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Architecture: a ‘rewarding’ career? An Anglo-

French comparative study of intrinsic rewards in the
architecture profession
a a
Valerie Caven & Marie Diop
a
Nottingham Business School, Nottingham Trent University, Nottingham, UK
Published online: 31 Jan 2012.

To cite this article: Valerie Caven & Marie Diop (2012) Architecture: a ‘rewarding’ career? An Anglo-French comparative
study of intrinsic rewards in the architecture profession, Construction Management and Economics, 30:7, 513-523, DOI:
10.1080/01446193.2011.627356

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 Construction Management and Economics (July 2012) 30, 513–523

Architecture: a ‘rewarding’ career? An Anglo-French

comparative study of intrinsic rewards in the
architecture profession
VALERIE CAVEN* and MARIE DIOP
Nottingham Business School, Nottingham Trent University, Nottingham, UK

Received 18 April 2011; accepted 23 September 2011

Downloaded by [Nottingham Trent University] at 02:21 06 August 2013

Careers in architecture are characterized by higher levels of job insecurity and lower levels of remuneration
than other equivalent professions. Likewise, the ‘traditional’ rewards associated with professional employ-
ment—professional power, status and recognition—have been eroded. Raising the question of what are the
rewards associated with an architectural career, the concepts of informal networks and relationships in
particular are examined as compensation for the poor financial rewards. Drawing upon the rewards literature
in conjunction with professional identity and career management data from 84 in-depth interviews with UK
and France-based architects, adopting a grounded theory method within the interpretive paradigm, findings
show these relationships provide a significant amount of intrinsic satisfaction and thus reward which has
been hitherto overlooked. The importance of these relationships could not be foreseen nor can they be
actively planned but exist as a powerful intrinsic reward.

Keywords: Architecture, France, UK, intrinsic rewards.

Introduction Existing research into the architecture profession in

While the contemporary labour market has become
typified by high employment insecurity reflected by the
subsequent reconceptualization of career (Arthur,
2008; Sullivan and Baruch, 2009), the architecture
profession, in common with many other construction
industry occupations, occupies an even more precari-
ous position. The vulnerability of the construction
industry during periods of economic decline subjects
those pursuing industry careers to much higher levels
of employment insecurity; in addition, financial remu-
neration is much lower in contrast with other profes-
sions requiring similar levels of education qualifications
such as law and accountancy. The question which this
research aims to explore is, given these characteristics,
what is it which attracts people to the profession and
what keeps them there? Examining literature relating to
rewards and factors affecting the choice of career, the
research draws on data collected in the UK and France
where there are significant similarities with poor remu-
neration and job insecurity featuring in both countries.
both countries has overwhelmingly focused on women
and the lack of equality (Fowler and Wilson, 2004);
the ‘feminization’ of the profession and resulting
‘depreciation’ in status (Lapeyre, 2004; Chadoin,
2007); stress (Sang et al., 2007) and why women
leave (Adams and Tancred, 2000; de Graft-Johnson
et al., 2003). With the exception of Caven (2004,
2006a, 2006b) there is a dearth of research on what
brings people into the profession and what keeps
them there. Drawing on qualitative interviews carried
out within the interpretive paradigm with architects in
both the UK and France, this exploratory paper
examines in depth the concept of intrinsic rewards,
particularly with regard to relationships, and asks to
what extent can they act as a substitute for other
more tangible forms of compensation?
Thus, the aim of this paper is to provide a critical
evaluation of intrinsic rewards focusing on relation-
ships. Beginning with an evaluation of the rewards
associated with professional employment, examining
in detail intrinsic rewards, identity and relationships

*Author for correspondence. E-mail: valerie.caven@ntu.ac.uk

Construction Management and Economics

ISSN 0144-6193 print/ISSN 1466-433X online Ó 2012 Taylor & Francis
http://www.tandfonline.com
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01446193.2011.627356
 514
as forms of incentive, we then turn to the contextual
background to the architecture profession in both
countries drawing on the different sociological origins.
The comparative research methods used in the study
are then discussed. Findings indicate that a great deal
of personal satisfaction is derived from the develop-
ment and maintenance of the formal and informal
relationships which arise from the networks and con-
stellations of the multiple stakeholders involved in the
projects. Thus the contribution of this paper is to
argue that these forms of intrinsic reward contribute
significantly towards compensating for the poor sala-
ries and job insecurity particularly prevalent in the
profession, representing an area which has been lar-
gely overlooked to date.
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Rewards from professional employment
Financial rewards
Professional employment is traditionally characterized
by a monopoly power, public service over private
gain, codes of ethics governing behaviour and higher
rewards to reflect the prestige of the individual and
their contribution to society (Barber, 1965). The
monopoly power is achieved by becoming registered
or licensed by an appropriate professional body fol-
lowing the attainment of qualifications and requisite
periods of professional practice. Membership of the
appropriate professional body is accompanied by
codes of conduct to promote ethical behaviour and
formerly fee scales were in place to regulate the levels
of private gain.
The notion of higher rewards both to reflect individ-
ual prestige and as an indicator of value to society is
what interests us here, as architecture differs from
other equivalent professions in that it does not enjoy
the relative employment security of law or accountancy
for example. The profession is characterized by pro-
ject-based work, with teams formed for the duration of
the building contract and disbanded on completion,
and is subject to periods of ‘boom and bust’ as a result
of economic conditions (Hillebrandt, 2000). Nor are
salaries comparable with other professions with archi-
tects earning an average of £40 000 per annum in the
UK and e52 000 in France (RIBA, 2009; Chadoin
and Evette, 2010). The minimum time spent studying
and gaining the relevant practical experience is seven
years in the UK and six to eight years in France. Thus
the financial rewards are a poor indicator of the
‘deferred compensation’ expected by those who have
invested much time and effort in gaining qualifications
in order to exercise the ‘monopoly power’ associated
with professions (Johnson, 1972).
Caven and Diop
Intrinsic rewards
Intrinsic rewards are those over which the employer
has little control (Lupton and Bowey, 1983) and
which many employers tend to overlook (Gratton,
2004) but which affect the levels of job satisfaction
of the individual. Generally, they cover intangible
areas such as intention to remain with the employer,
responsibility and autonomy, opportunities to achieve
and develop, recognition and quality of working life
(Armstrong and Stephens, 2005) and are linked to
motivation theory, in particular Herzberg’s (1966)
Two Factor theory. Specifically relating to architec-
ture, Chappell and Willis (2005) add the following:
opportunities for advancement, the personality of the
firm’s partners/senior staff, status and responsibility
and office environment. However, there is a tendency
to attempt to provide measurable scores (Lupton and
Bowey, 1983) and tangible rewards (Silverman,
2004). First, in an attempt to ‘measure’ job content
and its impact on employee satisfaction, Lupton and
Bowey (1983) rank various factors in accordance with
firm size and age of the individual to provide a score.
They argue that where the intrinsic rewards are
greater than 5 (on the Lupton and Bowey scale) then
additional compensatory rewards (on top of salary)
are not necessary in order to retain staff and maintain
employment satisfaction, whereas those below require
job redesign to indicate higher status and monetary
rewards are necessary. Likewise, Silverman (2004)
details how employees should be rewarded by a for-
mal letter of thanks, gift vouchers or provision of ‘spe-
cial experiences’ (for example, spa visits or hot air
ballooning). There is the assumption here that all
employees will feel the same way about each of the
factors and individual preferences are ignored as are
relationships, both inter- and intra-organizational.
Architecture presents an additional set of challenges
due in part to the structure of organizations: firm size
ranges from an individual working alone to large orga-
nizations; networks are formed for the projects and
then disbanded on completion; and lack of employ-
ment security is a significant feature with the con-
struction industry being highly sensitive to economic
cycles and political changes. Therefore, we must
examine other features which have an impact upon
work satisfaction and intention to remain in the pro-
fession; thus follows a discussion of professional iden-
tity and relationships which we argue have significant
value and have been hitherto overlooked.
Identity as reward
Regarding the individual prestige and value to society
mentioned earlier, architects create objects of
aesthetic value via their designs which gain them
 Rewarding career?
recognition and lead to further commissions. How-
ever, there arises a conflict—of how to maintain one-
self or one’s business while focusing on the creative
activities, a question first raised by Winch and Schnei-
der (1993). Architects possess individual ‘styles’ of
design which both arise from and serve to maintain
their individual identity; however, the pressures of
‘this workplace competition to acquire material secu-
rity and dignity can further intensify subjective insecu-
rity’ (Collinson, 2003, p. 531). The recognition and
status resulting from creating public entities may pro-
vide an element of recompense for the poor salaries.
Although as Cohen et al. (2005, p. 789) argue, ‘[c]
reativity is certainly valued, but as a means to an end
rather than the end in itself’ (Cohen et al., 2005, p.
789), suggesting it cannot entirely compensate for the
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relatively poor salaries.
Thornborrow and Brown’s discussion of ‘aspira-
tional identities’ offers more to explain the rewards
obtained when they say ‘the journey is perilous, and
success not merely uncertain but (for most) perpetu-
ally deferred; yet this is acceptable because the process
of becoming is itself valued’ (Thornborrow and Brown,
2009, p. 371 emphasis added). It is this process of
becoming which acts as the reward rather than the
actual achievement of something tangible.
Relationships as reward
Professional work is associated with autonomy and
freedom to run one’s own projects; however, the real-
ity is that this happens within organizations and net-
works. Professions are governed by professional bodies
with codes of conduct and requirements for contin-
uing professional development to maintain standards;
as such, they are intended to be self-governing. The
nexus of relationships within and without organiza-
tions is thus of not inconsiderable importance regard-
ing the success or otherwise of an individual’s career.
Higgins and Thomas (2001) provide a detailed discus-
sion of the importance of mentoring and career suc-
cess, identifying what they term ‘constellations’ of
developmental relationships. They argue that the
‘quality of an individual’s entire set of developmental
relationships’ explained as the value added by other
stakeholders (Higgins and Thomas, 2001, p. 226)
adds to his/her social capital. In architecture, because
of the project-based nature of the work, these net-
works and constellations are essential for career (and
business) survival in attracting and maintaining
clients. Indeed, as Casson and Giusta (2007) argue,
these networks are essential in acquiring social capital.
While there is value in doing this, other aspects exist
which are not quantifiable—such as the intrinsic
rewards obtained from these relationships. In addition,
515
the constellations focus on the success or otherwise
derived by the individual only in terms of their career.
What is unclear from the literature is whether any sat-
isfaction is derived from maintaining and developing
these relationships aside from the practical aspects of
business survival.
The architecture profession in the UK and
France
There are around 30 000 qualified architects in each
country (RIBA, 2009; Chadoin and Evette, 2010),
representing in each case 0.5% of the population. The
sociological origins of the profession differ widely
between the two countries (Sciulli, 2005) as do the
political and social environments in which the profes-
sion operates. Common to both countries is that the
construction industry and architecture profession is
male-dominated, physically demanding and combat-
ive. Sociologically the profession in both countries has
its roots in art and while the overall aims of designing
buildings to meet the clients’ needs concur, there are
very different structural characteristics of the profes-
sion in the two countries (Speaight, 2004).
In France, formalized by the creation of the Royal
Academy of Architects in the 1670s, the chief role of
the architect at that time was conceptualizing buildings
and monuments for royalty. Following the French
Revolution, the Société Centrale des Architectes was
formed in 1865 which led to the creation of the Société
des Architectes in 1877 and the formalizing of architec-
tural education (Marquart and de Montlibert, 1970).
Until 1968, the education of all architects in France
was delivered at the prestigious Ecole des Beaux-Arts
in Paris. Following the 1968 Malraux reforms, unite´s
pe´dagogiques named the Ecole Nationales Supérieures
d’Architecture (ENSA) and controlled by the Ministry
of Culture and Communication, became responsible
for the 20 schools of architecture operating in France
(Chadoin, 2007). Even today, French architects still
enjoy a much higher level of mandated protection than
their UK counterparts as a legacy of this combined
with the libe´rale mode of practising (Marquart and de
Montlibert, 1970).
In the UK, architecture as a profession developed in
two different ways: through individuals working princi-
pally as artists but with an interest in buildings, or as a
result of involvement with the building trade. The for-
mation of a professional body was strongly resisted,
especially by the artists (Symes et al., 1995). The first
recorded society of architects, the Architects Club, was
founded in 1791 followed in 1806 by the London
Architectural Society and in 1831 by the Architectural
Society. A further group, the Institute of British
 516
Architecture, was established in 1834 with the inten-
tion of setting standards for the architectural profession
as a whole via the cultivation of friendly relationships,
provision of technical information and reform in build-
ing accommodation—although, in reality, it was little
more than a dining club (Kaye, 1960). Recognition as
a profession was hindered because of difficulties in dis-
tinguishing between those who had their architectural
origins as artists and those who originated as crafts-
men, but at the start of the 20th century architecture
training was formalized first through apprenticeships
and later by the founding of Schools of Architecture
awarding diplomas and degrees and thus it became
established as a profession (Symes et al., 1995).
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Structure of the profession
Table 1 shows that similarities exist between the two
countries in terms of the numbers working as archi-
tects as well as the gender divide.
Both countries appear to have a problem with
retaining women in the profession although there is
evidence to suggest that women use their architectural
training in related occupations where membership of
the professional body is not mandatory (Lapeyre,
2004). The rise in the numbers of women entering
and remaining in the profession has been much more
rapid in France than the UK which is somewhat sur-
prising as there are fewer opportunities for part-time
and/or flexible working in France. Female architects
in France tend to be clustered in the public sector
and consequently the average salary for women is
higher than for men (Chadoin, 2007).
Table 2 shows how the structure of the profession
differs in terms of the means of operating between the
two countries.
The normal mode of practising is as a libe´rale
(roughly equivalent to the sole practitioner in the
Table 1 Comparative data for architects in the UK and France (RIBA, 2009; ARB, 2010; Chadoin and Evette, 2010)
Population No. of architects (%)
UK 61 185 981 31 600
France 63 753 140 29 400
Table 2 Modes of practising in the UK and France (RIBA, 2009; Chadoin and Evette, 2010)
Libe´rale/ Associé
Self-employed (%) (%)
UK 12 Included with salaried
France 54 29 Included with libe´rales
Caven and Diop
UK) with over 50% adopting this form following the
mandatory period of supervised work experience in an
agence (Chadoin and Evette, 2010). A key feature of
the libe´rale form of practising is the restriction on
commercial activity with Marquart and de Montlibert
(1970, p. 373) stating ‘no more than the doctor or
barrister, the architect should not ‘seek the client”, on
the one hand, providing an interesting parallel with
equivalent higher professions but on the other high-
lighting a conflict regarding commercial survival.
However, this mode prevents the hiring of a non-
architect to run the business leaving the architect free
to design and is cited by Champy (2008) as the key
reason why French architects are unable to compete
with practices which operate on the Anglo-Saxon
model and helps explain why so many large projects
in France are designed by foreign (in particular UK)
based architects. In contrast, only 12% of UK archi-
tects work independently as sole practitioners; the
majority are salaried and employed in practices
(44%), with 29% operating as principals or directors
(RIBA, 2009). UK practices tend to be much larger
in comparison and in many cases are multi-disciplin-
ary, incorporating interior design, landscape design
and the like whereas French practices are more likely
to offer both architectural and engineering services
(Winch et al., 2002).
Despite the structural and cultural differences,
there is no appreciable difference in the way the pro-
fession and construction industry operate (Davenport,
2000, p. 76). Project teams are formed for the dura-
tion of the scheme and disbanded on completion with
what Dainty et al. (2007, p. 3) refer to as ‘[d]iverse
groups of people who are brought together for short
periods of time [and] are expected to rapidly establish
co-operative working relationships’. It is the nature of
these relationships which is of interest here; in many
cases, there will be different combinations of the same
individuals and organizations involved on a range of
Architects per 1000 population Male (%) Female (%)
0.5 86 14
0.5 78 22
Principals Salaried Public sector Unemployed Other
(%) (%) (%) (%) (%)
29 44 9 4 4
4 4 8 1
 Rewarding career?
projects brought together as an amalgamation of
skills, expertise and social capital. This paper aims to
investigate the personal satisfactions obtained from
the strength of these relationships and now the discus-
sion turns to the research itself.
Researching architects in France and the
UK
The data reported here represent one aspect (that of
rewards) of a larger research project investigating
architects’ careers in the UK and France using a com-
parative method. As Winch and Campagnac (1995)
highlight, comparative work is frequently used in
sociological studies but rarely in cross-national
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research which provides an interesting methodological
starting point, in that the aim is to examine architec-
ture in two different societal settings. Drawing on a
societal approach which ‘treat[s] social phenomena as
components of systems, it follows that explanations of
behaviour must be examined with references to fac-
tors intrinsic to the system in question’ (Hantrais,
2009, p. 6). This permits the examination of the
architectural profession (the system) of the two coun-
tries with regard to the different social and cultural
systems in place highlighting Goodchild et al.’s
(2010) contention that while the French experience
has been overlooked in British research, it provides a
valuable means of comparing trends in relation to
work and organizations. Winch (2000, p. 88) cites
Zweigert and Kötz (1998, p. v) stating that ‘it is from
comparison that knowledge comes’.
By restricting our comparative study to two nations
we are able ‘to investigate a much larger number of
contextual or micro variables than is feasible in large-
scale multinational studies’ (Hantrais, 2009, p. 9).
Within both the UK and France, regional variations
will exist; thus the study focused on the East Midlands
region of the UK and the Poitou-Charentes region of
Western France. Both regions were chosen because
they possess a mix of urban and rural architectural
firms with projects varying from large-scale industrial
to small-scale domestic. Both regions have areas where
conservation of natural heritage is of key importance;
renovation projects have hitherto been less common in
France than in the UK but are gradually attracting
more attention.
Adopting a qualitative approach enabled us to
explore a career in architecture as a ‘lived experience’.
We asked architects for an account of their career
from when they initially chose a career in architecture
and started their studies to the present day with
examples of highlights and low points of their career
as well as what they considered to be the pressures
517
and satisfactions and how these had helped shape
their careers. The interviews provided an opportunity
for the respondents to reflect on what their career, as
well as the projects and people they had been
involved with, meant to them. As Bosley et al. (2009,
p. 1498) argue ‘career is seen as social practice, con-
stituted by the actors themselves in and through their
relationships with others, and as they move through
time and space. It is an iterative and on-going prac-
tice’ thus emphasizing the ‘contradictory social and
cultural contexts in which careers are enacted’.
Grounded theory provided an appropriate research
paradigm to examine the data (Strauss and Corbin,
1998) given these contexts. It enables the evolution of
theory from the data and is particularly suitable for
comparative analysis (Bimrose et al., 2008). Initial
findings can be used to influence subsequent stages of
the data collection; one such example which emerged
from the career narratives contained in our research
was that of the importance of the intrinsic rewards
arising from the relationships with others on the pro-
ject team and the wider stakeholders involved with
the construction project.
The age range of the UK architects was from 27 to
72 with the eldest three being retired; the French
architects were aged from 30 to 83 and all (bar one
aged 70) were still practising. Of the UK architects,
three had qualified outside the UK (Greece, Turkey
and Iraq) while six of the French respondents had
qualified outside France (two in the UK, Ireland,
Bulgaria, Lebanon and Germany). Qualifications have
been recognized as equivalent in the original EU
member countries since 1985 which meant that only
those who had studied outside the EU or in the newer
member states had to re-qualify on moving to either
the UK or France. This did not apply to the architect
who qualified in the Lebanon (which has a longstand-
ing connection with France) as her school of architec-
ture qualifications were already validated by l’Ordre
des Architectes.
Becoming and being an architect
Rather surprisingly we found there to be very little in
the way of gender differences in the findings. From our
review of the literature, we were well aware of the diffi-
culties experienced by women in the profession in
terms of poor salaries, low professional status, stress
and the like; however, many of the men we interviewed
highlighted these as being concerns in relation to their
own careers—even commenting on the unpleasantness
of the ‘macho’ culture pervasive on construction sites.
This is counter to other male–female comparative
studies (for example Dainty et al., 1999; Sang et al.,
 518
2007) but provides an important context in which to
evaluate the findings that follow.
Choosing architecture as a career
Reasons for becoming an architect were identical in
the two countries and challenge the traditional notion
of career choice being a result of a reasoned and well-
researched decision, in that it was essentially a ‘basic
instinct’ and something which the majority had in
mind from being young children. By far the majority
of our sample indicated that they had developed an
interest in construction and design (and even demoli-
tion) in childhood with explanations such as ‘I used
to break everything and try to rebuild it’, another
described how as a child he would ride around the
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streets of Paris on his bicycle and spend ‘three hours
just looking at a street’. Others told of how they
designed dolls’ houses and built tree houses as chil-
dren. These stories reflect the childhood recursive
experiences that McMahon et al. (2010) identify as
intentionally and unintentionally influencing career
choice. In addition, these stories support the Systems
Theory Framework of Career Development (Patton
and McMahon, 2006) by illustrating how childhood
influences help shape career.
Following this were those who had been influenced
by family members who were involved in the con-
struction industry as architects, surveyors, engineers
and as craftsmen giving a useful insight into what is
involved. Counter to Dainty et al. (1999) many of the
women we interviewed had parents or family friends
involved in construction and so were not put off by
the thought of the macho culture associated with the
industry. Bosley et al. (2009) in their typology of
career shapers refer to family and friends who provide
occupational insights as ‘informants’, highlighting the
level of influence in individuals’ career choices
whether intentionally or not.
The third most common reason offered for choos-
ing architecture was being good at drawing and fre-
quently this was cited along with one of the previous
two explanations. Several of the respondents men-
tioned they were good at both maths and art and
questioned ‘what else can you do with those?’. Archi-
tecture provides an opportunity to pursue an artistic
career combined with technical aspects and so
requires expertise in both. While this provides scant
evidence of attempts at matching personal attributes
with occupational requirements (Holland, 1958),
what was surprising was the lack of research and
investigation into the actual profession on the part of
the respondents. No one told of carefully researching
the salaries, qualifications required, job roles and
modes of practising prior to making the decision to
Caven and Diop
become an architect which contradicts much estab-
lished thinking on career choices being made follow-
ing thorough examination of individual self-concept
and the environment offered by contemporary career
development theories such as Systems Theory Frame-
work (STF) as suggested by Patton and McMahon
(2006). While individual characteristics and social set-
ting clearly influenced initial career choice, there was
no evidence of the wider political and environmental
aspects of STF having an impact, which is particularly
revealing given the vulnerability of the architecture
profession to changing political and economic condi-
tions.
Studying
Despite the similarities in reasons for choosing archi-
tecture as a career, there are marked differences in
the experience of studying between the UK and
French respondents with the French architects report-
ing much more positively than their UK counterparts.
Several, including the French architect who qualified
in the UK described their studies as ‘fantastic’ and
‘exciting!’ although one commented that it is ‘not a
profession for the faint-hearted’. Many developed a
network of clients while they were studying: ‘the day
after I qualified I set up my own business and the day
after I had four people working for me’; another com-
mented, ‘once I’d finished my studies I had much
more work than my employer!’ However, a criticism
mentioned by many interviewees was that business
and management skills were not taught, with one
commenting ‘It’s interesting you’re calling from a
Business School because that’s the one thing I didn’t
study at college’.
The UK respondents painted a much more nega-
tive picture of studying, citing arduous workloads with
frequent ‘all-nighters’ to meet deadlines, discrimina-
tion against women and minorities by tutors; also
there was widespread condemnation of the assessment
process known as the ‘crit’ which involves public scru-
tiny of designs by tutors and an invited panel of prac-
tising architects. In common with the French
respondents, there was much mention that business
and management skills were not taught suggesting
that for the profession in both countries, design suc-
cess is perceived as being of higher value than busi-
ness success. In addition, several of the French
respondents had also qualified as an engineer or in a
trade prior to studying architecture.
Career development, stresses and rewards
Differences between both countries regarding the pro-
fession become much more apparent on completion
of studies, with UK architects aiming to develop their
 Rewarding career?
career within a practice. However, the tradition in
France of operating as a libe´rale meant that most of
the French respondents moved to this mode of prac-
tising as soon as possible on completion of the requi-
site period of supervised employment in an agence.
While this compares with what is known as the ‘sole
practitioner’ in the UK, this mode of operating tends
to be followed as a response to redundancy; as a
means of combining childcare and work; or later on
in the career, following a significant period of employ-
ment in a practice.
The majority of the UK respondents were
employed in practices and overwhelmingly showed the
lowest amount of job and career satisfaction of all the
respondents; we heard of long working hours where
working more than the contracted hours was expected
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by employers, for example: ‘40 hours is a short week
for me’; another told of illness saying she was ‘nearly
losing my mind, we’d worked for 18 days on the trot
. . . before I collapsed’. Long working hours demanded
by employers were also blamed for divorces and rela-
tionship breakups. There is a ‘stigma’ attached to sen-
sible working hours in the UK (Watts 2009)
especially in the construction industry where high
degrees of job insecurity demand that commitment is
shown through being prepared to work these hours.
As a contrast, those who were either sole practitioners
or who were principals of their own companies
reported that long hours were not a problem with ‘I
do around 75 hours a week but that’s because it’s my
own business now’ considering it as an investment for
the future.
Working hours were much less of an issue for the
French architects, possibly because working as a libe´-
rale means there is greater flexibility, with one saying
‘I have the freedom to spend the morning cooking
and then the evening working until goodness knows
what time’. Another commented:
It’s the best job in the world! Working independently
(as a libe´rale) is extremely good for a woman because
it’s allowed me to have children and to bring them up
while I carried on working—there’s a lot of freedom.
While freedom in terms of time featured strongly
among the French architects, they strongly high-
lighted being restricted by bureaucracy, not in the
sense of stifling creativity but in the administration of
projects. Those who worked on public sector projects
complained of having to meet stricter regulations than
for private sector schemes. In addition, architects in
France are liable for any problems with the buildings
(including contractors’ mistakes) for 10 years after
completion (responsabilite´ dece´nnale) which provides
additional stress.
519
A negative aspect of the profession highlighted by
both the French and English interviewees was the lack
of prestige and status associated with the profession.
There was also a feeling among both groups that their
professional status was under threat from less quali-
fied individuals such as project managers (in the UK)
and Maıˆtres d’Oeuvres (France) with one architect say-
ing ‘In France, we’ve allowed other professionals who
aren’t bound by the same contracts to compete with
architects . . . they’re like illegal doctors . . . but they’re
the ones who build all the houses’. This perception of
poor quality particularly in housing design was a
recurring theme among the French architects, from
the HLM’s (Habitation Loyer Modere´—low rent public
housing) from the immediate post-War period to the
current ‘pavillioneurs who have sprayed French soil
with their maisons caca’ (poor quality housing) fre-
quently seen today. The UK architects felt that their
role as the chief coordinator of projects had been lost
by the profession and appropriated by project manag-
ers; there was a strong sense that the professional
body (RIBA) should do more to protect the role
rather than just the title ‘architect’ with one saying ‘I
think architecture will die out you know . . . I blame
our professional body, they’re living in the past’.
These direct challenges to the monopoly power and
professional status are in direct contrast to the funda-
mental aspects of professional identity as argued by
Barber (1965) and Larson (1977).
Low salaries and poor earning potential featured
strongly as both a stressor and negative aspect of the
profession. Despite the length of time prior to qualifi-
cation being the same as to achieve legal or financial
professional status, the monetary rewards do not com-
pare with equivalent professions. Respondents were
not asked directly about their salaries/income but
many raised it making comparisons with their friends
who had become teachers, dentists or managers and
who earned significantly more. One reflected that over
the previous year, she had been exempted from her
UK national insurance contributions as her earnings
were so low. The uncertainty caused by economic
fluctuations was also commented upon: ‘budgets and
the financial aspects have been catastrophic . . . this
has been accentuated by the crisis’; and another men-
tioned ‘I am not sure that I shall be able to continue’.
Aside from the worry of whether there will be suffi-
cient projects earning fees to provide an income, the
economic crisis has created further ethical problems
which impact on earnings; a French architect spoke of
a moral issue which had arisen from the economic
crisis:
With the crisis, people who’ve signed a contract for a
house . . . two days later they say they’ve lost their job.
 520
We’re holding a cheque for e40 000, what do we do?
Should one say ‘I know you’re honest and that you’ve
lost your job, here’s your cheque back’? But then I have
to survive too. That is the ethical side of things . . .
Others felt that their experience and qualifications
were undervalued by their employers. It is somewhat
revealing that these feelings of inequity prevail but not
one of the respondents had researched salaries prior
to making the decision to become an architect.
Intrinsic rewards
Having considered the negative aspects of the archi-
tectural career, we now consider the rewards and sat-
isfactions and how these contribute towards people
remaining in the profession. Willis et al. (1970, p. 1)
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describe the profession as follows:
Architecture is undoubtedly one of the most enjoyable
professions. It offers a wealth of interest in a variety
of fields which few other professions can match, and
provides an emotional satisfaction which only the
other arts can stimulate.
In a rather stark contrast to the observations discussed
earlier about poor salaries, challenges to the profes-
sional status and the prevalence of long working hours,
the respondents, on the whole, concur with Willis et al.
(1970); several described it as the ‘best job in the
world’ and ‘It’s a profession I like very much. The
proof is that at the age of 77 I’m still an architect and I
don’t want to stop’. It is notable that so many of the
older architects were still practising despite being past
retirement age and also that those who had retired had
retained their professional membership, such is the
impact on an individual’s identity; one UK architect
was adamant that ‘I am an architect!’ despite having
taken a 10-year career break to raise her children. Oth-
ers were more to the point with ‘I love it!’, which leads
us to the central research question of, given the prob-
lems discussed above, what are the rewards which keep
architects in the profession?
Clearly, the professional qualifications may exist to
some extent as a barrier to exit; however, there are
many other occupations for which the training is
appropriate. Indeed, as Lapeyre (2004) and Chadoin
(2007) contend, women architects in France earn
more than their male counterparts because they have
diversified using their training in a job-related sense,
in many cases to the public sector, and generally
enjoy greater employment security as a result. So
what of those architects we interviewed who have
described the insecurity, the low pay, the bureaucracy
and the undermining of professional status—what
keeps them in the profession? We will now discuss the
Caven and Diop
more positive aspects of being an architect, consider-
ing professional identity, creativity and the positive
relationships/networks of stakeholders which combine
to provide strong intrinsic rewards and contribute
towards providing a sense of satisfaction and wellbe-
ing towards the profession.
While the undermining of professional status was
seen as an issue for architects in both France and the
UK, designing buildings which are visible to all helps
create a strong sense of professional identity through
there being a lasting legacy. Our oldest respondent, at
83 years old, commented ‘To walk around town and
say “That’s mine, that’s mine . . .” it’s not a bad feel-
ing to have. For the last few years, I’ve been signing
my work, I tell myself “That way there are traces left
of me.”’ Another said ‘Architects have huge egos, and
quite rightly . . . when you build something decent . . .
and it could last 200 years.’ Others mentioned about
creating buildings which satisfy the needs of the cli-
ents and the end users. One of the UK architects spe-
cializes in converting homes for people who have
been disabled as a result of accidents and says her
reward comes from helping someone who was previ-
ously confined to a single room be able to access all
areas (and levels) of their home.
Certainly, these (altruistic) acts match what Barber
(1965) explains as public service over private gain but
it is also necessary to consider not just the tangible
effects of creating buildings. A building must fulfil the
project brief and aside from whether it meets the
physical requirements, client satisfaction is paramount
both for the possibility of being recommended to oth-
ers or for repeat business, and also as an intrinsic
reward for the architect him or herself.
Relationships were highlighted throughout as being
valued; in a professional sense strong relationships
ensure smooth progress of projects with one architect
commenting ‘you mustn’t be afraid of playing the
whore in front of the mayor . . . I must admit that I
have done that a bit!’ Another analogy used was the
need to ‘prostitute’ oneself. Others spoke of how they
developed relationships with other stakeholders such
as engineers and when they asked how much they
owed for professional advice, the reply would be ‘Oh
how about a nice bottle of claret?’ Networks are
formed for the duration of projects, then disbanded;
certain players may re-form in different groupings for
future projects. On small-scale schemes, much
depends on recommendation rather than on competi-
tive tendering; thus, reputation, ‘word of mouth’ and
social capital have an important role to play.
Relationships are valued with the client groups too,
with one architect commenting that ‘one of the pluses
is you go to see clients [in the evening] and they open
a bottle of wine and talk’. Another was told by her
 Rewarding career?
clients that they had enjoyed the experience (of reno-
vating a barn) so much, they were buying another to
do it all again; others spoke of receiving presents from
clients at Christmas and being included in social
occasions as a result of being involved with the pro-
ject. While this illustrates a blurring of the boundaries
between the professional and personal relationship, it
is clear that a significant amount of personal satisfac-
tion is derived as a result.
Friendships were commonly formed from working
with other stakeholders on the project. A female
architect mentioned how she and a female quantity
surveyor meet for drinks at weekends, while another
woman, referring to the small town where she lives
and works, told of having met her partner (a plas-
terer) through work and that ‘it’s all very incestuous,
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anybody knows everybody, most of ‘em, to put it
politely, want to take me out [laughs] yeah they do.
I’m one of the lads really, it tends to be a really good
atmosphere.’
These are social friendships arising from a profes-
sional situation which go over and above the ‘career
constellations’ (Higgins and Thomas, 2001) and
networks used to boost social capital (Casson and
Giusta, 2007). These relationships are significant in
providing additional intrinsic rewards alongside the
aspects of creativity and having esteem issues met as
we discussed earlier. As yet, literature on intrinsic
rewards barely acknowledges their relevance and
importance.
Conclusions
Professional employment has traditionally carried the
expectation of higher monetary rewards as deferred
compensation for the investment in human capital by
the individual, although contemporary careers are
increasingly characterized by employment insecurity
and lower rewards (Arthur, 2008; Sullivan and Bar-
uch, 2009). This is further magnified in the architec-
tural career which is extremely sensitive to changes in
economic conditions and exists in a ‘boom and bust’
environment. Set against this context, this research
examined the intrinsic rewards which accompany the
architectural career to attempt to establish the extent
to which they compensate for the poor extrinsic
rewards. Using data from in-depth interviews with
architects in the UK and France which offer different
political, social and economic influences, we identified
that a career in architecture is not an easy option in
either country: job insecurity, low earnings and
intense competition for projects dominated the find-
ings. However, the enthusiasm for and genuine enjoy-
ment of many aspects, in particular the forging of
521
strong personal bonds with those the architects
encounter through their work and with those of the
profession were clearly apparent from our respon-
dents. Over and above the ‘traditional’ intrinsic
rewards of professional power, status and recognition,
these formal and informal relationships represent a
powerful force in explaining why people remain in the
profession. These could not have been reasonably
foreseen prior to entering the profession and nor are
they necessarily permanent and ongoing but represent
a powerful motivator in both countries. Existing liter-
ature falls short of identifying and acknowledging the
relevance of these networks and what they mean to
the practitioners. Thus the contribution of our
research is to highlight the importance of relationships
within and across project teams, with clients and
other stakeholders involved with the contracts.
In both a theoretical and practical sense, we argue
that our findings will be generalizable to other profes-
sions and careers, as well as to other under-repre-
sented occupations and occupational groups.
Contemporary career theory acknowledges the enor-
mity of the changes which have taken place; as a
result, the accompanying rewards need to be re-exam-
ined so we suggest this is a worthy area for further
research to verify this. Potentially, a limitation here is
that we focused on positive relationships and how
they provide an additional form of reward—thus as an
additional appropriate area for further research, we
then ask the question of what could be the effects of
poor relationships and how they may impact on the
individuals and projects concerned.
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