You are on page 1of 6

Interpreting the National Security Policy Document

Prof. Ijaz Khan


Former Chairman and Professor
Department of International Relations
University of Peshawar
Documenting National Security Policy is a good step. Documenting helps to know and
understand it better, thus making it easier to analyze and discuss it. Though, the language of
the National Security Policy document of Pakistan shared publicly is futuristic, implying change,
however, it does not claim to be a new or changed policy and reading it confirms it is not.
Though, it uses some new terms and phrases to describe it. However, the same language and
phrases read carefully shows there is neither any change nor any intentions to change. At best
one can see tactical adjustments. Expecting change without change in the political context or
Strategic Culture is futile.
The document claims to take a ‘Comprehensive Security’ Approach. In the 1970s, the term
‘Comprehensive Security’ came as a conceptual response to the changing international
system. It referred to both broadening, meaning inclusion of non-military issues, and
deepening, referring to inclusion of domestic concerns in the concept of security. We
started hearing of ‘human security’ focusing on the person of individual rather than the
geography of the state. Barry Buzan, a British professor, wrote of securitisation —
referring to the broadening/expansion of the security through inclusion of governance,
economy and socio-economic elements. This meant that in the calculus of state security,
one must include much more than tanks, fighter planes and bombs. The document does
talk of all these aspects of Comprehensive Security. The problem is it does so without
any change in the primacy of traditional security.
Comprehensive Security in democratic states furthers democratization of decision-
making by increasing the role of non-security segments on security issues, along with
political control. Where the security establishment dominates decision-making, like in
Pakistan, it expands its control in fields hitherto left to the civilians. The document
claims to be result of wide consultations. However, we know political parties or
parliament was not a part of this consultation. It was not even presented in the
parliament after being written, let alone debated there. The document was authored by
National Security Division after consultations with some independent scholars and Civil
Society members, whose identity is not known. It also discussions in Universities, but
mentions only National Defense University, a fully owned and managed Armed Forces
institution.
Due to limitation of space, this essay just gives an overview of the document, with the help of
some selected terms and phrases, showing why it fails to be a comprehensive security approach.
The document considers traditional military security as the primary concern and thus emphasizes
it centrality. Rather than treating the non-military elements of security at par with military
elements and the need to secure people as much important, if not more, it treats them as
supportive and required for strong military, required for territorial security from military threats
posed by (a rising Hindutva) India. There term cost effective is used to present the case for
military preparedness. There is nothing to show what is meant by ‘Cost Effective’. Though there
was no need for spelling it out in a policy document. But, a policy approach based on the concept
of ‘Comprehensive Security’ will aim for ‘Cost Effective’ by a balance between what is
allocated for military expenses and for ‘Human Development. The current tilt is heavily towards
military. Future implementations actions (Budget) will tell how much this tilt has been corrected.
The document acknowledges the diversity of Pakistan, however, the policy continues to deal
with it as State of Pakistan has always dealt with it. Same is true of acknowledgement of the
terrorist threat. The words used are to differentiate between ‘reconcilable and non-reconcilable’
along with an ‘inclusive approach’ tells the thinking between the lines .The distinction should be
between those who articulate their views on rights and wrongs, present policy alternatives and
different strategies for resolution of issues or complain and peacefully protest for/ against what
they consider to be just or unjust and those who use unconstitutional violent means to further
their views or demands. There may be some foreign elements among the later too. However, the
terms irreconcilables and reconcilable implies insistence on all agreeing on State Narratives.
The intention to carry out development activities, so that different ethnicities or people of
geographic areas, are not exploited by foreign agents shows a continuation of policy, educated by
a non-democratic, centrist and elitist mindset. This negates the claimed inclusivist approach.
Inclusive approach means, including the marginalized in decision making and not just
concerning them which should be their exclusive domain, but in decisions concerning collective
issues too. The smaller ethnicities are not people of colonies and so should be accepted as
sharing the burdens and bounties of the state. Inclusion does not mean just giving them benefits,
but letting them be a part of both good and bad. In early 2021, a consultative meeting was
convened by the office of Moeed Yosaf at University of Peshawar, for discussing Afghanistan
(whether that was part of the National Security Policy Documentation was not mentioned). Just
discussing Afghanistan or former FATA or Terrorism with Pashtun academics is not including
them in decision making. Inclusion would require inviting and considering their views on
economic policy, broader Foreign Policy as well as other common State level policies/ concerns
(to ser the record straight this is the approach of the main stream Pakistani democrats and
Liberals too).
Maintaining India as the traditional military threat (increased due to Hindutvaisation), even if
correct and justifies military preparedness, the policy to deal with it, by denying Afghanistan
(even under the control of supposedly friendly Taliban) and India to connect through its territory
and at least one very important factor for supporting Taliban in Afghanistan being stopping any
Indian influence negates the claimed policy of seeking security in connectivity and can be
justified only through a traditional security and geopolitical approach. This also continues using
Pakistan’s location as of geopolitical significance and not as that of a geo economic significance
or ‘economic hub’ as claimed by the document.
A change of policy only results from change of perceptions; perceptions change when those
whose perceptions count are changed. Democratic decision making by including by un included
in decision making and thus enabling decision making that introduces the diversity of which all
states are made in the process, inclusive. This changes perceptions and thus policies based on
them.

National Security Policy


 The security of our land, air, and sea borders along with space and cyber
domains is paramount. Pakistan is pursuing ‘open and secure borders’ with
respect to ease of movement, economic activity, and linkages with overall plans
for economic connectivity. The recent war against terrorism has highlighted the
role of military, paramilitary, and Law Enforcement Agencies (LEAs). LEAs have
taken on an expanded role in urban cities and far-flung rural areas. P 24
 With a regressive and dangerous ideology gripping the collective conscience in
our immediate neighbourhood, the prospects of violent conflict have grown
immensely. The possibility of use of force by the adversary as a deliberate policy
choice cannot be ruled out Hybrid threats against Pakistan originate from states
and their proxies as well as from non-state actors. Pakistan will adopt a holistic,
interconnected whole-of-nation approach to neutralise attempts to undermine
Pakistan’s security and stability through hybrid warfare. P 24
 Policy Objectives: Defend Pakistan’s territorial integrity at all costs. Deter any
aggression by maintaining a cost-effective and adaptive military focused on
modernisation and optimisation of force structures to ensure adequate
conventional capability and maintain full spectrum deterrence within the
precincts of credible minimum nuclear deterrence, without getting involved in an
arms race. P.26
 Fringe violent sub-nationalist tendencies have been exploited by hostile
intelligence agencies that have provided support and sanctuary to subversive
elements. The ideological undercurrent for violent sub-nationalisms exploits
socio-economic disparities and governance gaps. Pakistan will adopt a four-
pronged policy of engagement: separating reconcilables from irreconcilables;
cutting off recruitment; constricting financial sources; and pursuing targeted
socio-economic policies to address governance-related concerns in regions
where violent sub-nationalist elements operate. P30
 Pakistan is a diverse nation comprising various ethnicities, religious beliefs, sects,
and languages. Extremism and radicalisation on the basis of ethnicity or religion
pose a challenge to our society. The exploitation and manipulation of ethnic,
religious, and sectarian lines through violent extremist ideologies cannot be
allowed. P.31
 Great power competition and regional pivots are defining the race over
resources and influence. Traditional regionalism that once provided an
alternative mechanism for cooperation is giving way to issue-based partnerships.
P.34
 Pakistan has adopted a dynamic and self-confident approach to a fast-changing
world order. This requires bolstering traditional political diplomacy while
refocusing our energies on engagement under new realities. Economic
diplomacy in Pakistan’s context requires leveraging political relations for
economic gains while building new economic partnerships to in turn support our
political and strategic interests. p. 34
 Pakistan has adopted a dynamic and self-confident approach to a fast-changing
world order. This requires bolstering traditional political diplomacy while
refocusing our energies on engagement under new realities. Economic
diplomacy in Pakistan’s context requires leveraging political relations for
economic gains while building new economic partnerships to in turn support our
political and strategic interests. As trade and economic connectivity gain
importance in a more connected world, Pakistan must ensure a greater focus on
economic diplomacy with human resource that has the right skill set to capitalise
on economic opportunities across the world. Our geo-economically pivotal
location affords Pakistan the ability to offer itself as a melting pot of regional and
global economic interests through connectivity P 34. initiatives. This remains a
priority and its success requires regional peace and stability to which Pakistan
remains fully committed p.35
 Pakistan’s location at the cross-roads of historic confluence provides unique
opportunities amidst regional and global competition, especially as a hub for
connecting important economic and resource-rich regions. Historical, ethnic, and
religious ties to Pakistan’s immediate west create externalities wherein peace
and stability have a positive influence on internal security. Towards the
immediate east, bilateral ties have been stymied as a consequence of the
unresolved Kashmir dispute and India’s hegemonic designs. Pakistan remains
committed to normalisation of relations with its neighbours based on mutual
respect, sovereign equality, and a collective effort to find pathways for conflict
resolution with the belief that shared economic opportunities are cornerstones
for achieving prosperity in Pakistan and the region. Pakistan also maintains
mutually beneficial relationships with all major powers and will further these
based on commonality of interests. P.35
 Jammu and Kashmir
o A just and peaceful resolution of the Jammu and Kashmir dispute remains
a vital national security interest for Pakistan. India’s illegal and unilateral
actions of August 2019 have been rejected by the people of Indian
Illegally Occupied Jammu and Kashmir (IIOJK). Indian occupation forces
continue to undertake human rights abuses and oppression through war
crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocidal acts in IIOJK. In addition,
India continues to create false propaganda around the Kashmiri
resistance to hide its illegal actions. Pakistan remains steadfast in its
moral, diplomatic, political, and legal support to the people of Kashmir
until they achieve their right to self-determination guaranteed by the
international community as per UN resolutions p. 35
 Afghanistan
o Pakistan and Afghanistan share historical ties. Pakistan remains
committed to facilitating and supporting peace and stability in
Afghanistan in close collaboration with the international community
through addressing economic, humanitarian, and security issues.
Afghanistan’s potential as a gateway for economic connectivity with
Central Asian states is a key driver for Pakistan’s support for peace in
Afghanistan p. 36
 China
o Pakistan’s deep-rooted historic ties with China are driven by shared
interests and mutual understanding. Bilateral relations continue to
expand based on trust and strategic convergence. Pakistan will continue
to strengthen this relationship across all areas of mutual engagement. As
a project of national importance, China Pakistan Economic Corridor
(CPEC) enjoys national consensus. It is redefining regional connectivity
and providing impetus to Pakistan’s economy with the potential to jump-
start domestic growth, alleviate poverty, and improve regional
connectivity. Pakistan welcomes Foreign Direct Investment in CPEC-
related and other Special Economic Zones from interested countries P. 36
 India
o Pakistan, under its policy of peace at home and abroad, wishes to
improve its relationship with India. A just and peaceful resolution of the
Jammu and Kashmir dispute remains at the core of our bilateral
relationship. The rise of Hindutva-driven politics in India is deeply
concerning and impacts Pakistan’s immediate security. The political
exploitation of a policy of belligerence towards Pakistan by India’s
leadership has led to the threat of military adventurism and non-contact
warfare to our immediate east. Growing Indian arms build-up, facilitated
by access to advanced technologies and exceptions in the non-
proliferation rules, is a matter of concern for Pakistan. Besides impacting
regional stability, such policies of exceptionalism also undermine the
global non-proliferation regime. India’s pursuit of unilateral policy action
p36 - on outstanding issues are attempts to impose one-sided solutions
that can have far reaching negative consequences for regional stability.
India is also consistently engaged in an effort to spread disinformation
targeting Pakistan. Pakistan continues to believe in resolving all
outstanding issues through dialogue; however, recent Indian actions
remain significant hurdles in this direction.
 Iran
o Pakistan enjoys historical and religious ties with Iran. As neighbours,
Pakistan and Iran continue to share interests in border management and
regional peace and stability. Improving intelligence sharing and patrolling
of border areas will have a positive effect on bilateral ties.
 United States
 Pakistan and the United States share a long history of bilateral cooperation.
 Pakistan does not subscribe to ‘camp politics’. We believe that our continued
 37
 United States
o cooperation with the United States will remain critical for regional peace
and stability. We seek to diversify this relationship through mutually
beneficial engagements. Communicating Pakistan’s concerns to policy
makers in Washington while seeking to broaden our partnership beyond
a narrow counter-terrorism focus will be a priority. Pakistan will continue
to seek areas of convergence with the United States in trade, investment,
connectivity, energy, counter-terrorism, security, and intelligence
cooperation. P. 38
 Central Asia and Russia
o Pakistan’s geo-economic pivot is focused on enhancing trade and
economic ties through connectivity that links Central Asia to our warm
waters. Under ‘Vision Central Asia’, Pakistan is working towards
actualising agreements on energy and transit with the Central Asian
Republics. Pakistan is committed to reimagining its partnership with
Russia in energy, defence cooperation, and investment. The relationship
is already witnessing a positive trajectory and Pakistan will continue to
strive to maximise mutual gains. Russia, Central Asian countries, and
Pakistan are also important partners in our shared objectives of peace
and stability in Afghanistan.

You might also like