Professional Documents
Culture Documents
1150
DOI:10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199653782.003.0021
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Commentaries on Priscian, CA. 1080 to CA. 1150
Introduction
Towards the end of the eleventh century, grammar masters
teaching at the higher levels of the curriculum increasingly
began to turn to the Institutiones grammaticae of Priscian to
address philosophical questions about language.1 Donatus’ Ars
minor remained a fixture in the elementary classroom, but
attention to his Ars maior diminished in favor of the richer
theoretical fields of Priscian’s long work.2 This shift in
approach to grammar is dramatically reflected in a set of free-
standing glosses on books 1–16 of the Institutiones which are
found in a number of manuscripts, the earliest of which dates
from about 1080. They are known as the Glosule, so named by
R. W. Hunt, after the name given to them in one of the
manuscripts. From about the same period there is a separate
but related gloss on books 17–18 of the Institutiones. Another
gloss of a slightly later date, known as the Note dunelmenses
(after the ex libris of the late twelfth or early thirteenth
century, which places the manuscript in Durham), is more
fragmentary than the Glosule, but clearly connected with its
teachings and institutional contexts.3 Some groups of these
glosses have been linked with William of Champeaux. These
glosses were the seed beds for the more exhaustive and
influential Priscian commentaries by William of Conches and
Petrus Helias.
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Commentaries on Priscian, CA. 1080 to CA. 1150
The Glosule and the related glosses inspired the first major
commentary on the Institutiones by William of Conches (ca.
1090—ca.1154), remembered by John of Salisbury as “the
most accomplished grammarian since Bernard of
Chartres” (Metalogicon 1. 5).7 At the end of his early treatise
Philosophia mundi, William announces a treatise on grammar,
setting out a scholarly program for this project. William
explains his goals in approaching grammar: between the
strong and weak points of Priscian and the earlier
commentators working on this text, it is left for William to
discuss the causae inventionis of the parts of speech and the
accidents. The later version of William’s commentary on
Priscian was one of the key twelfth-century texts to introduce
the use of the extrinsic and intrinsic prologue, that is, an
introduction to the nature of the whole “art” under
consideration before the commentator introduces the
particular book to be expounded.8 (p.378) William’s exposition
of Priscian is a phrase-by-phrase commentary. It survives in
two versions, reflecting his teaching of Priscian over some
years of his career, from about 1120 to about 1140. The
commentary offers an extended discussion of the nature and
function of grammar, and the “causes” or specific functions of
the parts of speech, that is, why they were invented: in this,
William drew on the Glosule and their consideration of the
causes of word classes. William’s commentary also continued
an older tradition (and was then itself established as a
precedent) for a theoretical analysis of syntax and the
arrangement of the parts of speech according to natural order.
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Commentaries on Priscian, CA. 1080 to CA. 1150
(with permissions)
(p.379) Glosule
I.1 On Priscian, Institutiones Preface (GL 2:1.7)12
We ought not to wonder if the younger grammarians are said
to be more perceptive in their invention. For whereas the first
inventor worked throughout his whole life to invent maybe
four letters, a younger grammarian could learn those in a
single day, and then for his part proceed to invent others. By
the additions of later grammarians this art thus grew to
perfection.
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(p.381) Some say that sum “to be” is neuter20 and signifies
action, but it does not signify any thing in a definite way that
is contained under any of the ten categories (for it is an
equivocal verb): they make the term “action” equivocal, and
call “action” anything that is not passion, whether it be a
quality or something else. So if “to be” does not signify one
action, but many and various ones, they reasonably claim it is
not one verb, but many. In the same way, ens “being” is not
one noun, since it does not signify a substance or even
substances with any one property, but is proven to be many
things. No wonder that this is their judgment about “to be,”
when even the equivocal verb amplector [“to embrace/to be
embraced”], which clearly is a verb,21 is claimed to be not one
verb (because it does not simply signify action or passion but
both at the same time), but rather, it is claimed to be different
verbs, because it appears in different constructions.
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Commentaries on Priscian, CA. 1080 to CA. 1150
The archbishop Lanfrancus said that this verb sum [“to be”]
only signifies action in substances, as in “man is,” “an ass is,”
and similar cases; but passion in all accidental things, which
do not exist by themselves, but through substances, as when
we say “whiteness is” etc. And the same distinction that
Master Wido makes between God and things created,
Lanfrancus makes between substances and accidents. Master
Ruobertus said that this verb does not have any substances,
but rather that it signifies the substantial differences of any
given thing of which the subject itself is predicated, and that
these differences are the action of that verb, as when we say
“man is”: here “is” signifies rationality and mortality, and in
other cases similarly. Master Garmundus said that the action
of that verb is substances and accidents. When we say “man is
an animal,” “animal” is the action of that verb which functions
as copula [copulat]; but when we say “this color is whiteness,”
“whiteness” is the act of that verb, and so on in similar cases.
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Commentaries on Priscian, CA. 1080 to CA. 1150
Note Dunelmenses
II.1 At Priscian, Institutiones 8.125
For when the philosophers distinguished eight parts of speech,
they considered that all parts of speech, that is all words, were
comprised under eight different properties, of which (p.383)
II.227
Although “reading” [lectio], “he reads” [legit], and
“reader” [lector] signify the same thing, they do so in different
ways. For—to put it in a simile—“reading” signifies reading as
it were out of doors, “he reads” signifies the same coming
indoors, i.e. as it is in motion, “reader” concerns the same
staying at home and resting without regard to time. In a
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The name [nomen] of this art is the art “of grammar,” which is
translated “of letters,” for gramma is a letter. The Latins call
this art the art “pertaining to letters” [litteratoria] or “of
letters” [litteralis], but the Greeks call it the art “of grammar.”
But because the Greeks have precedence over the Latins, it is
more frequently called the art of grammar than the art of
letters. But since the object of its investigation is not only
letters but also syllables and words, the question is asked, why
is it called the art of grammar, that is, of letters, rather than
the art of syllables or words or sentences? Some respond to
this question as follows: “Only letters are dealt with in that
art,” and claim that letters are considered in four ways. For
sometimes they are considered in their simple form, that is,
without the addition of any other letters, and when this is the
case they are called letters. Sometimes they are considered
conjointly, but without sharing in the meaning of a syntactic
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Commentaries on Priscian, CA. 1080 to CA. 1150
words, quite rightly the art is called “grammar,” that is, the
art “of letters,” and not the art “of syllables” or “of words.”
Others say that it is called [the art of] grammar not from the
letters but from the words [voces] expressed by letters,
because it excludes words not expressed by letters and deals
only with words so expressed. The difference between a word
expressed in letters and a word not so expressed will be
explained subsequently.35
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Commentaries on Priscian, CA. 1080 to CA. 1150
The first reason he alleges here is necessity. For that art had
been imperfectly written about by all who had written about it,
and had not been put right by any Latin author. So it was
necessary that it should be put right by him.
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Commentaries on Priscian, CA. 1080 to CA. 1150
Notes:
(1) For the antecedents of this tendency in Carolingian
grammar, see Luhtala, “Syntax and Dialectic in Carolingian
Commentaries”; see also the introduction to the section on
Remigius, above.
(3) See Hunt, who first called attention to the Glosule in his
“Studies on Priscian in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries. I:
Petrus Helias and his Predecessors”; on the gloss on
Institutiones 17–18, see Kneepkens, “Master Guido and his
View on Government,” and Kneepkens, “The Priscianic
Tradition,” 242. For introductions to the Glosule, see Gibson,
“The Early Scholastic Glosule to Priscian, Institutiones
Grammaticae: the Text and its Influence”; Gibson, “Milestones
in the Study of Priscian, circa 800–circa 1200”; and Rosier-
Catach, “The Glosulae in Priscianum and its Tradition.”
(4) See Hunt, “Studies on Priscian I,” 18–21 (211–14), and see
especially texts I.1, II.1, and III.1 in this section, below.
(5) See below, text I.2. For earlier examples, see Luhtala,
“Syntax and Dialectic.”
(7) The most recent account of the life and writings of William
of Conches is by Jeauneau in his edition of William’s Glosae
super Platonem, xix–xli; an older but useful account is in
Gregory, Anima mundi, 1–40. For a summary of the
controversy about William’s role in teaching at the schools of
Chartres and Paris, see Weijers, “The Chronology of John of
Salisbury’s Studies in France (Metalogicon II.10).”
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(35) See the section on Priscian above, pp. 172 for the
distinction between being articulate or not, and being
“literate,” i.e. susceptible to being written.
(39) For this confusion between the consul Julian and the
emperor Julian the Apostate, see the introduction to the
section on Priscian, p. 170.
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