BJTR3 HART0158 22/23 ESSAY 1

THE CONVERGENCE OF MULTIPLE SPATIO-TEMPORALITIES IN

MATRIMONIO DE DON MARTÍN GARCÍA DE LOYOLA CON ÑUSTA BEATRIZ

CLARA COYA

This essay explores the complex, at times, contradictory relationship between visual

and historical time -and space- in colonial Andes from the sixteenth century onwards through

formal and contextual examinations of one version of the painting Matrimonio de Don Martín

García de Loyola con Ñusta Beatriz Clara Coya. The observation of multiple spatio-

temporalities in the painting relies both on the visible qualities of the painted surface and the

manner in which historical events and representational strategies are superposed on the image,

which are oftentimes less visible. For this reason, the arguments consider other visual and

narrative sources following its introduction of the painting, such as Felipe Guaman Poma de

Ayala’s The First New Chronicle and Good Government (1615) and Jerome Nadal’s

Evangelicae Historiae Imagines (1593).

In asserting that that there are multiple spatio-temporalities that are represented within

a single pictorial landscape, we encounter the scene in the Matrimonio painting in two locales:

in the Jesuit church La Compañía as it was re-built in 1673 on the Plaza de Armas in Cusco

and in the equation Art >< History, 1 which reveals the tensions between the event and its

representation(s). Acting as a historical document, the late-seventeenth-century painting

situated on the northern wall of La Compañía is 2.60 by 4.65 meters and one amongst eight

known versions2 of two marriages that took place bi-generationally from the second half of

the sixteenth century. It performs an initial leap between the two centuries of colonial rule by

depicting its subjects and respective matrimonial events post factum. While visually marrying
1
This term is borrowed from Tom Cummins, “A Sculpture, a Column, and a Painting: The Tension between Art
and History,” The Art Bulletin; no. 3 (09, 1995): 371. https://www.proquest.com/scholarly-journals/sculpture-
column-painting-tension-between-art/docview/222969294/se-2.
2
See Marie Timberlake, “The Painted Colonial Image: Jesuit and Andean Fabrication of History in ‘Matrimonio
de Garcia de Loyola Con Ñusta Beatriz’,” The Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 29, no. 3 (1999):
565, who contributes to Teresa Gisbert’s prior listing of five.
figures separated by the passage of time by way of a symbolic theme of unification, it also

stands for the enactment of one of the Christian sacraments. The attachment of religious value

is particularly significant since the main matrimonial couple, placed in the foreground to the

left of the canvas (Fig. 1), is formed by Inka princess Ñusta Beatriz Clara Coya and Don

Martín, the Spanish captain of the guard of Peru’s viceroy at the time Francisco de Toledo.

Perhaps more importantly from a religious perspective, he is the nephew of the founder of the

Jesuit order St. Ignatius. To underline this blessed lineage, the painting features St. Ignatius

himself, holding a book in its central focal point. Thus, St. Ignatius’ anachronic image -he had

died by 1556 in Europe- vicariously imbues the Spanish nobleman Don Martín with religious

and political power, and also comes to speak of the power that blood lineage had in

configuring social relationships within Andean colonial society’s hierarchies, transcending

continental or temporal distances.

Figure 1: Unknown, Matrimonio de Don Martín García de Loyola con Ñusta Beatriz Clara Coya, late 17th
century. Oil on canvas. Jesuit church of La Compañía, Cuzco. © 2020 Centro Cultural Inca Garcilaso.

2
 Although the mute couple engage the viewer’s gaze in fully frontal poses with their

backs to the rest of the scene, the painting’s composition cunningly reveals what it

simultaneously renders as the once divergent Inka and Spanish lines of lineage by its

inclusion of other historical figures. Beatriz’s family members in royal Inka dress are in the

mid-ground on the far left, enabling the onlooker to trace an ambivalent line from her figure

to her past. Given their tranquil seated state, the adornment of their bodies in richly

ornamented cloths, with headdress also serving as symbols to attest to their nobility, the first,

and false, impression is that the painting records an esteemed Inka family in an instance of

consent and allegiance to the Spanish forces. In her analysis of the painting, Marie

Timberlake names the male figures as the Inka leaders Sayri Tupac and Tupac Amaru,

Beatriz’s father and uncle respectively; her acknowledgment of their successive rule comes

with her use of the title Sapa Inka, reserved for the Inka emperor.3 Ñusta Beatriz’s status as

the last legitimate heir to the Inka throne at the time of the wedding originated from the killing

of both her father and uncle, marking the immediate past as one of violence. Amongst the

many absences of the painting’s chain of representation are these historical events leading to

Tupac Amaru’s execution which took place in the vicinity of the painting’s physical location

in Plaza de Armas, but the extent to which the painting intended to animate this violent past

within the walls of a Jesuit church is dubious. Yet, considering the context and reception of

painting as visual record in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in Cusco, Tupac Amaru’s

death inevitably folds back onto the picture plane as yet another spatio-temporal reality. In

ways that would betray his painted still image in the Matrimonio painting, Tupac Amaru was

“the last leader of Vilcabamba, an Inka enclave that continued to resist Spanish control until

[his capture and execution] in 1572”; 4 the challenge a free Inka state presented to Spanish rule

over the region was evident, so that his acts are better characterised as an example of Andean

3
Timberlake, “The Painted Colonial Image,” 566.
4
This point was kindly made by Dr. Emily Floyd in private correspondence, 14.12.2022.

3
Indigenous resistance rather than rebellion. Like him, the painted Don Martín, who was

responsible from his capture upon the viceroy’s order, stands peacefully next to his bride in

front of the royal Inka family. Their presence, invoked by the painting, is at once a display of

power delineating their status amongst Indigenous Andean people and deeply symbolic;

conflicts with the Spanish crown are cast invisible by their Andean painter’s mastery of a

system of visual signification that is markedly European.5

Figure 2: Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, The First New Chronicle and Good Government, 1615. Page 451.
“Captain Martín García de Loyola escorts the captured Tupac Amaru Inka to Cuzco.” Image taken from the
Royal Danish Library.

If the painting fabricates its own memory relating to the encounter between Inka and

Spanish powers, contemporaries of Beatriz across the Viceroyalty of Peru, such as the

chronicler Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala could, in fact, recall or rather, re-tell her uncle’s

fate (Fig. 2). In the chapter “Good Government” of The First New Chronicle and Good

5
Carolyn Dean interprets the position of post-Conquest Inka who were aligned with Spanish lords and were
skilled in the application of visual arts defined by European standards, as being on a threshold between two
worlds. See Carolyn Dean, “The Renewal of Old World Images and the Creation of Colonial Peruvian Visual
Culture,” in Converging Cultures Converging Cultures: Art & Identity in Spanish America, edit. by Diana Fane
(New York: Brooklyn Museum/Harry N. Abrams, 1996), 180.

4
Government (El primer nueva corónica y buen gobierno), (1615) the Quechua, Aru and

Spanish speaking author illustrates a scene where the Spanish caption above the two central

figures’ heads succinctly explains the inked representation: “Captain Martín García de Loyola

escorts the captured Tupac Amaru Inka to Cuzco.”6 However, it soon becomes apparent to the

reader that both these figures are Spanish soldiers. The inscription “Loyola” on one of the

soldiers’ arm distinguishes him as Don Martín. Trailing behind with his head bowed and

depicted noticeably shorter in height than the Spanish is the defeated Tupac Amaru. The

following page includes recounts Cusco’s bishop kneeling down before the viceroy Francisco

de Toledo, to ask for the Inka leader’s release to no avail and ends with a personal warning

and plea from Guaman Poma de Ayala directed to the intended reader of his chronicle, King

Phillip II of Spain: “Don’t be like him [the viceroy].” 7 Within Guaman Poma de Ayala’s

illustrated writings one can get a sense of his high regard of the king as he takes him to be his

correspondent, although the manuscript never reached him.8 In contrast to the smooth surface

and the unitary mnemonic workings of the Matrimonio painting, the book format allows the

author to construct a palimpsestic narrative. In her essay on the manuscript, Dr. Lauren

Kilroy-Ewbank notes the visual mimicry at play between the representation of Tupac

Amaru’s (Fig. 3) and Sapa Inka Attahualpa’s execution, which preceded the former by four

decades (Fig. 4).9 The compositions

mirror each other to signify the points of confluence between these two distinct yet equally

defining instances, arguably marking the beginning and the end of the chaotic period of

Spanish conquest over Inka land and people. Contributing to the construction of a particularly

6
Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, El primer nueva corónica y buen gobierno, The Royal Library of Denmark,
trascription by Rolena Adorno, (2004), 449 [451]. Accessed 02.02.23,
http://www5.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/451/en/text/.
7
The Spanish original reads: ¡No seáys como él! All further translations belong to The Royal Danish Library.
Guaman Poma de Ayala, El primer nueva corónica y buen gobierno, 452.
8
Lauren Kilroy-Ewbank, “Guaman Poma and The First New Chronicle and Good Government,” accessed
03.01.2023, https://www.khanacademy.org/humanities/art-americas/new-spain/viceroyalty-peru/a/guaman-
poma-the-first-new-chronicle
9
Kilroy-Ewbank, “Guaman Poma and The First New Chronicle and Good Government.”

5
agitated collective memory, the author highlights the recurring loss of autonomy as well as

leadership. On the other hand, his choice to illustrate and inscribe the “distraught Andean

nobles lament the killing of their innocent lord”10 by Tupac Amaru’s side, points to the

persistence of Inka nobility and the survival of memory through acts of lamentation; it is itself

an example of one in print. Perhaps, it even foreshadows future protest and Tupac Amaru II’s

uprising to come.

Figures 3 &4: Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, The First New Chronicle and Good Government, 1615. Pages
453 and 392. Images taken from the Royal Danish Library.

As reflected by two diverging representations of what was the complex reality of

sixteenth-century colonial Andes, there is more than one way to remember. To return to the

Matrimonio painting, in a manner that contests the light smile on the bride’s lips and the

overarching atmosphere of a peaceful union in the picture, (art) history reminds us of the links

between the rape of a female body and conquest. 11 The art historian Tom Cummins reckons

10
Guaman Poma de Ayala, El primer nueva corónica y buen gobierno, 453.
11
Marie Timberlake cites Louis Montrose’s “The Work of Gender in the Discourse of Discovery” and highlights
the work of Andrea Pozzo for the Jesuit church of St. Ignatius in Rome. See Timberlake, “The Painted Colonial
Image,” 598.

6
with how as young as eight, “Beatriz was raped by Cristobal de Maldonado in ‘act’ of

betrothal”12 where the archival source to record this event was the petition by de Maldonado

himself made to King Phillip II to prove he consummated their marriage before Beatriz could

be married to Don Martín; therefore effectively laying claim to her body, fortune and other

possessions. Similarly, following the political developments putting an end to her family’s

reign, the seemingly self-possessing Beatriz in the painting becomes a war-trophy. One can

speculate that beyond the memorialisation and reverence of the painting, lies an eagerness to

show Inka heritage, as well as bloodline, subsumed into that of Spanish royalty and

descendants of European Jesuit clergymen, a calculated representation of mestizaje for

Spanish eyes. Thus, the painting projects itself into the future: it is an ordering of post-

Conquest time. In fact, the second matrimonial couple on the right half of the picture plane

shows Ana María, the daughter of Ñusta Beatriz to be born from her marriage to Don Martín,

and Conde Juan Enríque Borges de Almansa. She appears within two different spatio-

temporal moments on the right half of the picture plane. In the mid-ground her wedding in

Madrid in 1611 is represented, whereas in the foreground the couple is isolated so that they

parallel her mother and father’s postures. Faithful to this vertical reflection, St. Ignatius

likeness is doubled in the figure of another Jesuit saint, Francis Borgia, who is the grandfather

to Ana María’s groom. Abstracted to the point of schematisation, the blended timelines and

the visual repetition reinforce the painting’s efficiency in presenting an ordered whole

standing for the social body. This whole is devised by rectangular groupings (Fig. 5), whereas

the frieze-like mid-ground, when seen from left to right, dissolves Cusco’s Plaza de Armas

into Spanish soil.

12
Cummins, “A Sculpture, a Column, and a Painting,” 374.

7
Figure 5: The grid as an organising principle in Marriage of Don Martín García de Loyola with Beatriz Ñusta,
late 17th century. Oil on canvas. Jesuit church of La Compañía, Cuzco. © 2020 Centro Cultural Inca Garcilaso.

8
Figure 6: Juan de Matienzo, Gobierno del Peru, 1567, folio 38. New York, © Obadiah Rich Collection.
Reproduced in Tom Cummins’ “Forms of Andean Colonial Towns, Free Will and Marriage,” 2002, 204.
The painting, both through its placement in a religious site and the pictorial

representation of its location relates to the Andean colonial town, its planning, and more

specifically to the particularities of Cusco. It is important to note the instructive quality mental

and physical images had within Andean churches, coupled with Catholic texts aimed to guide

Andean priests and practitioners. For instance, Timberlake argues that the image of the cross

was used as an aid to “attest to the ‘truth’ of Christian precepts and history” 13 in Jose de

Acosta’s Tercero catecismo y exposicion de la doctrina christiana por sermones (1583). The

naturalist also employed Spanish, Quechua and Aymara languages interpellating a wider

range of audiences to include peoples who lived and spoke the latter Indigenous languages

under Catholic colonial rule. There are yet other catecismos touching on the topic of Andean

marriages produced for evangelization and indoctrination purposes such as Luis Zapata de

Cardenás’ Catecismo en que se contienen las reglas y documentos para que los curas de

yndios les administren los santos sacramentos, written in 1576 in Nueva Granada. In this

context, the grid-like composition of Matrimonio and the practice of the Catholic sacraments

it instructs, makes the desirability of marriage for the rest of Andean populations legible. The

emphasis on the nobility of the parties involved contributes to the exemplary nature of the

image. Moreover, the painting’s organisation can be compared to the abstract geometrical

plans of the reducciónes (Fig. 6). Under the shining sun of the Jesuit insignia in the painting,

lies the City of God; one presumes it is as colonial Lima, an ordered city. As Angel Rama

states in his chapter “The Ordered City,” drawn plans are “operative cultural models” 14 that

Timberlake, “The Painted Colonial Image,” 565, 591.

13

14
Angel Rama, “The Ordered City,” in The Lettered City, edit. and trans. by John Charles Chasteen (Durham,
NC: Duke University Press, 1996), 7.

9
reflect the colonial ideological framework, preceding their actual implementation. The

painting, despite its individualised subjects invents a generalized diagram of union to provide

a paradigm in the construction of a new Catholic Andean society in the Peruvian Viceroyalty.

But, Cusco was not Lima. In a comparative study of the two cities, Cummins

expounds the ways in which Cusco’s colonial present was built upon the Inka past in material

ways, producing what he describes as a “historical ambiguity.” 15 Before the colonial plan,

stood a city already organised in distinct ways, with its own sacred spaces, public areas and

palaces. Indeed, La Compañía Church was erected on the former grounds of Amarukancha,

the Inca palace. The contradictions that made up the re-weaving of the fabric of the city in

Cusco, oftentimes requiring architectural superpositions, ultimately destabilise the landscape

sketched out by the Matrimonio painting as they attest to different multiple space-times

engendered by the Conquest to the ones coordinated by the painting. If this historical

ambiguity could make itself apparent to the city’s residents at the time, for whom the past

would be very present, such an errant encounter with the painting, nonetheless, would have

been simultaneously forestalled by the issue of access the walls of La Compañía posed to

Cusco’s non-Catholic, Indigenous or lower-class populations. Catholic rhetoric determined

not only which pictures could be seen when, but the possibilities of their reading as well.

Far from being timeless, Matrimonio’s manipulation of space-time can be articulated

to the Jesuit mode of visual contemplation propagated by St. Ignatius, the “Application of the

Senses.”16 In St. Ignatius’ Spiritual Teachings (1522-24) the first exercise consists of

directions to stimulate mental images of Christ’s life, “seeing with the mind’s eye the physical

place where the object that we wish to contemplate is present.” 17 The meditation relies on the

15
Tom Cummins, “A Tale of Two Cities: Cuzco, Lima and the construction of Colonial Representation,” in
Converging Cultures Converging Cultures: Art & Identity in Spanish America, edit. by Diana Fane (New York:
Brooklyn Museum/Harry N. Abrams, 1996), 159.
16
Stephen Zierrholz, “To Make Yourself Present’: Jesuit Sacred Space as Enargetic Space,” in Jesuit Image
Theory, 2016), 421.
17
Ignatius of Loyola, The Spiritual Exercises of St. Ignatius, trans. by Anthony Mottola, intro. by Robert W.
Gleason, (New York: Image Books, 1989), 54.

10
imagination of the religious subject as the mind’s eye has the powers to call upon different

scenes from memory, intervene in linear time and construct vivid imagery capable of moving

the soul. The internal visualisation is a way of attaining knowledge beyond appearances, as it

makes one an immediate witness to the event by suspending the distance between the seer and

the object that is seen. In other words, the employment of visual artifice in Jesuit artifice

closes the gap between the orator, the narrative and the picture. 18 Although the series of

actions in the Matrimonio painting do not draw on the gospels, the composite nature of the

tableau pertains to this approach towards picturing and persuasion, requiring the full adoption

of the senses and suspension of disbelief. Whoever sees Ñusta Beatriz and Don Martín’s

portrait becomes an immediate witness to their union.

The importance given to visuality in St. Ignatius’ teachings and the following period

of Counter-Reformation underpin sixteenth-century Jesuit production of prints illuminating

the gospels and other subjects such as the life of the order’s founder. The proximity of this

material to Matrimonio is not only theoretical or compositional but also physical. An

eighteenth-century painting by Peruvian artist Marcos Zapata drawing from Theodor Galle’s

engraving Three Scenes from the Life of St. Ignatius (1610) can be spotted on La Compañía’s

walls (Fig. 7).

18
Walter S. Melion, “Introduction: The Jesuit Engagement with the Status and Functions of the Visual Image”,
in Jesuit Image Theory, 6.

11
Figure 7: A comparative image of Theodor Galle’s engraving, Three scenes from the Life of Saint Ignatius or
Saint Peter appears to Saint Ignatius. Ignatius resists temptation through prayer. The Virgin Mary appears to Saint
Ignatius, 1610, and Marcos Zapata aided by Cipriano Guiterrez, Apparition of Saint Peter to Saint Ignatius, 1762,
oil on canvas, La Iglesia de la Compañía, Cusco, Peru. © PESSCA
But perhaps the most pertinent print source which contains earlier examples of spatio-

temporal merging in the construction of a codified narrative is Jerome Nadal’s widely

travelled Evangelicae Historiae Imagines (1593). Jean Michel Messing ties the circulation of

Nadal’s prints to the “birth of global imagery,” and cites Teresa Gisbert and Jose de Mesa’s

Historia de la Pintura Cuzqueña which identified numerous works borrowing from Nadal,

painted in the seventeenth century, and placed within the main cathedral in Cusco.19 As the

cathedral shared Plaza de Armas with La Compañía, one can argue that a familiarity with

images employing similar visual techniques to both Nadal’s prints and Matrimonio developed

across in this period.

Figure 8: Jerome Nadal, Evangelicae historiae imagines, 1593, Antwerp. Pl. 61 XXI: De Cananaea. The
Canaanite Woman. © Internet Archives, Devoted Friends of God.

19
Jean Michel Messing, “Jerome Nadal’s Evangelicae Historiae Imagines and the Birt of Global Imagery,” in
Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 80, no. 1 (2017): 190.

12
The episode represented in Cannanite Woman (Fig. 8) divides its narrative into distinct scenes

where the story can be told from beginning to end in one plate. To guide the contemplative

gaze of its reader, Nadal labels each action with capital letters and captions. The main scene

of the mother imploring Christ to save her daughter from the demon is on the foreground,

while the ensuing scenes are placed in the background. Ironically, these heterogeneous

elements aid the reader’s comprehension of Christ’s actions and spirituality. As with Ana

María in Matrimonio, Christ’s image is doubled through the passage of time for the sake of

narrative efficiency. If one’s senses were disciplined in this method of reading promoted by

Nadal’s Cannanite Woman and other prints used as sources for religious imagery within

Andean churches, it would also be possible for viewers to ascertain a clear beginning and end

in Matrimonio’s -and Beatriz’s- story. For the Jesuits this would be the consolidation of their

claims to legitimacy and power in Cusco in two acts, two marriages.

The pursuit of this essay has been, on the contrary, to unfix the apparent significations

of the painted marriage scene, and multiply its meanings. Defining the representation of

multiple spatio-temporalities in the painting as a visual technique, employed otherwise in the

delivery of biblical narratives in Jesuit production of images, allows us to open the

performance of power to alterity within its pictorial limits. As in the case of Tupac Amaru,

once the mnemonic sign is recognized as ambivalent, one can interrogate the role of the visual

creating and being created by religious and civic subjects to problematize matters of agency

between the collective imaginaries of different social actors: Inka and Spanish nobility, Jesuits

and Andean Indigenous peoples. As much as the composition of the painting is a product of

ordering, resonating with the instructive colonial project in the Andes, it also inevitably attests

to an acknowledgment of the heterogenous condition of time, of past and present, as

experienced in Cusco. Therefore, another aim of this essay has been to read Matrimonio’s

iconography against itself and resist the potential erosion of temporal, spatial and social

13
heterogeneities in the Viceroyalty of Peru. Arguments were equally shaped by a curiosity in

Beatriz’s story, poetic interventions in the official narrative, and difficulties faced in

attempting to read archives in Spanish, archives which as Tom Cummins notes, sometimes

recorded their subjects only through the accounts of their oppressors. Perhaps, as the Peruvian

writer Odi Gonzales demonstrates in a recent poem on this painting, Beatriz’ voice still awaits

to be embodied, her story still to be told.

Word count: 3497

14
 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Borja Gómez, Jaime Humberto. “Colonial Painting and the Control of the Senses.” Calle 14:

revista de investigación en el campo del arte 4, no. 5 (2011): 58–67.

Cummins, Tom. “A Sculpture, a Column, and a Painting: The Tension between Art and

History.” In The Art Bulletin; no. 3 (09, 1995): 371-77.

https://www.proquest.com/scholarly-journals/sculpture-column-painting-tension-between-

art/docview/222969294/se-2.

---. “A Tale of Two Cities: Cuzco, Lima and the construction of Colonial Representation,” in

Converging Cultures Converging Cultures: Art & Identity in Spanish America, edit. by

Diana Fane. New York: Brooklyn Museum/Harry N. Abrams, 1996.

---. “Representation in the Sixteenth Century and the Colonial Image of the

Inca.” In Writing Without Words, 188–219. New York, USA: Duke University Press,

2020.

---. “Forms of Andean Colonial Towns, Free Will and Marriage,” Edited by Claire L. Lyons

and John K. Papadopoulos, 199-240. Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 2001.

Dean, Carolyn. “The Renewal of Old World Images and the Creation of Colonial Peruvian

Visual Culture.” In Converging Cultures Converging Cultures: Art & Identity in Spanish

America. Edited by Diana Fane, 171-182. New York: Brooklyn Museum/Harry N. Abrams,

1996.

15
Gonzales, Odi, and Lynn Levin. “The Marriage of Don Martín De Loyola and Doña Beatriz

Ñusta.” In Birds on the Kiswar Tree: Poems, 259–61. New York: 2 Leaf Press, 2014.

Guaman Poma de Ayala, Felipe. El primer nueva corónica y buen gobierno, The Royal

Library of Denmark, trascription by Rolena Adorno, published online 2004. Accessed

02.02.23,

http://www5.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/451/en/text/.

Ignatius, The Spiritual Exercises of St. Ignatius. Translated by Anthony Mottola, introduction

by Robert W. Gleason. New York: Image Books, 1989.

Katzew, Ilona. Contested Visions in the Spanish Colonial. Introduction by William B. Taylor,

essays by Luisa Elena Alcalá et al. Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum of Art,

2011.

Lauren Kilroy-Ewbank, “Guaman Poma and The First New Chronicle and Good

Government.” Accessed 03.01.2023,

https://www.khanacademy.org/humanities/art-americas/new-spain/viceroyalty-peru/a/

guaman-poma-the-first-new-chronicle.

Levy, Evonne Anita. Propaganda and the Jesuit Baroque. Berkeley: University of California

Press, 2004.

Massing, Jean Michel. “Jerome Nadal’s Evangelicae Historiae Imagines and the Birth of

Global Imagery.” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 80, no. 1 (2017): 161–

220.

16
Melion, Walter S. “Parabolic Analogy and Spiritual Discernment in Jéronimo Nadal’s

Adnotationes et Meditationes in Evangelia of 1595.” In The Turn of the Soul, 23:299–338,

2012.

---. “Introduction: The Jesuit Engagement with the Status and Functions of the Visual Image.”

In Jesuit Image Theory, 45:1–49, 2016.2016.

Mellado Coriente, Marina. “References to Morganatic Marriage in Some of the Pictorial

Versions of The Marriage of Captain Martín de Loyola to Beatriz Ñusta.” In Anales de

historia del arte 28 (2018): 339–360.

Rama, Angel. “The Ordered City” In The Lettered City, edited and tranlated by John Charles

Chasteen, 1-15. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1996.

Timberlake, Marie. “The Painted Colonial Image: Jesuit and Andean Fabrication of History in

‘Matrimonio de Garcia de Loyola Con Ñusta Beatriz.’” In The Journal of Medieval and

Renaissance Studies 29, no. 3 (1999): 563– 598.

Zierrholz, Stephen. “To Make Yourself Present’: Jesuit Sacred Space as Enargetic Space.”

In Jesuit Image Theory, 45:419–460, 2016.

17
 LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1&5: Unknown, Matrimonio de Don Martín García de Loyola con Ñusta Beatriz

Clara

Coya, late 17th century. Oil on canvas. Jesuit church of La Compañía, Cuzco. ©

2020 Centro

Cultural Inca Garcilaso. Accessed 02.01.2023.

https://www.ccincagarcilaso.gob.pe/en/imaginary-museum/el-matrimonio-de-don-martin-

garcia-de-loyola-con-dona-beatriz-nusta/.

Figure 2: Guaman Poma de Ayala, Felipe. The First New Chronicle and Good Government,

1615. Page 451. Image taken from the Royal Danish Library. Accessed 03.01.2023.

http://www5.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/451/en/text/.

Figure 3: Guaman Poma de Ayala, Felipe. The First New Chronicle and Good Government,

1615. Page 453. Image taken from the Royal Danish Library. Accessed 03.01.2023.

http://www5.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/453/en/text/?open=idm46287306097424.

Figure 4: Guaman Poma de Ayala, Felipe. The First New Chronicle and Good Government,

1615. Page 392. Image taken from the Royal Danish Library. Accessed 03.01.2023.

http://www5.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/453/en/text/?open=idm46287306097424.

Figure 6: Matienzo, Juan de. Gobierno del Peru, 1567, folio 38. New York, © Obadiah Rich

Collection. Reproduced in Cummins, Tom. “Forms of Andean Colonial Towns, Free Will

and Marriage,” 2002, 204. Image taken from Presta, Ana Maria. “PRESTA Matienzo

18
 PUCP.” Fuentes Documentales Para Los Estudiso Andinos, 1530-1900, 2016. Accessed

04.01.2023.

https://www.academia.edu/50134494/PRESTA_Matienzo_PUCP.

Figure 7: Galle, Theodor. Three scenes from the Life of Saint Ignatius or Saint Peter appears

to Saint Ignatius. Ignatius resists temptation through prayer. The Virgin Mary appears to

Saint Ignatius, 1610. And Zapata, Marcos aided by Cipriano Guiterrez. Apparition of Saint

Peter to Saint Ignatius, 1762, oil on canvas, La Iglesia de la Compañía, Cusco, Peru. ©

PESSCA. Accessed 04.01.2023.

https://colonialart.org/archives/locations/peru/departamento-de-cusco/ciudad-de-cusco/

iglesia-de-la-compania-de-jesus#c3560a-3131b.

Figure 8: Jerome Nadal, Evangelicae historiae imagines, 1593, Antwerp. Pl. 61 XXI: De

Cananaea. The Canaanite Woman. © Internet Archives, Devoted Friends of God.

Accessed 04.01. 2023.

https://archive.org/details/EvangelicaeHistoriaeImagines/page/n69/mode/2up.

19
20