified he prepares himself with a
great number of Indians and nets, and he does with them16 as he does with the
elephants, surrounding them suddenly and killing them.17

13  MS: con algunas comedias y corridas en public que haze el rey; Boxer has “putting on plays
and races in public, in which the King participates.”
14  MS mecate; Boxer (Chams), 41, has “fibre.”
15  MS: monte; Boxer (Chams), 41, has “hill.”
16  I.e., the tigers.
17  Y haze con ellos lo que con los elefantes sercandolos una vez y alli los mata; Boxer (Chams),
42, has “and they do with the tigers like they do with the elephants, surrounding them at
once, and killing them there and then.”
680 TRANSLATION

It is the custom with these Indians during the time of this hunt for the king
and his wife to send 100 Indians or more out on the roads with explicit orders
to not return without two gold vessels full of human bile, which must be taken
from people of their own nation, and not from any other. And they obey as they
are commanded, sparing no one they meet up with on the roads, [305r] be they
highborn or low. And after tying them to a tree, they remove their gall and stuff
a little zacate,18 which is the grass of these lands, into the wound from which it
was taken. This done, they return to the king. And he takes 20 or 30 tigers and
kills them in the city, throwing them to the buffaloes and killing them with
javelins. This is done in a square created precisely for this purpose, in where all
the people are assembled to watch. When all this is over, the king and his wife
ride their elephants to a very beautiful river bank which they have in the city
where they bathe and wash with the human gall; they say that with this they
cleanse themselves of their sins and faults, and they live in this delusion.
They believe their leading people and ancestors are gods, whom they ask
to fill all their needs. They have another custom invented by the devil himself,
which is that when an important man dies, they burn him, but before doing so
his body lies in state for eight or ten days until the preparations can be made
that are appropriate to his status. They burn him in the countryside. And after
he dies, all of the household servants belonging to the deceased are taken and
held until the day their master’s or mistress’s corpse is to be burned, and they
are thrown alive onto the fire, along with everything that they served them
with in this life so that in the next life they can serve them. This is one of sev-
eral delusions they suffer from. They throw them all onto a great bonfire or
firepit that they have for this purpose, which serves as their tombs and graves.
Another custom they follow [305v] which is a supreme torment for the
women is that when their husbands die they burn his wife with him, together
with all of his and her servants.19 They claim this law was adopted to prevent
wives from administering poison to their husbands, for all kinds of witchcraft
and wickedness are prevalent in these lands, and skill in herbal lore—many
herbs are used for this purpose. They say that if the wife knows that she will not
live any longer than her husband, she will make sure he lives a long and happy
life and will not dare poison him to death, as I have explained.
They have many other customs, but they will not be written here to avoid
prolixity, since these are the main ones that have come to our attention and
which they follow.

18  MS: çacate; meaning ‘pasture grass, fodder’ in Nahuatl.

19  This is a description of the funeral practice among some Indian communities called sati
or suttee, in which a recently widowed woman would immolate herself on her husband’s
funeral pyre; see Y&B, 878–883 s.v. suttee.
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Index

Abdul Kahar 397n, 403n, 404 Anoranor xix, xxv, 340–341

Acapulco 304 antidote 319, 422, 480n
accountant 407 apples 585
accuser 408 apricots 585
Aceh xiv, 13, 17, 19, 21, 29, 439–485, 500–501 areca xix, xx, 317n, 323, 360, 444, 467, 472
Acehnese 442–443, 458, 462, 467, 469, 471 arigue xix, 678
acrobat 584 Aril Lula, see Abdul Kahar
Adriatic 563 arithmetic 560, 589–590
adulterer 348, 410–411 arms 334, 342, 349, 353, 362, 429, 433, 597,
adultery 348, 351, 365 678
agreement(s) 373, 408, 508, 535, 644 armlets 362
Ajaju 590 armor 318, 345, 384
Akechi Mitsuhide 526 armory 572
Albuquerque, Afonso de 401n, 439n, 483 arras xix, 321
alcalde de hermandad 594n arrepeke xix, 308
Alden, Dauril 3–4 Arrimata 497
alférez general 591n arrobas xix, 574
alférez mayor 591n arrow(s) 310, 318, 322, 345, 381, 385, 422, 474,
Allah 413 512, 514, 518, 571–572, 643
allegiance 10, 418, 492n artillery xxi, xxii, xxiii, xxviii, xxx, 422, 430,
alloy xxvii, 334n, 419, 480n 447–449, 452–456, 458–459, 462, 464,
alms 589, 602, 678 473–474, 486–490, 498, 520, 572
almenina 354 artisan(s) 33–34, 334, 344, 354, 363
almud xix, 387 Aru 469–471
altar(s) 358, 373, 390–392, 599–601 Asahan River 471
amber 510 ass(es) 585
Ambon 477n, 506n, 521, 523 aswang, see malaques 
ambush(es) 384, 514, 521, 526 Atula 521
amoq xix, 434 augury 590
Anaade 521 aunt(s) 411
ancestor(s) xix, 23, 318, 319n, 339–340, 342, author(s) 1, 7–10, 12–14, 17, 25–26, 36, 308n,
355, 358, 360, 374, 384, 388, 496, 520, 560
560n, 680 authority(-ies) 1, 24–25, 27, 344, 374, 597
anchashi xix, 592 Ave Maria 430
anchor 311, 398, 440, 443–446, 456–468, Ayer Collection 17
492–494, 515 Ayer Laban 466–468
anchorage(s) 32, 305n, 398n, 445, 447, Ayer Tawar 440
457–458, 463–467, 491, 494, 498, 543n Azambuja, Diogo de 523
anchun xix, 669 Aztec 10
anfusi xix, 569
animal(s) 7, 31, 34, 329n, 343, 514, 518, 570, babaye xix, 337
580, 585, 587, 640, 646, 649, 652, 655, babaylan xix, xx, xxv
658, 661, 664, 667, 678 Bacan 503–504, 522–523
anito xix, xxv, xxvi, 319–320, 358n, 373n, Baçitan 470
374–375, 378–382 bacon 583
694 Index

bagangan xix, 400 bastion(s) 449–450, 457–463, 467, 469,

bahag(i) xix, 318, 335 486–487, 489, 498, 509n, 572
bahandi xix, xx, 317, 322 Bataan 328n, 372n, 376
bahar xix, xxviii, 420, 441 batguin xx, xxix, 418, 420
Bahdur 422n Bathala xx, xxvi, 357, 360, 373, 378, 379
baihe xix, 673 bathe 347, 363, 377, 378, 382, 390, 680
bailiff(s) xxvii, 407, 571, 592, 594 Batin Sarangan 470
baixian xix, 671 Bato Bara 471
baju xix, 417 Bato Pute 465
balai xix, 452–454, 466 Bauaam 470
balai raesa xx, 418 bauchiu 565n, 594n
balai sa-bandong xx, 454 bayani xx, 382–383
balance(s) xxii, 419–420 baylan(es) or babaylan(es) xx, 341
balangay 346n bayog or bayoguin xx, 374
Bali 477n, 510 baysan(as) xx, 341
bamboo(s) 305, 323n, 337, 345–348, 350, bazaar 420
353–354, 362–363, 381n, 385, 399, 453, beans 584
455, 459, 461, 463, 498, 514, 589, 592, beard(s) 362, 416, 429, 433, 517, 578, 602
599, 601, 639n beds 350, 499
banana(s) 30, 307, 350, 353, 365, 390, 444, beef 583
440, 452 behead xxviii, 409
Banda 429n, 477, 508, 509, 513, 521n, 524 Beijing xxix, 560n, 563n, 565–571, 573–574,
Bandanese 513 587, 591 
Bangka 440n, 497 bell(s) 320, 321, 342, 373, 430, 596, 599, 602
bangka(s) xx, 305n, 381, 398, 420, 421 bendahara xx, 405
Bangplasoi 493 Bengal 472, 481, 597
Banjarmasin 307n, 363n, 497 benzoin 472, 477, 498
banjiu xx, 671 bestialities 354
banner(s) 604 bestiary 14–15, 22, 34, 646–676
banquet(s) 341, 358–360, 417, 582–584 Betan Rajal 451
bantay xx, 320 betel xx, 310n, 317, 323, 360, 380, 390, 391,
Banten 498 444, 517
baqueruelo xx, 516 bezoar 480, 500
barangays xx, 346, 353 Biar 466
bararao xx, 328, 345 bigay-kaya xx, 348
bargainers 362 bile 680
barks 318, 362, 363, 385, 472n, 511n, 517, 523n Bima 510
barley 574, 582, 584 bini sungguh xx, 411
baro xx, 350 biray xx, 346
barotos xx, 316, 323, 515 bird(s) xx, xxiii, xxvi, xxxi, 31, 34, 35, 311, 319,
Barreto, Francisco 461 336, 338, 345, 360, 379, 414, 454, 570, 588
barter 510 644n, 646, 649, 652, 655, 664, 674
Barus 402, 441, 472, 480 bird(s) of prey 336n, 584
basil 390–391, 402n biretta 572, 579
basket(s) xxi, 29, 323, 347, 581  birocos xx, 346 
basket-makers 347 biscuit(s) 513, 514
Bassein 482 bishops 413, 425
bastard(s) 365, 404–405, 407, 417 bitik xx, 362
Index 695

bitumen 349 bugay, see bigay-kaya

blacks 316n building(s) 347, 361, 363, 381, 387, 418n,
blacksmiths 349, 363 452n, 562n, 575n, 585–588, 640
blancas xx, 419 bulagani, bulacani xix, xx, 317, 322
blind 365, 589 Bunga Satanguei 452
blood 319, 345, 353, 374, 378, 422, 434 burial(s) 322–323, 377, 414, 640n
blowgun(s) 345, 422 burins 363
boars 505, 511, 514 Butung 510
boat(s) xx, 17, 305–308, 323n, 346–347, 349, buzhengshi xxi, 565, 592, 594
351, 379–380, 387, 392, 398, 421, 425, 426, byáo xxi, 355
443, 456, 471, 478, 489, 498, 515, 519, 528
bodice(s) 335, 364 Cabaye xxi, 337
Bolkiah 401n, 404n cabbage(s) 585
bonnet(s) 572, 578–580 Cagayan 13, 16, 315–323
Boo 504n, 505 Cagayan River 315
book(s) 22, 25, 31, 34, 363, 560–561, 569–570, Cagayans 15, 17–18, 31, 315–323
572–573, 587, 589, 601, 642 caiman(s) 343, 375, 379–381
Borneo 306, 346n, 357, 363n, 380, 397n, 399, Caishen xxi, 609
401, 402n, 403, 477n, 480n, 497n, 500, calambac 479
561n Calaque xxi, 337
Bornot 465–466 calicut xxi, 417
Boron 511 calling 342, 640
Botan 507 caltrops 572
bow(s) 310, 318, 322, 385, 392, 422, 518, 571 Cambodia, see also Kampuchea
Boxer Codex 1–34 cameletes xxi, 442, 443, 449
Boxer Manuscript I and II collections 4–5 campaigns 384
Boxer, Charles Ralph 2–5, 9, 16 camphors 402, 424, 472, 477
brass 7, 334, 349, 354, 507n, 587 candles 373, 408, 585, 639
bravery 541  canes 488
Brazilwood, see sappanwood Canglan, see Quang Nam
bread 320, 506, 514, 582–583 canjiang xxi, 592
bribe(s) 382, 595 cannon(s) xxi, xxiii, xxvi, 363, 422n, 442n,
bride xxvii, 348, 382, 412 473n, 488n
brigantine(s) 475, 475n, 493 cantors 601
bronze 363, 507 canzheng xxi, 594
broth(s) 495, 584 Cape Comorin 475, 483
brother(s) 337, 338, 352, 405, 407, 415, 574, Cape Espiritu Santo 303, 304n
595 capitão-mor 452n, 476
brother-in-laws 411 capon(s) 583, 584, 584n
Brunei 17, 18, 31, 306n, 307n, 363, 380, 381, captain(s) xxvi, xxxi, 407, 416, 423, 424, 425,
397–426, 477, 597 476, 521, 523, 571, 574, 578–580,
Brunei River 397 583–584, 592–593, 595, 597, 602
Bruneians 31, 385, 394, 395, 400, 401n, 414, carabao(s) xxi, 329, 434, 678
417, 561 carbuncles 519
bucklers 345, 422, 433, 474, 571, 600 cards 349
Buddha xxiii, xxix, 598n, 601n Care 471
buffalo(es) xxi, 317, 319, 329, 346, 353, 364, Caro 471
382, 384, 464, 467, 473, 514, 584, carpenter(s) 349, 363, 640n
678–680 carrack(s) xxi, 458, 460, 464–467, 473, 498
696 Index

Carrión, Juan Pablo de 315n 387–390, 403–405, 411–414, 417, 430,

Carroll, John Spencer xiv, 18–19 474, 511, 574, 578, 595, 638n 643, 649
Carti 470 China 1, 6, 8, 14–17, 21–22, 26, 31–32, 34,
casado(s) xxi, 516, 516n 310n, 316n, 329n 335, 336, 364, 402–403,
casanaan xxi, 373 476–477, 479, 481, 492, 497, 499–500,
Casas, Bartolomé de las 19 526, 228, 530, 551, 559–602, 606, 637,
casement(s) 570, 571 642, 644, 646, 649, 658, 661, 664, see
Castile 344, 351, 594n, 597n also Tai Ming
Castilian xx, xxx, 29, 362, 386n, 397n, 419, chinantas xxii, 419
420, 445n, 459n, 508n, 522n, 591 Chimbu 641, 642
Castro, Dom João de 483 Chinese 1–2, 13–14, 16, 22, 25, 27, 28, 31–35,
Cathay 559–560 334n, 363n, 385, 401n, 402–403, 472,
cattle 467, 473, 497, 499, 574n, 584, 640 478n, 479n, 485, 527, 533, 535, 543n, 551,
catty xxi, xxviii, xxix, 322n, 420, 424, 499 559–602, 603–679
catur(es) xxi, 468, 468n, 474 chinina 323
caul 342 Chirino, Pedro, S.J. 7–8, 25, 360n
cavalier(s) 572, 572n chokers 322
Cavin 401 Christian(s) 14, 430n, 483, 501, 521, 527–528
Cayo Lupan 470 Christianity 12, 476, 586n
Cebu 26, 306n, 316n, 334n, 372, 400, 517n Chudi 577n
celebration(s) 321, 373, 377, 643, 678 Chuzhou 588
ceremony(-ies) 16, 22, 33, 320, 25n, 355, 357, cinnamons 480n, 481n, 517, 523
372–374, 389, 391, 413–414, 528, 530, 581, circumcision(s) xxvi, 357, 400n, 413–414
582n, 583, 599 citrons 585
Çey 571 civet 389
Chachen 485 cloth(s) 318, 322, 323, 335, 351, 361, 364, 365,
chaguan xxi 373, 389, 390, 417, 425, 433, 473n, 516,
chain(s) 336, 349, 362, 506, 642 574
chamber(s) 453, 459, 487n, 509, 585 clove(s) 307n, 429n, 477, 480n, 523n
Chamorro xix, 17, 31, 33, 303n, 304n, 310n Cochin 479n, 481, 482n
Champa xxi, 15, 16, 17, 32, 479, 500, 539, Cochinchina 479, 481, 500
596n, 677–680 cock-fighting 349
Chams 22, 32, 677–680 coconut(s) 306–309, 472
channel(s) 398, 462, 469, 528 coconut palms 347, 353, 363–364, 585
Chaul 482 codex, codices 1, 1n, 3, 10
checkers 349n coffins 323n, 342, 353, 365, 376
cheese 364 coin(s) xix, xx, xxii, xxiii, xxvi, xxvii, xxviii,
chemise(s) 336, 364 xxx, 321n, 351n, 418, 419, 424n, 484n,
Chen 577 497n, 499, 588, 639
chess 349n coinage 677
chests 309, 322 Colín, Francisco, S.J. 25–26
chicken(s) 353, 364, 373, 378, 511, 514, 515, comet 392
516, 518 comien 568 
chief(s) xxii, 319, 321–322, 323n, 339, commoner(s) xxvii, 31, 390, 405, 413–414,
343–344, 346–347, 352–353, 355, 572–573, 581–582
361–362, 364, 366, 376, 378, 384, community(-ies) 11, 315, 384n, 516n, 575, 581,
386–387, 389, 392–393, 400, 509, 516 586, 500–601, 680
child(ren) 319–320, 320, 322, 328, 338–339, Compañía de Impresores y Libreros del Reino 
343, 350–352, 363, 365, 378–379, 22
Index 697

Company, see Jesuits cudgel(s) 592

compass(es) 423, 589–590 cuirass(es) xxii, xxiv, 20, 319, 345–346, 384,
compiler(s) 1, 7–9, 12–13, 15–16, 23–26, 422n, 429, 434
33–36 culverin xxii, xxx, 363n, 486, 488
conch 366 cure(s) xxiii, xxiv, 374, 380, 639, 643, 649
concubine(s) xxiv, 411 custom(s) 14, 35, 307, 318, 321, 322n,
conquest(s) 10, 14n, 501 328–329, 334, 336, 348, 351–355, 357,
constables 407 360, 363–366, 372n, 377, 382, 384, 388,
contadores xxii, 639 390n, 392, 400, 403, 405, 408n, 410n, 411,
contract(s) 419n, 535 414–415, 418, 425, 433, 494, 495, 512, 515,
convents 602 520, 528, 541, 545, 551, 579, 582, 583, 600,
convention(s) 6–7, 24, 30–31, 397n, 449n  603, 677–678, 680
copper xx, xxvi, xxvii, 334n, 419, 587, 588 customs [revenues] 451, 475, 476, 480, 483,
copper coin xxvi, 588 494
copulation 382 cutlasses 422, 425, 433
Coromandel 473, 481
corregidor xxii, 11, 26, 592n, 594 Da Liuqiu 564, 597
corsairs 423n, 539, 595 Da Yu 575
cotton xxiv, 29, 323n, 335–336, 345, 350–351, Dabhol 472, 473
361, 364–365, 384, 422n, 473n, 510, 574, dagger(s) xx, xxviii, 318, 319n, 322, 328n, 345,
579, 587 385, 409, 412, 422, 433
counterfeiting 408 Daimao xxii, 16, 32, 543n
counterweight(s) 305, 346, 453n, 640n dais 425
country 318, 498, 507, 509, 511, 516, 517, 523, Daman 482n
530, 559–561, 563, 565, 574, 584, 587, damask 335, 336, 364, 579
591, 592, 680 dandinghe xxii, 676
courtesy(-ies) 415, 416, 495, 581, 583 Danshui xxii, 16, 32, 541
courtship 411 Daoli xxii, 595
courtyard(s) 583, 585, 586 Dao-xuan 598
cousin(s) 407, 411, 430  darts 345, 422
cowries xxi, 499 Dasmariñas, Gómez Pérez 9, 12, 22–25, 27
crabs 320, 504 Dasmariñas, Luis Pérez 9, 12, 22–25, 27
creation(s) xxi, 339, 357, 358, 637 datus 339, 344
creditor(s) 348n, 409 daughters 348, 411, 429, 598
Credo(s) 416, 423 Daya 440–441, 456–457
crime(s) 347, 351–352, 406, 408, 410n, debtor(s) 344n, 389, 409
411–412, 591, 594n, 595, 677 deer 317, 353, 387, 469, 473, 497
crocodile 343n defendant(s) 407–408
Cron Raya 463–465 degaron xxii, xxvii, 406–407
croquet 349 Deli River 469n
cross(es) 410, 511 Delobo 318
crossbeam(s) xxviii, 423 demon(s) xix, 31, 34, 341–342, 343n, 597,
Crossley, John Newsome xiv, 22–23 599, 602, 638, 641–643, 655
Cruz, Gaspar da 8, 570n Dengzhou 588
cruzado(s) xxii, 484, 497 depository(-ies) xxii, 509
crystal(s) 481 destar xxii, 417
cubit xxii, xxiii, 498 devil(s) 319, 355, 514, 599, 640–643, 646, 658
cuckold 410–411 diadems 366
cucumbers 585, 601 diamond(s) 480, 500
698 Index

dianshi xxii, 594 esclavoneses 473, 474

Dias, Antonio 485 esfera(s) xxi, xxiii, 488
dic, see mace [weight & coin] estancia 468n
Diguan xxii, 598 estate(s) 26, 403–405
Dihuang 574 eunuchs xxi, 454
Dijiang xxii, 656 executions xxviii, 409, 412
dispute(s) 345, 361, 366, 541 executioner(s) 571, 592, 594, 597
Diu 482
divers 308 factor 407
divorce 321, 348, 411 fair(s) 420, 451n
doctrina(s) xxii, 347, 347n falcon(s) xxiii, 308n, 486
donkeys 580, 585 falconets xxiii
doves xx, 338, 360n, 584 fallow 587
dowry 321, 348, 377, 382, 411–413 famine 392
drago or dragoncillo 517n fanega(s) xxi, xxiii, 323n, 346, 574
dragon’s blood 472 farms 307, 461, 587
drawing(s) 1, 7, 13, 15, 17, 25, 31–32, 35, 75, fasting xxvi, 365, 430, 430n, 639
305, 354, 560, 564, 605, 646* fasteners 355
dream(s) 360, 380 father(s) 322, 339–341, 348, 352, 388–390,
Driver, Marjorie G. 17 404, 410, 467, 496, 519, 571, 595, 638
drug(s) 480, 483, 517n, 587 fathom(s) xxiii, 318, 323, 335, 347, 393, 398,
Drugun 497 403, 424, 443, 444, 449, 450, 457, 463,
drum(s) xxiv, 373, 430, 527, 583–584, 593, 471, 486, 487, 494, 562, 572
601–602 feast(s) xxvii, 319–321, 328, 340–342, 349,
ducat(s) xxiii, 351, 506, 574 351, 358–359, 374–375, 383, 390, 412, 414,
ducks xxxi, 364, 454, 583, 584, 599 426, 430, 597, 600–602, 679
feathers 34–35, 322, 429, 514, 592, 652
e xxiii, 672 feet binding 579
eaglewood 479, 480, 500 feifei xxiii, 650
Earl Ilchester 2, 23 fenghuang xxiii, 673
earrings xxvii, 322, 344n festival(s) 430n, 678–679
earthquake(s) xxv, 338, 379 fetters 595
ebony 318, 500 fidalgos xxiv, 339n, 452n, see also hidalgo(s)
eclipses 392 filigree xxviii, 344, 349
eggs 389, 584, 600, 601 finger(s) xxii, xxiii, 309, 309, 318, 354, 362,
eggplants 601 385, 424, 454, 498n, 579, 582, 592, 595
ekouchuang xxiii, 675 fingernail(s) 424, 579, 641
El Escorial 19 fire-bombs 572
elephant(s) xxxi, 3346, 452, 467, 474, 677, firelocks 429
679–680 firewood 588
emblems 511, 592 fish xxiv, xxv, xxvii, xxxi, 305, 307–309, 338,
Enbanga 494 340, 346, 353, 359, 375, 379, 422, 429,
encomienda xxiii, 11, 26, 345, 425 495, 504–505, 512, 514–515, 518, 537,
enemy(-ies) 304n, 320, 353, 364, 379, 400, 583–584, 586, 599–601, 655, 661, 679
423, 434, 439n, 474, 494, 516, 526, 528, fishermen 440, 449, 465–466, 637
551 flag(s) 454, 511, 590, 605
Enjon 467 flog/flogging(s) 592–593, 595, 677–678
ensigns 604 flood(s) 336–337, 446, 497n, 498, 575n, 578
Index 699

fly-whisks 581 garment(s) 323n, 335–336, 429, 516, 579

Fo xxiii, xxix, 601n garret(s) 487, 571
foists xxiii, 422, 443–444, 447–449, 458, 460, garrison(s) xx, 441, 560, 567, 569–571, 573,
464–465, 467–471, 474–475, 486, 489 580, 597n
food(s) 316, 320, 329n, 342, 351, 353, 359, 376, Garzen 486–487, 489–490
379, 384, 387, 390, 420, 448, 467, 469, gate(s) 451–455, 459–460, 486–489, 493,
490, 495, 514, 518, 520, 582–584, 599, 571–572, 585, 593, 596, 641, 642
601, 603, 638n, 677, 679 gauze 429
foodstuffs 400, 454, 469–470, 477–478, 482, Gebe 516
489–491, 499, 513 geese 583–584
fortress(es) 418, 441, 466, 468, 469, 476, gem(s) 3, 321, 481
481n, 482n, 483n, 485, 489, 504n, geme 310, 433, 580
520–523 genitals 354, 359
foundry 406, 451 Gentile(s) xxiii, 357, 511
fowls 311 geometry 560, 590
francolins xxxii, 584 Giao Chi xxx, 32, 33, 479n, 529–531, 533, 539,
free womb law 405 596, see also Tonkin and Vietnam
friar(s) 13, 25, 559n, 580, 601, 602 gigilid xxiii, 7, 387
friendships 353, 505, 515 gigilid namamahe xxiii
frigates 446 Gil, Diogo 21, 448
frontier 560, 562, 573 ginger 679
fruit(s) 307, 309, 317, 350, 359, 365, 378, 402, ginoviscos 473–474
490–491, 518, 582–586, 599–601 glass 473, 641
fu xxii, 567–568 goat(s) 364, 414, 430, 464, 514, 518, 584
Fu Xi Sanhuang xxiii, 575 goblin 381
Fujian xxvii, xxviii, xxix, 14, 402n, 478n, God xx, xxvi, 355, 357, 358n, 373, 379, 389,
535n, 563–564, 567–569, 571, 573, 585, 413, 476, 483, 519, 520, 602, 637, 643
588, 591, 599 gold xxi, xxiii, xxvii, xxx, 307, 317, 319,
funeral rites 340–341, 353, 376, 413 320–322, 328, 335, 344, 348–349, 351,
funeral practices 680n 354, 359, 362, 365, 376–377, 382, 393,
Fuzhou 478n, 563, 564, 569–572, 584–585, 402, 418, 420, 429, 441, 471–473, 477,
587 479, 481, 484n, 499–500, 505–506,
509–510, 513–514, 516–517, 519, 523, 579,
gall 424, 680 587–588, 643
galleon(s) 17, 25, 304n, 517n goldmines 317, 402, 588
galley(s) 422, 423 goldsmiths 349
galliot(s) xxiii, 490 Gong Di 576
games 349, 589 gong(s) 507, 515, 516
gammons 583 Gonggong xxiv, xxxi, 633
gantang xxiii, 387, 420 gongji xxiv, 653
gantung xxiii, 409 Gongsi 576, see also Liu Shan
Gao Di 577 Goujian xxiv, 643
Gaozu 577 gourd(s) 308, 585, 601, 639
Garau 512 Gouri 469–470
García, Mauro 18 governments xxi, 4, 397–398, 568, 591
garden(s) 351, 430, 440, 446–447, 450–452, governor(s) xx, xxii, xxxi, 14, 26–27, 403,
455, 459–460, 467, 506, 513, 585–586, 601 406–407, 416n, 418, 476, 483n, 567–568,
garlic 585 591–592, 593n, 594n
700 Index

grape(s) 364, 582, 584 he xxiv, 669

grass xxxi, 29, 359, 375, 589, 680 He Ti 577
Great Wall 562n headdress(es) xxii, 335, 362n, 417, 433
grey heron 320 headland(s) 304n, 397, 439–445, 457,
groom xxix, xxvii, 321n, 348, 382, 412 463–465, 483n, 485–487
gu xxiv, 654 healings xxxi, 640
Guam 303n, 304n, 305n Heaven xxx, 560n, 598–599, 602, 641n
Guan Yu xxiv, 576, 598, 642 heaven(s) xxiii, xxiv, xxvii, 340, 343, 373,
Guangdong 564, 566, 568–571, 573, 587n, 512n, 574–575, 590, 598, 638–639,
588 641–645
Guangxi 32, 566–568, 571, 573, 587n, 588 hedao xxiv, 594
Guangzhou 500, 569–570, 637 helmet(s) 318, 319, 345, 429
guanjunshi xxiv, 592 heluo xxiv, 662
guard(s) xx, xxv, 320n, 376, 400, 423, 425, hemp 679
441, 443, 454, 461–462, 464, 476, 509, hens 583, 584
571, 603, 642 Henan 567, 571, 573
guests 342, 351, 412, 583–584 herb 353, 380–381, 434
Guiguian 467 herbalist xxxii, 643
Guinea 503n, 512–515 hermits 601
guitar(s) 354, 364 herring-bone 335
Guixian 588 heshang xxiv, 602
Guizhou 566, 568, 571, 573, 587n, 588 Hiau Ganzue 629, 644
Gun 575n hidalgos xxiv, 339n, 452n, see also fidalgos 
gundek xxiv, 411 high courts xix, 405n, 565
gunpowder 474, 497, 572 highwaymen 595
Guo Wei, see Taizu Hindu(s) 346n, 399n, 422n, 492, 511n, 520
Guyntan 566 Hinduism 511
Hodgson 2
Haik xxiv, 359 hoes 587
Hainan Island 564 Hokkien, see also Fujian
halberds 571 Holland Fox-Strangways, Giles Stephen 23
hamlet 465 Holland House 2
hammocks 350 holy day 430
Hamtam 642 Hongwu 560, 578
Han Gaozu 576 Honsun 628, 644
Hancosau, see Han Gaozu Honsunganzuen 645
hand mills 587 hook 307
Hantea 637 hoop 354–355
harpoons 429, 537 Hoquiu Yntey 575
harquebus(es) xix, 308–309, 381, 410, 422, Hormuz 483
434, 441, 448–453, 455–456, 461–462, horn 354, 589, 649
465–466, 470–471, 473–474, 487–488, horohanes xxiv, 351
490, 496, 511, 513–515, 571, 593, 601 horse(s) xxvi, 307, 577, 578, 580, 585, 596,
harquebusiers 310 599, 603, 605, 640n, 678
harvest(s) xxv, 321, 338n, 359n, 362, 364, 381, hou xxiv, 666
400, 496, 514, 587, 590 Hou Jin 577
hatchet 309 household(s) 320, 343, 351, 404, 408, 411n,
hayoheyes xxiv, 351 570n, 573, 680
hayto, see hedao Hsing-hua 599
Index 701

hu xxii, 567–568 Jam 582

Huang He, see Yellow River Jambi 440n, 441n, 496
Huatuo xxiv, 630, 644 Janbean, see Jambi
Huguang 567, 568, 571, 573 Japan xxiv, 3, 4, 17, 21, 31, 303n, 310n, 475,
Humal 564 478, 479n, 483, 497, 500, 526–528, 537,
hunts 379, 469, 679–680 564, 565, 597
husband(s) 321, 340–341, 348, 377–380, 382, Japanese 3, 32, 479n, 526n, 527–528
390, 410–414, 417, 467, 640, 680 jar(s) 376, 386–387, 390–392
Husin 607, 637 Java 16, 17, 19, 21, 31, 306n, 346n, 399,
hymns 601 433–434, 440n, 441, 477, 478, 496n, 497,
500, 510, 514
ichcauipilli xxiv, 422 Javanese 31, 431, 432, 433, 489, 510–511, 513
idol(s) xix, xxx, 319n, 344, 360, 361, 373n, javelin(s) xxv, 310, 508n, 572, 680
499n, 585, 597, 599–602, 606, 637, 639 jaw harps 354
illness(es) 343, 353, 360, 375, 380, 511, 517, Jesuits (Society of Jesus) 14n, 25, 527–528
581, 644 jewelry 317n, 321, 335, 353, 362, 365, 374
illustration(s) xxxi, 1, 6, 13–17, 25, 27–35, Jiangxi 564n, 566n, 567, 568, 588
303n, 305n, 306n, 329n, 355n, 603n, Jiaochong xxiv, 657
605n, 640n jiling xxv, 672
impalement xxix, 408–409 Jin 577n
incense 350n, 402n, 472n, 478n, 479n, 600, Jin Wu Di 576
602, 639, 641 jiuweihu xxv, 659
India xxvi, xxx, 5n, 318n, 329n, 346, 417n, Johor 33, 422n, 476, 479n, 496, 500
420n, 429, 442n, 465n, 472n, 473n, Jolo 346, 399, 411
475–477, 478n, 479n 480, 481n, 482n, judge(s) xix, 27, 400, 405–409, 419n, 509,
483, 497, 500, 509n, 561, 602n 592n, 595
Indian Ocean xxi, 306n, 406n, 439n, 440n, jujubes 585
481n, 499n, 561 jun xxv, 570, 571
Indian(s) [indigenous peoples of West and junks 478, 490, 491, 496, 498, 510
East Indies] 306n junmen xxv, 568n, 591, 593
Indiana University 3 jurisdiction xxii, xxiii, 11, 345n, 399, 573, 597
indigo 472, 497
infirmities 539 Kacili Menteri 522
inheritances 404–405 Kaimingshou xxv, 657
inn(s) 495, 601 kalakal xxv, 405
insignia(s) 402, 407, 603, 604 kalawai xxv, 508
institution(s) xxiii, 4, 10, 361 Kampuchea xxv, 15, 16, 32, 33, 481n, 545, 549,
investigations 12, 23, 27, 408 597
iron xxi, 307–310, 345n, 349–350, 385, 422, kampung 449n
429, 433, 474, 481, 510, 514, 516, 572, 587 Kampung Bengala 449, 451
irrigation 587 Kampung Pedagang 450–451, 460–461
Island of the Exiles 444–446 Kampung Pegu 449–451
Islands of the West xxiv, 305n, 339, 346, 347, Kao-li, see Korea
355, 357 kapul dikit 424
Islas de las Indias Orientales 12 kapul kepala 424
ivory xxi, xxx, 349, 581, 679 kapul tengah 424
katana xxv, 528
jackets xix, 361, 364, 429 katalungan xix, xx, xxv, 320n, 358, 374–375
Jacsiu 573 Kauchi, see Hainan Island
702 Index

kauyo kapur 423 langgar xxv, 451, 465, 466, 469, 470

Kedah 475n, 479 Laojun xxv, 635, 645
Keelung xxv, 16, 32, 537, 541 Laozi, see Laojun
kepitan xxv, 410 Larap 489
keystones 586 lashkar 416
Khambhat 442, 472–473 lateen 303n, 305n, 306
khatib xxv, 413 Later Jin 577n
khatib besar xxv, 413, 418 Later Tang 577n
Kidang 513 laton 334n
kite 336–337 lawang 517n, 523n
kongque xxv, 673 Lazarillo de Tormes 8
kora-kora xxv, 503, 505–506, 508, 512, lead xxviii, 354, 419, 473, 481, 587
521–523 league(s) xxv, 304n
Koran 400, 401n, 405, 415 legumes 350, 415
Kota Bagun Bele 471 lemons 585
kris xxviii, 433, 514 Lent 430
kuala 446n Lequios, see Da Liuqiu
Kuala Baça 485, 489–490 Liang 322n
Kuala Cadek 461–463 Liang 577n
Kuala Saba 446, 489 Liangdao xxv, 593
Kuala Sabang 447–448, 450, 457–458 Lianzhou 588
Kuala Tauar 490 Liau-lo 599
Kuala Tiua 490–491 Lidey 468
Kublai Khan 578n Ligor 496, 500
Kubo-sama 526–528 Lilly Library 3–5
lime 317n, 323, 455, 586
Laban 466 linen(s) 415, 429, 574, 579
Labe 480 Lingayen Gulf 32, 372n, 543n
Labey, see Torobi Linog xxv, 338
laborers 421, 535, 594n Liu Bei xxiv, 576, 598
Labu 468–469 Liu Shan 576
Labuhan 398 Liu Song 576n
lacun, see mace [weight & coin] live waters xxv, 488
Ladrones 15–17, 21, 33, 303–311 livestock 677
lagoon 315n, 506 Lixar, see Nulaalan
Lakanbakor xxv, 358–359 lizard 343
Lakanpati xxv, 359 Loarca, Miguel de 7, 8, 26
laksa xxv, 419 Loboblam xix, xxv, xxvi, 340–341
lalaki xxv, 337 Lobor 457, 463–465
Lal-Lo 315n lobster(s) 518
lamps 376, 470, 599, 679 Lojor 457
Lampanas 466 lombard xxvi, 485, 491
Lamquiaa 565, 567, 571, 573 lombarderos 473
Lancate 470 long-pepper 572
lance(s) 318, 322, 341, 345, 385, 422, 474, 605 Loor 463–464
landang xxv, 506, 511–514, 516 Lord of the Harbor xxvi, 406, 419
landing-place(s) 448–450, 458, 462–465, Lu Ban xxvi, 640
486, 489 luan xxvi, 648
Index 703

Lubublan, see Loboblam Mariveles 376

luci xxvi, 670 markets 420, 451n, 498, 512, 586
Lu Hsien 564 marriage(s) xxiii, xxiv, xxvii, 7, 321, 338, 348,
lutes 584 352, 382, 386n, 403n, 411–413
luxury 341–342, 528 masjid xxvi, 413
Luzon xix, xx, 13, 25, 26, 32, 33, 304n, 315n, masok sunat xxvi, 414
316n, 320, 328n, 334n, 357n, 358n, 364n, massoia 511, 514, 517n, 523
372, 397n, 400, 429, 543, 677 master(s) xxiii, 351, 353, 386–388, 393, 410,
421, 526, 637, 680
ma xxvi, 650 matins 602
maca xxvi, 373 Mausulipatnam 481
MacCluer Gulf 517n Maya 10
mace [spice] 429n, 477, 480n, 513, 524 May-Ari xxvi, 358, 373, 378
mace [weight & coin] xxv, xxvi, xxix, 420, Mazu xxvi, xxvii, 599n
589n Mecca 442, 472–474, 477, 480
Madina 469 Meizhou 599
Madiuyn 527 mejora xxvi, 348, 404
Madre River 446 Melaka 14, 19, 439, 440n, 446n, 451n, 473, 475,
maganitos xxvi, xxix, 320–321, 328, 341–342, 476, 479n, 481, 485, 492, 500, 501, 597
374, 378, 380–381 melons 585, 601
magarahe xxvi, 365 memas 499
Magellan, Ferdinand 303n, 304n memorias xxvi, 11
magistrate xxi, xxxii, 592, 594 Mendes, Henrique 485
Maguayem and Malaon xxvi, 337 Mendoza or Mendocino Codex 10
maize 316, 318, 584 Mendoza y Pacheco, Don Antonio de 10
Makassar 306n, 319n, 510n Mendoza, Juan González 8
Malabar 479n, 482 menteri xxvi, 495n
malady 375n Mera, Pablo de 22
malaques 343 merchant(s) 32, 362, 400, 449n, 467, 473,
Maldives xxi, 481, 499 479n, 499, 507, 512, 560
Maluku 8n, 14–17, 19, 21, 31, 305n, 307n, mercury 587
429–430, 476–477, 500, 503n, 504n, merdeheka xxvi, 416n
506n, 508n, 510n, 516, 521n, 522, 523 messenger 425
manacles 595 Meurasa 446–451, 458
mandarin 495, 592 Mexica 10
Manguin, Pierre-Yves 19–21 milk 364
Mangussa 510 millet 584
Manila xxii, 1, 2, 9, 12, 13, 19, 20, 22–27, 32, Minangkabau 441, 497
34, 304n, 328n, 364n, 372n, 397, 420, mines 317n, 402, 480n, 500n, 585, 587–588
488, 559n, 582 Ming xx, xxi, xxix, xxxi, 6, 14n, 15, 32, 34,
Manila Galleon 5, 31, 33, 304n, 306n, 315n, 439n, 478n, 537n, 559n, 560n, 562n,
517n, 527n 565n, 567n, 568n, 569n, 578n, 587n,
mankind xxiv, xxvii, 339 588n, 594n, 599n, see also Tai Ming
maque xxvi, 671 Ming Taizu, see Hongwu
Maracoyrun, see Marancon mint 418
Marancon xxvi, 340–341 mirrors 473
Marcho, see Sulawesi Misool 505–509, 511, 518, 520–522
Marianas, see Ladrones mistress(es) 320–321, 411, 413, 680
704 Index

Mixtex 10 Navarrete y Ximénez de Tejada, Martín

moat(s) 21, 453–455, 458–459, 474, 486, 490 Fernández de 19
monastery 19 Nazha xxvii, 611, 638
monk(s) xxiv, xxv, 347, 413, 414, 602 Negritos 15, 16, 31, 315n, 316, 318, 339, 512,
monsoon 456, 476, 488, 492 514–515, 517
monster(s) xxiv, xxxi, 638, 646, 649, 655, Neves, Francisco das 485
658 New Guinea 8n, 21, 303n, 429n, 503–524
moon(s) xxv, 359, 362, 379, 392, 430, 446, New Spain 10, 25, 27, 29, 303n, 304n, 524,
456, 488n, 498, 522, 590, 600 580, 593n
Moor(s) 306, 357, 365, 480, 597 New Year 600
morion(s) 345 Newberry Library 17
Moriscos 586 Niangma xxvi, xxvii, 599
morisqueta xxvi, 389 Ningbo 563
Moro(s) 7, 13, 15–18, 306, 310, 357–393, 433, Ningguo 588
446, 677 nio, see tael
mosque(s) xxv, xxvi, xxix, 412–414, 430, 451, nipa 353, 398, 469, 480
460, 488 nobrazos 383
mother(s) xxv, 322, 340–341, 352, 378, noodles 495
388–389, 411, 430, 638 Nueva Segovia 315n
mountain(s) xxix, 315n, 316n, 317, 328, 339, nuns 601–602
341–343, 372n, 376n, 399, 446, 457, 460, nutmeg 429n, 477, 480n, 513, 523n, 524
463, 465, 470, 471, 478n, 505n, 535n, Nuwa xxvii, 575n
566, 585
mournings 318, 328, 377, 415, 515n, 579 oarsmen xx, xxv, 346, 351, 384, 450n, 461,
moustache(s) 429, 433 504n, 507, 518
Mozambique 483n oath xxix, 343, 360–361, 416
muara besar xxvi, 398 obeisance 400, 415–416, 418, 425, 494, 505,
muara darmit xxvi, 398 512, 520, 593
Muhammad(ans) 357, 363, 380, 387,401n, Obi 504
413–415, 430 Oda Nobunaga 526
Muhammed Husan 397n Offin 513–514
mulberry(-ies) 28, 585 Ogar 513
mules xxiii, 346n, 580, 585, 667 oil 320, 380, 424n, 453n, 470, 473, 478n,
music 11, 321, 354, 364, 377, 430, 507n, 583, 523n, 677 
584 ointments 365, 389
musk 389, 480, 481 olipon xxvii, 339
musket(s) xxvi, 308n, 488 olipon namamahe xxvii, 386
Muslim(s) xxiv, 7, 12, 13, 306n, 384n, 400n, omen xx, xxiii, xxxi, 320, 360n, 379–381, 387,
426n, 429, 430n, 443, 444, 452, 465, 466, 390–392
469 Onelor 512
mussels 586 Onin 503n, 507, 512, 513
onions 585
nahuatatle xxvi, 519 opium 317n, 434, 473
namamahe 386, 388 orang baik xxvii, 416
nananatin xxvii, 412 orang berkelahi xxvii, 416 
Nanjing [city & province] xxxi, 560, orang kaya xxvii, 407, 416
562–563, 565, 567, 587–588, 591 orang kaya degaron xxvii, 407
Nantay 403 orang laki membeli perempuan muda xxvii,
napkins 582 421
Index 705

oranges 585 pauchiu 592
orchard(s) 350, 464, 467–469, 490, 494 pavise(s) 318–319, 322, 384–385, 429, 433
ordeal(s) 408 payos xxvii, 604
orthography 28–29, 560 pears 585
osiers 347 pearl(s) 402, 429, 481, 514, 523, 588 
Otoy 466 pecheros xxvii, 572n, 573n
Our Lady of Light 459 Pedir 466–467, 469
owls xxxi Pegu 449n, 451, 472–473, 481, 495–496,
oysters 586 499–500
Pekan Seri Darya 451
pagan 341, 363n, 401n, 520n pelachur xxvii, 421
paku xxvii, 419 pengiran xxvii, 404, 406–407, 416, 418,
pakukan xxvii, 409 425–426
Pahang 422n, 475, 479, 496, 500 pepper xx, 33, 317n, 467, 472, 477–479, 480n,
palace(s) 16, 19, 33, 397–398, 450n, 451, 468, 495, 500,547, 549, 679
487–488, 570, 590n, 603, 658 Perak 479n, 480
Palembang 440n, 497 peridiagui 494
palm(s) xix, xxv, xxx, 306, 323n, 350, 353, Permata 521
385, 391, 440, 443–444, 446, 448, 452, peso(s) xxvii, xxviii, xxx, 344n, 388n, 419n,
457, 460–461, 463–464, 467–469, 472, 424
480, 506n, 514n, 516 pestilence 392
Panare Khan 19, 485–486, 488–490 petates xxviii, 306, 309, 323, 417
Panay 306n, 316n, 334n, 372 petticoats 335
Panchor 439 pewter 480n
Pandaguam xix, xxv, xxvi, xxvii, 340–341 Peynes 493
pangasi xxvii, 353 phai xxviii, 497
Pangu xxvii, 574 Phetchaburi 493
Panguan xxvii, 642 Philip II 9
panicas xxvii, 344 Philip III 9
paper 10, 28, 586, 589 Philippine Islands (Philippines) xx, xxii,
paper money 599 xxiii, xxiv, xxvi, xxviii, xxx, 5–16, 22–27,
Papua 21, 503n, 505n, 507n 31–32, 304, 310, 339, 345–347, 353, 355,
Papuan 508 357, 360, 363, 366, 372, 492, 400–500
paraphernalia 374 Philippine Manuscripts 5
parasol(s) 581, 595, 604 phou, see mace [weight & coin]
Pariaman 441, 471 physician(s) xxiv, xxxii, 643, 644n
parian 13, 25 picul xix, xxi, xxviii, 420
parias xxvii, 597 Pidada 469
parish(es) xxii, 347 piety 344
Parlac 470 pig(s) 340–342, 344, 353, 377–378, 400, 497,
Pasai River 469 516, 584
Pasai 451, 467, 469, 470 pike 425, 433
Pasangan 468 Pintu Garban 488–489
pastime 349 Pintu Quidiya 487
Patani xxvii, 13, 16–17, 19, 21, 29, 32, 422n, pitis xxvii, xxviii, 419
480, 485–491, 496, 500–501 plagiarism 8, 9n
patih xxvii, 407 plaintiff 408
patron(s) 1, 9, 12 plantains 307n
Patthalung 491 Plasencia, Juan de, O.F.M. 7, 8, 25
706 Index

plow 603 Quang Nam xxviii, 533

plums 582, 585 Quanzhou xxxi, 403n, 478, 485, 585, 588,
plumb-line 457 593, 602, 637
Poam 587 Quiansay 569
podong xxviii, 335, 344 quilang xxviii, 386–387
poison(s) 345, 380–381, 422, 433, 644, 680 quintals xix, xxviii, 472, 477, 574, 667
Polo, Marco 559, 569 Quirino, Carlos 18
pomara xxviii, 344 Quirós, Pedro Fernando de 24
poniards 421 quivers 385
population(s) 373, 440, 451, 489, 574 quiy 646, 647
porcupine stones 480
pork 340, 357, 363, 373, 400, 418, 511, 583 race 303, 328, 574
Portugal 3–5, 475, 477, 480, 519 Rada, Martín de, O.E.S.A. 8, 14, 26, 31,
potatoes 350 559–602
poverty 588, 591 radish(es) 308n, 585
prayer(s) xxv, 358, 378, 380, 413, 415, 430, raja xxviii, 416
466, 599–601, 639 Ramadan 426n, 430n
pregnancy 350, 378, 390 ransom 390, 393, 507–509
priest(s) xx, xxiv, xxv, 13, 25, 320, 341–342, rattan 323n, 345, 377, 472n, 679
358–360, 374–375, 377, 465, 499, 528, Ratu Hijau 422n
601, 639 raw silk, see silk
priestess(es) xx, xxv, 341, 374–375 real(es) xxvi, xxvii, xxviii, xxx, 388n,
prison(s) 382, 595–596 418–420, 424, 473, 589
prisoner(s) 381, 387, 393, 507, 595 rebec(s) 354, 584
proclamations 604 Relaciones Geográficas 11–12
property xxiv, 4, 11n, 23, 310, 317n, 328, 339n, Renhuang 574
351, 361, 365, 404, 405, 408, 430, 452n, republic(s) 347, 361
649 Ribeiro Gaio, Dom João 9, 13–17, 19–21, 29,
prostitution 421n 307n, 439–501
prow xxviii, 386, 392, 426, 457, 494, 506 rice xxvi, xxvii, 28, 307, 316–318, 320, 328,
psalms 601 329n, 342, 353, 359, 375, 377–379, 381,
Pucan 469 386–387, 389n, 415, 446–448, 467–469,
Puhi 599 473, 491, 495n, 496, 510n, 574, 582–584,
Pulau Angkasa 443–447, 449, 457–458 587, 599–601, 679
Pulau Buro 445 Ríos Coronel, Hernando de los 8n, 22–25,
Pulau Chichen 441–442, 445, 458 27
Pulau Gomes 445, 456–457 rites 310n, 340–341, 357, 376, 413, 533, 678n
Pulau Nasi 442, 444–446 rituals xxvi, 32, 320n, 328, 344, 355, 360,
Pulau Ruesa 442–443 373–374, 402n, 520, 530, 543, 545, 583,
Pulau Tinggi 33, 547n 599, 678
Pulau Weh 442n, 444, 445n, 456n Ro 486–487, 489
puppet 584 Roman(s) 341, 419, 528, 590n
Purrao 319 rosaries 601
pusa xxviii, 598 rosewater 473
Pyni, see Brunei Roxo de Brito, Miguel 8n, 14, 17, 21, 24,
503–524
Qian Li Yan xxviii, xxix, 599n, 644 royal household 404
Qin Shi Huang 562n, 575 royal treasury xxii, 406–408, 576
Index 707

ruanes 473 Segovia 315
Rubohongi 521, 523 Sekar 512, 514
rubies 477, 481 sembaleh xxviii, 409
rutter(s) 16–17, 19–20, 439–501 seng-lu 602
Ryukyus, see Da Liuqiu sen-kang 602
Seram 477n, 504n, 506, 508–509, 521, 522n,
sacrifice(s) 341–342, 358–360, 378 523
sago lempeng 506n Seram Laut 506–510, 513, 520, 521
sagra 355 Serica 561
saint(s) xxvi, 380n, 413, 459n, 575, 576, 598, serpent(s) xxxi, 512, 664
602, 640n Serrano, João 485
Sakayamuni, see Shih-Chia Service Historique de la Marine 20
Salan 404 sesame 380
salang xxviii, 409, 412 settlement(s) xx, 315, 347, 440–441
sallets 429 Seven Year’s War 23
salt xxvi, 389n, 390–391, 568n, 574, 679 Shaanxi 566, 568, 571, 573
salt-makers 568, 573 shaft 345, 361, 429, 433
salvagems xxviii, 488 Shah Berunai 404
Sam Roi Yot 493 shahbandar xxvi, xxviii, 406–407
Samarlanga 468 Shandong 500n, 563, 565–568, 571, 573, 575,
Samavey 469 588
Sambal 15–18, 21, 31, 33, 325–327, 328–329 shangshu xxix, 602
Sambas River 399 Shanxi 566, 567, 568, 573
sampan 528 Shao 576
San Gerónimo 517 shark 340–341
sandals 579, 586 She [people] 535
sandalwood 478, 510, 514 sheep 584
sandbank(s) 29, 457, 469, 523 shell xxi, 499n, 514
Sande Picón, Francisco de 403n sheng xxix, 565
sangley xxviii, 402n, 403, 559 shield 318n, 385n, 409
Sangley Bay 527 Shih-Chia xxix, 601
Sangora 491 shipbuilding 477, 498n
Sanguan Dadi 598n Shizu, see Kublai Khan
Sansayco 639 shrimp 495
Santos Alves, Jorge Manuel dos 19–21 shroud(s) xxviii, 376
sappanwood 477, 497, 510n Shu Han 576n
saput xxviii Shuiguan xxix, 598
Sarawak Museum 18–19 Shun Feng Er xxviii, xxix, 599n, 631, 644
sati 680n Shun Ti 576
satin 364 Shuntian 563, 565, 569–570, 596
savages 575, 590 siak xxix, 414
scarecrows 381 Siam xxix, 13, 16–17, 21, 31, 33, 422n, 472n,
scimitars 349, 571, 600 480n, 481, 491, 492–501, 545, 547, 597n
scissors 586 Siaugij 564
Scott, William Henry 6–8 Sibayc or Mahelucy (Sibay or Mastrasan) xxix,
scoundrel(s) 640, 642, 644 341
seashore 679 Sichuan 566, 568, 571, 573, 587n
season 317 sickles 571
708 Index

Sidasida xx, 454 stain 310

silk 335, 377, 419, 442n, 472–473, 477, 561n, statue(s) 359, 597, 599, 601
574, 579, 587, 599 steel 587, 589
silver xx, xxvi, xxvii, xxviii, xxix, xxx, 317n, steelyards 419
322n, 344n, 418–419, 420n, 424n, 429, stockade 486–487, 491
473, 478, 481, 497n, 499, 500, 516, 574, stockings 364, 579
579, 587–589, 590, 677 street(s) 29, 347, 363–364, 416, 421, 451, 488,
silversmiths 363 528, 580, 585–586, 589, 601
simplist 590 structure 6, 384n
Sina 561 sugar(s) 481, 585, 587
Singapore, Straits of ….; 475 sugar-cane 350, 386
Sinon 575 Sui 577n
sister(s) 338, 411, 430 Sulad xxix, 341, 373n
sisters-in-law 411 Sulaiman 404
slave(s) xxiii, xxiv, xxvii, xxx, 351n, 352, 365, Sulawesi 305n, 306n, 429n, 477n, 478n, 510n
384, 386–390, 393, 410, 416, 418, 499n, sulphur 537
507, 512, 523 sultan 416
slavery 328, 591 Sumatra 306n, 310n, 402n, 439n, 440, 445n,
sleeve(s) 323, 335, 361, 384, 429, 433, 579, 451n, 456n, 471, 472n, 473, 477, 496n,
581, 595 497n
slings 310 summer 317, 456, 655, 664
snake xxxi, 339 sumpa xxix, 361
Sofala 483 sundials 590
soldier xxvii, 26, 416n, 483n, 503n, 509n, 641, superstitions 342
642 susuran xxix, 409
Sollewijn Gelpke, J. H. F. 21 Suwai 522–523
Song 478n, 577n, 578n, 588n Suyntan, see Guyntan
Sonxolo, see Jolo swallows 381
sorcerer xxvi, 343, 374, 408, 639 swamp(s) 347, 361, 363, 489
soul 373–375, 494 sweet potato(es) 316, 318, 350
Southern Chen 577n sweethearts 364
Southern Liang 577n swimmers 308, 347
Southern Qi 577n sword(s) xxv, xxix, 309, 422, 429, 433, 473,
Souza, George Bryan 2n, 5 514, 527–528, 572n, 639–640
sows 350 syekhs 465
Spain xxvi, 4, 10–11, 19, 22–24, 315n, 321n, Syria 602
339, 345, 348, 362, 365, 383, 459n, 494,
518, 594n, 597n, 604, 637, 646, 667 Tabanga 494
span(s) xxix, 305, 336, 453 table(s) 362n, 378n, 417, 582–584, 586,
Spaniards 10, 309, 315n, 317, 344, 345, 347, 600–601
349, 355, 357, 362, 363, 518, 582, 583 tablecloths 417, 582
spear xxv, 345, 387, 506 tael(s) xx, xxi, xxvi, xxix, 322, 393, 420, 528,
spell 380 589n
spirit xx, 499, 641 taffeta 335, 336, 364
squadron(s) 570 tagalos xxix, 386
Sri Lanka 318n, 478n, 481 tagapaghayag ng banal na kasulatan ng
St. James 459, 474, 642 dios 358
St. Thomas of Meliapor 481 Tai Ming 559–602
Index 709

Taijan 470 Ti Bing 578
Taiji xxix, 574 Tian xxix, 599
Taimei 32, 543n Tianguan xxx, 598
Taiwan xxii, xxv, 32, 304n, 537n, 541n, 564n Tianhuang 574
Taizu, temple name of Guo Wei 577n Tianjiang Guan xxx, 619, 642
Taizu, temple name of Zhao Kuangyin 577n Tianzhu xxx, 602
Tajo River, see Cagayan River Tianzun xxx, 618, 641
Takao 564 Tidore 307n, 523
Talacuna 440 tidu xxx, 591, 593
tamarind 495 tiger(s) xxi, xxiv, 679
Tamilonga, see Tobalai tikin xxx, 426
Tang 559n, 560n, 577n, 588n timawa xxx, 339, 344
Tang Gaozu 577 timbangan xxx, 420
Tangoa 586 timber 398, 423, 444–445, 477, 490,
Tanjung Lulo 485–487 498–499, 509n, 523, 586
Tanjung Pulo Pito 471 Timor 429n, 477n, 478, 510n
Tanjung Sarrdan 471 tin xx, xxviii, 362, 419, 475n, 480, 497n, 527,
Tanjung Simpang Mengayau 397 587, 639
Taoism 638n, 645n tinajas 497, 499
Tapa 504 tinsel 336
Tapaeba 504 tionco 569
Tapat 504 Tionçoçou 569
tapi xxix, 417 Tiosian 643
tar 349, 392 title(s) xxi, xxii, xxix, 339n, 401–402, 406n,
tarragon 517 506n, 521n, 522n, 526n, 571, 590n, 591n,
Tatar(s) xxix, 16, 33, 551, 559–560, 562, 565, 592n, 594n
578, 605, 642 tixuedao xxx, 594
Tatary 16, 32, 565n, 597 Tobungku 510
tattoo, tattooing 7, 334–335, 362, 400 Tokugawa Ieyasu 526n
tax(es) xxii, xxiii, xxvii, 345n, 406n, 494, Tolimata 523
535, 537, 560, 571–574 tomb(s) 376, 414
taxpayer(s) xxvii, 560, 572, 573 tomin(es) xxviii, xxx, 419
Tayhou 575 Tonkin xxx, 32, 543n, 596n
temenggung xxix, 406 torana 429
temple(s) 318, 374, 597 Torobi 505
Temquigui xxix, 33, 547n torture xxv, 593, 595
Tenasserim 480, 499–500 toston xxx, 388
Teng Lai 565 town(s) xxxii, 343, 377, 381, 384, 386–387,
terçiados xxix, 473, 474 392, 425, 465–471, 482n, 485, 491–492,
Terengganu xxix, 32, 33, 479n, 547 508–509, 511–514, 521–522, 561n, 568,
Terhu 643 581, 594, 597, 601
Ternate 306, 307n, 503n, 510n, 521, 523n Toyotomi Hideyoshi 526n
Ternatese 522 trade(s) 307–309, 343, 357, 363, 393, 419, 423,
teeth 17, 308, 310, 353–354, 359, 360, 364 500, 508–510, 513–514, 524, 580, 637, 677
theft(s) xxvi, 340, 388, 408, 594n travel 24, 27, 307, 315, 346, 364, 379, 384, 398,
thunder 644 420, 464, 490–491, 495, 498–499, 505,
thunderbolt(s) 340–341, 644 507, 519–520, 524
thunderstorms 446 tray(s) 582
710 Index

treason 603 volcano 337n, 504, 519

treasurer(s) 407, 592 Vyue, see Uyghurs
tributary(-ies) 1, 15–16, 31–32, 439n, 492n, 530
tribute(s) xxiii, xxvii, xxx, 10–11, 330, 345, Wabau 515–517, 521–522
387, 393, 399, 400, 403, 407, 422n, 471, Waigeo 505, 506n, 511, 512n, 513–515, 516n,
496, 526, 564, 597, 678 517–519, 520n, 521–522
trinkets 589 Wan Li 578
Triple Alliance 10 war 320, 322, 343, 351, 360, 366, 378, 380, 381,
trophy(-ies) 328, 541 384, 433, 483, 488, 499, 501, 509, 526,
tu xxx, 666 527, 541, 576n, 595, 642, 652
Tu Di Gong xxx, 640 warrior(s) xx, xxvii, xxx, 31, 32, 309, 339n,
tuba xxx, 364 382n, 489, 639, 642, 642, 644
tuheyes xxx, 351 Waru 508, 511n
tuna 338 watch(es) xxx–xxxi, 458
tunic(s) xx, 361, 384, 516, 579 watchman/watchmen 391, 679
turban(s) 335, 429 water-mill 587
Turks 335, 473, 474, 480 waterways xxiv, 398, 594
Turley, Jeffrey S. 5 wax 510, 514, 649
turnips 585 weapon(s) 17, 308n, 310, 318, 345, 366,
turtle-dove(s) 360n, 584 384–385, 408, 422, 429, 434, 508, 512,
typoso xxx, 349 528, 570–571, 583, 600, 605
wedding(s) 321, 348, 382, 403, 412
uiansay 592 weight(s) xix, xxi, xxiv, xxvi, xxviii, xxix,
Ujung Ladang 457, 463–465 322n, 336–337, 406, 408, 414, 419–420,
uncles 389, 526 500, 574, 588–589
upcountry 448, 468, 470 wheat 335, 346, 400, 473, 582, 584
upeti xxx, 400 whipping(s) 592
Uwinan Sana 359 wine(s) xxvii, 679
Uyghurs 597 winnow 378
winter 317, 4456, 456, 655
Valencian 591 wisdom 639
Vara, Pico de 505 witchcraft 374n, 680
vara(s) xxx, 346, 417, 420, 429, 506n, 586 woodland(s) 637, 652
varelas xxx, 499  workmanship 562
veal 583 world(s) 31, 310, 336–337, 339–342, 344, 353,
velvet 429 357–358, 358, 365, 373, 378, 475, 483,
Venetian xxx, 473, see also ducats 496, 500, 519, 562, 574–575, 598
Venice 563 worship 319–320, 340, 358–359, 379, 391,
versos xxx, 363, 385, 422, 429, 434, 487, 488, 430, 511, 580, 598–599, 606, 637–640,
509, 511, 515, 593 643–645, 655
vice(s) 351 Wu, see Chen
Viceroy(s) 10, 27, 476 Wu, see Yan
Vietnam xxviii, 32, 305n, 472n, 479n, 500n, Wuyucun 585
533n, 566n, 596n
vinegar 639 Xancar 468
virgin(s) xxvii, 348, 405, 412 Xiamen 14, 403n, 478n, 559n
Visayan(s) 334–355, 362, 364, 400–403, 405, xian xxxi, 567, 568
407, 421 Xiande, see Gong Di
Index 711

xiang xxxi, 668 yuanyang xxxi, 676

Xiangliu 31, 657 Yuhuang 598
Xiangu xxxi, 613, 640 Yuhuang Shangdi xxxi, 598
Xianguan xxxi, 614, 639 Yunnan 566, 568, 571, 573
Xiao Liuqiu, see Taiwan Yusanconcho 637
Xiao Yan 577n Yusuf 401–404
Xinghua-Quanzhou-dao xxxi, 593, 594
xique xxxi, 669, 671, 672 zacate xxxi, 29, 680
xixi xxxi, 654 Zambales 13, 328n, 372n
Xuande, see Liu Bei zaomei xxxi, 675
xuanfusi xix, xxxi, 569 zhang xxxi, 571
xunfu xxxi, 594 Zhang Fei 576
zhangguansi xxxi, 569
ya xxxi, 669 Zhao Kuangyin, see Taizu
Yalu River 565 zhegu xxxii, 670, 673
yam(s) 316–317, 444 Zhejiang 564, 567, 568, 571, 573, 587n, 588
Yamazaki 526n zhen xxxii, 568
Yan 577 Zhendi xxxii, 643
Yangtze River 329n, 561n Zhenhai 569
Ybayconchu 637 Zhenjun xxxii, 643
yeji xxxi, 670, 676 zhifu xxxii, 592
Yellow River 561n zhixian xxxii, 594
yelu xxxi, 565 Zhonghua xxxii, 560
Yingtian xxxi, 565 Zhou 34, 575n, 577n
Yingwu xxxi, 670 zhouguan xxxii, 593
Youchao xxxi, 575 Zhu Yuanzhang, see Hongwu
yu xxxi, 647, 653 Zhuangzong 577
Yuan 478n, 560n, 566n, 567n, 578n, 587n, Zhulong xxxii, 654
588n zinc 334n