MUSLIM – AMERICAN RELATIONS IN THE PHILIPPINES, 1899 – 1920

By: Peter Gordon Gowing

Introduction
President William McKinley, in a message to the American congress in 1899, defined
the basic policy of the United States towards the Philippines:

The Philippines are not ours to exploit but to develop, to civilize, to

educate, to train in the science of self-government. This is the path we
must follow or be recreant to a mighty trust committed to us. This policy was, as a matter of act, a kind of
self-assumed mandate (though many
Americans at the time would have insisted that it was bestowed by Divine Providence) and it
came to occupy, for quite different reason, an important place in the thinking and rhetoric of
both Americans and Filipinos. The general “mandate” for the Philippines was also a particular
mandate for moorland. “To develop, to civilize, to educate, to train in the science of
self-government these words, and the attitude they represented, established the character of
Muslim-American at least from the American points of view. This paper focuses on the development of
American governmental policy toward the
Muslims between the years 1899 and 1920. These are especially important in the general
story of Muslim-American relations because they cover the period of direct American
administration of Moroland. During this time Morloland (and its inhabitants) became effectively
a part of the Philippine nation and national understanding of the policies pursued and the
problem encountered in this period yields some important insights with respect to relations
between the Muslim and Christian Filipino today. The American administration of Moroland developed in
three successive stages
between 1899 and 1920. First, there were the years of initial Muslim-American contact and
military occupation of Moroland, beginning in May of 1899 and ending with the inauguration of
the Moro province in July of 1903. Next came the decade (1903-1913) of the existence of the
Moro province which exercised a politico-military control over the region and prepared Muslim
for civil government. And finally, a six-year period (1914 – 1920) where in the process of
bringing Mindanao and Sulu into the general governmental framework of the Philippines was
accelerated. During this third stage, administrative control over Muslim affairs was rapidly
transferred from Americans to Filipinos. The Military Occupation 1899 – 1903
The military occupation of Moroland was occasioned by American concern to secure
Muslim Filipino acknowledgment of United States sovereignty in Mindanao and Sulu. The
Americans also sought to keep the Muslim neutral in the Philippines-American War (1899 –
1901) which raged in the northern provinces. Since U.S. Army authorities in Manila could not
spare many troops from operations in the north, they depended on garrisons at a few
strategies point in Moroland and sought by diplomacy to win Muslim friendship and neutrality. To this end,
the Bates agreement (signed August 1899) was negotiated with the Sulu
Sultanate. Similar though unwritten, agreements were made with the Muslim chiefs of
Mindanao and Basilan. By these agreements, the Muslims seemingly acknowledge
acknowledged American sovereignty and agreed to help suppress piracy and apprehend
person charged with crimes against non-Muslim. In return, pledge to respect the dignity and
authority of the Sultan of Sulu and the other chiefs. Muslim were to be protected from foreign
impositions in the United States agreed not to interfere with the religion of the Muslim and with
respect to Sulu, to pay certain emoluments to the Sultan and his principal chiefs. The Muslim Filipinos
undoubtedly saw these arrangements from a different point of
view than the Americans. The Americans believed that they were keeping the Muslim
peaceful and at the same time securing acknowledgment United States sovereignty. The
Muslim leaders seemed to believe that their diplomacy had kept the Americans out of their

internal affairs and guaranteed their way of life on terms no worse than those which had been
imposed by the Spaniards at the beginning the arrangement was satisfactory to both sides as
a modus vivendi. During the years of military occupation, the U.S. Army related to the Muslim Filipinos
in much the same way it had long dealt with the North American Indians. The Muslim, like the
Indians, were regarded as living in a State of pupilage on territory owned by the United States. The
Army’s main task was to keep them peaceful. The army was not to antagonize the Muslim
by attempting to regulate their affairs except mainly to suppressing piracy, curtailing the slave
trade (though not abolishing slavery) and keeping Muslim internecine conflicts within bounds. The
American mandate in the Philippines was only mildly implemented in Moroland
during the period of military occupation. The policy of non-interference in Moro internal affairs
precluded any vigorous effort to develop civilize educate and train the Muslim Filipinos in the
Science of democratic self-government. Army authorities were generally unhappy with the
non-interference policy because certain features of Muslim Filipino society judicial procedures, slavery the
“tyrannical” relationships of the chiefs to their followers offended their Occidental
sense of justice and good order. Some officers were eager to take a direct hand in “civilizing”
the Muslim. Within the limitation imposed by the non – interference policy, the army did not
achieve what it could to carry out the mandates, especially after the Philippines – American
war ended in 1901. The proper authorities took notice of Moro affairs studied condition and
began to formulate policies for the future administration of Mindanao and Sulu. Modern
medical care was made available to the Muslim at Army hospitals and clinics. Public health
and sanitation regulations were introduced. A few schools taught soldiers, as well as civilian
teachers, were opened, and the Muslims were invited to attend in them. Bridges, roads, trails, and
wharves were constructed, which both directly and indirectly benefited the Muslim. At the same time,
other activities were easily misunderstood by the Muslims, Custom
regulations were imposed, taxes were levied, land surveys were made, and mapping and
exploring expedition became frequent. The 1903 Census was also begun. After July 1901, more U.S.
troops were sent south to occupy in Mindanao. The Muslim Filipinos could not help
but speculate as to what this escalation of American activity meant in terms of the security of
their religion and way of life. Sometimes their uneasiness and suspicion erupted into violence. An isolated
instance of an attack on American soldiers occurred with increasing frequency. In
southern Lanao, freedom or Army troops to move wherever they pleased was openly
challenged by the Muslim in March 1902 and resulted in the first major military action the
American arrival in Moroland almost three years earlier. The American interpreted Muslim hostility as
defiance of United States sovereignty. But the problem was certainly much more complex. The growing
numbers of Americans in
Moroland after the Philippine – American war and the multiplication of their activities, brought
two quite different cultures into more abrasive contact than had been the case earlier in the
military occupation. Moreover, the decision to take a direct hand in the control of Moro affairs
was made towards the end of the period of military occupation. When that decision was
implemented under the Moro Province, the conflict between Muslim Filipino and American
cultures was exacerbated.

Moro Provinces 1903 – 1913

The Philippines Bill of 1902 formally committed the United States to the ultimate
independence of the Philippines. Civilian military authorities there began to take a closer look
at the American policy in Moroland. It was decided to abandon the policy of non-interference
to exercise direct rule over the Muslims with a view to preparing them for integration into the
body politics of the Philippines. One factor, which influenced this decision, was the insistence
of the Christian Filipino nationalists that Moroland was inseparable from the Philippines nation.

Figure 12.

Furthermore, both Americans and Filipinos fully realized the importance of the natural
resources of Mindanao and Sulu to the economic future of the country. The decision to exercise direct
control of Muslims resulted in the abrogation of the
Bates Agreement and assurances of non-interference by American. In this respect, the
American policy toward the Muslim again resembled the treatment of the Indians “treaties
made with the “savages” were not considered binding and could be unilaterally set aside as
convenience or changes in policy demanded. Naturally, the American rationalized their action
terms of the misbehavior of the Muslims and also in terms of the new policy ultimately being in
their (the Muslims) best interest. The American authorities recognized that preparation of the Moro for
integration into a
modern Philippines state required, for the time being, a different form of government from the
regularly organized provinces wherein most of the Christian Filipinos enjoyed a large degree of
autonomy. Taking their model from the Spanish ‘politico-military district system,’ the
Americans organized the Moro province. The administrative structure of the province was
admirably suited for the direct rule of the Muslims: the line of responsibility stretched from the
provincial Governor in Zamboanga to the datu who served as headman of the remotest tribal
ward. The officials of the government were carefully selected. Those in the higher offices
were at first, mostly army officers. A few American civilians were appointed to such post as
provincial Attorney and Provincial Superintendent of School. The government of the Provinces
was relatively free from “politics” during the ten years of its existence because it was placed
under the direct supervision of the Governor-General in Manila and the Philippine Commission
(dominated by Americans until 1913). The successive governors of the Moro province General Leonard
Wood, Tasker Bliss, and John J. Pershing were men of exceptional ability, for this reason they were given
considerable latitude in administering provincial affairs. The power of supervision retained in
Manila was used sparingly, giving the governors “the authority of a Roman proconsul” and
holding them responsible for the result. The Moro province offered more opportunities to implement the
American mandate. Slavery made illegal. The common people, as far as possible, were protected from
the
“tyranny” of their tradition leaders the depredation of lawless persons, and unscrupulous
traders. Though the “Tribal Ward Court” system attempts were made to introduce American
concepts of justice, under American supervision selected Moro leaders were given the limited
political authority as headmen in the tribal wards. The program of public work was expanded, and more
schools, hospitals, and dispensaries were built. Agriculture and commerce were
encouraged. As part of the program to “civilize” the Muslims and at the same time exploit the natural
riches of the region, Americans and “Christian Filipinos” from the Northern provinces were
encouraged to settle in Moroland. The immigrant industriousness and agricultural know-how
would; it was felt to provide both the example and the incentive for the Muslim Filipinos to
become more productive farmers. The organized municipalities dominated by the non-Muslim
were designed to be models of well-ordered and democratically governed local communities,
demonstrating to the Muslim “civilized” community life. The American officials believed that it was
essential to get the Muslim Filipino into the
practice of paying taxes in support of the provincial Government. Accordingly, the cedula
(head tax) and later, the road tax was introduced. Fees were charged for the registration of
vessel above a certain size. Export and import duties were imposed on Muslims engaged in
foreign trade. Property taxes were levied on Muslims living in organized municipalities. The Moro province
adopted the policy of respecting the Islam religion, and associated
customs of the Muslim Filipinos provided they did not conflict with the basic principles of
American law. The American administrators of the province made some effort to
accommodate the special features of Islamic law and adat, especially in a case concerning

domestic relation and inheritance. During the administration of General Bliss, the Muslim
pandita schools were encouraged and in some places were giving limited governmental
assistance. Even so, the American policy of direct rule and attempts to implement mandate struck
at the authority and prestige of the Muslim chief and to some extent unwittingly, at the religion
and attitudes of Muslim Filipinos. The policy of direct rules was ipso facto an adverse
judgment on the social structure custom and law by which the Muslim Filipinos had lived for
centuries. From the Muslim standpoint, “to develop” and “to civilize” seemed to mean the
imposition of strange laws and infidel custom. Laws against slavery threatened the
politico-economic structure of traditional society. The establishment of provincial and district
governments, whose official issued decrees enforced by troops undermined the power and
status of traditional Muslim leaders. By passing Muslim courts and refusing to recognize the
customary judicial function of the headmen offended Muslim sensitivities. The collection of the
cedula and other taxes was disliked because the payment was made to a foreign infidel
government. The Muslim resented the parceling out of lands which they had occupied (but not
tilled) for centuries to foreigners and Christian Filipinos. They also resented the licensing of
the foreign vessel to fish the waters in Moroland. The Muslim suspected that the American
ambition to educate them meant to inculcate Christian teaching and Christian values through
the public system. These teaching would alienate their children from the religion and
traditional way of life. The American administrators of the Moro province were either unaware of or chose
to
ignore completely, the fact that Muslim Filipinos saw separation whatever between the sacred
and the secular. Separation of Church and State, religion and politics, etc, was a peculiarity of
the West unknown to the Muslim. They saw Islam in everything they did; their land was

dar-al-Islam, “the
household of
Islam.” They
believed that their
custom was
consistent with the
precepts of the
Holy Qur’an. Any
move to change
their society or to
enforce obedience
to the laws of
foreigners was
seen as a
fundamental
challenge to their
religion and their
very existence as
human beings. The Moro province
and its policy of
direct rule then
constituted a severe threat to the ideology of the more. Many of them resisted to the death. Governor
Leonard Wood, the first governor of the Moro province, typified American New
England puritanical Calvinist values and Anglo-Saxon ethnocentrism. He found nothing in
Muslim Filipino laws and custom worth preserving. He had only contempt for many of the
Muslim leaders, including the reigning Sultan of Sulu, JamalulKiram II. With all the passion of
medieval crusader, he fought those Muslim who defied American laws. Thousands of them
were killed battling his troops. He called them bandits and outlaws.
Figure 13. Moro Province under American Rule
1903 – 1913.

Wood successors General Bliss and Pershing continued to fight “bandits and outlaws”. To be sure, the
majority of the Muslim Filipinos acquiesced in the government of the
Americans, some because they found it to their personal advantage to cooperate; others
because they felt powerless to resist, and the rest because their contact with the foreigners
was son infrequent that their life-ways were very little affected. Yet, the Muslim Filipinos who chose the
path of resistance had much moral support
among the people. J Raiston Hayden remarked that never during continental expansion ot the
United States were armed encounters between the Indians and American troops so frequent
and so serious as the conflicts that took place between Muslim Filipinos and the American
forces from 1904 to 1914. In the end, the Muslim realized that continued resistance in the face
of the modern weaponry of the Americans meant annihilation. They were conquered, and
under General Pershing, they were disarmed. This accomplished the Moro province could be
safely converted to civilian control. TABLE 1
ADMINISTRATIVE ORGANIZATION
OF THE MORO PROVINCE

|
Insular Government

(Governor-General and Philippine Commission)

|
Moro Province
(Governor and Legislative Commission)

|
Districts

(District Governors-District Board)

Davao Cotabato Lanao Sulu Zamboanga

5 Organized 2 Organized 2 Organized 3 Organized 2 Organized
Municipalities Municipalities Municipalities Municipalities Municipalities
Davao Cotabato Malabang Jolo Zamboanga
Mati Makar Iligan Siasi Dapitan
Cateel Cagayan
Baganga de Sulu
Caraga
6 18 13 9 5
Tribal Wards Tribal Wards Tribal Wards Tribal Wards Tribal
Wards

56
Sub-districts
The Department of Mindanao and Sulu 1913 – 1920
The appointment in December 1913, of Frank W. Carpenter as the first civilian
governor of the Moro province, and the subsequent reorganization of the province into the
Department of Mindanao and Sulu, remarked a new development in American policy towards
the Muslim. Many Americans at the time felt that preparing the Muslim for integration into
Philippines national life would require at least two or three generations. They convinced that a
strong American military presence would be essential for the maintenance of peace and order
for a long time to come. And they were certain that if the government of Moroland was turned
over to the Christian Filipinos, the result would be Muslim uprisings. Christian Filipinos
nationalists disagreed, of course, and throughout the ten-year existence of the Moro Province
they had agitated for more Filipino involvement in the government of Mindanao and Sulu. The
Democratic Party in the United States, which came to power in 1913 proved more responsive

to the demands of Filipino nationalists than the Republican Party had been. President
Woodrow Wilson and Governor-General Francis B. Harrison in accord with the desire of the
Democratic Party to accelerate the move towards self-government and independence for the
Philippines virtually put control of the Insular government into the hands of the Filipinos. A
policy of “Filipinization” was vigorously pursued. Frank Carpenter appointed by Harrison as
Governor of the Department of Mindanao and Sulu was assigned the task of implementing this
Filipinization policy. Under Carpenter’s firm and watchful supervision, Filipino official (mostly Christian)
assumed increasingly greater responsibilities in the government of Moroland. The region
(together with Agusan and Bukidnon) was divided into seven provinces, the governments of
which were designed for easy transformation into replicas of those in the Visayas and Luzon
chiefly by the eventual substitution of elective for appointive public officials. The unification of
the administrative structure of Mindanao and Sulu with those of the Philippine nation was
rapidly advanced, extending to moorland the jurisdiction of the bureaus and agencies of the
insular government. Thus, direction education public works, public health, and agricultural
development was transferred from Zamboanga to Manila. The progressive development of the seven
provincial government and the expansion
of centralized administration and control of the public services in Moroland were intended
eventually to make the Department government obsolete as an intermediary between the
insular government and the provinces of Mindanao and Sulu. In May 1920, the department
Governor in Zamboanga was formally abolished, and its power of supervision and
administration were transferred to the Insular Department of the Interior of Manila. Thereafter
Moro affairs were controlled by the Insular Government directly through the Bureau of
Non-Christian Tribes in the Department of the Interior. Before its abolition, the department of Mindanao
and Sulu went quite far in
implementing the American mandate among Muslim Filipinos. This was possible, of course, partly
because the power of the Muslim to resist had been broken under the Moro province. But the American
policy makers and later the Philippine legislature which assumed legislative
control of affairs in Moroland exhibited genuine humanitarian concern for the condition and
progress of the Muslim Filipinos. Under Governor Carpenter’s wise and tactful supervision, Filipino
officials got down to the hammers and tongs work of educating, civilizing and training
in self-government the half-million Muslim in their care. The old mandate was given a new
name: it was called “the policy attraction.” Public schools multiplied by the hundreds and attendance was
made compulsory. Muslim pensionados (Government scholarship awardees) were sent to Manila and
America for
higher education. Hospital and field dispensaries were provided in such number that medical
care came within reach of nearly all the inhabitants. Public works were greatly expanded:
hundreds of kilometers of a new road and trails ended the isolation of thousands of inhabitants
and brought them into contact with commercial and government centers. The Muslims were
given greater participation in the local and provincial government. Later, some were even
appointed to the Philippine legislature. Muslim leaders were periodically taken to Manila as
quests of the Government so that on their return they would be apostles of peace and be even
more cooperative with government officials. The agricultural activities of the Muslim were given
every encouragement. In Cotabato province, Muslim families together with Christian families
successfully participated, at least for a few years, in the “agricultural colonies” established by
the government as an experiment in land development and inter-group living. These developments under
the Department of Mindanao and Sulu were no less
threatening to traditional Muslim life ways than the activities of the Moro province. But as was
said earlier, the Muslims were in no position to resist by force of arms. What evidence there is
concerning their general attitude in this period seems to suggest that it might have been a
sullen acquiescence to a situation they were powerless to change. Perhaps no single event
better illustrates and symbolizes this attitude that the abdication (at the insistence of Governor
Carpenter) by Sultan Jamal ul Kiram in of all his claims to temporal power in Sulu. The
abdication was formalized in an agreement signed on March 22, 1915.

Of course, some Muslims readily yielded themselves to the program of assimilation

enthusiastically pushed by the Government, many, however, clung tenaciously to the old ways, and a few
– far fewer than under the Moro province chose to become “outlaws.” With the abolition of the Department
of the Mindanao and Sulu and the transfer of
Governor Carpenter to other service in the Insular Government the effective period of the
American administration in Moroland came to an end. There continued to be American
governors in the province of Lanao (until 1930), and Sulu (until 1935) and the American
government general continued to have considerable power to interfere in the conduct of
government in Mindanao and Sulu. But, for the most part, administrative, as well as legislative
control of Moroland, was firmly in Filipino hands where it has remained ever since (except for
the years of Japanese occupation). TABLE 2

THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE DEPARTMENT OF

MINDANAO AND SULU

January 1, 1915

Governor-General of the Philippine Islands

|

Department Government

Provincial Government

Agusan Bukidnon Cotabato Davao Lanao Sulu

Zamboanga
3 om nom 2 om 7 om 3 om 1 om 5

om

Butuan Cotabato Caraga Dansalan Jolo Dapitan

Kabadbaran Parang Cateel Malabang Dipolog
Talakogon Baganga iligan Tubugen
Davao Isabela
Manai Zamboanga

Mati

Santa Cruz

53 18 23 8 38 24 4
Municipal Municipal Municipal Municipal Municipal Municipal
Municipal
Districts Districts Districts Districts Districts Districts Districts
Legend: om = organized municipalities nom : no organized municipalities

Concluding Reflections
In his final report as the last of the politico-military governors of the Moro province, Governor Pershing
summed up what in his view, was the total achievement of a decade of
government largely by Army officers: “Up tp the present, we have gone no further than to
suppress crime, prevent injustice, establish peaceful conditions and maintain supervisory
control.”Certainly, it can be shown that something more than that was achieved by the Moro
province. The fact is that the ground was prepared for civil government. The development of

the land and people of Mindanao and Sulu was carried forward. There was a direct connection
between what had been accomplished by 1913 and what had been achieved in 1920. The work of the
Moro province made it possible for the Department of Mindanao and
Sulu its “policy of attraction” toward the inhabitants to reduce the American military presence to
accelerate the economics, political and social improvement of the people, to include greater
Muslim participation in government affairs, to further the integration of the people of Moroland
into the body politic of the Philippine nation, and to gain their acceptance of or at least
acquiescence in the collection of taxes the operation of school, the abdication of the Sultan of
Sulu and the presence of Christian Filipino officials in positions of authority among them. Under
Carpenter’s administration, all possibilities became realities.
In the process, the usefulness of the Department Government diminished. The
Department accomplished what it established to do; it laid the foundations in Mindanao and
Sulu for an enduring edifice of economic, political, and even social solidarity with Luzon and
the Visayas. Having finished this task – or at least having carried it fairly far along – the
Department, like the Moro province before it, properly and inevitably passed into History. But it is one
thing to lay a foundation and quite another to construct the edifice. A few
years of American administration could hardly be expected to solve all the problems standing
in the way of the integration of the Muslim Filipinos into Philippine national life. The biggest
problem in 1920 was and still is – the centuries-old animosity between Muslims and Christian
Filipinos. The American government did not exacerbate that animosity. it went to considerable
trouble to improve relations between the two groups. However, after 1920, the American
government exercised little direct control over the relations between Muslims and Christians in
the Philippines. The future was in the hands of the two principals. And because they were left
with the greater power, the responsibility rested primarily with the Christian Filipinos. Sources: Mandate in
Moroland: The American Government of Muslim Filipinos, 1899 –
1920. Q.C.Philippine Center for Advanced Studies, 1977. Kabuuang Larawan ng Pagtutol sa Mindanaw
at Sulu, 1903-1935

By Rudy Rodil

Nakapanghihinayang na walang naisulat ang mga Lumad, maging ang mga Bangsa Moro
man hinggil sa kanilang mga karanasan sa pakikibaka laban sa mga kolonyalistang Amerikano
at mga galamay nito. Gayunpaman ay hindi ito ang katapusan ng mundo para sa isang
estudiante ng kasaysayan. Masipag magsulat ang mga kolonyalista at isa sa mga
pinakadetalyadong mapagkukunan ng datos ang ulat ng mga opisyales ng Philippine
Constabulary (PC). Nangunguna rito ang The Story of the Philippine Constabulary, 1904-1935
na isinulat ni Harold H. Elarth. Siya ay isang beterano sa kanilang tinatawag na Mindanao
Campaigns. Nagsimula siya bilang isang tinyente at sa bandang dulo ng kanyang kuwento
aay isa na siyang koronel. Ang laman ng kanyang aklat ay tinipong mga ulat mula sa iba't ibang larangan
sa buong
kapuluan ay tinipong mga ulat mula sa iba't ibang larangan sa buong kapuluan. Ang tungkol sa
Mindanaw ay naglalaman ng kanya mismong mga karanasan, o di kaya'y sa kanyang mga
kaibigan at kasamahan sa Constabulary. Bagamat halatang may pagkiling ang pagkakasulat, maliwanag
naman nating masisinag ang papel ng kanilang mga nakakaengkwentro. Sila ang
karaniwang nakakaharap ng mga Lumad sa kanilang pakikibaka; sila rin ang nagsisilbing
salamin sa pagsuri sa mga detalye ng ating kailangan. Gaya ng alam na natin, ang Philippine
Constabulary ay itinatag ng mga Amerikano noong
1901 upang ito diumano ang magpapanatili ng kaayusan at kapayapaan. Ang karaniwang
sundalo nito ay binubuo ng mga katutubong Pilipino, subalit ang mga opisyales ay puro
Amerikano, ay nanatiling ganito ang kaayusan hanggang 1935. Sa ganitong paraan ay
napanatili ng mga kolonyalista ang kanilang interes nang hindi gumagamit pa ng Army
Regulars o American Volunteers. Nakatipid pa sila ng malaki sapagkat hindi magastos

magmentene ng mga konstabularyong Pilipino. Tingnan muna natin ang sumada ng mga pangyayari
noong 1903 hanggang 1935, at
pagkatapos ay isa isahin natin ang ilang tampok na halimbawa ng pagtutol. Noong unang dekada pa
lamang ng mga Amerikano sa Mindanaw, hanggang sa bandang
1914, katakot-takot na labanan ang kanilang nasuungan. Ito'y nagpakita kung gaano katindi
ang pagtutol ng mga katutubo sa Mindanao at Sulu sa pagpasok ng bagong kolonyalista. Daan- daan ang
mga away sa mga kuta at nagkaroon ng dalawampu't anim na pag-aalsa na
dahil sa kalakihan ay inilagay ng mga Amerikano sa kategorya ng “military campaigns.” Karamihan sa
mga pangyayari naganap sa Sulu, Lanao at Cotabato. Subalit may mga
pagsabog din sa Davao, Agusan, Bukidnon, Misamis at Zamboanga. Ang ikalawang dekada ay di kasing
tindi bagamat may manakanakang pagsabog ding
naganap. Subalit sa ikatlong dekada, lalo na sa bandang 1928, ay naging abala na naman ang PC. Dati,
hanggang 1914, marami pang tropang Amerikano ang nakikilaban. Subalit nang magkaroon
na ng sapat na bilang ng Philippine Scouts, ang mga ito at ang PC ang bumalikat sa
pakikiharap sa mga pag-aalsa. Ang mga taong 1931-1935 ay napabantong sa rekord
konstabularya bilang “The Mindanao pacification Campaign”. May mga putok pa rin sa dakong
Agusan, maliban pa sa dati ng mainit na Sulu, Lanao at Cotabato. Noong 1935, ani Elarth, ang mga
nangasawing Moro ay hindi nalalayo sa pagitan ng 15,000
hanggang 20,000. walang iskur sa mga Lumad, subalit mula sa aklat ni Elarth ay may napulot
tayong di kakulangin sa dalawampu't siyam na pangyayari o labanan na kinasasangkutan ng
Lumad, di nga lang pantay-pantay ang mga detalye: Manobo—11 labanan; Higaunon-- 4;
Tiduray---3; Bukidnon---2; Mandaya---2; Mansaka—1; Tagakaolo—1; B'laan –1. Ang bibigyan natin ng
lugar dito ay yaong pinakatampok na mga kaso ng pagtutol ng mga
Lumad: (a) ang pag-aalsa na umikot sa pagkapatay kay Gobernador Bolton ng Davao noong
1906; (b) ang kilusang Tungud na nagsimula sa Davao at kumalat sa Agusan at Bukidnon, 1908-1910; (c)
ang pag-aalsa ng mga Subanon noong 1909-1914, (d) ang rebelyon ng
Langkat sa Cotabato noong 1926-1927, at (e) ang sagot ng mga Bagobo sa pagdagsa ng mga
Hapon sa kanilang lupain, 1918-1935. Pag-aalsa sa Davao, 1906-1908; Patay si Gobernador Bolton
Ika-6 ng Hunyo 1906 noong paslangin si Gobernador Edward C. Bolton ng Davao. Sinibak ang kanyang
ulo ni Datu Mangalayan, isang kilalang datu ng Tagakaolo sa Malalag
(munisipalidad ng Davao del Sur ngayon) na kamakailan lamang ay siyang inilagay ni Bolton
bilang pangalawang pangulo ng Tribal Ward no. 6 ng mga Tagakaolo at siyang tuwirang
mamahala sa settlement ng mga Manobo. Kasamang napatay ni Bolton ang isang
Amerikanong magtatanim na si Benjamin Christian. Makalipas ang ilang buwan, noong Agosto
3, 1906, napatay naman si Mangalayan. Sa unang tingin ay walang rebelyon sa istoryang ito. Subalit ang
isinasagawang imbestigasyon ng awtoridad ay nagbunyag ng mga nggulo di
inaasahan. Bago tayo magpatuloy ay liwanagin muna natin ang ibig sabihin ng Tribal War no. 6.
Isa ang davao sa limang distrito na bumubuo ng Moro Province na itinatag noong 1903. ang
iba ay Cotabato, Lanao, Zamboanga at Sulu. Ang Agusan at Bukidnon ay ginawang Special
Province ng Agusan sa dahilang ang karamihan sa naninirahan daw dito ay mga Lumad. Ang
pagiging espesyal na probinsya ay itinakda bilang kinakailangang hakbang upang maihanda
ang mga Moro at Lumad sa pagiging mamamayan ng regular na yunit ng estruktura ng
gobierno. Dapat banggitin dito na di sibilisado ang tingin sa kanila ng mga Amerikano at ang
Tribal Ward samakatuwid ay isang hakbang tungo sa pagiging sibilisado. Anim lahat ang mga Tribal Ward
sa Davao (No. 1 sa Ata, No. 2 sa Bagobo, No. 3 sa Guanggas, No. 4 sa Mandaya, No. 5 sa Moros at No.
6 sa Tagakaolo); labingwalo sa Cotabato; labintatlo

sa Lanao; siyam sa Sulu, at lima sa Zamboanga, at limampu't anim ang subdistrito.

Itinakda pa rin ng batas na siyang nagtatag sa Tribal Ward na ang gobernador ng distrito, tulad
ni Bolton, ay obligadong humirang ng kaniyang mga representante o deputy sa bawat ward--
isang datu na hangga't maaari ay siyang kinikilalang pangulo ng kanyang mga sakop. Maari
rin siyang magtatag ng mga karagdagang sub-tribal ward kung kinakailangan. Kasalukuyan pa lamang
siyang nagtatag ng mga tribal ward nang masawi si Gobernador
Bolton. Ayon sa naging resulta ng imbestigasyon, noong bandang Pebrero 22 nang taon ding
yaon, pinulong niya ang mga kinikilalang miyembro ng iba't ibang tribu sa Malalag. Marami
siyang tribal ward na itinatag sa pagtitipong yaon. Hindi naging mahirap ito sa mga Tagakaolo, Manobo,
B'laan at mga Kalagan na puro naman magkakatabi ang mga teritoryo. Inudyukan rin
niya ang mga ito, pati ang mga Moro, Bagobo, at Mandaya na ilikas ang kanilang mga
komunidad sa bandang baybayin, gawing permanente ang mga ito, magtanim sila ng abaka, niyog, at iba
pa, sa halip na magkaingin para lamang sa isang anihan ng palay at kamote.
Ipinaliwanag niya na maraming kahoy ang nasira sa pagkakaingin. Napamahal daw siya sa mga tribu
sapagkat nagpupunta siya sa kanilang lugar ng nag-iisa at
wala man lamang armas. Naakit niya ang isang datung Tagakaolo na si Balawag na bumaba
mula sa bundok at doon magtayo ng komunidad sa malapit sa baybayin ng Malalag. Ang tutuo
nga, noong pulong ng Pebrero 22 ay hinirang niya si Balawag bilang pangulo ng tribal ward ng
Tagakaolo, at si Mangalayan naman bilang pangalawa nito at siyang tuwirang mamamahala
sa isang komunidad ng mga Manobo. Pansamantala raw ay maganda ang takbo ng kalagayan sa tribal
ward. Subalit noong
bandang huli, may mga taga-tribu, ayon sa planters, na nagpapahayag ng sama ng loob sa
mga planters sa Balutakay, Padada, Malalag at Kibulan. May mga usap-usapan daw na
pagpapatayin ang ilang mga Amerikano, kabilang nga ang gobernador at si Mr. McCullough,
isang magtatanim sa Kibulan na siyang tunay na assistant ng gobernador at siyang tuwirang
namamahala sa bagong tatag na tribal ward ng mga Tagakaolo. Nagiging matunog ang mga
usap-usapan at may napadagdag pa ngang papaslangin at pagnanakaw din ang lahat ng mga
Amerikano mula sa Digos hanggang sa Kibulan. Kaagad nagsumbong sa mga awtoridad ang
mga planters. Napag-alaman din na isang katutubo na nagngangalang Simbanan ang may dalawang
taon
nang nanggagamot doon, kasama na rito ang pamimigay ng mga anting-anting na
makakatulong diumano laban sa malas, sakit at iba pa. Kaibigan niya sina Balawag at
Mangalayan at malalim diumano ang impluwensiya niya sa dalawa. Ayon sa imbestigador, malakas ang
kanyang kutob na si Simbanan ang nag-udyok kay Mangalayan na paslangin
ang mga Amerikano. Ayon pa rin sa testimonyo ng iba pang katutubo, sina Balawag, Mangalayan,
Simbanan at
maraming iba pang mga katutubo, kamag-anak at mga kaibigan ni Mangalayan, kabilang na
sina Sulutan at Kawag mula sa Digos, ay nagpulong diumano kina Mangalayan sa Daul at
doon ay napagkayarian na pagpapatayin at pagnanakawan ni Magalayan ang mga Amerikano
sa Kibulan; si Balawag naman ang kikilos sa Malalag; silang dalawa sa Padada at Balutayak, at si
Sulutan at Kawag sa Digos. Lumalabas na hindi lahat ng katutubo ay sang-ayon sa
planong ito sapagkat may mga nagpapahayg diumano ng pagtutol. Nagdaos din ng sariling
miting ang mga ito at nagkaisa sila na ipagtanggol ang ilan sa mga planters. May ilang anggulo pa rin na
lumitaw sa imbestigasyon. Mga lima hanggang walong buwan na
raw ang nakakalipas nang may isang panatikong Moro na nagngangalang Sumalugpun ang
nag pasimula ng isang sayaw sa sumlug (baryo na sakop sakop ngayon ng Lupon, Davao
oriental). Natutuhan ito ng dalawang datung Moro na sina Compao at Tomaras. Ikinalat nila ito
at nauso naman hanggang sa may ilog ng Tagum, hanggang sa Padada at Kibulan. Mula sa
kalat-kalat na ulat ay nakabuo ang mga imbestigador na misteryo sa likod ng sayaw na ito. May
nadiskubrihan daw na bagong diyos sina Compao at Tomaras na ang pangalan ay Lavi. Pagdating
diumano nito ay hihirangin nito si Compao bilang hari ng mga Moro; magpapadala
ito ng malaking ani at maraming isda; ang mga itak at palakol ay magtatrabaho ng kusa

habang ang mga Moro ay nangakaupo; marami ang magiging huli sa pangingisda o
pamamansing kahit na maikli lamang ang tagdan, maglalaho ang mga sakit at iba pa. Ngunit
ang mga biyayang ito ni Lavi ay ibibigay lamang bilang ganti sa maraming donasyon. Ang
walang ibinigay ay walang dapat asahan. At bubunutin ni Lavi ang dila ng sinumang
magsusumbong sa mga Amerikano. At ang panghuli, ang mga Bisaya ay magiging alipin ng
mga Moro, at ang mga Amerikano at Kastila ay itataboy o papatayin. Naging matagumpay daw sina
Compao at Tomaras sa mga taga-Sumlog. Mula doon ay
pinasabihan ng dalawa si Datu Macibelan ng Lepandi na magpunta kaagad doon, isama ang
kanyang mga kaibigan at magdala ng maraming abuloy, pagkatapos ay makipagkita kay Lavi
at pag-aralan ang sayaw. Nagpaunlak naman ang datu, kasama ang siyam na kaibigan. Tinuruan nga sila
at pagkatapos ay inordinahan sila nina Compao at Tomaras bilang Tataiyan
(preachers). Nagtayo sila ng paaralan sa Lepandi. Ang mga estudiante nila mula sa
Sarangani ay natuto at ang mga ito naman ang nagturo sa mga taga-Darong, Digos at Padada, at ang
mga ito naman ang nagkalat sa mga tao. Marami silang tinaggap na abuloy at ang
kalahati nito ay nagpunta kina Compao at Tomaras. Ang mga B’laan at tagakaolo ay
nagsidating din,pyro may dalang kontribusyon. Subalit ang sayaw ay hindi na nakarating pa sa
timog na bahagi ng Padada. Ang siyam kataong nabanggit sa unahan ay nagbigay ng testimonya na may
sinabi diumano si
Compao na maagang mamamatay si Gobernador Bolton. Nang makarating sa kalaaman ni Gobernador
Bolton ang tungkol sa mabilis na pagkalat ng
sayaw, siya mismo ay nagtungo sa Sumlug. Isinama niya pagbalik niya sa Davao sina
Campao at Tomaras ngunit hindi niya ibinilanggo ang mga ito. Malaya silang nakakagala sa
bayan at patuloy pa ring tumatanggap ng mga abuloy. Mula doon ay nagtuloy si Bolton sa
lugar ni Balawag at doon pa nga nakitulog. Kinabukasan ay nagtungo naman siya kina
Mangalayan, kasama na niya ngayon si Mr. Benjamin Christian at doon naman sila nakitulog.
Kinabukasan pa rin ay sama-sama silang bumisita kay Simbanan, kasama ni Mangalayan ang
dalawang kapatid nito. Bago dumilim ay may nadaanan pa silang bahay ng isang mangingisda
at si Mangalayan ay nakipaghuntahan sandal. Mga tatlumpong minute raw mula nang sila’y
lumisan ay nagbalik si Mangalayan at ang dalawang kapatid at nasambit ng una: “Naulian na
ang aking pagkalalaki; pinatay ko ang dalawang Amerikano.” Pagkatapos ng ilang araw ay
nilimas naman nina Mangalayan at Datu Dauda, kasama ang mga katutubo ng iba’t ibang tribu, and
tindahan ni Mr. McCullough. Tumagal ng dalawang taon ang paghahanap sa iba pang kasangkot sa
pagpatay kay Bolton. Sa panahong ito ay may isa naming Datu Andas ang nagpanggap na siya’y diyos
atat
inudyukan niya ang kapwa niya katutubo na magsisama sa kanya. Sumama naman ang mga
ito subalit nagsiuwi rin nang madakip at mabilanggo si Andas pagkalipas ng isang buwan. Hindi sinasabi
sa ulat kung ano ang koneksyon ni Andas sa pagkakapatay kay Bolton, ngunit
mahalagang pansinin na rin na noong unang dekada ng pamamahala ng mga Amerikano sa
Davao ay meron ding ibang mga pangyayari na nagpapakita ng pagtutol ng mga katutubo sa
paninirahan doon ng mga dayuhan. Noong Enero 31, 1903, halimbawa, ay pinatay na apat na Mandaya
si William Sprague, isang
magtatanim sa Mapagba. Siya ang unang Amerikanong bumagsak sa kamay ng mga katutubo. Mula
noon ay marami pang ibang planter at mga empleyado ng mga ito ang napabalitang
pinaslang din. Pagkatapos ng nangyari kay Bolton ay pinaghahanap nan g mga awtoridad ang mga
kasangkot. Sa reyd nila sa bahay ni Simbanan, isang kasamahan nito si Macumpa, ang
nasawi. Sumumpa ang ama nitong si Cadui na ipaghiganti niya ang kanyang anak at ang una
niyang nakaharap ay isang mister Harvey, isang planter din, dangan nga lamang at siya ang
sinamang palad na mapatay ng mga PC. Sa loob ng bilangguan noong 1907, isang Bagobo na
nagngangalang Manga ang binaril ng
mga PC. Napag-alaman na si Manga at ang 27 nitong mga kasamahan ay inaresto dahilan sa
hindi pagbayad ng buwis at sapilitang pagtatrabaho sa paggawa ng kalsada.
Tungud: Isang Kilusang Pangrelihiyon sa Davao, 1908-1910
Nagsimula ang kilusang ito sa mga Manobo ng ilog Libuganon sa Davao noong 1908. Ayon sa
istorya, isang Manobo na nagngangalang Meskinan (Mapakla sa tunay na buhay) ang
nagpasimula nito. Nagkasakit diumano ng kolera (batay sa mga sintomas), inabanduna ng
mga kamag-anak sa pag-aakalang mamatay na ito, subalit makalipas ng tatlong araw ay
sumulpot itong magaling na. Siya ang nagpakalat ng balita na ang kanyang paggaling ay
nangyari s atulong ng isang mapagpalang diwata. Ang element ng kababalaghan ay
naragdagan pa ng kanyang panginginig pagkatapos niyang magkuwento at ito, para sa kanila
ay isang tiyak na katibayan na pinasuk siya sa katawan ng mabuting espiritu. Kumalat ang
kuwento at nang ito’y dumating sa bandang ilog Mawab, si Meskinan ay hindi na lamang
pangkaraniwang baylan. Siya’y isa ng Diyos. At hindi narin kumakain o umiinom. Di naglaon ay may
dumating na pasabi sa Mawab mula mismo kay Meskinan. Magugunaw
raw ang daigdig pagkalipas ng isang buwan; ang mga diwata ng tribu ay hindi na tutulong sa
mga taong nagdadamit ng itim; pansamantala raw ay tutulungan niya ang mga tao kung
papaano nila ililigtas ang kanilang sarili sa pagkagunaw. Ipag-utos niya ang mga sumusunod:
(1) Pagpapatayin kaagad ang lahat ng manok at baboy sapagkat kung hindi ay
lalamunin nila ang nagmamay-ari sa kanila
(1) Wala ng magtatanim. (2) Bawat komunidad ay magtayo ng isang gusali para sa pananampalataya. (3)
Dapat ay may isang pari sa bawat komunidad na kay Meskinan mismo
tumanggap ng kapangyarihan, at ilang mga katulong sa pagpapalaganap ng balita at
mamumuno sa mga pananampalataya sa malalayong simbahan
(4) Lalamnin ng pananampalataya ang pagsamba kay Meskinan, at magkaroon ng
mga banal na sayaw bilang parangal sa kanya, at paunang abuloy para rin sa kanya
Punuan ang itatawag sa mga pari at taytayan naman sa mga katulong. Tulay ang kahulugan
ng taytayan, pangulo naman ang punuan. Mula sa mga Manobo ng Libuganon ay kumalat ang Tungud sa
mga kalapit na Mandaya, sa
mga Mangguwangan, sa mga Dibabawon, at sa mga Manobo sa ulo ng ilog Agusan. At pati na
rin sa mga nagging Kristyano. Si John M. Garvan na siyang nag-imbestiga sa Tungud mula sa
Compostela ay nakapansin
agad ng mga pagbabago sa kabuhayan ng mga Manobo at Mandaya. Matindi raw ang
kakulangan ng pagkain sapagkat wala na ngang nagtatanim mula nang magsimula ang
kilusan. Ang kinakain na lamang ng mga tao ay yaong galing sa dati nang itinanim tulad ng
kamote at gabi. Kakikitaan ng malaking takot ang mga tao sa lahat ng oras ngunit lalo na sa
gabi. Subalit ang pinakamagandang nangyari raw ay ang pagtigil sa mga awayan at alitan na
dati ay pangkaraniwan at halos ay natural na pangyayari sa buhay ng mga tao roon, sa lahat
ng tribu, sa lahat ng kumunidad. Dati raw ay walang Mangguwangan na bumisita sa
Compostela, ngayo’y doon pa sila sumasampalataya. Ang iba nga ay nakakarating pa sa mga
liblib na tirahan ng mga Mandaya na kanilang tradisyonal na kaaway. Ang mga Dibabawon na
taga-Salug at Libuganon ay maluwag na nakakarating ng walang kaba sa karaga, Kasuman at
Manay, at nakakauwi ng walang galos. Ito’y sapagkat ipinagbabawal diumano ng Diyos o ng
Magbabaya ang pakikipag-away at ang paghihiganti. Niliwanag ni Garvan na lingid mga tao, may daya
ang mga nagaganap na seremonyas. May
mga pakikipag-usap kunyari ang mga punoan sa magbabaya ngunit ang totoo, ang sinasabing
magbabaya ay isa sa mga alalay nito na nagpaparamdam sa pamamagitan ng iba’t ibang
boses o paraan sa ang punoan lamang ang nakakaintindi. At bukod pa diumano sa mga lugar
na abuloy, kasama na ang pinakaingat-ingatang mga sibat at pana at itak, at nahaluan narin
ng komersyo tulad ng pagbabayad ng P30.00 upang maging punuan o taytayan, o kaya’y
pagbebenta ng mga imahen, o kaya’y panyo o iba pa na ipinamamaraling panlaban sa sakit at
kung anu-ano pa. Nagsimulang lumuha ang kilusan noong disyembre 1910. Walang natupad sa mga
sinasabing

pagkagunaw ng mundo ng ilang beses nang nabimbim; nabisto na rin ang panloloko ng
punuan at ng kanyang mga taytayan; nagkagutom ang mga tao, at nauubusan na rin ng mga
gamit na pang-abuloy, at tumalab din wari ang payo ng mga Bisaya na di sumasang-ayon.Ang
kabiguan ng mga tao ay unti-unting nauwi sa matinding galit. Nang lumaon ay may pasabi na
ang mga Mandaya na sasalakayin nila ang mga taga Agusan; rereydin naman ng mga
Manobo ang mga Dibabawon; tinakot ng mga Mangguwangan ang mga Mandaya sa Tagum. Tanging ang
pagkakaroon lamang ng gobierno sa bandang ulo ng ilog Agusan, ani Garvan, ang nakapigil ng
pagsabog ng lagim. Para kay Garvan, ang Tungud ay isang kilusan na panloloko at wala ng iba. Si Fay
Cooper-Cole na kasalukuyang nanaliksik noon sa mga Mandaya ay napansing ibang anggulo. Ummabot
din daw sa dakong look ng Mayo ang kilusan, dangan at di na gaanong matindi ang
epekto. Ang mga Moro na naninirahan doon ang nakikita kaagad ng oportunidad upang
mapalaganap ang kanilang plano na itaboy ang mga magtatanim sa Amerikano doon pati na
ang mga kristyano. Kasalukuyan pa sila noong maiinitang dugo at di makapili. Inimbita nila
ang mga pinunong Mandaya sa bahay ng Morong Pandita sapagkat doon daw nagpapakita
ang diwata. Nang sumunod na gabi nga ay nagpakita ang diwata sa isang madilim na silid at
nagwika sa mga tao na mag-alsa at lipunin ang mga kristyano doon. Magkahalong paghanga
at pagkagimbal ang nadama ng mga Mandaya at talaga naman daw handa na silang sumama
sa mga Moro. Dangan nga lamang at nabisto sila ng isang Amerikanong magtatanim. Lingid
sa mga Mandaya, ani Cole, ang nabanggit na espiritu na nagpapakita ay anak na lalaki ng
Pandita na may ballot na gasa (gauze) sa noo at sa dibdib na kinapapalooban ng alitaptap. Nagmumukha
nga naman siyang isang kababalaghan sa kadiliman. Pagpasok niya sa silid ay
bigla na lang yumayanig ang bahay. Niyuyugyog naman pala ito ng kanyang kapatid na lalaki. Ang
opisyal na ulat ni Lt. Altan Walker na siyang pumalit kay Gobernador Bolton ay
naglalaman ng karagdagan pang detalye. Iniulat niya kay General Bliss, Gobernador ng Moro
Province, noong Hulyo 1908 na tatlumpo’t pitong Moro ang inareto ng PC sa Mati dahil
diumano sa pagsali ng mga ito sa sayaw ng Lavi. At si datu Silatan at Pandita raw ang
nag-udyok sa kanila. Ipinagsabi raw ng dalawang Morong ito na sila ay nagsisilbi sa tunay na
Diyos na siyang tutulong sa kanila upang lipulin ang kanilang mga kaaway at upang
makapagtanim at mag-ani kahit hindi nagtatrabaho. Ang kanilang sinasabing tutoong Diyos
pala ay isang maliit na bata na ang suot na damit ay naaninag, may bigkis sa leeg ay sa
baywang at maraming alitaptap sa loob. Nagpapakita raw ito sa panahon ng tagdilim;
hinihikayat ang mga Moro at mga Mandaya sa Mati na magsayaw at sambitin ang ngalan nito
at pumatay ng mga opisyales ng gobierno. Ang nabanggit na tatlumpo’t pito ay bahagi na
apatnapu’t apat na diumanoy sumumpa na papatay ng mga opisyales ng munisipalidad ng
Mati at ng ibang magtatanim na Amerikano. Kapansin-pansin ang pagkahawig ng sayaw na ipinauso nina
Compao at Tomaras sa sayaw
sa Labi na kakabit naman ng pangalan, nina Datu Silatan at Pandita Latibao. Gayundin ang
kanilang layunin na itaboy o lipunin ang mga Amerikano at mga kristiyano sa lugar. Nandoon
pa rin ang pagsisikap na hikayatin ang mga katutubo mula sa iba’t ibang tribu na sumama sa
kanila. Ang problema nga lamang ay walang tuwirang ebidinsya na nag-uugnay sa dalawang
grupo ng Moro. Maaring wala pa lamang tayong natatagpuan. Dapat banggitin na ang Sumlug
at Mati ay hindi magkalayo, gayundin ang petsa ng dalawang istorya.
Idinagdag pa ni Cole na ang Tungud bilang halimbawa ay umabot din sa hangganan ng Davao
at Bukidnon. Kasalukuyan din daw noong hinihikayat ni Gobernador Lewis ang mga katutubo
na magtatag ng bagong komunidad na bago pa lamang inabandona ng mga tao. Saka pa
lamang daw niya nalaman na kasali pala ito sa isang malaking kilusan. Bakit natin ibinilang ang Tungud
bilang halimbawa ng pagtutol ng Lumad laban sa mga
Amerikano at sa mga galamay nito? Sapagkat hindi ito ang unang pangyayari sa dakong ito
ng Mindanaw Sariwain natin na sa isang sulat ni Padre Pablo Pastells, S.J. sa kanyang
superior noon Mayo 2, 1877, mula sa Baganga, ay nabanggit niya ang isang reaksyon sa
kanyang pagsisikap na magtatag ng reduccion ang mga Mandaya. May nagpakita raw noon
isang matandang babae. Bumaba ito mula sa langit at pinagsabihan ang mga tao na magbalik
sa gubat matapos nilang wasakin ang kanilang mga kaingin at pagpapatayin ang kanilang
mga alagang hayop. Sa gubat ay maaari silang mabuhay kahit hindi kumain ng isang taon, at

pagkatapos ay sabay-sabay silang mapupunta sa langit, buo ang katawan at kaluluwa. At

kung hindi sila susunod sa kanyang utos, may sasakyang dagat sa Davao, at may isa pa sa
Surigao, puno ng sundalo na siyang pupugot sa kanilang mga ulo at magdadala sa kanilang
mga anak sa Maynila upang ipamigay bilang bihag sa Sultan ng Jolo. Dulot nito, ani Pastells, karamihan
sa mga Mandaya (na naninirahan sa reduccion) ay nagsibalik sa gubat. Pag-aalsa ng mga Subanon sa
Zamboanga, 1904-1914
Si Harold H. Elarth lamang ang tanging pagkukunan natin ng ulat tungkol sa rebelyong ito. Siya ang
namumuno ng mga Kostable nan aka engkwentro ng mga Subano noon kaya tang
kanyang sinulat ay isang “witness account”, ika nga. Kung meyron sanang ulat mula sa mga
Subano, kahit oral, ay maganda. Subalit wala tayong alam. Si Tinyente Elarth, kasama ang labinlimang
Kostable ay nakipagpulong sa mga Timuay
(pinuno) ng mga Subanon sa interyor ng Look ng Dipolog, sa may bandang bundok ng
Malindang. Ito’y isang pagpupulog tungkol sa kapayapaan sa mga Subano sapagkat may
dalawang malaking grupo noon na hindi magkasundo. Subalit matindi ang tensyon. Isanlibong
kalalakihan ang naroroon at hindi nila minamabuti ang pakikialam ng gobierno. Ang mga Kostable ay
nakapwesto sa isang gulod, naka rally formation, kargado ang baril at
naka-fixed bayonet, ngunit tipong hindi nababahala, nag-uusap-usap at naninigarilyo. Isang
hakbang mula sa kanila ay naroon naman si Elarth, nakatayo at sa harapan niya nakaupo
naman ang mga Timuay doon sila nag kumperensya. Nalilibutan silang lahay ng isang libong
kalalakihan na puro armado ng pana, sibat, at itak. Binulongan si Elarth ni Kabo Mira Leon: “Muy
peligroso, Me Capitan” (Delikado Kapitan). Si Elarth ay Deputy Gobernor ng Zamboanga at di pa
naglalaon mga isang buwan pa lamang, ay bumisita siya sa mga tribu doon, isa-isa. Tatlong linggo rin
niya itong ginawa. Subalit iba
ang kanyang nadarama ngayon sa kanyang mga kaharap nasamood di umano ang mga ito na
makipag-away. Napansin nga niya na habang tumatagal ang usapan ay hindi naman
mapalagay ang mga mandirigma, at meyron pa ngang nagsisigawan na. pinansin ni Elarth
ang bagay na ito at ipinaabot sa mga kaharap na mga Timuay na mahirap ipagpatuloy ang
kumperensya kung ganoon; mas mainam aniya kung medyo mag-aagwatan ng kaunti ang
mga mandirigma. Nag-usap-usap ang apat na Timuay at pagkatapos ay nag-utos na umagwat
ang mga tao nila; sumunod naman ang mga ito. Medyo maluwag-luwag na sana ang paghinga ni Elarth
na bigla na lamang isang matangkad
na Morong mandirigma ang sumigaw; “Huwag, huwag! Tumigil kayo mga tanga!”. Sabay
sugod, wasiwas ang kampilan, patungo kay Elarth. May kasunod itong dalawa pang
kasamahan. Sigaw nito, Patayin yan. Nagpaputok si Elarth. Tatlong sunod sunod. Tatlong patay na Moro
ang bumagsak sa kanyang
paanan. Nagliparan ang mga sibat ng mga mandirigma, pagkatapos ay sumugod na rin. Nagdidilim ang
langit sa dami ng sibat na lumilipad. Limang sundalo ang patay na
tumimbuwang bago pa man sila nakapagpaputok. Isa pa ang nahatak mula sa pormasyon at
pinagtatadtad at sa loob lamang ng ilang Segundo ay nagkapiraso-piraso. Ang natira pang
sampung ripple naman ay walang tigil sa pagbuga ng kamatayan. Naligtas sa kamatayan si
Elarth nang salagin ng isang Sarhento Bernardo Ames ng kanya mismo katawan ang sibat na
para sa kanyang opisyal. Maya-maya ay bigla na lamang nagsitigil ang mandirigma at
nagpanakbuhan, iniwanang animnapu’t walong patay na kasamahan. Nang magkatanungan
ang mga kostable, madiskubrehan nila na animnapong bala palamang ang kanuilang
naiipuputok. At silang lahat ay wala ng bala!
Mga ilang lingo mula noon ay ilan sa mga nagpanakbuhang mandirigma ang nabihag ng mga
Kostable at sila’y tinanong kung bakit sila nagpanakbuhan. At ang sagot: wala kasing tigil ang
putok. Hindi na naming kaya. Nakalimang taon ding habulan at taguan bago pa naisipang sumuko ng
mga natititrang rebeldi. Sa apat na Timuay na nandoon sa kumperensiya, isa na lamang ang natitira.
Sumuko ito at
ang kanyang mga kasamahan sa Margosatubig noong oktubre 14,1914. Limang libo raw
silang lahat nang magsimula ang rebelyon. Nang ito’y matapos, si Timuay Romunido na

lamang at pitumpu’t lima ka tao na lamang ang natitira. Nanatiling lingid sa kanilang kaalaman
ang tungkol sa pagkaubos ng bala ng mga PC. Lumalabas sa imbestigasyon na ang pag-aalsang ito raw
ay bunga ng pag-uudyok ng ilang
datung Moro mula sa Lawa ng Lanao at inalalayan ng mga kristiyano at di kristiyanong
bandido mula sa Misamis. Kumalat ang balita na may hula daw ang dalawang taga-Misamis
na nabanggit na ang daigdig ay magugunaw sa pamamagitan ng apoy at tubig. Hinikayat nila
ang mga Subanon na magtipon-tipon sa bundok ng Boburan at mula doon ay aakyat sila sa
langit. Ilang libong Subanon daw ang tumugon sa panawagang ito. Sa Boburan, ang mga lider
na Moro ang pumili at naghanda ng posisyon para sa depensa. Mga 175 na bahay ang itinayo. Ang mga
mandirigma ay armado ng sibat, kris at kampiian. Walang baril. Dapat banggitin na may tinuran si
Heneral John Pershing, Gobernador ng Moro Province
noong 1909-1913 na hindi tumutugma sa bersyon ni Tinyente Elarth. Sinabi niya wala isa
mang Timuay na Subanon na sumali sa pag-aalsa. Sila raw itong nagsikap na pigilan ang
pangyayari. Habang wala pang bagong datos na lumilitaw ay mananatili munang misteryo ang
salungatang ito ng dalawang opisyal, ang deputy district Governor ng Zamboanga na si Elarth
at ang governor ng Moro Province na si Heneral John Pershing. Rebelyon ng Langkat sa Cotabato,
1926-1927
Mga Manobo ng kasalukuyang Cotabato ang tinutukoy sa rebelyong ito. At ito ang tanging
istorya natin na merong katutubong bersyon. Sang ayon sa report ng mga kolonyalistang Amerikano,
isang pag-aalsa ang naganap sa
Cotabato noong 1926-1927. Ito diumano ay pinamunuan ni Datu Mampurok, isang Manobo, at
ang mga pangunahing tauhan nito ay mga Manobo rin. At may mga sumaling mga taga-ibang
tribu na mga Tiruray at mga Magindanao. Mula sa ilayang bahagi ng lambag ng Pulangi, ito,y
kumalat sa Awang at Upi, ang tradisyonal na teritoryo ng mga Tiruray. May pundamental na
pagkakaiba ng punto de vista ng mga kolonyalista at ang sa mga Manobo. Titingnan nating
pareho ito. Unahin natin ang sa Manobo. Ang baryo ng palakat ay itinatag ng isang William Manyon
noong 1920. Ito’y bahagi ng
banisilan ng munisipalidad ng Carmen.ngayon ay baryo lamang ito ng Pikit, Cotabato. Si
Manyon ay District Supervisor ng eskwelahan sa Banisilan, at nang itatag niya ang Palakat ay
kasabay din niyang itinayo ang paaralan doon. Lahat ng mga batang nasa wastong edad, pati
na yaong dalawampung taon ang edad ay obligadong mag-aral, simula sa unang baytang. Humirang si
Manyon ng mga pinuno sa baryo, puro Manobo; ganon din sa Palakat na isang
baryo ng mga Manobo. Isa sa mga pinunong ito ang anak ng Datu Sapalaw a Kerentekan, kilala sa
pangalang Mampurok, mga apatnapung taong gulang.
Ilang mga lider sa mga baryo ang nagsuplong kay Manyon na maraming mga bata ang hindi
pumapasok mula sa baryo ni Mampurok. Kaagad nagpadala si Manyon ng pulis, kinaon nito si
Mampurok at dinala sa Banilisan. Nang usisain siya kung bakit wala sa eskwelahan ang mga
bata, sumagot ito na natatakot ang mga itong magpunta sa eskwelahan. Pinagsabihan siya ni Manyon na
ang mga batang ito ay dapat magsipasok. Kung hindi ay siya, si Mampurok, at ang mga magulang ng
mga bata ang mabibilanggo.
Ikinuwento ni Mampurok sa mga magulang ang ultimatum ni Manyon. Bunga nito ay
nagpanakbuhan at nagsipag tago sa gubat ang mga binata at mga binatilyo. Tanging mga bata
nalamang ang puedeng magsipasok. Alam at kilala ng lahat kung sino-sino ang
nagsisispagtago. Bukod sa di naman kalayuan ang kanilang pinagtataguan, lagi pa silang
umuuwi ng panakaw para kumain. Sa takot niyang mabilanggo, namundok na rin si mampurok kasama
ang kanyang pamilya. Dalawa sa kaniyang mga anak ang dapat ay nasa eskwelahan. Nagsisama rin ang
pamilya ng
kanyang kapatid na babae na may anim na anak. Na puro nasa edad para mag aral. Sa
bundok ng Kitubod sila nagtungo. Habang siya ay naroroon, nagsimula si Mampurok na

maging patututlus, isang tao na naniniwalang siya ay bukod na pinagpala. Nakarating ito sa
kaalaman ng mga tao at mula noon ay marami ang nagpupuntahan sa kanya. Di naglaon ay
naging bantog siya bilang pinuno ng Langkat. Kabilang sa mga nakatanggap sa balita ang kanyang mga
kamag-anak sa Palakat, Barongis
at Balogo. Nakatira na siya noon sa Bintangan at nagpuntahan doon ang kanyang mga
kamag-anak, bata at matanda. Ang nagkwento nito sa si Demetrio Bangkas ay isa sa mga ito. At doon ay
nadiskubrihan nila na may mga kababalaghan nga namang pinaggagawa si
Mampurok. Hindi siya kumakain ng maraming araw subalit nananatili siyang malusog. Inaawit
niya ang kanilang istorya sa estilo ng ulahingan na kahit matagalan ay hindi ito napapagod. Ang istorya
ay tungkol sa buhay nila sa gubat na walang matirahan, kakaunti ang pagkain at
kulang sa damit. Namumula ang katawan nito at umuusok kapag pumasok na raw ang
panginoon sa kanya. (Hindi raw ito nakita ni Bangkas; narinig lang niya.)
Tulad ni Mampurok, naniniwala ang mga tao na malupit ang gobyerno. Bukod sa pinupuwersa
nito ang mga bata na pumasok, ibinibilanggo pa man din ang mga magulang. Sapilitan din
silang pinapapagbayad ng sedula.
Inihambing ni Mampurok ang kanilang sitwasyon sa kalagayan ni Agyu at ang mga tao nito. Tinuturuan
niya ang mga tao na ang panginoon ay tiyak na tutulong sa kanila dahil sa
kahirapang kanilang dinaranas. Patunay ditto ang mga kababalaghang nangyayari sa kanya, ang bukod
na pinagpala.
Ipinalaganap ang mga kasamahan ni Mampurok sa ibang mga tao na kapag hindi sila
sumunod kay Mampurok sa Kitubod, maiiwanan sila ng sarimbar (sasakyan na magdadala sa
kanila sa pinakamataas na langit). Iniwan ng mga tao ang kanilang mga tahanan at nagpunta
sa Kitubod at doon na nanirahan. Ang mga lugar na may mga eskwelahan tulad ng Barongis, Palakat at
Balogo ay nawalan ng tao. Subalit dahil sa dami nila sa Kitubod, kinapos naman sila
sa pagkain. Gabi-Gabi ay nagdarasal sila sa bahay dasalan, namumuno si Mampurok. Doon ito
nakapuwesto sa gitna ng plataporma at ang mga alalay naman sa bandang unahan. Apat na
mga lider ang nakaupo sa gilid ng plataporma. Sa pinakagitna ay may memeem (lalagyan ng
nganga). Puro sila nakaupo sa sahig. Ang mga tao naman, bata at matanda, ay nakaupo sa
mga mahahabang upuan.
Isang alalay ang await at mananawagan sa diwata na pumasok sa isa sa kanila upang
sumagot sa mga katanungan tungkol sa kinabukasan. Isa naman sa mga lider ang
manginginig at magsisimulang umawit. Palatandaan ito na siya ang pinasok ng diwata. Ito ang
pagtatanungan. Halimbawa ng mga
tanong: Ano ang mangyayari sa taong hindi sumasama sa atin? Mararating ba tayo ng mga
sundalo? Ang mga sagot ay pinaniniwalaang galling sa diwata. Kung gugustuhin ng kataas-taasang
diwata na pumasok kay Mampurok, manginginig ito, ganon din ang mga tao, hangang yumugyog ang
buong kabahayan. Tahimik ang lahat. Pagkatapos ay isa sa mga lider ang await na dumating na ang
kataas-taasang diwata. Tigil
ang yugyug. Aawit si Mampurok at sasambitin ang gustong sabihin ng diwata. Halimbawa:
nalulungkot siya na marami pang tao ang hindi sumusunod kay Mampurok, dahilan upang
hindi lahat ng tao ay makakatanggap ng kanyang awa.
Itinuturo ng mga diwata sa pamamagitan ng bawat isang pinapasukan nila na dapat ay
nagtutulungan sila sa isa’t isa, pinapatawad nila ang isa’t isa. Hindi sila papatay, hindi sila
makikiapid, hindi sila magtitsismis. Ang hindi sumusunod sa mga ito ay hindi lalawitan ng awa
ng punong diwata. Hinimok din ng mga diwata ang mga walian na sumunod kay Mampurok. Ang walian
halimbawa at ay nanggagamot sa mga may sakit sa pamamagitan ng paggamit ng
mga damo at seremonyas, samantalang si Mampurok ay umaawit lamang sa estilo ng
Ulahingan at humihingi ng tulong sa mga diwata. Sa ritwal ng walian, walian lamang ang
nanginginig, samantalang kay mampurok, lahat ay nanginginig. MOROLAND BETWEEN THE JONES
LAW AND THE TYDINGS-MCDUFFIE ACT

By Peter Gordon Gowing

Public Act No. 240 of the second session of the 64

th United States Congress – the

Jones Law – was a new organic act for governing the Philippines. It was signed into law by
President Woodrow Wilson in August 1916. The preamble to the Act clearly stated that the
United States was determined to relinquish “sovereignty over the Philippines Island an to
recognize their independence as soon as a stable government can be established therein.” The preamble
also declared the desirability of giving Filipinos the greatest possible
control of their own domestic affairs, consistent with American sovereignty so as to prepare
them for the responsibilities of full independence. The Jones Law had the effect in Moroland of
accelerating the Filipinization of the civil
administration. And by 1920, the Department of Mindanao and Sulu, under an American
government responsible directly to the government General was abolished, and the
administrative supervision of Moroland came very largely under the Bureau of Non-Christian
Tribes in the Department of the Interior which was under the control of the Philippine
legislature. American officials continued to be vitally involved in formulating policies effecting
Moros. The Jones Law gave the Governor-General responsibility over the Non-Christian
areas of the Archipelago. He appointed legislators from Mooland and named the governors
and secretary treasurers of the province in that region. He also had the power to set policy in
non-Christian areas by executive order. Even so Christian Filipino political leaders controlled
national funding for program in Moroland, the Philippine Senate had the power of approval
over the Governor General’s appointment of provincial and secretary treasures, and the
provincial officers of national department and bureaus (i.e justice, internal revenue, public
works, and others) were under the authority of Christian Filipino superiors in Manila. Moreover,
the execute orders of the Governor-General affecting non-Christian were not allowed to
conflict radically with existing laws. In short by 1920 the Moros were under the direct
supervision of the insular government which, with regard, the internal matter was almost
entirely in the hands of Christian Filipinos. American and Christian Filipino officials were in general
agreement on the overall
policy regarding Moros: their integration into the mainstream of Philippine life. But this policy
was seriously obstructed by at least three circumstances: 1. The atmosphere of mutual
suspicion between American and Christian Filipino officials; 2. Continued Moro resistance in
their incorporation into the Philippine State; and 3. The priority is given to national economic
development and security consideration in Moroland. Suspicion and division between American and
Filipino Christian official arose over
policy making and program implementation with regard to Moro integration. It is certainly true,
that many Americans, for an ideological or selfish reason, or both were against granting
independence to the Philippines any time soon and fastened on any situation to support their
position with regard to Moroland. The Americans suspected that Filipino officials did not really
have the interest of the Moros at heart, that they were motivated to secure control of Moroland
not so much for the proper development of its population, but merely to demonstrate their
capacity to govern and so hasten the day of Philippine independence. The American seemed
to seize on every instance of Filipino abuse of power in Moroland as evidence of tier lack of
ability to govern effectively. The Americans were sure that the Moros would rise up in bloody
revolt against the Christians if U.S. rule ended. Christian Filipino officials, for their part, suspected that the
Americans wanted them to
fail and raise criticism deliberately by way of excusing a delay in granting PHILIPPINE
independence. Filipinos were certain that the off-expressed American fear of Moro-Christian
violence if independence was granted was nothing surprising. Filipino nationalists were
apoplectic at any suggestion such as the dubiously motivated Bacon Bill of 1926 which
proposed that independence be given to the northern and central province of the Philippines
but that Mindanao and Sulu be retained under the American rule.

While great strides in Filipinizing the civil administration in Moroland was taken under
Governor-General Harrison and during the tenure of Frank Carpenter as Governor of the
Department of Mindanao Sulu (1914-1920) the six-year service of Leonard Wood as
Governor-General (1921 – 1927) reverse the head toward strengthening Filipino authority in
Moroland nor did he significantly increase Moro participation in government. Instead, he tried
to replace Christian Filipinos with Americans (e.g., as when he removed Captain Paulino
Santos as governor of Lanao and tried, in the face of objections from the Philippine senate, to
appoint first one then another U.S. Army officer to the post. Sometimes he simply substituted
his own direct authority. In the years between Wood’s death in 1927 and the establishment of
the Commonwealth in late 1935, the suspicions and recriminations between American and
Filipino Christian officials continued but were greatly moderated, particularly during the tenure
(1933 – 1935) of Frank Murphy as Governor-General and J. Ralston Hayden as his Vice
Governor-General. Aside from a few individual leaders who benefited personally by cooperating fully with
civil authorities, and who were thus attracted to participate in the system of government into
which Moroland had been incorporate, the moross as a whole was not enthusiastic about the
Filipinization of the civil administration in their region. It meant that Christian Filipino, not
Muslims, were placed in a dominant administrative position. The Moros were fearful of the
consequence of control by their old enemies. They had come to rely on the generally good
intentions of the Americans and felt they could trust the Americans to carry on their promises. But
Christian Filipino were another matter. The Moros did not trust them. GumbayPiang, younger son of the
famous Maguindanao leader, DatuPiang summed up these sentiments in a
speech in 1926 in which he criticized both American Filipino policy towards the Moros. Speaking of the
Christian Filipinos, he said ...Filipinos, influenced by centuries of Spanish
domination over them, have also hidden motives which every non-Filipino (i.e., every Muslim)
knows to stamp out Moro ideals and traditions. The Filipinos also need Mindanao for
economic and territorial expansion. From the Moro standpoint, it was one thing to acquiesce
in the government of Americans who had defeated them time and again in battle, it was
another thing to acquiesce in the government of Christian Filipino who, as soldiers under the
Spaniards had never effectively conquered them after three centruries of trying. Thus, as
Christian Filipino gained increasing power in Mindanao and Sulu under the Filipinization policy,
the Moro alienation from government grew. With few exceptions, they refused to associate
with the Christian socially and only gradually and reluctantly did they come to recognize the
authority of Christian Filipino officials. Throughout the remainder of the American regime in the
Philippines, the Moros
petitioned the authorities in Manila and Washington to regard them as different from the rest of
the people of the Archipelago, either them as separate independence or retain them under
American rule. Writing letters and petitions were not the only way the Moro expressed discontent with
growing Christian Filipino power in Moroland. They occasionally resorted to armed
confrontation, though they no longer had the resources to mount anything like the armed
opposition they presented to the American regime up to 1913. MaranaoMoros in Tugaya, Lana for
example, raised the banner of revolt in 1923 over the collection of taxes, compulsory
education, and exactions for road construction. Government troops killed the leader and 54 of
his followers in putting down the revolt. Some of the same dynamics were behind the year-long trouble
which broke out
around Parang, Cotabato, in 1923 – 24 led by Datu Santiago, and aided by Moro deserters
from the Constabulary the dissident complained about paying the cedula, maltreatment by
school authorities (notably their having to repair school facilities without receiving
compensation and Constabulary abuses. Government force secured the surrender of Datu
Santiago, but 102 of his followers were killed in battle. Opposition to land taxes, the cedula, and
imposition of penalties for tax delinquencies
as well as defiance of the prohibition against carrying weapons, were part of the reason for
DatuTahil’s uprising in Sulu on 1927. A veteran of the 1913 Battle of Bud Bagsak, he lost his
wife and child, DatuTahil had reconciled to American authority, had been “third member of the

provincial Board, and was looked upon as a prospective governor of Suu. Disappointment at
not being appointed governor may have precipitated his personal break with the governor. In
any case, he constructed a fort at Patikul, not far from Jolo town, where a sizeable following of
dissident rallied around him on January 31, 1927. Government troops attacked his fort killing
30 to 40 of his flowers. DAtu Tahil escaped but secretly surrendered on February 8 to the
Governor of Sulu. His wife (he had married the celebrated Princess Tarhata of the Sulu royal
family) pleaded for clemency, and he was sentenced to ten years in prison and fined thousand
pesos. His surviving followers, however, were angered by his surrender and his sister wished
him dead. Despite the wishes of many American (including some in very high places in
Washington and Manila) to delay Philippine independence despite the desire of probably most
Moros to remain under American rule if they could nor have a separate independence and
despite the desire of a few Americans (especially those related to certain commercial interest)
and some Moros to see Mindanao and Sulu included as an integral part of the national territory.
It is true that the Republicans tended to drag their feet in this matter, and the democrats had
highly mixed motives in accelerating the move toward Philippine independence. But both
parties were committed to independence whether later or sooner to that end. In May 1934, the
U.S. Congress, then dominated by Democrats, passed the Tydings-McDuffie Independence
Act. The Act called for a constitutional convention (made up of popularly elected delegates)
and the establishment of a commonwealth in which Filipino officials would function with
virtually full power over internal affairs until July 4, 1946 when the nation would become
completely independent. The Commonwealth was inaugurated in November 1935, with
Manuel L. Quezon as President and Sergio Osmena as Vice President.
It is doubtless idle to speculate what might be the situation in Mindanao and Sulu
today had the Americans chosen another course for the Moros rather their political integration
with Philippine State. The American never grasped what the Moro problem really wait as the
underdevelopment of ‘Non-Christian tribes, and the solution was education, economic
development and the judicious application of force whenever the Moros resisted, not knowing
what was good for them. The Moro problem, however, was the fact that the Moros constituted
a ‘nationality’ distinct from the older than, that of the Christian Filipino. Had the American
understood and respected that, they might have moved to establish a separate government
structure for the Moros one joined to the Philippine State (in an autonomous relation perhaps)
but reserving to the Moros power over those affairs closely tied to their Muslim identity and
self-hood. If the Americans are to be blamed to any extent for the present situation, that blame
attaches primarily to their failure to see the real Moro problem and to deal with in a
constructive manner. NajeebSaleeby did see the Moro problem clearly, and suggested a form
of “indirect rule.” He was ignored. The Commonwealth and the Republic, which followed it, were to
continue to be blind
to the actual nature of the Moro problem, with tragic consequences which are all too evident at
the present time. The Americans looked on the Moros as savages needing to be civilized, the
Christian Filipino agreed, and also looked upon the homeland of thMoros as a territory
promising vast economic resources for the independent Philippines. Neither the Americans
nor the Christian Filipinos were disposed to be sensitive to the Moros sense of nationality. Source:
Mandate in Moroland: The American Government of Muslim Filipinos, 1899 –
1920. QC: Philippine Center for Advanced Studies, 1977.

MOROS UNDER THE COMMONWEALTH GOVERNMENT

By: Peter Gowing

Preparation for the Commonwealth was not completely devoid of Moro participation,
though the Moro population, in general, believed that the proposed Commonwealth promised
few benefits for them. Some Moro leaders, however, assessed the situation realistically (“if
you cannot beat them, join them”) and had thrown their support behind the Philippine
Independence Movement. For the most part, they were leaders who had benefited from the
Philippine State system, having been appointed to national or provincial officers, or who had
been closely associated with Christian Filipinos in politics or business. HadjiBatu and Haji
GulamuRasul, DatuFacundoMandi of Zamboanga and Sultan AlaoyaAlonto of Ramain in
Lanao were among these Moro leaders who were identified as friendly to Christian Filipinos
and in favor of Philippine independence. At the unofficial ‘Philippine Independence Congress” called in
February 1930 DatuFacundoMandi introduced a resolution in the Mindanao – Sulu
section which read in part: “That in a clear and unequivocal way it may be made known that
Mohammedans.like their brethren the Christian Filipinos want the absolute, complete and immediate
independence of the Philippines and that they protest
against any intent to divide and disintegrate them. At the same Congress, the
Sultan Alaoya Almost was an eager spokesman for independence even while
he complained that national attention and economic support were not
consistently given to Moroland.” Ralph Thomas, whose 1971 dissertation Muslim but Filipino ably
document and
described the period under discussion, records that ‘educated and datu-rank’ Moros were
enormously disappointed with theTydings-McDuffie Act. They felt deserted by the Americans
and cornered by Christian Filipinos. Most of them, however, said that resistance was pointless
and they sought to make the best of new circumstance they were powerless to change. Gradually they
accepted their participation in an independent Philippine nation. Arolas Tulawi
and a Christian lawyer, Jose Montano, were elected delegates to the Constitutional
Convention from Sulu. Datu Menandang Piang and Datu Blah Sinsuat were elected for
Cotabato, while Lanao chose Alaoya Alonto and Tomas Cabili, a Christian with Maranao
ancestors who had served as provincial Fiscal. The election for convention delegates, held in
July 1934, was the first time Moros had joined in a Philippine nationwide voting exercise. Right after the
election, Hadji Abdul Kamid Bogabong, a Maranao knowledgeable in
Islamic doctrine and law drafted a letter to the Governor-General. The letter dated July 13, 1934, and
signed by 200 Maranao leaders represented the deep feeling of many Moros. The
letter asked that the Governor-General transmit several requests to the constitutional
convention, among them that their religion Islam be not curtailed or changed in any way, that
the practices traditions and custom of the Moros should not be prohibited, that the decision of
Kitab (i.e., Martial law ) be not set aside by Christian official, that all unoccupied “land of the
Islam” in Lanao be governed to Mohammedan Filipinos, that all the sacops followers shout be
allowed to leave their master until their accounts were settled in full, and that the policies
introduced by the American for the improvement of Lanao should not be changed or modified. The
Maranao leaders asked that those requests be embodied in the Constitution. If this was
not done, they wanted no part in the Commonwealth Government. They did not threaten to
fight to the last man, woman, and child, they simply declared that life would not be worth living. “if the
Islam be forced to do what we do not want, we must pray that Lanao shall be melted so
that we will be forever and entirely eradicated.” The letter was a clear and calm statement of
what the Moros believed they need as citizens of the Commonwealth. They sought their
religious, political, and economic place in the new nation. They were participating the political
process having elected their convention delegates and now addressing themselves to the
Governor-General and to the constitutional convention as Mohammedan Filipinos. The letter was not read
in the Convention, thought the delegates from Lanao, Cotabato, and Sulu did their best tp represent the
interests of tier Moto constituents. Tomas
Cabili, for example, was a member of the committee on suffrage and successfully argued
against the specification of particular languages or dialects after the requirement of literacy,

fearing that Arabic (which many Moros were able to read and write? Would not be accepted as
a “local dialect.” The constitutional provision for freedom of religion was fine as far as it went, but, if fell far
short of specifying or even implying the traditions, custom, and laws which. The
Moros understood as religious. The Moroland provinces voted their approval of the New Constitution in
the national
plebiscite, but many of the votes came from Christian resident. Moro interests in the
constitution were strongest in Lanao, where a third of the votes were negative and where Moro
leaders spoke out against the constitution charging that it would destroy their religion rights
and marital customs. Moros participated with more enthusiasm in the voting for national assembly
delegates in September 1935. Judging by the results, it is possible that, except in Lanao
(where Tomas Cabili was elected), Moro votes rejected candidates with Christian Filipino
association. Hadji Guilamu Rasul in Sulu and DatuMendandangPiang in Cotabato were
defeated respectively by Datu Ombra Amibangsa and DatuSinsuatBalabaran, both of whom
were somewhat less identified with Filipino nationalists. It is also significant that Piang and
Rasul were known to favor the abolition of Muslim religious courts. In Lanao, the Sultan of
Ramain has so identified with President Quezon and the Independistas that Moros voters
rejected him and chose Cabili, a Christian (albeit one who spoke Maranao and cultivated
Maranao friendships) who successfully convinced them he had their interest at heart. Cabili
also, of course, had the approval of the many Christian residents of the province, but he could
not have won without the Moro vote. The three assemblymen elected from the Moroland provinces were
virtually the only
voices speaking for the interest of Muslim Filipino in the Commonwealth Government, for as it
turned out the development of the Moros was a poor third in national priorities for Mindanao
and Sulu. The first was economic development for the sake of the nation’s economy, and the
second priority was strengthening the security of Mindanao as part of the general program of
the national security. These two priorities absorbed so much of the nation, resources, and
energies that there was little left over for the third priority, the advancement, and integration of
the Moro population. The Commonwealth in 1935 was faced with a depressed economy dependent upon
free trade with the United States, which, was soon to end. In addition, the northern Central
Provinces of the nation were overpopulated and dissident fanners, and underemployed
persons were presenting increasingly serious socio-economic and political problems. The
Mindanao Sulu region was seen as the answer. Its vast underdeveloped agricultural lands
could grow a variety of new export crops such as rubbler, cotton, and cacao which together
with expanded production of old export crops (copra, sugar, and tobacco) would improve
export, trade and renew national prosperity. Moreover, the region provided sample space for
large numbers of migrants from the northern and central provinces, promising relief from the
population pressures and concomitant problems in those places. The threat to security was perceived
arising from two circumstances. The existence of
many non-Christian groups in the Archipelago a large number of them in the Mindanao Sulu
region qualified national unity. This was seen to be especially true of the Moros. Moreover,
the existence (since 194) of a colony of Japanese agriculturists and entrepreneurs in Davao
was worrisome in light of Japanese expansionism in Asia. The Commonwealth Government
solution aside from building up the armed forces (units of which were assigned to the Southern
Philippines) was to encourage substantial numbers of Christian Filipinos to migrate to
Mindanao and Sulu and to have them settle in areas adjoining Moro communities and the
Japanese colony. Migration into the region greatly accelerated from 1936 on far expending
the rate of migration recorded during the period of American Government. The migration was
not only government sponsorship and planning but a good deal of the involved homesteaders
coming at being their own expense taking up land along newly surveyed highways, something
even preceding the survey crews. Migration, then was part of the solution to both the economic and
security problem of
the nation. Lanao and Cotabato were the two Morland provinces most dramatically affected by

the influx of settlers. The Moros found themselves at disadvantages because of differences in
the enlightenment between themselves and the newcomers. They did not understand or want
to understand, the land registration procedure process strange to their nations of communal
rather than individual ownership of land, the government official they turned to for counsel
were often too busy to help. And when some did manage to file their registration papers, they
were disheartened by the uncertainty and delay in getting them approved.
In his address to the first session of the first national assembly on June 16, 1936, President Quezon
clearly set forth the emphasis of the Commonwealth Government’s policy in
Mindanao and Sulu. “The time had come when we should systematically proceed with the bring
about the colonization and economic development of Mindanao, a vast and rich
territory with its untapped natural resources is a temptation to the enterprising
nation that is looking for an outlet for their excess population. If therefore we
are resolved to conserve Mindanao for ourselves and our posterity, we must
blend all our efforts to occupy and develop it and guard it against avarice and
greed. Its colonization and development will require no little capital. But every
spent for this purpose will mean increased national wealth and greater national
security... there are provinces in Luzon and the Visayas that are overpopulated. Their localities in some of
these provinces where the people live on large state
without the opportunity to earn a livelihood sufficient to meet the necessities of
civilized life, much less to own the land wherein they live and which they
cultivate. It is inconceivable that such a situation should exist in a country with
extensive areas of fertile uncultivated lanes invites you, therefore, to give this
matter preferential consideration.” Having established the priorities of economic development a security
(against an
enterprising nation that are looking an outlet for their excess population “(i.e., Japan) President
Quezon went to elaborate on the third priority the welfare of the Moro inhabitants. “The so-called Moro
problem is a thing of the past. We are giving our
Mohammedan brother the government they ever had, and we are showing
them our devoid interest in their welfare and advancement. In turn, they are
giving us their full cooperation. Let us reserve for them in their respective
localities such land of the public domain as they may need for their well-being. Let us at the same time
place in the unoccupied lands of that region
industrious Filipino from other provinces of the archipelago, so that they may
live together imperfect harmony and brotherhood.” At that time, most Moros would have been hard put to
identify specific of the
development interest to their welfare of which President Quezon spoke. In fact, they were
feeling neglected. Furthermore, their sense of alienation could only deepen in the face of the
concerted effort of the Commonwealth Government to put an end to the special laws and rule
President Quezon himself laid down this policy in a speech to LanaoMoros on June 6, 1936. “You the
Mohammedans and you, the Christian, constitute one people and
over you, a president, a chief Executive and a National Assembly elected by
you, and you alone Mohammedan Filipinos will receive exactly the same
treatment as Christian Filipinos. In the country, Mohammedan Filipinos will
feel the weight of the hand of justice as much as the Christian Filipinos, if
they violate our laws.” Accordingly, the National Assembly, in its first session repealed the Administration
Code for Mindanao and Sulu which had allowed, in the Muslim provinces, certain variances
from National laws. Later on, the Moro board and adjunct of the governor’s office in Lanao
which had been established to settle some religious disputes according to tradition laws was
also abolished. It was abolished in order that the Moros in Lanao would be forced to take their

cases to the regular courts of justice or bring extra-judicial cases for an amicable settlement to
the local mayors or other officials. By January 1937, the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes, which had tried
to meet the
special needs of the Moros administratively, had been abolished and the “Commissioner for
Mindanao and Sulu” was appointed in its place. Although he held the rank of the
Undersecretary in the Department of the Interior and Labor, the first appointee was a Christian
Filipino no previous experience in Moroland. The fact that he was an engineer by training, and
had served as Director of the Public Works, perhaps symbolized the primary concept of the
government for national-oriented development in Mindanao rather than the advancement of
the Moros. There were other irritants in the position of the Moros under Commonwealth
Government. Not only did the Government refuse official recognition to any successor to
Sultan JamlulKiram of Sulu, who died in 1936, but it also ended official recognition of the civil
titles held by Moros and valued them as expressive of their traditional social system. While
understandable from the point of view of rigid application of democratic methods, it was
perhaps an unnecessary affront to Mooro sensitivities. Again, it was President Quezon who
defined the policy. In a Memorandum to the Secretary of Interior in September 1938, the
President complained that one of the weaknesses of government policy in dealing with the
Moros was giving some sort of recognition to the datus so that they have become in practice
ex-official of the government. “This policy must be stopped; he said because it gives the
impressing that there is a dual government for the Moros one of appointed or elected official
the other by datus or hacienderos or caciques.’ He directed that the governors, the
Commissioner of Mindanao and Sulu, and all other officials of the government should deal
directly with the common people and not be treated with dignity and consulted and empowered
in their duties so that these officials would be respected over the traditional leadership. The
President went on and repeated what he had told a Lanao Sultan in a public meeting. “The Sultans have
no more rights than the humblest Moro and that under my
administration the humblest Moro will be given as much protection as any
datus under the law and his rights will be recognized exactly as the rights of
the datu will be and that every datu will have to comply with his duties as a
citizen to the same extent and in the same manner that the humblest Moro is
obligated. What I then said to that Sultan must be the guiding principle for
every official of this Government, from the Secretary of the Interior down to the
last policeman, in dealing with the Moros and their datus.” The Moros persisted nevertheless, in showing
respect and deference to their
traditional leaders, and in addressing them by their venerable titles. At the same time thought
the traditional leadership increasingly found it expedient to seek public office in the new
Philippine political system. The openings were few, and most of the important offices in
Moroland government were reserved for Christians. The complaint of Sultan AlaoyaAlonto at
the beginning of the Commonwealth Government was just as valid at is the end: “The Moro people want
to set their house in order but how can they when the
very key in their own house is that in their possession and perhaps the Moros
may be locked in our locked out because the key to their own doors is not in
their hands. This is indeed a tragedy. Those of you who are accustomed to
either the native son of the province conducting the affairs of your people will
surely understand what it means to be governed by outsiders and “intruders” who do not have even
command of the dialect of the people to be governed.” The end of “special” did that mark the beginning of
equal consideration and protection
for the Moros. It was obvious that the Commonwealth Government did not anticipate and so
help them prepare for, a significant Moro contribution to nation-building. There was a marked
reduction of the social and economic program, especially for Moros and development efforts in
Mindanao and Sulu were largely conducted by the Christian settlers and entrepreneurs. The
Moros resented their status ad due to facto second class citizens. The most armed opposition
to the Government in this period occurred in Lanao, where small groups of Maranao raised the

red flag of defiance in scattered cotas around Lake Lanao beginning in June 1936 down to
1941. By 1937, Government troops were busy systematically destroying these ports in what
was called “the cota fights.” In a letter to President Roosevelt in May of that year, Hadji
Bogabong explained that cotas were being manned because the Maranao purposed female
compulsory military training (in a Christian army), taxation failure of the government to
sanction plural marriages and other interference with Moro tradition and religious. He pleaded
 that Lanao is excluded from Philippine independence. Ralph Thomas summarizes the situation of the
Moros after five years of
Commonwealth as follows: “During the Commonwealth period, Muslim were structurally integrated. In
the political sphere, they participated as well as a minority could; in the
economic sphere, they were assuming a secondary and dependent status in
their own territory. Political and economic changes had increased contacts
between Muslim and Christian Filipinos. It remained for the future to decide
whether the relationship would be mutually beneficial and whether Muslim
Filipinos would be assimilated by the Christian Filipino majority. Source: Mandate in Moroland: The
American Government of Mulsim Filipino. 1899 –
1920. Q.C. Philippine Centers for Advanced Studies, 1977.

American Colonial Period

Background
⮚ Isolationism-general policy
⮚ Imperialist policy
⮚ Colonies=extra markets
⮚ American-Spanish War of 1898
⮚ warship Maine-anchored in Cuba
⮚ attacked Spanish forces in the Philippines
⮚ Treaty of Paris (1898)-Spain sold Philippines for US$20 Million
⮚ Luzon, Visayas, Sulu, Mindanao
Stages of American Occupation on Moroland
1. Military Occupation(Non-Interference,1899-1903)
2. Moro Province(Direct Rule,1903-1913)
3. Department of Mindanao and Sulu(Filipinization, 1914-1920)
1. Military Occupation(Non-Interference,1899-1903)
⮚pacification of Luzon and Visayas
⮚Gen. John C. Bates-1899
⮚Sultan Jamal ul Kiram
⮚Bates Agreement(Non-interference Policy)
2. Moro Province(Direct Rule,1903-1913)
⮚ tribal ward-municipalities-districts
⮚ Davao, Cotabato, Lanao, Zamboanga, Sulu
⮚ Policies: Taxation policy, Anti-slavery Law, Disarmament Policy
⮚ violent reactions
3. Department of Mindanao and Sulu(Filipinization, 1914-1920)
⮚ part of Filipinization program
⮚ Districts-Municipalities-Provinces
⮚ Agusan, Bukidnon, Davao, Cotabato, Lanao, Zamboanga, Sulu
Policy of attraction (Project and programs)
1. Free education & public schools
2. Pensionado Program
3. Hospitals
4. Public works
5. Participation in local and provincial government
American policy and Mindanao problem
1. Forcible incorporation of Mindanao and Sulu
2. Resettling Christian natives on Mindanao
⮚ encouraged Christian settlers
 ⮚ agricultural colonies-Pikit, Pagalungan, Glan, etc
3. Discriminating Land Laws
⮚ Land Registration Act of 1902

⮚ Public Land Act of 1903

Commonwealth Period (1935-1945)

⮚ Manuel Quezon Mission(1933)
⮚ Tydings-McDuffie Act-created the Commonwealth Period
⮚ Transition Period(10 Years)
⮚ Pres. Manuel L. Quezon
⮚ Purpose: educate & train the Filipinos in the science of self-government
⮚ Filipinization Program
⮚ Reaction of Moros
• some favored
• wanted separate independence
• wanted under American protection
• wanted under US forever
⮚ the gov’t ignored their sentiments
⮚ Quezon’s Policies:
1. Development of Mindanao for the sake of the national economy.
2. Strengthen of security on Mindanao and in the related islands as part of national security.
=existence of many non-Xtian population
=growing Japanese colony in Davao
⮚ Quezon’s Policies:

⮚ encourage migration of settlers-Cotabato & Lanao-1936

3. Advancement and integration of the Moro population
=abolish the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes
=abolish the Moro Board
=introducing modern political system
Japanese Occupation of Moroland (1941-1945)
⮚ 1941-Commonwealth was interrupted.
⮚ Japanese puppet gov’t-Pres.Jose P. Laurel
⮚ Japan-Asian empire(Asia for the Asians)
⮚ Condition of Moroland
✔ Davao & Jolo-Dec.1941
✔ Cotabato & Lanao-April 1942
✔ air bases-Borneo & Celebes
✔ Condition of Moroland
✔ Japanese had no idea about the existing situation.
✔ similar treatment=BRUTALITY, CRUELTY,TERRORISM
✔ Condition of Moroland
✔ Positive: unity & cooperation between Muslims & Christians
✔ Guerrila forces/units=Cotabato(Datu Salipada Pendatun, Datu Udtog Matalam), Lanao,
Sulu
✔ Condition of Moroland
✔ Japanese control-coastal towns
✔ Guerrila control-interior areas
✔ Hit & run tactics
✔ Sufferred from Japanese counter-attacks-bombing
 ✔ People’s Reactions
1. mixture of fear, surprise & shock (e.g. Sulu)
2. Moros cooperated with the Japanese
✔ Datu Ombra Amilbangsa, Datu Gulamu Rasul, Datu Sinsuat Balabaran, Datu
Menandang Piang
✔ People’s Reactions

✔ Involved the younger generations of Moro leaders-seminars & leadership training

programs(not successful)
✔ Impact of Japanese Occupation
1. Japanese occupation welded Muslim-Christian alliances which continued after the war.
2. The war-damage(reparations) payments and back-pay awards to many Moros resulted in a
significant increase of moneyed wealth in Moroland.
⮚ Impact of Japanese Occupation
3. Widespread distribution of arms & ammunition.