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Djs, How To Stand Out Nowadays Using The New Technologies:

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Abstract:

The value of an artist's work and the assurance of its high quality can be substituted

by the artist's standing in society. The focus should be on a person's status among other

professionals in the same field because they are most likely to be able to judge the work's

artistic value. There are many different social positions to choose from, but one should

choose the one they enjoy among their peers. The artist's creative nature and social standing

can explain the fundamental processes of dominating their professional peer group. An

analysis was conducted on the schedule data of DJs who produce electronic dance music.

3,164 sets of 98,332 tracks from 815 DJs who appeared at nine significant worldwide music

festivals were listened to. The DJs' tracks' genre, BPM, and critical information gave their

musical personalities numerical values, and sets were transformed into network data to assess

their relative position in the industry. It was found that DJs who occupy positions in their

networks that mix selling and consistency experience higher success and social standing, in

addition to having a solid sense of category identity.

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Introduction

"Cultural markets," like the music market, have traditionally battled with quality

assurance issues because they resist mechanistic and methodical assessments and ask for a

complex synthesis of officially learned knowledge, ad hoc references, experience, taste, and

personal opinion. Nevertheless, Podolny contends that social standing can help evaluate

innovative products in uncertain markets. Even though there are numerous ways to gauge

prominence, an artist's reputation among their peers is especially significant because expert

opinion is crucial to the success of a market for oddities. (Jones, et al., 2016). Word-of-mouth

among well-known musicians is a more reliable suggestion because consumers have less

access to specialists. This study aims to show how a musician's financial situation is

inextricably connected to their distinctive creative identity. Our first step is to confirm the

musician's legal identity. Classifying different creative expressions in today's flexible cultural

marketplace is challenging.(Jones, et al., 2016). In contrast, it consists of complex and

nuanced combinations of characteristics that give some more artistic value. We consider

creative identity a measure that reflects one's ability to stick out and dominate a particular

market segment. Due to the significance of social links in determining one's social status, we

also examine the relationships among artists within a social network to understand the

individual artist's social position better. In general, partnerships between artists are intimate

and homophilic. (Pachucki, & Breiger, 2010).. By establishing standards through the

networks of other artists they choose to form relationships with, artists can manage

uncertainty more effectively.

This study seeks to achieve this goal by focusing on the rapidly growing group of DJs

who are experts in electronic dance music. (EDM). The DJ/producer hierarchy in the

underground music community is less specialist than the heavily segmented music industry.

As a means of setting themselves apart from other artists, they pursue social and critical
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acclaim. Furthermore, DJs are rated according to the caliber of their ensemble performances,

which frequently include the work of other DJs in addition to their original songs. A DJ's

social status is thus based on the songs they play. DJs are joint artists, and by referencing

other DJs in their performances, they reveal the social connections that bond them and show

regard for their peers. Janosov et al. (2020) looked at the DJ Mag Top 100 list to see if any

mentorship relationships were developing between veterans and up-and-coming DJs, and

they discovered that there were. Each musical group maintains a focus on its leader thanks to

the societal force of these musical collaborations. We research how DJs become well-known

in society, similar to Janosov et al. Individuality in art and social status are two qualities that

stick out. We focus, in particular, on the process by which well-known artists establish

distinctive niches in the new cultural market and ultimately take the lead as market stars.

Literature Review

Social Standing of Professionals in the Cultural Market

Cultural goods are notoriously tricky to price due to their wide variation and intricate

quality indicators. (Godart, 2014). No standard criteria exist to assess authentic or exact

quality levels, and individual works are unique and challenging to compare. Cultural studies,

which span the disciplines of economics and sociology, have long focused on the

unpredictability of the marketplaces for creative commodities like art, fashion, cinema, and

music. (Askin, & Mauskapf, 2017). In order to evaluate cultural goods and predict their

performance, these studies typically seek to establish helpful and dependable criteria.

Economists argue that cultural goods can be valued like other expensive-to-

manufacture goods whose prices are set by the competition between buyers and sellers.

(Rossman, et al., 2010). The cultural market, however, is fundamentally more complicated

than this strategy suggests.

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However, sociologists have proposed that market players behave as a group when

determining a product's worth based on its societal significance. Cultural goods must be

analyzed in the context of their social interplay, as outlined in both Becker's "Art World" and

Bourdieu's "Artistic Field." (Lynn et al., 2016). This presupposes that a product's increased

aesthetic and commercial worth results from societal processes. When Lynn et al. (2016)

adapted this strategy to cultural marketplaces, they discovered that a product's performance in

a simulated music market was correlated with its level of societal impact. The societal

definition of high-quality art goods is aided by trade ties and active involvement in a market,

as stated by Karpetz (2014). Pachucki and Breiger (2010) assert that the cultural market is a

dynamic process of meaning formation affected by the structure of interconnected social

networks to further account for the sociological viewpoint and highlight the significance of

social context.

Professional creators (such as artists, musicians, and writers) play crucial roles in

valuing cultural goods from this perspective because they have the most in-depth knowledge

of the processes involved in producing those goods. (Karpetz, 2014). Respected experts in

their fields attract admiration and confer significance on others. As a result, they have much

sway in the industry and serve as a go-to resource for customers. With their assessments, the

cultural economy would stay intact.

Judgments of quality are collectively created and used in the process of evaluating

and acknowledging a cultural output. One of the most critical measures of success in the

cultural marketplace is acclaim from one's peers. It is a significant economic edge that takes

time to replicate or replicate quickly. According to Beckert (2009), respected specialists have

a hand in determining painting prices. Additionally, numerous social-status factors

significantly impact wine sales results, as discovered by Zhao and Zhou (2011). After

conducting an in-depth study of the film business, Rossman et al. (2010) discovered a
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positive correlation between the presence of high-status individuals in a film and its Oscar

nominee total. Lynn et al. (2016) also demonstrated that the preferences of industry heavy

hitters impact how appealing customers find a given music work.

In order to establish oneself as a respected artist in a specific field, one strategy is to

join a relevant community of practitioners. In order to rise to the top of one's profession, one

must first become connected to other vital musicians working in the same or complementary

fields. As a result, creatives look for challenges and chances to work together to boost their

profiles. Over time, they coalesce into communities of like-minded artists and consumers.

These relationships, grounded in homophily, are the foundation upon which the group's

distinctive identity rests. These communities have the potential to set new norms and develop

novel practices.

We analyzed the medley performances of EDM DJs to find out how one might rise to

prominence in the DJ community. As the demand for electronic music has skyrocketed, DJs

who specialize in this genre have evolved from their traditional position as mixmasters to

full-fledged musicians in their own right. (Karpetz, 2014). Their medley performances are

widely celebrated as works of art that serve as a template or audio road map for events

worldwide. These DJs spend much time and effort curating sets from their own and other

DJs' work. They try to please their listeners by showcasing their refined musical taste through

song allusions and editing prowess. DJs will often include the music of other DJs in their own

sets to boost their profile. To succeed as musicians, EDM DJs need the support of their peers

and the communities in which they operate. General buyers use this as a potent metric of

artistic and business assessment as they actively seek out influential musicians to follow.

We define DJ popularity among electronic dance music (EDM) artists based on how

often individual tracks are referenced in their performances. Artistic identity and social status
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are two variables that influence how this achievement indicates social standing within this

professional group.

Artistic Identity of Professionals

Historically, we have considered a person's personality a set of distinguishing traits.

It is the basic building block of a categorization scheme, or at least it is assumed to be so.

When a market forms, it establishes norms and resources for classifying people. As a result,

people's identities are shaped by the extent to which they conform in social relations to the

standards mentioned earlier. (Savage, 2006).

Identity can be quantified through categorical identifiers, such as those provided by

strict category categories. This naming is a cultural practice that allows artworks to join a

market and significantly shapes consumers' tastes and purchasing habits. (Savage, 2006). As

a result, it establishes standards for evaluating cultural products and provides a framework for

comparing them.

New research suggests that identities, which comprise webs of interconnected

structures with many different characteristics, are more difficult to trade than goods. (White,

2019). Reconstructing and reinterpreting oneself in context is an ongoing part of identity

formation. In this regard, one's identity is fluid, a process rather than a fixed object.

Strategically, it can be understood as a glimpse into one's own developing identity. (Schmutz,

2009).

Attempts by sociologists to investigate the nuance and uniqueness of identification

through quantitative means have met with mixed success. For instance, Askin and Mauskapf

(2017) used quantitative analysis of musical features like tempos and harmonics to discover

proof of musical patterns established as common identities in top Billboard songs. Schmutz

(2009).categorized jazz artists' styles into deeper subgenres using a hierarchy analysis of their
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musical personalities. This allows for a quantifiable evaluation of the complicated identities

that involve multiple voices.

A multivocal personality may have connections to various social positions and

communities. If you can escape being pigeonholed, you can put your unique personality to

use in more positive contexts. This allows for more options in the future, as opposed to

people whose identities are more rigidly defined, leading to more limited obligations. As

Jensen and Kim (2013) described, Multivocal personalities are advantageous in the opera

industry because they allow for a more excellent range of audience attraction and lessen the

intensity of competition within a narrow market segment. In addition, Jaffe (2018) found that

building a new identity in the commercial cinema industry entails not choosing and fitting

into a single established genre but intentionally merging elements of diverse genres.

Complex identities, however, can result in social sanctions, such as being ignored or

rejected openly for failing to fit into dominant social thinking frameworks. Attempting to

expand one's personality to include a variety of positions increases the risk of being

undervalued for violating the accepted norms of assessment. Hsu (2006), for instance, claims

that films that attempt to cover too many categories rarely succeed with reviewers and fans

alike.

As a result, the favored personality shifts based on the breadth or depth of the artist's

resource area. (Jensen and Kim, 2013). According to niche breadth theory, a diverse and

multifaceted personality is beneficial in a dynamic setting but harmful in a static one where

specialists dominate, and resources are focused in a single field. (van Venrooij, & Schmutz,

2018). However, according to resource division theory, generalists and experts can function

together in specific contexts. Since their target audiences intersect only slightly, they are not

strictly rivals. (Noh, & Tolbert, 2019).

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As Zuckerman et al. (2003) emphasized, generalist and expert identity assertions do

not contradict one another but are applicable in various settings. Where one stands about the

moment a multivalent identity is seen as no identity determines whether simple or

complication is more beneficial. According to van Venrooij and Schmutz (2018), genre

uncertainty is harmful in a business area but beneficial in a creative one. Art museum users,

from expert reviewers to general customers, react differently to museums with complicated

versus straightforward identities, as Noh and Tolbert (2019) demonstrate through detailed

segmentation.

Despite being a relatively new development, the electronic dance music (EDM) DJ

scene can be considered a niche industry. DJs are particularly outsized in the electronic dance

music (EDM) industry. Professional DJs' legitimacy depends on their discerning musical

taste and expertise and, thus, their knowledge limits. (White, 2019). Classifications in the

EDM market are fluid; existing classifications are often combined, and new ones are

constantly appearing.

Expert recommendations are essential to shaping customer tastes in a niche industry

like this. This is an instance of the ruling by one's area of competence. Albums that have a

hard time defining their category tend to be panned by reviewers, as was discovered by van

Venrooij and Schmutz (2018). On the other hand, Goldberg et al. (2016) claim that products

with distinct categories are seen as more sophisticated and have a higher aesthetic worth.

Similarly, Noh and Tolbert (2019) discovered that evaluations from art reviewers tended to

favor institutions that specialized in a particular medium or period. We hypothesize the

following in light of the widespread trend towards specialization within cultural markets'

occupational groups: The number of mentions of songs created by DJs with distinct personas

is predicted to increase.

Social Position of Professionals

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Recognition from one's peers in the workplace is highly dependent on one's social

standing in the cultural marketplace. (Tortoriello, 2015). Creators have company. Artists'

careers flourish when they engage with one another through mentorships, funding,

partnerships, and awards. (McAndrew et al., 2014). More ideas are generated, leading to the

production of more works of art. In marketplaces with high pricing ambiguity, this procedure

can be seen as a proxy for the acceptance of creative merit. It is challenging to separate this

process from its societal setting. Their planned social interaction-building skills can affect

artists' worth because these skills play a role in how well they fit into or stand out from their

respective categories. (Zhao et al., 2017). This, in turn, promotes social solidarity and

distinction via the sharing of preferences and aesthetics, which aids in developing

participation strategies and personal limits. Genre and community norms emerge from the

collective actions of members operating within these parameters. (DiMaggio, 2011). Artists

need to be cognizant of the privileges inherent in their societal situations to accurately portray

the possibilities and limitations within these limits.

In their 2016 article "Art World," Howard Goldberg and company became the first to

examine the significance of social standing in a cultural market. To illustrate how

connections influence success and elevate prestige, Goldberg et al. (2016) provide a

theoretical paradigm of the different kinds of artists. Since the release of this framework,

sociologists have generally concurred that creative, innovative, and widely-appreciated

artistic works result from group efforts shaped by their members' relative social standings.

Slavich and Castellucci (2016) provide evidence that innovative professional cooks

carefully place themselves by cultivating mentorship relationships to garner reviewers'

acclaim for their original creations. Crossley (2009) also stresses the significance of social

networks between influential people who work together in the Manchester punk scene.

Furthermore, Uzzi and Spiro's (2005) examination of Broadway's creative networks led them
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to conclude that connections facilitate the sharing of resources and promote the spread of

important news to external audiences.

In a market, two kinds of advantageous social positions are trading and unified. The

characteristics of the two structural orientations are compared by Goldberg et al. (2016) to

those of pipelines and prisms. Pipes allow one player in a network to access the resources of

another character in the network. Prisms are reflective surfaces used to differentiate products

and brands. Both social standings enjoy inherent benefits that can be carefully exploited to

lessen vulnerability to market fluctuations.

The intermediary role is characterized by tenuous connections to the outside world,

which limit the availability of chances and fresh perspectives. People in this position are

accustomed to gathering information from various sources and analyzing it from various

angles. Those who bridge gaps between communities and bring together network members

that would not otherwise interact are in a prime position to spot non-redundant, helpful

information through recombining and sharing knowledge.

The distinctive data advantages of the brokering or boundary-spanning jobs in cultural

networks are the primary subject of analyses of the brokering position. As noted by Pinheiro

and Dowd (2009), jazz artists' critical and commercial success is linked with their ability to

play in numerous categories, which can lead to advantageous connections with other well-

known musicians. Giaquinto et al. (2007) found that people in trading roles are receptive to

new sounds and ideas by analyzing artist networks. In addition, Lingo and O'Mahony (2010)

discovered that cultural makers in intermediary roles rely on various connections to

incorporate project participants' ideas while bolstering innovative results. Strong connections

characterize the unified position, which, in contrast to the trading position, can increase

confidence and open doors to positions of authority. (Wi & Lee, 2021). A motivation to

adhere to norms can be created through the establishment of exchange standards and self-
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enforcing governance systems that encourage widespread collaboration and extensive

information sharing. As a result, being in this situation can speed up getting the attention you

deserve.

The mental characteristics of the two stances are at variance, suggesting a trade-off

between the two options of trading and coherence. By analyzing the market, we can

determine the best marginality between the two places and the benefits of each. (Wi & Lee,

2021). For instance, Uzzi and Spiro (2005) studied the relationship between creative

teamwork and the financial success of shows on Broadway. Researchers discovered that

group harmony worked well up to a point but stifled originality afterward. In addition, Wi &

Lee, 2021 examined the performances of active jazz performers in foreign cities, finding that

both a highly detached coherent city (Sydney) and a highly linked trading city (New York)

contribute to the development of compelling, artistically original jazz performances.

Since it is challenging to realize the value of having many open ties without well-

established coherent ties that provide quick access to joint alignment, leading to innovative

information and assuring confidence, the benefits of the two social roles are complementary.

Based on the success of the English punk music movement in the 1960s, research highlights

the significance of passionate focus groups and intermediaries who can serve as links

between groups in a cultural market. (Wi & Lee, 2021).

Researchers have proposed harmony between the two network characteristics by

studying a composite position that includes advantages from trading and coherent positions

for a beneficial impact. A "small world" network benefits from a mix of solid internal and

exterior trading ties. This is an old debate, but it has traditionally been presented in terms of

large-scale networks rather than as an internal and exterior set of relationships between

people. A "structural fold," as coined by Vedres and Stark (2010), is a network situation of

inter-cohesion that offers both comfort and variety for creative actions.
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In order to reduce their risk exposure, competing players in specialized markets have

begun to employ pipe and prism tactics, putting the combination position in the limelight.

The increased transparency the trading role provides is essential to beat others in specialized

markets, as Ter Wal et al. (2016) pointed out. Moreover, Baum et al. (2012) examined

investment syndicate connections in the context of Canadian banks. They found that the

hybrid position, which combines easy access to varied information sources via trading with

information integration via cohesion, is associated with improved firm performance. Venture

capital companies anchored in networks with higher grouping levels and shorter route lengths

are more likely to participate in experimental learning, according to research by Sullivan and

Ford (2014).

Due to the ever-changing character of the electronic dance music (EDM) DJ industry,

it has been split into distinct segments to reduce resource duplication. To raise their social

status, DJs consciously construct mixed network roles. (Wi & Lee, 2021). Values in the EDM

industry are constantly shifting as new genres and performers enter the market. As a result,

DJs typically join networks on the fringe. However, as they gain skills and exposure, they

become more valuable as partners, forge trading links with other network sections, and

ultimately move into mixed roles.

The phrase "anchor tenant" has been used as a stand-in for the idea of the mixed post

in order to clarify the duties of well-known DJs. The term "anchor tenant" describes a big

department store in a shopping center. Mall foot traffic is increased thanks to large retail

stores with well-known brands, which benefits the sales of smaller shops in the mall. (Wi &

Lee, 2021). Similar to how market-leading DJs boost absorptive capacity and localize

creative knowledge overflow as nodes in their music market network. The strategic

advantages of hybrid roles include the ability to influence the behavior of others and take the

helm of the market with your own decisions. Thus, DJs with high social status gain security
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in a quickly changing market through strong unified ties while concurrently leading local

peers through open creative advances and inventiveness gained via trading connections with

other factions. The resulting theory is as follows: More credits will be awarded to tracks

created by DJs holding diverse network roles.

Data and measurements

From 2013 to 2016, statistics about DJ networks and audio identities were gathered at

62-time intervals. Based on the DJs' selection data, a reference network was built in R. From

there, musical identification data such as category, BPM, and musical key were computed for

each DJ (Wi & Lee, 2021). Stata 14 was then used to conduct a negative binomial, fixed-

effects model analysis of the DJ network and artistic identity.

Data Sources

1001Tracklist.com DJs' setlist details are listed on 1001Tracklist.com, an open-

source playlist directory. The directory contains the following information: (1) The playlist's

date and occasion; (2) The playlist's make-up, including the names and authors of the songs;

and (3) The playlist's views and favorites.

Using a Python-created web crawler tool, we examined over 500 annual EDM events

from 2013 to 2016 and selected songs from nine standout annual EDM festivals hosted

during this time frame for our research (Wi & Lee, 2021). There were 3,164 tracks selected

from 62 shows by 815 DJs. The nine events were chosen based on the following factors. (1)

Only renowned events with over 50,000 people and about 200 DJs playing were selected. DJs

who play all over the globe are almost always hired at festivals. (2) To designate only one

event to a specific time frame, only events spanning 2 to 6 days were considered (Wi & Lee,

2021).
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Here is a list of the nine events from which data was collected for this study, along

with details about each event's location and an approximate number of attendees: “First,

Creamfields (150,000 attendees worldwide), then EDC (1,545,000 attendees worldwide),

then EDC (USA) (440,000 attendees), then Mysteryland (320,000 attendees worldwide), then

Nature One (266,000 attendees worldwide), then Stereosonic (Australia) (220,000 attendees),

then TomorrowLand (Belgium) (900,000 attendees), then EDC (USA) (650,000 attendees),

and finally Ultra Music Festival (US). (650,000 attendees). (worldwide, 825,000)”.

We applied the idea of a reference network analysis to the DJs' music data to

determine the social status of scene-leading DJs. Using reference numbers and other

structural characteristics, a citation network study can reveal the significance of a given

academic article. We did the same thing with the DJs' selection data, building a reference

network for musical works. A track's prominence in the DJ community and the professional

EDM music industry can be gauged by how often it is played and referenced.

Beatport.com is a significant internet music shop catering to electronic dance music

(EDM) DJs. A large number of well-known DJs from all over the world use this platform.

DJs can use the site as a marketplace to legally purchase songs for use in compilations and

edits (Wi & Lee, 2021). Each DJ on Beatport has their own website with a complete catalog

of their work, and it can also offer songs and records through the site.

Release dates, categories from a list of 28, beats per minute, and keys are some

essential details about songs on Beatport. Since DJs' styles and skill sets enable them to

combine tracks based on the information mentioned earlier artistically, this data is crucial for

other DJs who want to buy and obtain the track. The information is accessible to anyone with

access to the proper public data/API. As a result, we amassed 98,332 tracks' worth of

information from 815 DJs who contributed their sets. We used the category, BPM, and key of

each recording to determine the DJ responsible for each set (Wi & Lee, 2021). There are
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currently 28 distinct electronic dance music categories available on Beatport. When releasing

a track, a DJ must specify which of the 28 categories the track falls under. The most crucial

information for DJs to organize a setlist is the song's BPM and key, both provided by

Beatport. The tempo can be anywhere between 60 and 235 beats per minute (BPM), and the

key can be any of the 12 major or 12 minor modes based on the notes A through G, including

their sharps and flats. As a result, we analyzed a total of 132 BPM numbers and 24 buttons.

Construction of the Network Data

Graphs with nodes (actors) and edges (connections between them) are used to depict

social networks. (ties). A DJ is portrayed as a component of this research. The DJ referenced

another DJ, as shown by the directed edge between the two nodes. We employed weighted

margins to consider the varying degrees to which the mentioned DJs were valued. A

"weighted edge" considers the edge's worth between two nodes or the "cost" of the edge.

Playing another DJ's music more than once in a setlist is a sign that DJ 1 values that DJ more

than others, who may only be mentioned once. As shown in Fig. 1, DJ networks were built

using the information in the playlists. We regard DJ1 to have collaborated with DJ2 and DJ3

when his setlist features their original compositions. Based on the frequency of a concert

event, we built 62-time frames of DJ engagement (play) networks. The intervals between

occurrences are consistent at about a month, making them amenable to continuous study. A

total of 817 DJs and 81,688 connections were established as a consequence. On average,

there were 1339907.85 edges per time frame and 22075 DJs at each event. The frequency

with which each song was broadcast during the specified intervals was used to determine its

overall appeal.

Figure 1: Construction of the DJ citation network.

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Applying Track Data as Musical Identity Data

There are many different ways to categorize music and performers. The elements of

musical style include the interplay of tune, cadence, tone, harmony, and accompaniment

(Silver et al., 2016). Genres are used to classify music because they enable listeners to

anticipate similar styles of music. However, scholars contend that aural traits alone are

insufficient for defining categories. Musical output, consumption, and societal limits are

shaped by factors such as the artists' and audiences' political, cultural, and economic

backgrounds, which are reflected in genre classifications (Knees et al., 2015).

The word "EDM" is used to describe a wide variety of musical genres. Like many

other musical styles, electronic music has developed into a wide variety of subgenres that

reflect differences in time, place, and culture (Knees et al., 2015). DJs use their creativity in

selecting and mixing tracks to establish distinct sounds and connections within and across

musical subcultures. Therefore, a musician's category categorization is valuable information

when pinpointing their sound.

Key and tempo are crucial in electronic dance music (Knees et al., 2015). Speed is a

distinguishing characteristic that can help determine a song's category, so it is often

prioritized over melody and harmony by DJs. The beats per minute (BPM) gauge helps create
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repetitive rhythms (Honingh et al., 2015). DJs use BPM to decide on recording arrangement,

which determines the set's overall tempo. An essential talent for maintaining audio flow is

"mixing" or creating seamless changes between songs.

The key is a good sign as important as beats per minute (BPM) in the blending

process. Along with beat per minute (BPM), tonality is regarded as an essential component of

electronic dance music (EDM) when discussing DJ composition methods (Faraldo et al.,

2017). DJs need to be familiar with the keys (scales) of the songs they play if they want to

blend harmonically. By tuning to the same key, the songs blend effortlessly. By choosing

tones that raise or lower the audience's energy, DJs who blend harmonically have complete

control over the venue's mood.

Beatport includes each song's category, BPM, and other essential information. These

three pieces of information were extracted from songs to reveal the DJs' true identities. The

genre ("Trap"), tempo ("140"), and key ("F# min") are all listed for Tiesto's "Shocker." (key).

The three kinds of data from each segment were combined independently a year before each

time frame for the continuous study. So, we did a data search covering the years 2012-2016.

For instance, at Tomorrowland 2013, which took place in September of that year and is

referred to as event T12 in the continuous dataset, DJ Tiesto performed. From September

2012 through September 2013, we compiled DJ Tiesto's Beatport recording statistics

(Reynolds, 2013). This means that DJ Tiesto's current sonic persona can be inferred from his

body of work. For T10, DJ Tiesto wrote 97 songs across six different styles (Electro House:

47), Trance: 44, House: 3, Electronica/(Downtempo: 2, Dubstep: 1, Future Bass: 1). To

evaluate the regularity of each category, we calculated the sum of their cubed ratios. Each DJ

has an unusual amount of written songs for each time period. As a result, we determined how

many songs were written for each category. The total number of category tallies, however,

adds up to 1. As a result, we compared the worth of each DJ's recording data using the total
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of the cubed ratios. DJ Tiesto was (47/97)2 + (44/97)2 + (3/97)2 + (2/97)2 + (1/97)2 +

(1/97)2 = 0.432 category consistent during the eleventh performance (T11). The resulting

values for the eleventh event's BPM and key consistency were 0.237 and 0.08, respectively.

Dependent Variable

The total number of citations per route Each track's citation tally was tallied for each

time period. When there are many citations for a song, it means that it was played extensively

by other DJs. It could be because (1) it is a trademark piece for a particular musical style, (2)

it is a popular success, or (3) it is a coveted source for modification. These are all reasons

why these songs have significance to the scene's expert DJs.

Independent Variables

Individuality in Music, A DJ's songs are an extension of their aural persona. Each

DJ's track characteristics were examined to evaluate the degree to which their sonic

personality was unique and evident from the other DJs'. For each period, we determined how

many songs were written based on the statistics for those recordings. Then, we represented

the stability of aural identities between 0 and 1 using the total of the squared ratios. If DJ I

has a high level of genre constancy, that indicates that DJ I has a strong sense of genre

identification. That DJ has a distinct instrumental persona shown by this. However, a DJ's

musical identity includes experimenting with various styles, so a lack of category continuity

is not necessarily alarming.

Standing in society Each actor's betweenness centrality in a network is calculated by

determining how far apart they are from all the other players in the network. Brokers and

administrators, who regulate the distribution of goods and data, are often linked with this

metric. Actors with a high betweenness centrality, who serve as conduits between various

groups, have a structural benefit when discovering new knowledge and using invention

dissemination. (Hanneman & Riddle, 2011).

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The number of times that node I can get to node j by taking the quickest route,

including node k, is a theoretical measure of node k's betweenness centrality. (Hanneman, &

Riddle, 2011). Therefore, a node's betweenness centrality is increased if it is located on the

quickest route between any two other nodes in a network, giving it more influence over the

two nodes. So, here is how we characterize a node k's betweenness centrality (betweenness

centrality):

Betweennesscentralityk=∑i≠k≠jσij(k)the ratio of the number of shortest routes from

node i to j to the number of shortest paths from node i to j that contain node k, denoted by ij

(2-1), where ij is the total number of shortest paths from node i to j.

In an undirected network, the clustering coefficient measures how many polygons

have nodes at all four corners. This is how the degree of network grouping is quantified. The

probability that a node's neighbors are also linked to each other. (Hanneman & Riddle, 2011).

DJs with high clustering coefficients are like kaleidoscope shards; they prefer to group with

other DJs who share their tastes and interests. These DJs may use cross-references among

themselves to create tracks in a similar vein. According to Reynolds (2013), a local clustering

coefficient (LCC) for each component in a network is used to determine the clustering

coefficient. Here is how we characterize the local grouping coefficient:

If we count the number of times that three nodes, including node i, are connected, we

get lcci=numberoftrianglesconnectedtonodeinnumberoftriplescenteredonnodei (2-2). The

number of pairs of edges that are linked to node i is the remainder. (triples).

Control Variables

We accounted for any potential confounding effects of the independent factors on the

dyadic constraints at the DJ level. Several factors contribute to this, such as (1) the total

number of mentions and published songs of the DJs, (2) the distribution of degrees, and (3)

the degree of equivalence of the control variables.

 21

When calculating DJ i's impact, we factored in the number of times others mentioned

him or her (in-degrees) and the number of times he or she cited others (out-degrees). (in

degrees). We also listed the total number of songs each DJ dropped during the specified time

periods.

The degree distribution describes how different the DJs' network of contacts is. The

incoming and outgoing degrees of freedom were determined. Many degrees indicate that DJ i

is frequently referenced by other DJs who are committed fans of i. A low degree of saturation

indicates that multiple DJs have referenced DJ i. focus at an outward angle is the polar

reverse of focus at an inward angle. Many out-degree complaints for a single DJ indicate that

they were heavily sampled. At the outset, a low degree of focus denotes using DJ track

citations from multiple artists. The in-degree and out-degree percentages are calculated as

follows, using the adjacency matrix of a time frame t ([aij,t]):

in−degreeconcentrationj=∑i=1n⎛⎝aij.t/∑i=1naij.t⎞⎠2

(2–3)

out−degreeconcentrationi=∑j=1n⎛⎝aij.t/∑j=1naij.t⎞⎠2

(2–4)

In dyadic relationships, there is an imbalance in the nature and quantity of the

resource movement deposited through social connections. The probability that two-time

series share common nodes gauges a directed network's reciprocity. If a DJ has a high degree

of in-degree affinity, they consistently reference other DJs' work from prior events. When a

DJ has a high out-degree affinity, other DJs frequently mention him. For each DJ, we

determined their in-degree and out-degree agreement numbers. The following shorthand

indicates in-degree and out-degree equivalence when DJ i mentioned DJ j's track in the last

time frame (t-1) and DJ j references DJ i's track in the current time window (t).

in−degreereciprocityj.t=∑i=1n⎛⎝aij.t/aji.t−1⎞⎠
 22

(2–5)

out−degreereciprocityi. t=∑j=1n⎛⎝aij.t/aji.t−1⎞⎠

(2–6)

Conclusion

This research delves into the dynamics of professional social status among musicians,

whose peers provide crucial feedback on individual artists' work in the electronic dance

music (EDM) industry. These creators lessen consumers' anxiety about purchasing decisions

by giving them trustworthy signs. Earning respect within one's field is a great method to

guarantee a high output standard and, by extension, one's image. This study's results indicate

that a person's artistic personality and social standing are two critical variables influencing

social recognition by a professional group. To begin with, the data show that DJs in the

electronic dance music scene place a premium on having a distinct sonic personality.

Electronic dance music (EDM) is a nascent specialized market where new styles and

subgenres are continually being developed and differentiated. Artists who set the standards

for quality and divide the field into distinct character stances that mirror works of art from the

same genre are included.

Second, this research highlights the benefits of two distinct forms of social

positioning—brokerage and cohesive—that can help mitigate market volatility. According to

the findings, DJs who adopt a stance combining trading and harmony enjoy more excellent

social status. This mixed situation is optimal for managing and using new chances and an

influx of resources. This research continues the trend of recent studies demonstrating that the

two roles can produce cooperation when they are considered together rather than separately.

This research aims to shed light on the connections between electronic dance music (EDM)

DJs who frequently sample the work of other DJs without crediting them. In addition, we
 23

analyzed the artist's musical personality based on the tracks' musical characteristics, which is

crucial knowledge for DJs when making careful track selections.

Our finding aligns with the literature on niche markets, where a pioneering artist plays

an important strategic role. Due to the potential influence of market circumstances or

individual participants, the inner social processes of professional artist organizations still

need to be thoroughly studied. The intangibility and ambiguity of the social connections that

affect the goods make it hard to analyze the crucial qualities of a cultural product that

contribute to its commercial success. However, since music is an auditory product, we

analyzed the setlist data from EDM DJs, which naturally shows the nature of the internal

dynamic connections. It may be linked to some other measurable characteristics. These

findings highlight the strategic importance of reciprocal relationships between groups and the

reciprocal social links between various divisions.

Even when successful in separate subsets of specialized markets like the electronic

dance music (EDM) industry, we found that musicians with high social status

interdependently share resource areas. However, we also discovered that the structural

characteristics could differ based on the musical type, as demonstrated by the outlier example

of Techno Group 5. As a result, future studies in this field will concentrate more on the social

dynamics within each musical collective, illuminating how success tactics vary across

musical styles. In addition, we would link the program information with additional factors

like the artists' tenure in the industry. Finally, we will investigate whether our theories and

findings generalize to the personalities and social standings of professional musicians

working in other cultural market niches.

 24

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