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l§t'ii:

,K' NATIONALIDENTITIES

Attit¡,¡des to mstioncrl, ethnic clmd [ocol identities

In-rmigration to Britain has often been seen ¿rs a threat to a presumed British
national identity and common social values. However, the peoples of the British
Isles have always heen culturally and ethnically diverse. There are diffetences
between Englancl, Wales, Scotland and Northern Irelancl and contrasting ways of
life within each nation at national, regional and local levels. The use of the tenn
'Britishness' to describe the people of the United Kingclom is conseqttently
problematic. Despite the Labour government's attempts to introduce the concept
of Britishness into schooi citizenship ciasses and naturalization procedures for
rrew citizens, the term still lacks a precise definition and can mean many things
to many people.
The history of the British Isles prior to the eighteenth century, in fact, is not
about a single British identity or political entity but about four clistinct nations,
whlch have often been hostile towards one another. 'Britishness' since the
I707 union between EnglanclÁVales and Scotlancl was mainly associated with
centralized state institutions, such as tl're monarchy, Parliament, the law and
the Protestant churches. Notions of Britishness became more widely usecl in the
nineteenth century fbllotving the 1801 Act of Union and later: became linked
with the Victoriar-r monarchy, the empire ancl the nation's industrial ancl military
position in the world. These elements weakened as Britain iost its giobal power;
religious faith decreased; respect fbr Parliament, the 1aw and the monarchy
lessenec{; arrc{ people returnec{ partly to their nationa} aliegiances.
Ho'nvever, Britons still have a layered i<lentity in r,vhich they thínk of them-
selves as simultaneously British and either English, Scottish or Weish. But the
use of'such terms as 'British' and 'Britain' in this fashion can seem artificial to those
members of the population who have retained specific ethnic and cultural iden-
tities. Until rec:ently, Britishness was regarded as another name fbr Englishness,
if only by the Engllsh. Foreigners often cail all British people 'English' and may
hai,e difficulty in appreciating these distinctions or the irritation caused to the non-
English population t'ry such labelling.
The Scots, Welsh, English and Northern Irish regarcl their various iclentities
as significant, and it is argued that the 'British' today clo not have a strong sense
of a 'British' identity. Most Scots think of themselves as primarily Scottish; most
of the Welsh as Welsh; Northern Irish identities are complex; and the Enghsh
apparently increasirrgly see themselves as more English than British. In this
situation, some critics argue that there needs to be a rethir, king of what it means
to be British in a multinational, rnulti-ethnic Unitecl Kingdorn, a changing Europe
and an internatic¡nalized world.
There has obviously beerr ethnic anc{ cultural irrtegration in Britain over the
centuries, which resrrlted from foreign invaders, settlers, immigr:ants, regional
conflicts and internal migrations between the four nations. Political unification
within the islands gradually took place under the English Crown; UK state power

fohn 0akland. British Civilization: An Introduction.

London: Routledge, 2017.
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The people 7s -k
was rnainly concentrated in London; the English dominated nurnerically; and
institutional standarclization tbilowed English rnoc{els" The British identification
was derived fiom English norms because of England's historical role.
English nationalism was the most potent of the four nationalisms and the
Enghsh had no problem with the clttal national role. The Scots ancl Welsh have
historically tended to be more aware of the difference between their nationalism
and Britishrless, resent the Englísh clominance, see themselves as clifferent from
the English ancl regard their cultr:ral feelings as crucial. 'fheir sense of identity is
conditioned by the tension between their ciistinctive histories and a centralized
London government. Northern lrelanci is often characterized by the tribaiism of
the Unionist and Nationalist communities ancl conflicting identities within both.
National identity was historically largely cultural in Wales and more politi-
cized in Scotland. Nevertheless, the British political union was generally accepted,
except for Nationalist opposition in Ireland, r,r,hich resulted in thc'partitiorl of the
islanc{ in 1921 . Political nationalism increased in the 1960s ancl 1970s in Scotiand
and to some extent in Wales, ¡,r,hile the Troubies erupted in Northern lreland.
Followingtheestablishmentofdevolvedselflgovernmentin 1998-9,callsforfrrll
independence in Scotland and Wales have not been strong/ except from the
Scottish National Party [SNP) and [arguably) the Welsh National Party (Plaid
CymruJ. It also seems that Scottish, Welsh ancl Northern lrish clevolution have
sparked a resurgence oIEnglish nationalism
There are also differences at regional ancl community levels witirin the fbur
natior-rs. Since the English, for example, are historically an ethnically mixed peo-
ple, their local customs, dialects/accents and behaviour vary considerably and can
be strongly asserted. Regions such as the north-east have reactecl against Lonclon
influences and supposedly want decentralized political autonomy (aithough this
region actuaily voted against regional government in a 2004 referendum). The
Cornish see themselves as a distinctive cuitural element in English society and have
an affinity with Celtic and simiiar ethnic grorlps in Britain anc{ Europe. The
northern Eriglish regard themselves as superior to the southern English, ancl vice
versa. English county and city loyalties are still maintained and are shown in sports,
politics, food habits, competitions, cultural activities or a specifrc way of life.
In Wales, there are cultural and politicai diflerences between the industrial
south [which tends to suppoft the Labour Party) anc{ the rest of the mainly rural
country: between Welsh-speaking Wales in the north-west ancl centre (which
partly supports Plaid CymruJ and English-influencecl Wales in the east and south-
west [where the Conservative Party has some support); between some of the
ancient Welsh counties; and between the cities of Cardiff ancl Swansea.
Welsh people generally are very corrscious of their differences from the
English, despite the fact that many of them are of mixed English-Welsh ancestry.
Their national and cultural iclentity is grounded in their history, literature, tlre
Welsh language (actively spoken by 19 per cent of the population), sport (such
as rugby fbotball) and festivals like the National Eisteclclfoil [with its Welsh poetry
f
)4,:::'

76 The people

competitions, dancing ancl music). It is also echoed in close-knit industrial and

ngricultural communities and in a tradition of social, political and religious c{issent
from English norms. 'Ioday, many Welsh peopie still feel that they are struggling
for their national identity agairrst political power in Lonclon and the erosion of
their cuiture and ianguage by English institutions and the English language.
Lirnited devolution has heiped to atleviate these feelings aad increase a sense of
Welsh identity.
Sirnilarly, Scots generally unite in defence of their national distinctiveness
because of historical reactions to the Enghsh. They are conscious of their tradi-
tions, which are reflected in cultural festivals and separate legal, relígious and
educational systems. There has been resentment against the centralizatíon of
political power in London and alleged economic neglect of Scotland [althotLgh the
UI( government provicles greater economic strbsidies per: head of population to
Scotiand, Wales ancl Northern lreland than to England). Devolved government
in Edinburgh has removed some of these objections and focused on Scottish
identity.
Hor,vever, Scots are divided by three languages [Gaelic, Scots and English
rvith the former being spoken by L5 per cent of the population or 70,000 people),
diFferent religions, prejudices anci regionalisms. Cultural differences separate
Lowlanders and Hlghlanders, allegiance to ancient Scottish counties is still reia-
tiveiy strong, and rivalries exist between the two major cities of Edinburgh and
Glasgow.
In Northern lrelanci, the social, cultural and political differences between
Roman Catholics and Protestants or Nationalists and Unionists have long been
evident and today are often reflected in geographical ghettos. Groups in both
communities often feel frustration with the English and hostility towards
the Ilritish government in l,ondon. But many Unionists are loyal to the Crown,
regarcl themselves as British and wish to continue the union with Britairr. Many
Nationalists feel themselves to be Irish and want to be united with the Republic
of lreiand. Devolution in Northern lrelanct has not succeeded in eradicating deep-
seated differences between the two communities ancl the peace is still fragile.
To complicate the picture, there are ethnic minorities [white and non-white)
within Britain who may use dual or multiple identities. Many call themselves
British ancl also English, Welsh, Irish or Scottish, whlle sti11 identifying with
their countries of origin or descent. Sometimes they employ their ethnic ties to
define themselves asAfro-Carihbean, Black British or British Indians. Tl"rey may
also embrace religious ic{entities, such as British Muslirns, British Hindr-rs or British
.Iews.
There is disagreement about u,hether multiple identities among ethnic
minorities are achievable or desiraLrle. Some critics qL1ery whether it is possible
for an inclividual belonging to an erthnic minority [whether by birth abroad or by
descent in Britain) to feel British. Others argue that British ancl ethnic minority
allegiances can in fact be unproblematically ancl tolerantly combined, so that for
r

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The people

one can be both British and Pakistani. Yet a sunday Times survey in
vv
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ii,ffir*pl*
ili:lÑor.mber 2001 suggeste d that 68 per cent of Muslims considered being Muslim
Ar,iW*r rnore essential than being British [14 per cent). Horvever, a YouGov poll fbr
i¡;ffie Daily Telegraph on 23.luly 2005 following iihaclist bc,mb attacks in London
iii:r:1:eported that77 per cent of Muslim respondents thought the bombings were not
¡¡fiiilsistified; 48 per cent felt very loyal to Britain; and 33 per cent felt fairly loyal; while
:,i,1,0 per cent had no opinion.
r:.: These'features suggest that the contemporary British are a very diverse people
*ith * range of identities. A MORI poll in September I gg9 examinecl responses
to different levels of association. Scots were most likely to identifii with Scotland
(72 per cent) and their r:egion [62 per centJ, iess with their local community [3g
t,
per cent) and only rarely with Britain [18 per cent]. The Welsh identified first with
i',Wrl"r [80), then with their region [50j anci community (32), ar-rd finally with
..'Britain (27). Among the English there \,vas an almost even split between the
:::importanceof region [49), Britain [43),localcommunity [42) anclEnglanci [4'[J.
1,. Accorc{ing to this ancl other opinion polls, the welsh, English and scots
f,:
s€emed increasingly to be defining themselves nlore in terms of their individtral
,' nationalities, rather: than as British. At one extreme, a Sttnday'limespoll in 2000
'fo.rnd that schoolchildren saw themselves as English (66 per cent), Scottish [B2J
I or Welsh [79J. But there was little desire for a break-r-rp of the Urrited Kingdom.
'- These findings shouid be seen in the context of statistics from the Ofñce of
National Statistics in 2004 which suggested that a majority of people from non-
white ethnic minorities are in fact asserting their Britishness. Feelings about a
British identity are increasingly influenced by cuitural factors [and civic values)
rather than simply ethnic origins ancl are strongest [87 per cent) among people
of mixed race. Some 8l per cent of 'black other', B0 per cent of black Caribbeans
and 75 per ce1-)t of Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi groups have the same
response. Sr,rch feelings of Britishness are particularly strong ámong the young
and groups in vr.,hich tire majority were born in Britain.
An interesting ftrrther result fiom these 2004 statistics is tirat almost gB
pe¡: cent of British people [which includes English, Scottish, Welsh ancl
"vhite
Northern Irish) f'eel British, which arguably contraclicts other poll findings. T'his
high percentage coulcl inclicate that while they may have a primary allegiance to
their Englishness or Scottishness for example, they, like the non-white minorities,
are responding to Britishness in cultural or civic terms rather than simply ethnic
origins. Britíshness, in this view, can be acqurired irrespective of where one ís born
or one's clescent patterns. The problem lies in defining more precisely lvhat these
cultural or civic terms actually are. They might involve a blencling of multi-ethnic
realities and a shared British cultural framework arising out of what are assumecl
to be traditional British values.
However, another poll in the 23rd Report on British Social Attitudes in 7007
found that only 44 per cent of respondents described themselves as British, as
opposed to 56 per cent in I 998. The decline is arguably explained by the number
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uk,- The peopie

otpeople who now describe themselves as English rather than British.'l'here do

appear to be very diff'erent results from polls on the subject of Britishness which
might be due to respondents' uncertainty about the term and fluctuating responses
to events.
Foreigners often have either specific notions of what they think the British
are like or, in desperation, seek a unified picture of the national character, often
based upon stereotypes, quaint traditions or superficial tourist views of Britain'
The emphasis in Britain today, however, seems to be a movement away ftom
such images and a focus on positive cultufal signs rooted in a multi-ethnic society,
Overseas commentators seem to accept that Britain is a 'multicultural' [but not
a classless) society although opinion is divided as to whether or not it is also racially
toierant ancl welcoming to foreigners.
Hgwever, a multicultural society does not inevitably lead to greater tolerance
and the term 'multiculturalism' has recently been a strongly debated issue in
Britain. Most might agree that as an adjective it accurately and factually describes
the country's multi-ethnic or multicultural population' However, some critics
ancl politicians from the 1970s onwards adopted it as a political agenda, favouring
the separate development of cultural groups and the preservation of their ethnic
identities within Britain. Others, including non-white groups, deny the value of
such a position, seeing it as 'ethnic tribalism', and argue for assimilation or inte-
gration under British identity. The latter implies an acceptance of basic common
a
values, inciuding those represented by civic, social and political structures, which
have primacy over individual cultural identities.
These concerns are central to attempts to define 'Britishness'. Surveys have
suggested that there is a popular movement away from the allegedly negative,
imperial and English-clominated historical implicatíons of Britishness to a more
positive, value-based, inclusive image with which the four nations and their
populations can feel comfcrrtable. A Britishness which encompasses opportunity,
respect, tolerance, supportiveness, progress and decency is supposedly attractive
to the smaller British nations and ethnic minorities.
But these values have to be realized within defining institutional structures-
Since there has never been a homogeneorls British population, British nationhoocl
has been progressively created by settlers, invaders and immigrants who have
brought their individual contibutions to a British identity. Critics argue that this
experience and a common citizenship allow the British to define Britishness in
civic, rather than racial, terms. It exists irrespective of birthplace and is dependent
on one's position as a citizen of Britain.
In this view, the success of any country depends on full integration, not
multiculturalism. The term 'British' has evolveá into one embracing many
diflerent types of people and cultures. Britishness becomes a contemporary set
of shared values, beliefs, opinions and identities which encompass a way of life
and the promotion of inclusiveness, Rather than being divisive, critics maintain
that Britishness is the most inclusive and non-discríminatory term to describe the
 The people 7g

il.üe*pl.r who comprise the United Kingclom. The fact that there have been no
iffi,iliio"r and sustained threats to break up the UK might suggest that an evolving
ii;ilr,:g¡1¡1s[¡ess sti1l continues as an umbrella identity for most people.

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Further reoding
I Aughey, A. (2007) The Politics of EnglisÁness, Monchester: Monchester Universiiy Press
2 Alibhoi"Brown,Y. (2001) WhoDoWeThinkWeAre?lmaginíng lheNewBrifoin, London:
Allen Lone
3 Alibho¡-Brown, Y. (2000) A{ter Mul¡iculturolism, London: Foreign Policy Centre
4 Bryont, C.G.A. (200ó) fÁe Nolions oÍ Br¡taín, Oxford: Oxford University Press
5 Colley, L. {199ó} Britons: Forging fhe Nofíon l707-1837, London:Vintoge
ó Colls, R. (2002) ldentity o{ England, Oxford: Oxford University Press