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The Roman Catholic Church in Ireland 1800-1922: A Survey of Recent Historiography

Author(s): John J. Silke


Source: Studia Hibernica , 1975, No. 15 (1975), pp. 61-104
Published by: Liverpool University Press

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/20496076

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The Roman Catholic Church in
Ireland 1800-1922: a Survey of
Recent Historiography'
JOHN J. SILKE

The material here surveyed, dealing with the period of the union,
appeared in the decade and a half between 1960 and 1975. Within
this limitation of time, dictated partly by reasons of practical
convenience, a sufficient body of scholarship appeared to allow of
a meaningful historiographical assessment; in a few cases however
it has seemed necessary to refer to works of value which appeared
in print prior to 1960.
The period of the union seems to justify treatment as that age in
which the contemporary Irish Roman catholic church - at least
as it existed before the 'sixties, the decade of the Second Vatican
Council and of the recrudescence of the northern malady - took
shape. There is still no general history of the modem Irish catholic
church, although the century receives a good deal of treatment in
the unfinished work, Corish (ed.), Irish catholicism. Since 1960 some
suggestive work has appeared on the church in pre-famine Ireland,
but more needs to be done before the historian can say with con
fidence to what extent the religious traditions of the penal era were
or were not carried over into that 'devotional revolution' which Pro
fessor Emmet Larkin sees as characterisiing the era of Cardinal
Cullen The figure of Cullen dominates-if indeed in the imagiation
of some historians it does not overshadow-the generation after the
famine But O'Connell had paved the way for Cullen's liberalism
and for that of other Irishmen who became ecclesiastical leaders
abroad. The success of O'Connell in wielding the weapon of mass
opinion aroused a popular protestant reaction in Ireland and
England, which had final fruit in Ulster nationalism. The
envenombd state of the conflict between the two nationalisms
to-day makes the work done here of poignant interest.

1 In matters of abbreviations and short titles this paper follows the 'Rules for
contributors to Irish Historical Studies9, in Irish Historical Studies Supplement I
(1968) 71-80, and 'List of bibliographical abbreviations and short titles*, in
ibid., 81-124.

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62 JOHN J. SILKE

Cullen sought to be neutral in po


for bishops, caught as they were bet
the state and by national agitat
agitation along constitutional path
(which saw a clerical withdrawal from
her relations with both state and nat
words of D. W. Miller, she 'protecte
. . . up to the last hours of the old o
order [in the Republic, of course] w
well'. This however was not achiev
strains becoming apparent. If it can
the loyalty of catholics may have di
solution of the close bonds between t
it is pertinent to ask whether those
able.
The nineteenth-century emigration had as one result the
roundation of an immense 'Irish spiritual empire'. A narrow
concentration on insular history has, it must be admitted, im
poverished Irish historiography. It has been necessary for scholars
like Ellis, Larkin, Norman and O'Farrell to show Irish historians
how much the view of even the history of the church of the home
land can be broadened by focussing on this wider field.
In general, the substantial achievement of recent historiography
has been to illuminate the external relationships of the church
under the union, a service performed for the recent past by Dr
J. H. Whyte. Corish, Irish catholicism, pays attention also to the
church's internal life, but much more remains to be done. If the
political concerns of the church were important, her pastoral
concern was not lacking. The observation of a foreigner is per
haps worth consideting: '[The bishops], as a general rule, arc
men of ingrained common sense, securely rooted in the soil and
having a thorough knowledge of their flocks and their needs'.3
The cura animarum in the period, expressed in the restoration of
discipline, building of churches, establishing of religious institutes,
education, the missions, work among the poor and destitute,
temperance crusade and other forms of the social apostolate, is
a story that we are now in a somewhat better position to appre

2 Scott, 'Will the Irish stay Christian?' in Doctrine and Life xii (1962) 461-3.
3 J. Blanchard, The church in contemporary Ireland (Dublin 1963) 19.

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THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN IRELAND 1800-1922 63

ciate. The practical cast of Irish catholicism and the failure of


Newman's university experiment meant that - apart, as one
might expect, given Ireland's history, from historical scholarship
-intellectualism suffered, although it was not entirely without
lustre. Finally, as the Irish church in the wake of the Second
Vatican Council turns to the task of rediscovering the real nature
of her mission, one must but regret the lack of comparative study
of such things as forms of piety and the quality of religious in
struction in the nineteenth century.

A. SOURCES AND GUIDES

1. Bibliographical Sources

In the absence of bibliographies on ecclesiastical history as


such, one must have recourse to general bibliographies. A. R.
Eager has published A guide to Irish bibliographical material
(London 1964), and Edith M. Johnston is author of a useful
pamphlet, Irish history: a select bibliography (London 1969),
Historical Association: Helps for Students of History, no 73.
Helen F. Mulvey has surveyed the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries in two chapters in Irish historiography 1936-70, ed. T.
W. Moody (Dublin: Irish Committee of Historical Sciences,
1971).4 Professor Mulvey is also author of 'Modem Irish history
since 1940: a bibliographical survey (1600-1922)', in Changing
views on British history, ed. E. C. Furber (Cambridge, Mass.
1966).
To R. J. Hayes are owed two great and indispensable guides
to Irish sources, Manuscript sources for the history of irish
civilization (11 vols, Boston, Mass. 1965) and Sources for the
history of Irish civilization: articles in Irish periodicals (9 vols,
Boston, Mass. 1970). The latter records articles from c. 1800 down
to 1969. LH.S. includes two annual series, 'Writings on Irish
history' (since 1938), and 'Research on Irish history in Irish
universities' (since 1940). Two volumes in the series published by
the Royal Historical Society and 'the American Historical Associa
tion will cover the period under review: L. R. Christie and L. M.
Brown, Bibliography of British historyl789-1851, and H. J.

4 Chaps I-VII of this work were first published in I.H.S., in 1967,1968 and 1970.

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64 JOHN J. SILKE

Hanham, Bibliography of British histor


in the National Library of Ireland ref
the older works of James Carty, Bibl
1912-21 (Dublin 1936) and Bibliograph
1911 (Dublin 1940).
T. P. O'Neill, Sources of Irish local h
Association of Ireland, 1958), has a cha
tory. He draws attention to the list (
registers compiled by James MacCaff
(1914) 366-406. Since then parochial regi
have been microfilmed for the Nation
surveyed 'Sources for a history of cat
1950', in Ir. Cath. Hist. Comm. Proc. 1

2. Archival Sources

Much of the progress in modern Irish


the fruit of research in Roman archive
jurisdiction of the Congregation for th
(Propaganda) from the year 1622 down
present century. The Propaganda archiv
material, as the clergy, both secular and
important question to the judgement of
archives contain both the documenta
records of the discussions by the cardina
of their decisions. Furthermore, the P
indicate where Irish material is to be fou
congregations or offices, located in the
In general, permission is given to c
archives up to a hundred years ago. Th
Nicola Kowalsky, Inventario dell' A
Congregazione 'de Propaganda Fide': S
Zeitschrift fur Missionwissenschaft 1
publd. in Neue Zeitschr. far Mission.
Millett, 'The archives of the congregatio
Ir. Cath. Hist. Comm. Proc. 1956 (Dub
the collections in the archives. Irish ma
be found in the Acta congregationum
volume per year), the Scritture riferite n
(arranged according to the date of the

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THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN IRELAND 1800-1922 65

which these letters and papers were presented), the Scritture


riferite nei congressi (sub-committees), the Congregazioni portico
lari (the ordinary weekly meeting of the congregation), and other
collections.
John Hanly, 'Sources for the history of the Irish College, Rome',
in ir. Cath. Hist. Comm. Proc. 1963 (Dublin 1963) 3-9 (IE.R.,
series 5, cii [1964] 28-34) describes not only material bearing on
the history of the college but the important Cullen and Kirby
papers, which are of great general interest. Mark Tiemey has
surveyed the Cashel diocesan archives at Thurles, in LE.R., series
5, eviii (1967) 29-37. In Archiv. Hib. xviii (1965) there are reports
on three important archival collections, that of the Irish Dominican
College (San Clemente), Rome, by C. Kearns (145-9); that of the
Franciscan Library, Killiney, by C. Mooney (150-56); and that of
the Irish Augustinians, Rome, by F. X. Martin (157-63).

3. Printed and Calendared Sources

The calendar edited by P. J. Corish, 'Irish College, Rome:


Kirby papers. Guide to material of public and private interest',
covering the period from 1852 until 1894, has appeared in Archiv.
Hib. xxx (1972) 29-115, xxxi (1973) 1-94 and xxxii (1974) 1-62.
Tobias Kirby was rector of the Irisih College (1850-91) and agent
to the bishops of Ireland, Australasia, and dioceses elsewhere.
The letters reflect the great political issues of the times.
Mark Tierney has published papers from the Thurles archives
bearing on a number of issues: 'A short-title calendar of the
papers of Archbishop Thomas William Croke in Archbishop's
House, Thurles: part 1 1841-55', in Collect. Hib. xiii (1970) 100
138; 'Catalogue of letters relating to the Queen's Colleges, Ireland,
1845-50, in the papers of Archbishop Michael Slattery at Thuries',
in ibid. ix (1966) 83-120; 'Correspondence between J. H. Newman
and Archbishop Leahy on the sale of University Church, Dublin,
1857-64', in ibid. vi and vii (1963-4) 245-63; 'Correspondence
concerning the disestablishment of the Church of Ireland 1862-9',
i ibid. xii (1969) 102-191; and 'Dr. Croke, the Irish bishops and
the Parnell crisis, 18 November 1890-21 April 1891', in ibid. xi
(1968) 111-48.
Maurice R. O'Connell has edited three volumes of The
correspondence of Daniel O'Connell, 1: 1792-1814; II: 1815-23

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66 JOHN J. SILKE

and III: 1824-8 (Dublin: I.M.C. 1972-4). Th


volumes are to follow. About 3500 letter
from three principal manuscript sources an
are omitted. This work incorporates Wi
Correspondence of Daniel O'Connell (2 vo
Peadar MacSuibhne, Paul Cullen and his c
their letters 1820-1902 (4 vols, Naas 1961-7
letters written throughout his long life by
collections, and by others. This is a valua
work, but it has its shortcomings; the stude
detailed criticism in reviews by J. H. Whyt
191-3, 274-5 and xv (1966) 75-7. The lette
Henry Newman, ed. C. S. Dessain and o
London 1969-72; XXIII- , Oxford 1
mental work. Vols XI-XIII (1961-3) contain r
and XIV-XIX (1963-9) deal with Newman
after that, Newman's 'interest in IilMand is
of course not so strongly.
A Gaelic literary tradition was continued s
teenth century by peasant literati who com
poets and copyists. The range of their act
few recent essays as well as from the publi
guides and catalogues. Certain areas, especia
Leinster-south-east Ulster region, and Dubl
centres of scribal and poetic activity.
No assessment of the religious life
be complete without reference to t
manuscript books were compiled, an
deal has been unfortunately lost so
regional distribution of the MSS is now
The general background is sketched by
end of a tradition: a survey of eighteenth cent
in Stwia Hib. 1 (1961) 128-50, which is als
nineteenth century. It is noteworthy that,
MSS, the greatest urgency to communicate
thus continuing a tradition dating back to th
PAdraig de Brdn, 'Cnuasaigh de lAmhscri
liosta', in Studia Hib. 7 (1967) 146-8, atte
tions and private owners of MSS in Irish
Catalogue of Irish manuscripts in the Natio
fasc. IT (Dublin 1961), catalogues 55 MSS

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THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN IRELAND 1800-1922 67

belong to the nineteenth century.5 P. 6 Fiannachta and P. 6


Maoileachlainn catalogue Ldnhscribhinni Gaeilge Choldiste
Phadraig Md Nuad (7 fascicles, Maynooth 1965-72). This rich
collection of 300 MSS includes some written in the nineteenth
century. M. Dillon, C. Mooney and P. de Brun, Catalogue of Irish
manuscripts in the Franciscan Library, Killiney (Dublin 1969)
details 58 MSS. Other catalogues which include nineteenth century
material are: P. de Bran, ed., Cldr ldmhscribhinni Gaeilge
Ollscoile Chorcal: cnusach Thorna (2 vols, Cork 1967); Idem,
'LAmhscribihinni Gaeilge i Luimneach' in Eigse xii (1967) 91-108;
Idem. 'Some Irish MSS with Breifne associations', in Breifne iii
(1969) 552-61 ;6 Idem, 'Ldmhscribhinni Ghaeilge o thuaisceart
Chiarrai', in Stuidia fib. 4 (1964) 197-208; Idem, Catalogue of
Irish manuscripts in King's Inn Library, Dublin (Dublin 1972);
Idem, 'Limhscribhinni Thorna-addenda', in Sigse xiii (1969-70)
50-1; Idem, 'Two Breifne manuscripts', in Breifne iv (1972) 426-37;
P. 6 Riain, 'LAmhscribhinnl Caeilge i gCill Chaoi', in Sigse xiii
(1969-70) 33-50; B. 6 Buachalla, CIdr na LSS Gaeilge i Leabhar
lainn Phoibli Bhtal Feirste ( Dublin 1962), a catalogue
of 43 MSS; Pidraig 6 Riain, Cldr na ldmhscribhinni
Gaeilge sa Bbreatain Bhig (Dublin 1968); S6amus P. 6
M6rdha, 'LUmhscribhinni Gaeilge i gColAiste PhAdraig',
in Studia Hib. 1 (1961) 172-94; Idem, 'fldar Toruidh
eacht na bhfireun air Lorg Chriosda', in Studia Hib. 3 (1963) 155
72, which throws light on translations of De imitatone Christi;
P. 6 Fiannachta, 'Ldmhscribhinni Gaeilge CholAiste na nGael sa
Roimh', in Studia Celt. iii (1968) 53-65. Finally, C. 6 Maonaigh
has ed. Seanmc$nta Chuige Uladh (Dublin 1965), from RIA MS
24 L 18, and Anselm 6 Fachtna has ed. 'Seanm6ir ar phAis Ar
dTiarna fosa Criost', in tigse xii (1968) 177-98.
T. 6 Fiaich, in articles in Ltachtai Choim Cille (MA Nuad 1970
), attempts to assess the value of the Ulster poetry as an his
torical source. It is probably fair to regard the literati as leaders
of public opinion in Gaelic Ireland. Their criticism of the clergy,
at times strong, and becoming coarser as the nineteenth-century
advances, is yet fairminded and is balanced by eulogy: 6 Fiaich,

5 See review by S. P. ? Mordha, in Stadia Hib. 3 (1963) 211-16.


9 P. O'Connell, The schools and scholars ofBreiffne (Dublin 1942), had devoted
a chapter (303-32) to the scribal school which continued into the nineteenth
century in east Co Cavan and north Co Meath. See also H. Morris, 'Peadar
O Gaelacain: a great Irish scribe', in Louth Arch. Soc. Jn. vi 167-80 (1928).

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68 JOHN J. SILKE

'irish poetry and the clergy', in L&ichta


And the poets and scribes, as Breathnach
identify and maintain the causes of relig
throughout the penal times and beyond.
Hugh Fenning has given 'A list of Dom
1817', in Collect. Hib. ix (1966) 79-82. Th
may be seen by reference to the communit
Murray, in Louth Arch. Soc. Jn. vi (1928
H. Fenning, in Collect. Hib. x [1967] 60-7
and profession of Friars Minor in Cork
xxviii (1966) 53-8, gives information on nin
ciscans. D. Walsh, 'The correspondence o
Archiv. Hibl xxviii (1966) 115-58, gives a ca
from the archives of Tallaght, Propaganda
was vicar apostolic of Demerara (1843-57
pilation, 'Maynooth students and ordination
series 5, cviii (1967), cix (1968) and cx (1
with the letter M, when the l.E.R. cease
(McNamee-Young) appeared later (Maynooth

4. Periodicals

Thomas Wall, 'Catholic periodicals of the past', in LE.R.,


series 5, ci (1964) 23444, 289-303, 375-88 and cii (1964) 17-27,
86-100, 129-47, 206-224, begins with the Catholic Penny Magazine
(1834-5) and ends with The Catholic University Gazette (1854-6),
founded by Newman.7 Dr Wall throws a flood of light on the
activity in the church in the wake of emancipation, which found
expression in building, societies to instruct the people, journalism,
controversy and the missionary work of John Enigland and others.
This study recalls the evidence brought forward by Martin
Brenan, Schools of Kildare and Leighlin 1775-1835 (Dublin 1935),
to show the importance of the Society of Christian Doctrine and
of the lay teachers in the work of catechizing. Patrick Cunningham
edits the Catholic Directory for 1821, in Rep. Nov. ii (1960) 324-63.
Archiviwn Hibernicum, the journal of the Catholic Record
Society of Ireland (1912-18, 1941- ) contains some material

7 See also T. Wall, The sign of Dr Hay*s Head: being some account of the
hazards and fortunes of Catholic printers and publishers in Dublin from the later
penal times to the present day (Dublin 1958).

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THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN IRELAND 1800-1922 69

of interest for the nineteenth century. Collectanea Hibernica:


sources for Irish history (Dublin 1958- ), edited by the Fran
ciscan Fathers, Killiney, also publishes sources for ecclesiastical
history and guides to sources. The later numbers have published
material on the nineteenth century.
The venerable Irish Ecclesiastical Record ceased publication
at the end of 1968. The Record, a monthly, published documents
and historical articles regularly. A brief sketch of the history of
this journal was provided by Thomas Wall, together with an
alphabetical list of authors, in the centenary number, October
1964 (series 5, cii); that was then issued in booklet form: The
Irish Ecclesiastical Record: centenary celebration 1964 (Dublin
[1964]). The centenary number also contained articles on the
content of the Record, itself now an historical source, over the
years. A subject and author index was compiled by P. J. Hamell,
index to the Irish Ecclesiastical Record (1864-1917): documents,
articles, correspondence and reviews (Dublin 1963; 2nd ed. (1864
1963) Dublin 1965).
Among the journals of general interest, a number, in their
articles and reviews, regularly make significant contributions to
Irish church history. Irish Historical Studies continues to appear
semi-annually. Rules for contfibutors to Irish Historical Studies,
ed. T. W. Moody (rev. ed., repr, from l.H.S.: Supplement I,
1968), is a useful guide to manuscript and printed sources. The
Jesuit-edited Studies is more concerned with the contemporary
Trish scene. Consult Studies: an Irish quarterly review: general
index of volumes 1-50 (1912-61) (Ros Cr6 1967). This journal,
Studia Hibernica (Dublin 1961- ), is an annual devoted to the
various fields of Irish studies. Irisleabhar Md Nuad (Maynooth,
1898- ) is not strong on history; the Capuchin Annual (Dublin
1933- ) does better. In the United States, Sire-Ireland: a
jourmal of Irish studies (Irish-American Cultural Institute, St Paul,
Minn. 1965- ) is on a popular level, but publishes articles that
are sometimes worthwhile. The Catholic Historical Review
(Wasington, D.C. 1915- ) and Review of Politics (Notre
Dame, Indiana, 1950- ) both maintain an interest in the
history of Ireland and the Trish church, while the Journal of
Religious History (Sydney 1962- ) has, under the editorship

8 See review by T. Wall, in I.E.R. series 5, c (1963) 181-3.

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70 JOHN J. S1LKL
of E. B. Mansfield, been conscious of the close link
the history of catholicism in the Antipodes and Ireland
century.
The journals of county or other local historical soc
frequently contain articles of more than local inte
journals will be found listed in Rules for contributors,
cit.; see also Seosamh 6 Dufaigh, 'Irish local hist
archaeological journals', in tire-Ireland v (1970) 90-
recent years a few diocesan historical societies have
publish journals: Clogher Record (Monaghan
Reportorium Novum (Dublin 1955- ); Seanchas A
(Armagh 1954- ). But others, such as Breifne (C
) and Riocht na Midhe (Drogheda 1955- ) regular
with ecclesiastical history.

B. SURVEY OF BOOKS AND ARTICLES

1. GENERAL WoRKs
To supply the lack of a satisfactory history of t
catholic church, so keenly felt by historians, an ambit
edited by Monsignor P. J. Corish, and entitled A histo
catholicism, was planned by Gill and Macmillan to ap
volumes. Unfortunately, after the appearance in fascic
about half the chapters out of a projected forty-three (
Sydney 1967-71), the project fell through. Althoug
appeared was uneven in quality, this was a real disappo
One must hope that A new history of Ireland, the co
work in nine volumes that is being prepared under the
of the Royal Irish Academy,'0 will not suffer a similar
plan of N.H.I. does not allow for separate sections
history; in the opinion of the editors the church is so
that its history is beinig treated as an essential part of the
This being so, there ought to be an improvement in th
of Irish historiography. Neither the lecture series
under the title The course of Irish history, ed. T. W. M
F. X. Martin (Cork 1967) nor such general works as J.

9 Vols V and VI deal with the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.


10 The genesis of this work has been described by T. W. Moody, i
(1969) 241-57.

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THE ROMAN (ATHOLIC CHLRCH IN IRELAND 180-1922 71

The making of modern Ireland 1603-1923 (London 1966) and


F. S. L. Lyons, Ireland since the famine (London 1971; rev. ed.,
1973) take adequate account of developments in ecclesiastical
historiography.
The period 1800-1922 can be taken as the last stage in that era
which lasted from Tudor times and was remembered in folk
tradition as the 'bad times'." The emergence of Ireland from the
penal law period marks not so much the end of an era as the
beginning of the end. The conclusion of John Brady and P. J.
Corish. 'The church under the penal code','2 shows the church
making this beginning. The authors paint a valuable picture of the
spiritual and material condition of the church at the turn of the
century and suggest that an 'anxious morality', that was not how
ever jansenistic, had developed in Ireland. This spirituality was to
mark Irish catholicism for generations to come. With this thesis
in mind, a thorough investigation of the manuscript literature
would be a worth-while task.
Spirituality apart, perhaps the most remarkable feature of the
church of late penal times was the close bond that existed between
the parochial clergy and the people and that had been re-forged
in the 1798 insurrection.'3 This bond, it has been suggested, weak
ened in the course of the nineteenth century, with the clergy be
coming more bourgeois and the people more obsequious. Catholics
now had the legal right to open schools, and the years prior to
1800 had seen, besides the opening of other academies, the foun
dation of the college of Maynooth, 'the most significant event in
Irish ecclesiastical history since the reformation',"4 and of those
at Kilkenny and Carlow. In this connexion, it is notable, as
Cathaldus Gilbin, 'Irish exiles in catholic Europe',"' has remarked,
that the close association with the continent had now been broken.

11C. ? Danachair, 'The penal laws and Irish folk tradition', in Ir. Cath. Hist.
Comm. Proc, 1961 (Dublin 1962), 10.
12 Corish, Ir. Catholicism iv 2 (1971). This chapter makes a valuable comple
ment to the opening chapter, 'Ireland in 1815', of W. F. Adams, Ireland and
Irish emigration to the new world from 1815 to the famine (New Haven 1932) and
to the latter part of L. M. Cullen, Life in Ireland (London 1968).
13 J. A. Murphy, 'Priests and people in modern Irish history', in Christus Rex,
xxiii (1969) 235-7 Cf also H. J Heanev, 'Priest and layman in Ireland. I. The
past', in ibid, xx (1966) 204-12.
14 Attendance at Maynooth between 1795 and 1868 demanded an oath of
allegiance. Cf. John Brady, 'The oath of allegiance at Maynooth', in I.E.R.,
ser 5, xciv, 129-135.
15 In Corish, Ir Catholicism iv 3 (1971) 65.

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72 JOHN J. SILKE

The Irish catholic peasant would now loo


and the Stuarts, but to O'Connell"' and to
for achievement of his political goals.
catholicism was to be the gainer. David T
agreement with Professor Murphy:
In broad terms the history of nineteen
conflict is the story of the dissolution
of purpose (between the church and a
tially revolutionary sub-nation) by the
the demands of bourgeois catholicism.18
To say that however is only another w
country as a whole was becoming more
hierarchies might envy the Irish bishops f
relationship with the class which elsewher
of liberalism against the church. At th
ecclesiastical leaders did not forfeit the loy
classes, the agricultural labourers and t
Professor Miller, who is perhaps more aliv
played by the church, forced to manoeuvr
ment in power and the nation aspiring t
church at the turn of the century eager to
capacity to retain population and to secure
not only establish peasant proprietorshi
agricultural system so as to secure adeq
industry of the peasants.'9 If the clergy w
in pinning their faith on cottage industrie
people from emigrating to factory towns a
any rate lacking in social concern. This
main contributory factor towards the later
the church and socialism; the confronta
because revolutionary socialism was subme
nationalism, and it left Ireland with a w
unique in the world for its devotion to reli

18 Cf. T. N. Brown, 'Nationalism and the Irish peasa


(1953) 403-45; repr. A.C.I.S.: Reprints in Irish Studi
1971).
17 Cf. M. Wall, The rise of a catholic middle class in eighteenth century
Ireland', in I.H.S. xi (1958) 91-117.
18 D. Thornley, Treland: the end of an era', in Studies liii (1964) 5.
19 D. W. Miller, Church, state and nation in Ireland 1892-1921 (Dublin 1973)
70-76.

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THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURC H IN IRELAND 1800-1922 73

but maintaining a rather reserved attitude towards the clergy.20


As Miller points out, the question of the clergy's class sympathies
is a subtle one, whose resolution requires more careful research.

2. CHRONOLOGICAL

(i) The O'Connell Era


The map of catholic life prior to the famine is as yet ill-defined.
Certain areas are reasonably well-charted, but many remain
mysterious. Systematic study of the Gaelic manuscript tradition
is now becoming possible and will reveal much about the de
votional life of the people. In this connexion the contributions by
Thomas Wall, already noted, and one or two by Fr C SOilleabhAin
are important.2' Other studies indicate that it was a time not lack
ing in missionary activity,22 nor indeed in liberalism in the matters
of religious freedom and ecumenism.28 This liberaism seems to
have owed something to the enlightenment, and it appears that
early Maynooth may have been less than wholly jansenistic. The
disruption caused by the penal laws and the impact of the French
revolution caused bishops to be much concerned with the problem
of the restoration of discipline. This would seem to be a main
explanation for the efforts made by a group of southern bishops,
led by Francis Moylan, bishop first of Kerry then of Cork, to
influence Irish episcopal elections in the troubled closing decades
of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.2" The
attempts made by James Murphy, bishop of Clogher (1801-24),
to reassert episcopal control brought him into stormy conflict with
a section of his clergy;25 while Murphy was not alone in his re

20 Blanchard, The church in contemporary Ireland, 30.


21 P. ? S?illeabh?in, 'Catholic sermon books printed in Ireland 1700-1850*.
in I.E.R. ser 5, xcix (1963) 31-6. Ten of the authors listed are Irish: Idem,
'Leabhair urnaithi an ocht? haois d?ag', in ibid, ciii (1965) 299-302.
22 H. Fenning, 'The Irish Dominican mission to the Danish West Indies
1758-71', in I.E.R., ser 5, civ (1965) 233-48; and see Corish, Ir. Catholicism vi
(Dublin 1967-71).
231. Murphy, 'Some attitudes to religious freedom and ecumenism in pre
emancipation Ireland', in I.E.R. ser 5, cv (1966) 93-104; B. McNamec, 'J.K.L's.
letter on the union of the churches', in Ir. Theol. Quart, xxxvi (1969) 46-9.
24 A. Bolster, 'Insight into fifty years of episcopal elections (1774-1824)', in
Kerry Arch, and Hist. Soc. Jn. 5 (1972) 60-76. The same scholar has ed. 'The
Moylan correspondence in Bishop's House, Killarney, part V, in Collect. Hib
14 (1971) 82-142 (letters written, 1774-1814).
" S. ? Dufaigh, 'James Murphy, bishop of Clogher 1801-24*, in Clogher Rec.
vi (1968) 419-92.

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74 JOHN J. SILKE

forming zeal, other bishops who showed les


countered less turbulence.26 The inhibiting ef
revolution can be seen in the case of James M
Ardagh (1815-29), whose life is sketched b
Breifne iv (1972) 336-44. In striking contrast
John Cruise, this continental-trained 'mitred
vous of popular agitation and took no p
life of the country. Our picture of the
from penal times is beginning to fill out a little,
tithe war, in which priests played a leading pa
learning, of church building,28 and of the intr
duction of religious orders to Ireland.29
The nineteenth century began with catho
under civil disabilities, in spite of the hints th
from Pitt prior to the passing of the act of u
impossible to withstand the strong anti-cathol
m and his reactionary advisers. This story h
Bolton.?' Catholics were however now leaming
and, contrary to what until recently appeared
catholic vote, exercised in favour of emanc
an important factor in general elections f
O'Connell took over the leadership of the
ment, he found an organised catholic vote to
was put effectively into play to gain emanc
Reynolds,83 and strongly if less effectively in th
by Broderick.84 Emancipation, even if in p

28 See E. Larkin, 'Church and state in Treland in the


Church History xxxi (1962) 294-306.
27 M. Tierney, 'The tithe war in Murroe 1831-8', in
209-21; P. O'Donoghue, 'Causes of the opposition to t
Hib. 5 (1962) 7-28; Idem, 'Opposition to tithe paymen
(1972); A. Macintyre, The Liberator (London 1965) 176
a8Corish, Ir. Catholicism v 8 (1970): T. P. Kennedy,
(1970): John Corkery, 'Ecclesiastical learning'
89 See below, pp. 96-7.
80 The passing of the act of union: a study in parliamentar
31 J. H. Whyte, 'The influence of the catholic clergy
Ireland', in E.H.R. lxxv (1960) 239-59.
32 P. J. Jupp, 'Irish parliamentary elections and the in
vote 1801-20', in Hist. Jn. x (1967) 183-96.
88 J. A. Reynolds, The catholic emancipation crisis i
Haven 1954).
84 J. F. Broderick, 'The holy see and the Irish movement for the repeal of the
union with England 1829-47', in Analecta Gregoriana LV (Rome 1951).

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THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN IRELAND 1800-1922 75

limited achievement, constituted no less than a major landmark


in parliamentary history. In the intervening period, 1830-41,
Macintyre has found, strong divisions among the hierarchy over
the question of clerical participation in politics led to a decline in
such participation. But catholics still endured great grievances -
the privileged position of the protestant church and the disabilities
of poverty, tithes, and lack of education - and O'Connell, by
skilfully keeping these issues dominant continued to draw on the
clerical support, episcopal as well as sacerdotal, that his agitation
required.34a Priests were prominent in the struggle against tithes,
and in fact in every election between 1830 and 1847 priests took
an active part.
The result of much modem re-evaluation of O'Connell has been
to call in question the view that had been presented by Gavan
Duffy in the I890s and that had been for long accepted. Duffy,
while admiring the earlier O'Connell of emancipation, had been
notoriously critical of the later O'Connell of repeal. In so far as
our present enquiry is concemed, recent historians would admit
that there is a certain force in the judgement by Strauss that
O'Connell's 'clericalism was the inevitable form of a nationalist
movement combining middle-class purposes with lower-class
support?.35 The Liberator could not have done other than put
himself at the head of a mass catholic movement, so as to create
a political machine. Catholics were still politically and economi
cally inferior, and emancipation, which offered them a share in
the fruits of the union, was much more emotionally appealing than
was repeal. This may ultimately have led to sectarianism, but
O'Connell had to work with what he had.36 Edward Norman, A
history of modern Ireland (London and Miami 1971), makes
rather a point of arguing that O'Connell's policies were worked
out - or perhaps not worked out - against a framework of
British constitutionalism. But once again it was a question of

84 a K. B. Nowlan, 'The catholic clergy and Irish politics in the eighteen thirties
and forties', in Historical Studies 9 (ed. J. G. Barry, Belfast 1974) 119-35.
88 E. Strauss, Irish nationalism and British democracy (London 1951) 93.
86 K. B. Nowlan, Charles Gavan Duffy and the repeal movement. O'Donnell
Lecture, 1963 (Dublin 1963); Idem, The politics of repeal: a study in the relations
between Great Britain and Ireland 1841-50 (London 1965); L. J. McCaffrey,
Daniel O'Connell and the repeal year (Lexington, Ky. 1966); J. C. Beckett,
The making of the modern Ireland 1603-1923 (London 1966); M. R. O'Connell,
'O'Connell reconsidered', in Studies lxiv (1975) 107-119.

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76 JOHN J. SILKE

working with what he had, and O'Con


liberal, as men like Montalemnbert an
reconciliation between liberalism an
aware.
In any event, the emancipation struggle gave the clergy,
especially those educated at Maynooth, a role as pohitiaLliaders.
a role they warmly accepted and the people as warmly admitted.
Unfortunately the emancipation movement aroused the deepest
British emotions, involving as it did local political power, par
liamentary reform, Irish nationalism and the constitution. As one
writer says, it functioned as 'a condensation symbol' in the British
political life of the 1820s.87 This theme will be resumed directly.
Unfortunately too it meant that when the Liberator came to build
his repeal agitation on the formidable basis of the catholic masses,
very many protestants and presbyterian nationalists were driven
into the anti-repeal camp. 'The fear that home rule might mean
Rome rule did not first take shape in the late nineteenth century'.
Young Ireland sought to counteract this fear and to diminish the
role of the O'Connells and of the clergy in the Repeal Association.
However they underestimated the difficulties in the way. Before
the issue was resolved, the famine came, and O'Connell died.
On emancipation, Reynolds' book remains the basic study.
Scholarship since Reynolds has been concerned mainly with two
themes: emancipation within the larger context of the constitu
tional revolution of 1828-32; and the interaction of catholic relief
measures and English politics on each other.88 Such questions as
voluntaryism and education in nineteenth century Ireland have
to be studied against the British background as illumined by Gash,
Machin and others. The catholic question - as it wras before
emancipation - was essentially part of the Irish question, the
dominant problem in nineteenth century British politics. It was a
non-party question, 'the non-party question par excellence', and
G. T. T. Machin, The catholic question in English politics 1820-30

37 S. Bennett, 'Catholic emancipation, the "Quarterly Review" and Britain's


constitutional revolution', in Victorian Studies xii (1969) 283-304.
38 G. F. A. Best, 'The constitutional revolution 1828-32*, in Theology Ixii
(1959) 226-34; G. I. T. Machin, 'The duke of Wellington and catholic emancipa
tion', in Jn. Eccles. Hist, xiv (1963) 190-212; C. J. Lewis, "The disintegration of
the tory anglican alliance in the struggle for catholic emancipation', in Church
Hist, xxix (1960) 25-43

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THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN IRELAND 1800-1922 77

(Oxford 1964),39 examines the strength of protestant and anti


catholic feeling among both politicans and denominational groups
in the 182Qs and also the crises which led up to emancipation.
While the mass of opinion was still decidely anti-catholic, it was
dormant rather than aggressive before 1829.
The growth of anti-catholic feeling was one element in the
reaction against the constitutional revolution.40 Religious issues
were still dominant in English public life, and anti-Roman catholic
feeling in England steadily increased in the twenty years after
1829. Anglicans feared now for the position of protestant ascend
ancy in Ireland and this fear combined with methodist and evan
gelical alarms helped to weaken the links between catholics and
dissenters after 1829. Many Scots felt that the 'truly Scottish' way
of life was under attack, and the 'lower orders' were alarmed by
the influx of Irish labourers into the west of Scotland."
However other links, based on the common cause of separaion
of church and state, were forged. K. F. Roche has shown that in
1800 the eventual solution of the church-state problem seemed
certain to entail a measure of qualified civil establishment. How
ever O'Connell was against any move to establish the catholic
church, and his infliuence was great. By the 1830s the general
attitude among the Irish bishops of resistance to any formal link
with the state or any financial aid from the state had become
well defined. 'Voluntarvism' (support of the church by the volun
tary offerings of the faithful) became a basic factor in Roman
catholic thinking and in time helped to create an alliance between
Roman catholic opponents of the continued existence of the
established church and certain protestant nonconformists and
radical enemies of a state church in any part of the United King
dom. By 1852 the relationship of complete formal mutual in

82 See also U. R. Hennques, Religious toleration in England 1787-1833 (London


1961); G. F. A. Best, 'The protestant constitution and its supporters', in R. Hist.
Soc. Trans, ser 5, viii (1958) 105-127.
40 N. Gash, Reaction and reconstruction in English politics 1832-52. Ford
Lectures, 1964 (Oxford 1965). Portland's victory in 1807, consequent upon the
resignation of the 'All the Talents' ministry after George III had refused to be
tricked into the catholic relief bill, was already a no-popery victory. J. P. Jupp,
'Irish parliamentary elections', in Hist. Jn. x (1967) 187.
411. A. Muirhead, 'Catholic emancipation: Scottish reactions in 1829', in
Innes Rev. xxiv (1973) 26-42; J. E. Handley, The Irish in Scotland (1964) 81.

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78 JOHN J. SILKE

dependence, which has since obtained,


ing: 42
The experience of Ireland and Great Britain [Roche says],
combined with those of the British colonies and the United
States, . . . supplied virtually the entire . . . phenomenal
basis of the new catholic liberal theory, which was for long
at Rome a political heresy.
O'Connell's conviction of the desirability of 'a free church in
a free state' was not only shared in by the Irish bishops; Irish
influence made it accepted abroad. The leaders of the liberal
catholic movement in France, which developed in the 1820s, re
garded the Irish statesman as their master, who had set out for
them the course to pursue and given them the rules to follow
whereby they might secure separation of church and state by
legal and civil means.44 The O'Connellite insistence on separation
between church and state and on freedom for all, dissenter as well
as catholic, was also part of the mental baggage carried by Irish
emigrants to America. Monsignor Ellis has demonstrated that
under the leadership of John England, bishop of Charleston (1820
42),4" and his successor as leader of the Irish in the American
church, John Hughes, archbishop of New York (1842-64), Irish
acceptance of these principles made it easier for the American
church to adjust itself to an environment that was altogether
foreign to anything that catholicism had ever before experienced.
'If the Jew is oppressed (said Hughes), then stand by the Jew'.
Christopher Dawson attributes the democratic tone of catholicism
in the United States to the solidarity between priests and people
which the Irish catholics brought with them.46
But 'no popery', aroused from a latent state by the catholic
emancipation struggle, remained a strong element in tory politics

42 K. F. Roche, 'The relations of the catholic church and the state in England
and Ireland 1800-52', in Hist. Studies v (1961) 9-24.
43 See also K. F. Roche, 'Religion and politics in the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries', in Christus Rex xix (1965) 194-204.
44 See K. F. Roche, 'Revolution and counter-revolution', in Daniel O'Connell:
nine centenary essays, ed. Michael Tierney (Dublin 1949) 96-100; M. R. O'Connell,
'Daniel O'Connell and religious freedom*, in Thought (1975).
45 See also T. McEUigott, 'Recall to a pioneer: John England, bishop of
Charleston5, in I.E.R. ser 5, cv (1966) 173-9.
48 J. T. Ellis, Perspectives in American Catholicism (Baltimore, Md., and
Dublin 1963), 39-53, 100-106; Idem, 'The Irish in relation to religious and
political freedom', in Wiseman Rev., no. 502 (1964) 328-42.

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THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN IELAND 1800-1922 79

during the 'thirties and 'forties. G. F. A. Best has sought to pin


point the elements of which this 'anti-sacerdotalism' was com
pounded: theological, political, moral, domestic and sexual.47
They were normally called jointly into play when any one of them
was aroused, as over the Maynooth bill, 'papal aggression', and
the Murphy riots. Even the liberal Russel was not immune from
anti-Roman emotion, as his ecclesiastical titles act showed.48 The
sharp increase in the Irish catholic population in Britain in the
'forties was, Ralls remarks, a strong factor in arousing protestant
excitement. This popular protestantism was at its most intense and
ubiquitous from the mid 'thirties until the late 'seventies.40 In
Manchester, for instance, the Irish lived within two clearly de
lineated ghettos, from which they emerged only at the risk of
encountering considerable abuse.50 G. A. Cahill, in a series of
articles,5' has shown how in the 1830s this strong English (also
American and Scottish52) emotional attitude was augmented by
the importation of virulent and mainly Ulster strains of protest
antism. O'Connell's proclamation in 1834 of a civil rights pro
gramme for Ireland triggered an Irish protest reaction, resulting
in an agitation which was defined and refined throughout 1834

47 'Popular protestantism in Victorian Britain', in Ideas and institutions of


Victorian Britain, ed. Robert Robson (N,Y. 1967) 115-142. See also W. Rails,
'The papal aggression of 1850: a study in Victorian anti-catholicism', in Church
Hist, xliii (1974) 242-56.
48 G. I. T. Machin, 'Lord John Russell and the prelude to the ecclesiastical
titles bill 1846-51', in Jn. Eccles. Hist, xxv (1974) 277-9.
49 See also E. R. Norman, Anti-catholicism in Victorian England. Historical
Problems: Studies and Documents, ed. G. R. Elton, I (London 1968). L. P.
Curtis, Anglo-Saxons and Celts: a study of anti-Irish prejudice in Victorian
England (Bridgeport, Conn. 1968), is valuable but limited to an analysis of
racial and ethnic prejudice.
50 John M. Werly, 'The Irish in Manchester 1832-49', in I.H.S. xvii (1973)
345-58, which does not however relate the matter to the general question of the
anti-Romariism of the period.
61 'Some nineteenth century roots of the Ulster problem 1829-48', in Ir.
University Rev. i (1971) 215-37; 'Irish Catholicism and English toryism*, in
Rev. Pol. xix (1957) 62-76; 'The Protestant Association and the anti-Maynooth
agitation of 1845', in Cath. Hist. Rev. xliii (1957) 273-308; 'Comment*, on E.
Larkin, 'The quarrel among the Roman catholic hierarchy over the national
system of education in Ireland 1838-41*, in The Celtic cross: studies in Irish
culture and literature, ed. R. B. Browne, W. J. Roscelli and R. Loftus (Purdue,
111. 1964) 147-52. Cahill points out that the open quarrel over the national
schools must be related to the whole 'no-popery' issue. The quarrel was not
simply brought about by MacHale's obscurantism.
52 See J. E. Handley, The Irish in modern Scotland (Cork 1947) chap. 4.

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80 JOHN J. SILKE

and exported to England by the end of


Cahill finds the roots of Ulster nation
against George III over the removal of
agitation might perhaps have come a
did. Ultimately the agitation 'gave ide
evangelicals and the methodists, weakene
and finally split the supportive conn
catholics and dissenters. The latter split
accomplished by 1845,. . . on the occasion
The general elections of 1835 and 18
between 1835 and 1841 were, as Cahi
elections.
When therefore Peel sought to detach a considerable part of
O'Connell's support from him after Clontad by offer of reform
measures which included a Maynooth endowment, and proposals
for higher education, he encountered virulent protestant reaction53
and had to make extraordinary efforts to get the Maynooth bill
through. In the event, government's attempts, through William
Petre in Rome (1844), through the Maynooth endowment and
through the colleges' bill (1845) failed to break O'Connell's in
fluence. Russell, thinking to withdraw the priests from politics by
the offer to the church of some legal standing, was foiled by bitter
protestant opposition. The fires of protestant fury were stoked by a
succession of Irish priests, converts to protestantism, whose mission
to England and Scotland, supported by evangelical societies, cul
minated in the noisy incursion of William Murphy into the Black
Country and the cotton counties between 1866 and 1872.54 The
Murphy story and Handley's findings indicate, Best suggests, that
these itinerant orators, with their convert zeal, may have been
common among Irish communities all over Britain.
The ideas of voluntaryism and disestablishment grew stronger in
the 1840s, especially among dissenters. However it was the
opposition of the Irish hierarchy which really killed Russell's
attempts (1847-8) to endow the Roman catholic church in Ireland.

58 For this reaction, see also R. B. MacDowell, Public opinion and government
policy in Ireland 1801-46 (London 1952) 219-22.
84 H. J. Hanham, Elections and party management (London 1959) 304-8.

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THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN; IRELAND 1800-1922 81

(ii) The Cullen Era

One can agree with Emmet Larkin55 that the modem Irish
church, both at home and abroad, is very much a creation of
Cardinal Cullen's, and it is a matter of regret that no major study
of so infl-uential a figure has yet appeared.50 D. K. Akenson's
dismissal of Cullen as a mediocrity57 is strangely imperceptive.
and both Norman and Larkin express sounder judgement in seeing
the cardinal as a bold religious reformer.
It is Professor Larkin's thesis, as stated in a challenging article,58
that Cullen not only reformed the church, but 'what was even
important, in the process . . . he spearheaded the consolidation of
a devotional revolution'. Behind the confusion of metaphors
Professor Larkin's thesis seems clear enough. In the 1840s there
were sigans of a devotional revolution, largely confined to the 're
spectable' class. The famine encouraged this revolution in two
ways, socially by increasing the relative numbers of this class
(and also the number of priests relative to people59) and psycho
logically by making the Irish 'guilt-ridden', so that they sought in
the practice of their religion to recover that sense of identity that
they had been losing through anglicisation since about 1800.
Cullen was able within a generation (1850-78) partly to make and
partly to consolidate this revolution.
It is an interesting thesis, advanced con molto bria, but not
perhaps as presented compelling. For one thing, Larkin does not
set out to demonstrate this great social change but only to give
the 'flavour' of it. For another, he is really unclear as to what
had been achieved before Cullen, and this seems to be the great

58'The devotional revolution in Ireland 1850-75', in A.H R. lxxvii (1972)


625-52.
68 For general sketches, contrasting in style, if not in total effect, see Sir S.
Leslie, The Cullen era', in The Month xxxiii (1965) 230-8 and J. Lee, The
modernisation of Irish society (Dublin. Gill History of Ireland, 10) 42-8.
87 The Irish education experiment: the national system of education in the
nineteenth century (London and Toronto 1970).
58 'The devotional revolution', in A H.R. lxxvii (1972) 625-52. This study will
be amplified, the author informs us, in Vol. Ill of his projected History of the
Roman catholic church in Ireland in the nineteenth century 1780-1918.
89 See also J. Newman, 'The priests of Ireland: a socio-religious survey', in
I.E.R. xcviii (1962) 6, 19

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82 JOHN J. SILKE

point of weakness in his argument.60 Perh


this article does not bring forward his bes
becomes rather delicate when a sermon is q
the situation obtaining forty-two years pre
not omit mention of the scalans, the open-
he should not assume (as he seems to) that
in churches. 'Stations', as he rightly notes,
excessive conviviality; this indeed was an
bishops. Blut when he states finally that 'm
Irish who emigrated between 1847 and 1860
famine generation of non-practising catholi
catholics at all', one is left wondering if thi
fessor Larkin's sense of the dramatic mo
judgement. In an article on the 'new reform
attempt made early in the nineteenth centu
Brian MacNamee notes that it was almost a
such trustworthy observers as Archbishop M
testify to the utter conviction held by cath
was 'the exclusively genuine catholic and ap
In short, one must praise Professor Larkin f
into what was after all of central concern to
of Ghristian living, and hope that his book
raised by his article.62
Another essay in revisionism, by Desmo
souperism.Y3 Before the famine, the main

60 A. MacLochlainn, 'Social life in County Clare 18


Rev. ii (1972) 55-78, an intriguing if undocumented su
the view that the practice of religion was lax the
? Dufaigh, 'James Murphy, bishop of Clogher 18
(1968) 428-9, puts this laxity into perspective. But
devotional practices which were coming in from the c
take effect. T. P. Cunningham, 'Church reorganizatio
v 7, 28-32. Before Larkin, J. A Murphy had invest
support of the catholic clergy in Ireland 1750-1850
103-121.
61 B. MacNamee, The "second reformation" in Ireland', in Ir. Theol. Quart.
xxxiii (1966) 39-64.
62 Among other papers by Larkin on the history of the Irish church in the
nineteenth century are 'Church and state in Ireland in the nineteenth century',
in Church History xxxi (1962) 294-306; 'Economic growth, capital investment
and the Roman catholic church in nineteenth century Ireland', in A.H.R. lxxii
(1966-7) 852-84.
68 D. Bowen, Souper ism- myth or reality? a study of catholics and protestants
during the great famine (Cork 1970).

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THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN IRELAND 1800-1922 83

centres were Achill and Dingle. The famine gave a new impetus
to the proselytizing effort, which had considerable success before
it went into decline about 1861. Most converts turned back to
catholicism, especially those about to emigrate.64 Professor Bowen
(whose study is wider chronologically than his title suggests) has
done much to demonstrate that the established clergy were more
conciliation-minded than has been popularly supposed. At the
same time the dissenters were more evangelical in spirit than were
the parsons, and the main struggle was fought (it appears) be
tween the evangelical protestants on the one hand and the May
nooth (as distinct from continental-educated) priests on the other.
Bowen's study is rather deficient in sympathy with these latter
and with Archbishop MacHale in his attitude towards the national
schools.65 A catholic who turned protestant and gave notable
service to the Irish Society was Tadhg 6 Coinniallain, from Sligo
(1780-1854).Y6 Finally, John J. Meagher gives us a 'field-report',
on the catholic side, from the baittlefield, this time in Dublin 67
While the definitive biography of Cullen remains unwritten, it
is now possible to correct the view of the 'nationalist' writers,
Gavan Duffy and Lucas, on the cardinal, and to see that the
Fenian verdict on the Irish bishops and clergy generally was un
warranted by the facts.8 The Tenant Right League of the 1850s69
which sought to combine the causes of tenant right (the question
which most immediately affected the majority of people) and the
defence of catholicism, now - especially after the Ecclesiastical
Titles Act, in which Russell included Ireland - seemingly under

64 P. de Br?n, 'An tAthair Brasbie', in Kerry Arch, and Hist. Soc. Jn. 1 (1968)
35-8. Brasbie was a Kerry priest who turned protestant.
65 Two older studies are worthy of note here: E. J. Quigley, 'Grace abounding:
a chapter of Ireland's story', in I.E.R. ser 5, xx (1922)-xxii (1923); and T. O'Neill,
'Sidelights on souperism*, in I.E.R. ser 5, Ixxi (1949) 50-64.
66 T. ? hAil?n, 'The Irish Society agus Tadhg ? Coinniall?in', in Studia Hib.
8 (1968) 60-78.
67 J. J. Meagher, 'South Dublin Union 1847-52: chaplain's report', in Rep.
Nov. iv (1971) 135-58.
68 T. W. Moody, The Fenian movement (Cork 1968) 108-110, offers some balanc
ed views on the Fenians and the church. See also L. ? Broin, Fenian fever: an
Anglo-American dilemma (London and N.Y. 1971).
62 J. H. Whyte, The Tenant League and Irish politics in the 1850s. Ir. Hist.
Series (Dundalk 1963); Idem, 'Political problems 1850-60', in Corish, Ir. Cathol
icism iii, 2 (1967); Same, The Independent Irish Party 1850-9 (Oxford 1958);
Idem, 'Fresh light on Archbishop Cullen and the Tenant League', in I.E.R.,
ser. 5, xcix (1963) 170-6.

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84 JOHN J. SILKE

deadly attack in the British Isles, was pr


upon parliamentary action and was a cas
Irish politics rather than of any action b
popular mind it earned Cullen the odi
Keogh and Sadleir. An examination of
shows that it was the League which f
the cardinal. He for his part felt the
concern of his, but he was concerned w
in politics who went beyond the bounds
serious result', says Mgr Corish, 'was th
two natural leaders of catholic Irelan
The attempt to found an independent
the traditional whig alliance, and the fa
administration to relieve Ireland's griev
Whig support of the Italian liberals,70 a
inroads on the Irish catholic vote in the
But they failed to take advantage of t
1868 the catholic-whiig alliance was rest
British policy in the mid-nineteenth c
Corish, Norman and Whyte reveal - w
Irish clergy into moderates and intrans
ever were more or less united in condem
Russell's despatches from Rome show
dependent of British policy than the Fe
Cullen offered no objection to separatism
an insurrection as advocated by the Fe
Fenians impressed him as having too
tinental revollutionaries. He feared also t
might be controlled by the protestan
patriotism was of a pragmatic and Cath
The Fenian movement showed a real

70 E. R Norman, The catholic church and Ireland


(London and Ithaca, N Y 1965), shows in detail
an issue in Anglo-Irish relations about 1859-60
pope's temporal power and liberals like Russell
Edwards (ed ), Ireland and the Italian risorgime
71 K. T. Hoppen, 'Tories, catholics and the gen
Jn. xiii (1970) 48-67.
72 Sir Alec Randall, *A British agent at the
Russell', in Dublin Rev., no. 479 (1959), The Rom
despatches of Odo Russell from Rome 1858-7
catholic church and Ireland, 129-33.

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THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN IREIAND 1800-1922 85

would lose sympathy for the political and social aspirations of


the people, and some members of the hierarchy and clergy took
an active part in founding the National Association of Ireland
(1864),7 which was offered as a constitutional alternative to
Fenianism. Three issues - proteslauL esyabthrnnt, e land
laws and the education question - were of concern to the clergy,
and their agitation had effect in 1868 when Gladstone set out to
deal with these grievances. The church question was a 'sentimental'
but galling grievance. In education, the bishops demanded state
aided denominational education at all levels. Although reluctant,
Cullen especially, after the experience of the 'fiffies, to grapple
with the land question, the bishops were eventually forced to
seek Tenant Right. The Fenian rising then was the immediate
spur but not the cause of Gladstone's movement, and thus the
bishops, unlike the Independent Party of the 1850s, were able
to make cabinet questions of Irish grievances. The agitation was
most successful on the first question, because the bishops had
the alliance of, first, the nonconformists, and, then, English liberals,
to secure disestablishment.74 This alliance then broke up, and the
catholic agitation was less successful on the two other poinits. The
Land Act of 1870 was to be sure a beginning, but 'freedom of
education' meant essentially different things to catholics and
liberals.75 Finally, the attitude of many of the lower clergy towards
the Fenians was at least ambiguous, especially after 1867."7

78 P. J. Corish, 'Cardinal Cullen and the National Association of Ireland*, in


Rep. Nov. iii (1961-2) 13-61, which draws upon the correspondence of Cullen and
Kirby, among other sources; Idem, 'Catholic Ireland 1864', in I.E R. ser 5, cii
(1964) 196-205, which assesses the political attitudes of Moriarty, MacHale and
especially Cullen; and, especially, Idem, 'Political problems 186X)-78*, in Corish,
Ir. Catholicism v 3 (1967)
74 See J. C Beckett (ed ), 'Gladstone, Queen Victoria, and the disestablishment
of the Irish church 1868-9', in IHS xiii (1962) 38-47; P M H. Bell, Dis
establishment Ireland and Wales (London 1970).
78 T. ? Fiaich, 'The clergy and Fenianism', in I.E.R. ser 5, cix (1968) 81-103.
See also P. J. Corish, 'Cardinal Cullen and Archbishop MacHale', in ibid, xci
(1959) 393-408 ; P C. Barry, 'The legislation of the synod of Thurles', in Ir. Theol.
Quart, xxvi (1959) 131-66; P MacSuibhne, 'Ireland at the Vatican council',
in I.E.R. ser 5, xciii (1960) 209-22, 281-94; D. MacCartney, 'The church and the
Fenians', in University Rev iv (1967) 203-15.
78 D. Thornley, Isaac Butt and home rule (London 1964). See also L. J. McCaffery,
'Home rule and the general election of 1874 in Ireland*, in I.H.S. ix (1954)
190-212.

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86 JOHN J. SILKE

(iii) The Parnell Era

The clergy played a less active ro


and 1890. Butt never seems to have
and David Thornley argues that it w
to understand a conservative prote
cjabbling with the Fenians. As the i
right began to gain in importance
dwindled between 1870 and 1880.77
were now of less concern than we
British labouring classes. But Irish c
pect of 'mixed' education and protes
impossible to find any solution to
other than the 'skeletal' Royal Unive
was prepared to give the 1879 act a f
Croke and the majority of the bishop
who opposed the Land League.79
As closer links were forged betwe
and the church, government sought
in the land war. But the Erringto
XIII curb the Land League priests.
the seriousness of this mission.8' At
sistent, but failed to persuade the p
Errington had failed.82
Errington also failed to stop Wals
and Walsh was to do muich to ma

77 For detailed studies of the constitution


British, Irish and Roman archives, as we
newspapers, see E. R. Norman, The cathol
rebellion 1859-73 (London and Ithaca, N.Y
problems 1860-78', in Corish, Ir. Catholicism
78 F. McGrath, The university question'
104-118. Newman in the end came to oppos
C. S. Dessain and T. Gornall (ed.), The letters
xxvi (Jan. 1872-Dec. 1873) (Oxford 1974).
79 C. J. Woods, The politics of Cardinal
1879-85', in Dublin Hist. Rec. xxvi (1973) 10
80 C. J. Woods, Treland and Anglo-papa
(1972) 29-60; Idem, 'Anti-Irish intrigue at t
87-92.
81 Cardinal Manning : his public life and influence 1865-92 (London 1962) 181-5.
82 F. H. Herrick, 'Gladstone, Newman and Ireland in 1881', in Cath. Hist. Rev.
xlvii (1961-62) 342-50.

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THE ROMAN C ATHOLIC CHURCH IN IRELAND 1800-1922 87

Rome. Manning also, after toying with Chamberlain's 'Central


Board' scheme, came more and more to have faith in home rule
as the real solution to the Irish problem. He opposed the efforts
made by the 'Old Catholics' towards the establishment of diplo
matic relations with Rome as a means of curbing Irish independ
ence. Davitt was wrong in blaming Manning for the Persico
mission and Persico for the 1888 rescript condemning the Plan of
Campaign. The explanation from Rome softenling the condem
nation owed much to both Walsh and Manning. In any case,
nationalists83 and militant clergy ignored the rescript, and Bal
four's prosecutions of militant clergy were self-defeating and hard
ened the attitude of these latter. The main effect of the rescript
was to drive extremists away from the restraining influence of the
church.84
This made the Parnell divorce issue all the more critical. Emmet
Larkin has made the role of the bishops and clergy in the crisis
the topic for a series of articles which draw heavily upon the
Dublin diocesan archives for material.85 He argues that a fight
for political power was forced upon the hierarchy by the par
liamentary party, and that the hierarchy played a vital role in
destroying the power of Parnell and his party. It would be Pro
fessor Larkin's further thesis, so he stated, that after a struggle
constitutionalism in the end successfully defended representative
institutions against both the clerical right and the nationalist left.
However he has not so far found opportunity to sustain this
thesis.
In any case, Larkin's argument here would seem to be soundly
enough based and to be in broad agreement with the conclusions
of F. S. L. Lyons.86 M. Tierney's edition of the Croke papers on
the crisis underlines the reluctance of Croke and other bishops to

88 C. C. O'Brien, Parnell and his party 1880-90 (Oxford 1957) 213-25; F. S. L.


Lyons, 'John Dillon and the Plan of Campaign 1886-90*, in I.H.S. xiv (1965)
313-47; Idem, John Dillon: a biography (London 1968) 93-4.
84 Cf. L. P. Curtis, Jr., Coercion and conciliation in Ireland 1880-92 (Princeton,
N.J., and London 1963).
85 'The Roman catholic hierarchy and the fall of Parnell', in Victorian Studies
iv (1961) 315-36; 'Mounting the counter-attack: the Roman catholic hierarchy
and?the destruction of Parnellism*, in Rev. Pol. xxv (1963) 15-182; 'Launching
the counter-attack', in ibid, xxviii (1966) 359-83.
86 The fall of Parnell (London 1960); The Irish parliamentary party (London
1951) chaps i and v; John Dillon, chap vi.

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88 JOHN J. SILKE

condemn Parnell.8 Croke was concer


he feared to annoy Rome by enter
and he feared the reaction in Ame
Parnell might bring.
J. F. Glaser has spelled out the impo
intervention.88 Curtis shows how th
active in the by-elections on behalf
seemed to promise clerical support i
unionists about their fate under hom
both north and south, reacted to th
nationalism after 1885, is the theme
Buckland;89 the southern unionists t
which they later surrendered, while
trenched themselves behind a popula
Salisbury, standing on somewhat h
ists, was against the clergy interferi
that the hierarchy in Ireland had re
after Gladstone had formally repudi
his distaste for clerical excesses in I
fastidiousness would not give the
luctant to condemn the national lea
The historian, D. W. Miller, has tak
fessor Larkin leaves off, and in a le
graph, Church, state and nation
1973), examines the political role
beginning with a rejuvenation in th
appearance of the United Irish League
In this period Miller finds the polit
between the state (made up of the p
a whole) and the nation (the people,
people of Ireland) to be a crucial
church worked to safeguard her vit
iance of the people and especially co

87 'Dr Croke, the Irish bishops and the Pa


1891', in Collect. Hib. xi (1968) 111-48.
88 'Parnell's fall and the nonconformist con
89 Irish unionism: 1. The Anglo-Irish and th
unionism and the origins of Northern Irela
1972-3).
90 Curtis, Coercion and conciliation in Ireland 1880-92, 327.

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THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN IRELAND 1800-1922 89

subjects. To do so she worked within a delicate framework of


conventions, which saw her, while safeguarding these vital interests,
moving from an initial position of cooperating with the state, to
curb direct challenges to the state's monopoly of physical force,
towards a final position of bestowing the mantle of political
legitimacy on the nation. But the nation's displacement of the state
did not extend to north-eastern Ireland, and the church which had
played her role so superbly as to preserve her interests intact for
the future in the republic, was less successful in the north-east.
Millar maintains his thesis through an engrossingly detailed study
that embraces the spread of the United Irish League and the
Gaelic League, the final land settlement, the resolution of the
university question, the high hopes engendered by and the eventual
decline of home rule, the conscription issue, the 1916 rebellion,
the Irish Convention and the Treaty. This is a rich work (although
important archives were not available to the author), which per
haps does not altogether avoid the danger of imposing more
awareness and direction, politically, on the church's actions than
were really there.

(iv) The 1916 Rising And After

In the end the outstanding political leaders, first Croke and


then Walsh, withdrew from politics in disgust. A slackening of the
ties with the Irish, Party weakened the opposition the hierarchy
might otherwise have shown towards the 1916 rebellion. Both
J. H. Whyte9' and Roger McHugh92 note that they shdwed less
opposition to this than to any previous rebellion, and D. W. Miller
argues that in the result the church retained an influence in an
independent Ireland that she might not otherwise have had.,' The
contention that the Irish revolution 'was carried through without
benefit of clergy'94 is d&batable: at any rate there was, as Fr 6

91 'The influence of the catholic clergy in nineteenth century Ireland*, in


EH.R. lxxv (1960) 239-59; '1916?revolution and religion', in F. X. Martin (ed.),
Leaders and men of the Easter rising, Dublin 1916 (Dublin 1967) 215-26.
92 The catholic church and the rising', in O. Dudley Edwards and F. Pyle
fed.), 1916: the Dublin rising (London 1968).
98 See also, The Roman catholic church in Ireland: 1898-1918', in Eire-Ireland
Hi, 3(1968)75-91.
94 J. A. Murphy, 'Priests and people in modern Irish history', in Christus Rex
xxiii (1969) 2.

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90 JOHN J. SILKE
Fiaich has demonstrated, a swing among the clergy
than among the laity, towards Sinn F6in. The conve
Miller's argument is stated by Fr 0 Fiaich, tha
of I.R.A. activities by bishops and clergy preve
influence by churchmen in the new Ireland.95
devotes a monograph to The Irish convention 1
and Toronto 1970), that ill-fated assembly in whic
nell played a leading part; while Fr 0 Fiaich ag
bishops and the conscription issue 1918', in Ca
xxv (1968) 351-68) tends to agree that Lloyd Georg
not by Irish guns but by Irish croziers.
Sir Shane Leslie offers the reflection that Archb
untimely death removed the last hope of healing t
division; the whole history of Ireland, thinks S
have been different had he lived another year.96 H
Cullen, was a man of outstanding drive and pe
were shapers of modem Ireland. The basic problem
archbishops, as F. S. L. Lyons sums it up, was the
of catholicism and nationalism, and they solved it
of several internal tensions, so that sometimes the
conflict, and even bitter conflict, with their bisho
ency clearly appears in Fr o Fiaich's sketch of 'Th
and the independence movement'.98

3. PARTICULAR THEMES

As already noted, J. H. Whyte's general article o


politics99 has been supplemented by P. J. Jupp on t
between 1801 and 1820,100 by K. T. Hoppen on the
of 1859,10Oa and by E. Larkin on the aftermath of

85 T. ? Fiaich, 'The catholic clergy and the independen


Capuchin Annual xxxvii (1970) 480-502.
96 Sir S. Leslie, 'Archbishop Walsh', in C. C. O'Brien (ed
modern Ireland (London and Toronto 1970) 98-107.
87 Lyons, Ireland since the famine, 8.
98 There are recollections by Father Aloysius and Alber
well as some material of ecclesiastical interest, in the symp
Capuchin Annual xxxiii (1966) 151-398.
99 Above, 74.
100 Above, 74.
looa Above, 84.

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THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN IRELAND 1800-1922 91

awarded to Captain O'Shea.'0' Gerard Lyne discusses the question


of intimidation in the Kerry elections of 1835, while Monaghan
(1826) and Cavan (1852) have also been studied.'02
On the appointment of bishops, J. H. Whyte finds in general
that the process of centralisation by Rome in the matter of the
appointment of bishops was not a progressive one. Between 1829102a
and 1849, when parish priests had a strong voice, more mediocre
men tended to be appointed. After 1849 Cardinal Cullen came
to have a very strong influence on appointments; he was chary of
Maynooth men, always for him suspect of being Gallican.'05 Was
this among his reasons for founding Clonliffe college? Its historian
does not say."04
On education, while there is as yet no definite synthesis, a few
useful comprehensive studies have appeared which complement one
another.'05 Uinseann B. MacEoinin has written about the con
troversy over the Queen's colleges,'06 and T. W. Moody and J. C.
Beckett, Queen's Belfast 1845-1949 (2 vols, London 1959), is of
great general interest on the university question.'07
No single topic has received more attention than Newman's

101 Above, 87-8.


102 G. J. Lyne, 'Daniel O'Connell, intimidation and the Kerry elections of
1835', in Kerry Arch, and Hist. Soc. Jn. iv (1971) 74-97; M. Cahill, 'The 1826
general election in county Monaghan*, in Clogher Rec. v (1964) 161-83; T. P.
Cunningham, The 1852 general election in county Cavan', in Breifne iii (1968)
108-135. Cf. Noel Ross, Two nineteenth century election posters', in Louth
Arch. Soc. Jn. xvi (1968) 224-32.
102 a See Blanchard, The church in contemporary Ireland, 14-15.
108 J. H. Whyte, 'The appointment of catholic bishops in nineteenth century
Ireland', in Cath. Hist. Rev. liii (1962) 12-32; A. Bolster, 'Insight into fifty years
of episcopal elections (1774-1824)', in Kerry Arch and Hist. Soc. Jn. v (1972)
60-76; T. P. Cunningham, The church since emancipation: church reorganisa
tion', in Corish, Ir. Catholicism v 7 (1970) 11-14.
104 R. Sherry, Holy Cross college, Clonliffe, Dublin: college history and centenary
record (Dublin 1962); Idem, 'Holy Cross college, Clonliffe 1859-1959', in I.E.R.
ser 5, xciv tl960) 193-203.
105 N. Atkinson, Irish education: a history of educational institutions (Dublin
1969); P. J. Dowling, A history of Irish education: a story in conflicting loyalties
(Cork 1971); Corish, Ir. Catholicism, v: The church since emancipation', 6:
'Catholic education': Ignatius Murphy, 'Primary education'; S. V. ? S?illeabh?in,
'Secondary'; F. McGrath, The university question' (Dublin 1971).
106 'Col?ist? na Bainr?ona', in Galvia vii (1960) 20-39; 'An Dr Mac ?il agus
Col?ist? na Bainr?ona', in ibid. ix (1962) 20-24; 'Col?ist? na Bainr?ona: mar
glacadh leis an mbille 1845-9', in ibid. viii (1961) 31-41.
107 See also D. MacCartney, 'Lecky and the Irish university question', in
IE.R. ser 5, cviii (1967) 102-112; P. McCaffrey, 'Wyndham's university scheme
1903', in I.E.R., ser. 5, ex (1968) 329-49.

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92 JOHN J. SILKE

rectorship of the Catholic University.'08 Bro


offer two quite opposing estimates of Ne
as also of his success in resolving (in The
flict between humanism and religion: the o
sented by McGrath, Trevor, Dessain, Co
the other, unfavourasble, represented by Cu
Newman as opting for humanism) and M
again, is not in entire agreement with Cull
for being unsympathetic towards Cullen
argues that there is simply no support for
Irish bishops ever envisaged an university
catholics in general.
The strictures by McClelland and Culle
dinal's idea of a liberal education reca
criticism.'09 Part at least of the controversy
from partial use of evidence. Meriol Tre
McGrath's Newm's university as her guide
for the rest her fine study is based on
papers. McClelland, on the other hand,
edition of Cullen's papers to good effec
pastoral concern and essential moderation, b
basic primary material does injustice to Ne
most desirable now is that someone who
of the development of Newman's ideas on

108 M. Trevor, Newman: light in winter (London


Henry Newman (London 1966); A. O'Rahilly, 'The I
in Studies 1 (1961) 255-70; li, (1961; F. McGrath, 'T
Corish, Ir. Catholicism v 6 (1971) 84-142; V. A. M
catholics and higher education 1830-1903 (Oxford 19
in Dublin: fresh light from the archives of Propagan
(1960) 31-9; J. Coulson, 'Newman's idea of an educat
in Theology and the university: an ecumenical invest
F. McGrath, The consecration of learning: lectures on N
(Dublin 1962); A. C. F. Beales, 'John Henry Newm
Pioneers of English education (London 19 ) 139- .
F. McGrath, Newman's university: idea and realit
Culler, The imperial intellect: a study in Newman's
1955); also John Triffin, 'In defence of Newman's
Rev. v (1965) 245-54.
102 Professors at University College, Dublin, like to
as offering living proof that Newman's efforts were
theme which finds stress in J. J. O'Meara, 'Newman re
Ireland, I960', University Review ii, 8 (1960) 8-21 '
110 See in particular rev. by I. T. Kerr, in Downside

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THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN IRELAND 1800-1922 93

and aware of the concern of the Irish bishops for the advancement
of their people should address himself to the task of considering
all the evidence that is now available on both sides.
Still on university education, there have been a few other items
of interest: L 6 Broin, The chief secretary (London 1969), which
includes a treatment of Birrell's universities bill of 1908; Donal
Kerr, 'Dr Quinn's school and the Catholic University 1850-67', in
J.E.R. ser 5, cviii (1967) 89-101; and Benvenuta Curtin, 'St. Mary's
University College', in University Rev. iii, no 4 (1963) 33-47.
R. D. Edwards, 'The beginnings of the Irish intermediate
education system 1878-83', in C. U. S. 1867-1967: a centenary
record (Dublin 1967), deals with another area of concern to the
church, and there have been survey accounts of the early educa
tional work of both Vincentians and Christian Brothers.11' D. K.
Akenson, The Irish education experiment: the national system of
education in the nineteenth century (London and Toronto 1970),
is strongest on the administrative and political aspects of the
national system. James Murphy, Church, state and schools in
Britain 1800-1970 (London 1971), which is concerned with the
religious issues in British primary education, relates the national
system in Ireland to British developments and deals with the
efforts in 1839 by Russell, an effort which proved a failure, to
introduce the national system into England. There have been other
useful contributions by Emmet Larkin and others to the history
of national education."2 EustAs 0 H6ideAin, National school

111 M. Purcell, The Story of the Vincentians: a record of the achievements in


Ireland and Britain of the priests and lay-brothers of the Congregation of the
Mission, founded by St Vincent de Paul (Dublin 1973). (The Vincentians were
strongly engaged in the pastoral ministry during the nineteenth century, so that
the student will find much of interest here on such matters as the care of souls,
the famine and souperism. Education was a field in which the Vincentians were
especially prominent, having control of All Hallows, the first Irish missionary
college (1842), St Patrick's Training College, Strawberry Hill, Castleknock and
(from 1858) the Irish College, Paris.) T. D. O'Dowd, 'The earliest educational
work of the Irish Vincentians', in Ir. Cath. Hist. Comm. Proc. 1961 (Dublin 1962)
17-22; J. D. Fitzpatrick, 'The beginnings of the Christian Brothers', in ibid., 23-7.
See also J. Doyle, 'Castleknock College: first ecclesiastical seminary for the
archdiocese of Dublin', in Rep. Nov. iii (1962) 197-200; J. Farragher, 'Blackrock
College 1860-1960', ibid., 200-213.
112 E. Larkin, 'The quarrel among the Roman catholic hierarchy over the
national system of education in Ireland 1838-41', in The Celtic cross, 121-46. See
above, p.79; P. C. Barry, 'The holy see and the Irish nationals chools', in I.E.R
ser 5, xcii (1959) 90-105. H. O'Sullivan, 'The emergence of the national education
system in Co. Louth', in I.E.R., ser 5, ex (1968) 209-30,

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94 JOHN J. SILKE

inspection in Ireland: the beginnings (Dublin 1


period, 1832-58, and reveals that episcopal su
control in primary education were not without f
Mary de Lourdes Fahy, Education in the diocese
in the nineteenth century (Gort 1974), makes
effort to include a history of all forms of educat
western diocese. On the hedge schools, Dowlin
hedge schools of Ireland, published in 1935 and
(Cork 1968), still holds the field. The Past: the
Cinsealaigh Historical Society, which resumed
no 4 (1948) has under the editorship first of J. R
of S. de Val devoted a good deal of attention to e
ford in the nineteenth century. M. Toibin, 'The
chapel: a neglected chapter of Irish educational
Past 8 (1970) 18-23, draws attention to an institu
school, which came between the hedge school a
school. P. D., 'The Latin school at Goffsbridge (18
7 (1964) 89-94; and H. Goff, 'Education in Ennisco
Part P', in ibid. 10 (1973-4) 3-18, are among oth
terest.
Literature and the arts have not produced a great volume of
work. Like Dowling, Thomas Flanagan, The Irish novelist 1800
50 (New York and London 1959), deals with sources that are per
haps a little too literary for the historian's taste; nevertheless he
will be interested in such writers as the Banims who evoke pre
famine Ireland. Another minor but interesting priest-writer is the
subject of G. M. McNamara, 'Rev Dr John Boyce ("Paul Pepper
grass" 1810-64)', in Donegal Ann. vi (1965) 141-9. Pugin was at
his most successful in Ireland, as Phoebe Stanton, Pugin (London
1972) shows. J. Mitchell, 'The Rev. John Rooney', in Galway
Arch. and Hist. Soc. In. xxxiii (1972-3) 75-7, writes about a priest
artist who died in 1850.
In another area, what influence had the clergy on population
control? K. H. Connell, like Emmet Larkin, sees the famine as a
spiritual, as well as political, watershed. Connell had already
argued that the population explosion of the eighteenth century
was primarily the result of a rise in the birth rate consequent upon
the lowering of the rate of marriage. After the famine, the peas
antry, grimly intent upon survival, were driven to reduce their
own nunbers, by way both of emigration and of a limitation upon

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THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN IRELAND 1800-1922 95

marriage."3 In an essay, published in 1968,'"4 Connell set out to


investigate 'any aspect of the peasant's catholicism to initiate or
confirm his apparent reluctance to marry'. His conclusion, which
has not escaped strong criticism,""5 was that the peasantry saw
to it that the age of marriage was raised and were encouraged
to do so by their Maynooth-educated clergy. Indeed Connell's
essay does demonstrate the need for discrimination by the his
torian in using literary sources. In another essay, 'Illegitimacy
before the famine',"8 Connell has given some consideration to the
influence of the clergy in the matter of the high level of chastity
maintained by the Irish. Religio-social questions are also raised in
E. Larkin, 'Socialism and catholicism in Ireland', in Church History
xxxiii (1964) 462-81,'" and K. B. Nowlan, 'The Gaelic League
and the chair of Irish in Maynooth', in Studies lii (1963) 348-62.1"1
P. de Brun, 'A census of the parish of Ferriter, January 1835', in
Kerry Arch. and Hist. Soc. Jn. 7 (1974) 37-70, opens up the general
question of the statistics of denominational numbers in the nine
teenth century.
Ireland fails badly by comparison with England in the matter
of biographies of nineteenth-century Roman catholic chlurchmen.
Father Fenning has observed that 'there are few Irish bishops of
the eighteenth century to whom we can ascribe more than a title
and a date'. He went on to indicate how with the help of material
from Roman archives biographies of most Irish bishops of the
period might be written."9 What he says applies in great part to
the nineteenth century too. S. 0 Dufaigh has very successfully re
constructed from Roman and Irish archives the story of the life
and times of an early nineteenth-century bishop of Clogher.120
Bishop Murphy actively promoted church building, the education

118 M. Drake, 'Marriage and population growth in Ireland 1750-1845', in


E.H.R. ser 2, xvi (1963) 301-13, subjected Connell's thesis to severe criticism;
it was, Drake found, based too much upon literary evidence. Drake's enquiry
indicated that the population growth was already marked before 1780 and that
it might be linked to an ample and highly nutritious potato diet.
114 In his Irish peasant society (Oxford 1968).
115 See F. Finegan, review in Studies lviii (1969) 323-7.
116 Irish peasant society, 51-68.
117 See above, 72.
118 Miller, Church, state and nation, 238-41, puts the O'Hickey case in context.
119 H. Fenning, 'Michael MacDonagh, O.P., bishop of Kilmore 1728-56',
in I.E.R. ser 5, cvi (1966) 138-53.
120 'James Murphy, bishop of Clogher 1801-24', in Clogher Rec. (1968) 419-92.

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96 JOHN J. SILKE

of the clergy and the instruction of the faith


his authority over his priests. Father 6
example of what can be done to bring th
prelates to life. K. O'Shea has written o
Kerry who deserves to be remembered fo
utterances on the Fenians and the range
tended far beyond the boundaries of Kerry.l2o

Leon 6 Broin, Charles Gavan Duffy: pa


(Dublin 1967), tells the story, concisely but
active life embraced the O'Connell perio
period, the era of Cullen and a time whe
beginning to make an impact on Australian
P. J. MacLaughlin, Nicholas Callan, pries
(Dublin 1965), is a study of the Maynoot
the induction coil in the 1830s.'21 An abrid
version of W. McDonald, Reminiscences of
ed. with a memoir by D. Gwynn, appear
full biographies of priests are K. J. Walsh,
Melleray (Dublin 1962), the priest who revi
Cistercians in 1831; A. J. Reilly, Father
priest (Dublin 1963); Kenneth MacGxwan
Doneraile (Dublin 1963) and Sein 6 C
Gramhnaigh: beathaisnis (Dublin 1968
Father John Spratt: beloved of Dublin's
a lengthy summary of a doctoral thesis on
voted Carmelite, provincial in his day. Two
appeared of An tAthair Peadar 6 Laoghair
story, trans. C. T. 6 C6irin (Cork 1970); My
O'Sullivan (Dublin 1973). P. de Brun, 'Joh
John Casey', in Kerry Arch. and Hist. So

i2oa k# O'Shea, 'David Moriarty (1814-77)', in Kerr


3 (1970) 84-98; 4 (1971) 106-126; 5 (1972) 86-102; 6 (1
121 Also, P. J. MacLaughlin, The Callan image',
34-40; Idem, 'Dr Callan family papers', in Seanchas
P. A. Murphy, 'Nicholas Callan: his work and time
404-6. S?amus Mac Cn?imh?n, ?ireannaigh san eol
chapter on Callan.
122 Also, M, N? Chonmhuidhe, 'An tAthair E?
Irisleabhar Muighe Nuadhat (1963) 84-91 ; P. C. York
O'Growney*, in I.E.R. ser 5, cii (1964) 51-7.

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THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN IRELAND 1800-1922 97

brings to life, with a wealth of documentation, a fascinating clergy


man. L. 6 Broin, 'The Gaelic League and the chair of Irish in
Maynooth', in Studies lii (1963) 348-62, was followed by P. E.
MacFhinn, An tAthair Micheail P. 6 hIceadha (Dublin 1974); but
the full story of the O'Hickey case has not yet been told.
There is a variety of biographical materials to be utilised by
the researcher, as sufficient articles indicate.'23 The last century
was remarkable for its religious foundresses, and they have in
spired at least two first-rate studies: T. J. Walsh, Nano Nagle
and the Presentation Sisters (Dublin 1959); and Evelyn Bolster,
The Sisters of Mercy in the Crimean War (Cork 1965). Nano
Nagle died in 1784, but the Order that she founded continued to
spread. Sister Bolster makes clear how uncritical Mrs Woodham
Smith's biography of Florence Nightingale was in its acceptance
of her heroine's case against the Irish Sisters. 24 Other useful
accounts are: M. Gibbons, A prisoner of the poor: Margaret
Aylward 1810-89, a memoir (Dublin 1967); A Loreto Sister, Joyful
mother of children: Mother Frances Mary Teresa Ball (Dublin
1961), the story of the foundress of Loreto, the Irish branch of
the Institute of the Blessed Virgin Mary. One might include here
Irene French Eager, The nun of Kenmare (Cork 1970), on
Margaret Ann Cusack.
A number of works of varying merit have sought to illuminate

123 P. ? S?illeabh?in, 'Maynooth's first professor of scripture*, in I.E.R. ser 5,


ciii (1965) 88-92; Idem, 'Nicholas Slevin, Maynooth professor', in ibid, civ
(1965) 80-5; Idem, 'A letter of Nicholas Slevin 1817', in Clogher Rec. vi (1968)
493-9; K. McNamara, 'Patrick Murray's teaching on tradition', in Volk Gottes:
Festgabe f?r Josef H?fer, ed. R. B?umer and H. Dolch (Freiburg 1967) 455-79.
H. J. Brosch also attempts to set Murray's teaching in its nineteenth-century
context, in Schrift und Tradition (Essen 1962) 240-3 ; J. Newman, 'John McEnery,
Limerick priest-paleontologist 1796-1841*, in North Munster Studies, ed. Etienne
Rynne (Limerick 1967) 395-400; B. Egan, 'An eminent Franciscan of the
emancipation era', in Cork Hist, and Arch. Soc. Jn. lxxvi (1971) 21-4; J. Kingston,
'The Rev John Smyth, C.C. (1791-1858)', in Rep. Nov. iv (1971) 17-32; P. Murray,
'A portrait of the rector: Father John Conmee, S.J.\ in I.E.R. ser 5, cix (1968)
110-115; R. McGovern, 'Father Tom Maguire: polemicist, popular preacher and
patriot 1792-18', in Breifne v (1971) 277-88. 'Michael James Whitty (1793)', an
unsigned article in The Past 10 (1973-4) 45-7, deals with the Wexford journalist
who edited The Dublin and London Magazine, a short-lived catholic and nationalist
monthly. (See also ibid. 7 (1964) 125-37. J. Delaney, 'Patrick Kennedy (1801-73)*,
in The Past 7 (1964) 9-87, deals with one who was both teacher and writer.
124 See also J. J. W. Murphy, 'An Irish Sister of Mercy in the Crimean War', in
Ir. Sword v (1962) 251-61; A. H. Leaden, 'The Sisters of Mercy in Kilmore
1868-1968', in Breifne iii (1969) 568-82.

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98 JOHN J. SILKE

the murky problem of Northern Ireland. One


account is Liam de Paor, Divided Ulster (Lond
history of sectarian conflict in Northern Irela
and violent; Andrew Boyd, for instance, remi
war was endemic in Belfast throughout its hi
and Cornelius O'Leary, Belfast: approach to c
Belfast politics 1613-1790 (London 1973), exami
various riots which have erupted from time t
early nineteenth century'. While these authors' su
growth of religious apartheid, marked by Orange
catholic education separatism, speeches by incend
the growth of nationalism, were main causes of
great interest, the student will not forget the re
Cahill which trace the origin of modern Ulster n
protestant agitation of the 1 830s.
At the local level, there was some useful work on
Dermot F. Gleeson, 'Your parish and its history
xciii (1960) 1-18, was good on methodology, and
highly-acclaimed histories: P. K. Egan, The parish
its history from the earliest times to the present
and Eamon 6 Doibhlinn, Domhnach M6r (D
outline of parish history (Omagh 1969). These
material of nineteenth-century interest.'26
There is a growing literature on Irish emigration
speaking world. While there has as yet been littl
late the domestic and foreign experiences of Iris
becoming possible to distinguish various patte
periences. In Britain, the United States and Aust
of Irish catholic immigrants, with their poverty
of wrongs inflicted on them, and in general their
not easily assimilable; and the hostile reaction of
in 'no-popery' or nativist outbursts, had sometim
with by governments. In Ireland catholics had su
religious disabilities, and in the churches that th
they sometimes tended to identify the causes of

128 See the list of publications in Irish Booklore i (1971) 44


128 Also worth mention are M?che?l ? C?os?in (ed.), C?ad
(Ballyferriter 1973); P. Livingstone, The Fermanagh story
of the county Fermanagh from the earliest times to the present day (Enniskillen
1969); and B. ? Buachalla, B?ai Feirste Cois Cuain (Dublin 1968).

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THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN IRELAND 1800-1922 99

Irish nationalism. However it would be wrong to forget the strong


'Americanizing' trend among clerical and lay leaders of Irish
catholicism in America, or to forget that Irish reservations about
the union of throne and altar were guarantee that the mould they
imposed on new churches would not be exactly Roman.
Education is a field which clearly invites comparative study.
While the ruling philosophies in America (separation of church
and state) and in the British Empire (liberalism) were different,
the idea that there is a basic unity in the nineteenth century struggle
between church and state in the United Kingdom, Canada,
Australasia and the United States'27 would seem a fruitful one
to pursue. Both at home and abroad Irish catholics could differ
on whether to fight for denominational education or to accept a
state system. In some cases, as in Manitoba, their niumerical weak
ness predisposed them towards the latter course; in others, as in
the case of Archbishop John Ireland, who saw an identity of
interest between church and Republic, both in his view bastions
of freedom, so also did conviction.
The Irish influx into Britain had been growing before the
famine.128 Already there were substantial Irish catholic popu
lations in London, Bristol and Cardiff, and (Handley estimates)
in 1840 Irish-born immigrants formed ten per cent of the popu
lation of Scotland. The famine influx then brought a sharp in
crease in the catholic population of Britain. Denis Gwynn notes
that without the Irish the hierarchy would hardly have been re
stored in 1850,129 and he endorses Jackson's opinion: 'It is the
Irish immigrants who have served to make catholicism in Britain
a religion of the poor as well as the rich, inclusive rather than
exclusive, and of the city rather than the country'.
If the Irish achieved all this, they did so in an environment that
was often hostile and at times violently so, in cities such as Lon

127 See R. P. Davis, 'Irish catholics and the Manitoba school crisis 1885-1921',
in Eire-Ireland viii, 3 (1973) 29-64, quoting E. R. Norman, The conscience of the
state in North America (Cambridge 1968).
128 J. A. Jackson, The Irish in Britain (London 1963); J. Hickey, Urban
catholics: urban Catholicism in England and Wales from 1829 to the present day
(London 1967); J. E. Handley, The navvy in Scotland (Cork 1970); T. Coleman,
The railway navvies: a history of the men who made the railways (London 1965).
129 Great Britain: England and Wales', in Corish, Ir. Catholicism, vi 1 (1968).
See also Handley, 'Scotland', in ibid.

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100 JOHN J. SILKE

don130 or Manchester.131 English catholic res


the premise that service to the poor enriched
challenge presented by the incursion of Irish p
by the ultramontane revival of the 1840s.'42 Tl
a social problem to be eradicated was more
English catholics to grasp, as Cardinal Mannin
On Irish catholicism in the United States the
works of interest: W. F. Adams, Ireland and
the new world from 1815 to the famine (N
issued, New York 1960, 1967), the basic stud
Ireland and the American emigration 1850-90
1970); George Potter, To the golden door: the
in Ireland and America (Boston 1960); and C
Irish in America (N.Y. 1956; 2nd ed., 1970). W
The American Irish (N.Y. 1963) and Stephen
lace: America's Irish rich (London 1974) are
by skilled journalists; while A. M. Greeley,
ience: an interpretation of American catho
is a stimulating work by a sociologist. Terry
America: a history of emigrants from Great B
in the mid-nineteenth century (London 19
railway navvies, a popular work, but has so
on efforts by the church to care for immigra
nothing attacks.
Joseph B. Code, Dictionary of the Americ
1964 (N.Y. 1964); Thomas T. McAvoy, A hist
church in the United States (South Bend, In
180 S. Gilley, 'Protestant London, no popery and the Ir
History x (1970) 210-30.
131 See K. O'Connor, The Irish in Britain (London 197
ficial, makes use of the dissertation by Marie Brock (
immigrants in Manchester 1830-54', in describing the
For the period, 1832-49, in Manchester, see above, 79.
132 S. Gilley, The Roman catholic mission to the Iris
in Recusant History x (1969) 123-45; Idem, 'Heretic Lo
the Irish poor 1830-70', in Downside Rev. lxxxix (1971
protestants and the Irish in London 1835-70', in G. J.
(ed.) Studies in Church history, viii: Popular belief and p
183 See K. S. Inglis, Churches and the working clas
(London 1963) chap. 3. Other miscellaneous items are:
changes in Liverpool in the nineteenth century', in J
195-211; and V. A. McClelland, The Irish clergy and
apostolic visitation of the western district of Scotland 1
liii (1967) 1-27, 229-50.

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THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN IRELAND 1800-1922 101

Egan, The influence of the Irish on the catholic church in


Anmerica, O'Donnell Lecture (Dublin 1968), are useful for refer
ence. J. T. Ellis, Perspectives in American catholicism. Benedictine
Studies V (Dublin 1963), covers much ground. While assimilation
of Irish catholics encountered difficulties both from the Irish them
selves and especially from the nativists who most de
sired such assimilation. Mgr Ellis finds a strong liberal
tendency among the ecclesiastical leaders of the Irish
church in America in the early generations. The more pro
gressive of the Irish bishops took the lead in Americnizing the
church. Ellis's studies can be compared with those of Robert D.
Cross, The emergence of liberal catholicism in America (Boston,
Mass. 1958); and Thomas T. MeAvoy, The great crisis in Amedi
can catholic history (Chicago 1957). McAvoy again and T. N.
Brown'l4 (more incisively) analyze the sharp division between
'liberals' or 'Ariericanizers' and 'conservatives' or SRomanuits'
among Irish catholics at the close of the nineteenth century.
H. London, 'Irish assimilation and the American Republican
party', in Dublin Rev. (Wiseman Rev.) no 515 (1968) 6574.
Nativism (the correlative of English 'no-popery') has been dis
cussed by R. A. Billington, The protestant crusade 1800-60
(Chicago 1954); J. A. Higham, Strangers in the land: patterns of
American nativism 1860-1925 (N.Y. 1965); and H. London, 'The
Irish and American nativism in New York city 1843-7', in Dublin
Rev. (Wiseman Rev.) no 510 (1967) 378-94.
Reaction to nativism combined with memories of Englh in
justices to Ireland to produce Irish-American national."5 Tlhe
thesis has even been advanced that in the minds of many Irish
catholics the cause of the American south versus the north was
paralleled by the cause of Ireland versus England.188 At any rate,
the nationalism rather than the religion of the Irish came to be the

184T. T. McAvoy, 'The United States of America: the Irish clergyman';


T. N. Brown, 'The Irish layman', in Corish, Ir. Catholicism vi (Dublin 1970).
186 T. N. Brown, 'The origins and character of Irish-American nationalism',
in Rev. of Politics xviii (1956) 327-58; L. J. McCaffrey, 'Pioneers of the American
ghetto', in Illinois Quarterly xxxiv (1971) 31-42.
188 J. M. Hernon, Jr., Celts, catholics and copperheads: Ireland views the
American civil war (Columbus, Ohio 1968); Idem, 'Irish religious opinion on
the American civil war', in Cath. Hist. Rev. xlix (1964) 508-23.

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102 JOHN J. SILKE

issue in the later Anglo-American problem o


true also in the case of German-American
similarity in the cultural experience of both
United States was such as to forge them in
American catholic unity,'38 they also found a
ity issue after 1914.'19
E. F. Nieuhaus, The Irish in New Orleans
Rouge, La., 1965) is an admirable study, es
religious contribution of the Irish immigrant
among them were the victims of Know-Nothi
Ford, 'An Irish-American journalist and catho
of the Irish World', in Church History xxxix
siders a vigorous champion of Ireland. Fath
also of the immigrant Irish, and education
agitator-extraordinary, has also received much
Busher, Consecrated thunderbolt: a life of Fa
of San Francisco (Hawthorne, N.J., 1973); J
in Studies lxii (1973) - and in tire-Ireland x:2
Walsh and T. Foley, art. in Studia Hib. 14
The fundamental work on the Irish in Can
Davin, The Irishman in Canada (London 18
1969 (I.U.P.), with a useful introductory note
who refers to more recent work, which is no
on the Irish, the church, and education, in
essay on the Irish and the Manitoba schoo
the attitude of catholics towards the quest
ational education might be influenced by the
or weakness.
Of current debates between historians of 'Ireland's spiritual
empire' (a phrase beloved of Cardinal Moran), none are perhaps
keener than those over Australia. The character, whether Roman
or Irish, impressed on the Australian church in its formative
period; the autocracy of Irish bishops; the struggle with the state

187 T. N. Brown, Irish-American nationalism 1870-90 (Philadelphia and N.Y.


1966); A. J. Ward, Ireland and Anglo-American relations 1899-1921 (London
1969); W. M. Leary, 'Woodrow Wilson, Irish Americans and the election of
1916', in Jn. Amer. Hist, liv (1967) 57-72; J. P. O'Grady (ed.), The immigrant's
influence on Wilson's peace policies (Lexington, Ky. 1967) 56-84.
1SB J. P. Dolan, 'Immigrants in the city: New York's Irish and German
catholics', in Church History xli (1972) 354-68.
182 D. R. Esslinger, 'American, German and Irish attitudes towards neutrality
1914-17: a study of catholic minorities', in Cath. Hist. Rev. liii (1967) 194-216.

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THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN IRELAND 1800-1922 103

over education; the development of liberalism among Australian


catholics: discussion about all these issues is lively in itself and
challenging for the comparisons it invites in regard to the rest of
the 'empire', and especially Ireland itself.
General works which both raise issues and deal with person
alities are W. Phillips, 'Australian Catholic historiography: some
recent issues', in Hist. Studies xiv (1971) 600-611; Patrick O'Far
rell, The catholic church in Australia: a short history 1788-1967
(London 1969); T. L. Suttor, Hierarchy and democracy in
Australia 1788-1870: the formation of Australian catholicism
(Cambridge 1965); John N. Malony, The Roman mould of the
Australian catholic church (Melbourne 1969); M. Shanahan, Out
of time, out of place (Canberra 1970); and W. G. McMinn, 'Bishop
Murray and the pattern of Australian catholicism', in Jn. Relig.
Hist. vi (1971) 348-62.
On education, besides the comprehensive work by Ronald
Fogarty, Catholic education in Australia 1806-1950 (2 vols, Mel
bourne 1959), there are A. G. Austin, Australian education 1788
1900: church, vtate and public education in colonial Australia
Melbourne 1965); R. P. Davis, State aid and Tasmanian politics
1868-1920 (Hobart 1969); W. A. Greening, 'The Mannix thesis
in catholic secondary education in Victoria', in Melbourne studies
in education 1961-2 (Melbourne 1963); Sr M. Xaverius O'Don
oghue, Mother Vincent Whitty (Melbourne 1972), a study of a
remarkable Mercy nun whose spiritual resources, amassed (it
seems) in Ireland, were equal to the tests imposed by the formid
able Bishop Quinn; and Maureen Purcell, 'Bishop Murray and
the Patrician Brothers', in In. of Relig. Hist. viii (1974) 75-89.
which discusses the policies of another strong-minded bishop.
Assorted biographies, which incidentally treat of the questions
of catholics and liberalism and catholics and labour, are Patrick
Ford, Cardinal Moran and the A.L.P. (London 1966); Niall
Brennan, Dr Mannix (London 1965); Bruce Mansfield, Australian
democrat: the career of Edward William O'Sullivan 1846-1910
(Sydney 1965); R. P. Davis, 'The liberal catholicism of Patrick
O'Donohue and the Tasmanian crisis of 1850', in .n. of Relig.
Hist. v (1969) 314-30; and (for New Zealand) Hugh M. Laracy,
'Bishop Moran: Irish politics and catholicism in New Zealand',
in In. of Relig. Hist. vi (1971) 62-76.
On the missions in general, Corish, Ir. catholicism, vol vi, offers

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104 JOHN J. SILKE

comprehensive treatment, with chapte


bibliographies) on England and Wale
Africa, South America, Australia, N
Orient. There is need for comparat
eral it can be said that the adaptabil
Irish were assets. Their initial lack of
to a more organised approach, but the
movement of the present century and
the scope of this survey. On the earlie
may be noted: a survey of the work
Hallows, Waterford, Kilkenny, Carlo
which train secular priests for the m
the Irish missionaries in Florida; the f
land; the Irish Capuchin mission in t
which began in 1910; the Irish and the
of Philadelphia; and again the early mi

140'Ireland's six mission colleges', in Capuchi


xxvii, (1960) 289-343.
141D. I. Page, Peregrini pro Christo: the story
diocese of St Augustine, Florida (St Augusti
James Louis O'Donnell (1737-1811), first bis
ser 5, ciii (1965) 308-24; Father Paul, 'Irish Cap
States', in Capuchin Annual xxvii (I960) 171
the mornin",' in Capuchin Annual xxviii (1
missions to Africa', in I.E.R. ser 5 (1961) 167-7
and Asia', in Capuchin Annual xxix (1962) 266-

This paper has gone to press before the appe


catholic church and the creation of the modern
1975). Larkin argues that the years between the
first Home Rule Bill were crucial both for the
and for the definition of the church's role in
national pressure exerted by Parnell and the
church yielded to the former; and Rome, in th
its constitutional role in the modern Irish sta
state from the danger of autocracy of party or
product of many years' research among archiva
papers, is at times ragged in the writing; but
immensely thought-provoking. In filling anoth
62, 86-7), Prof. Larkin has increased the deb
A particular issue, with which he does not q
development of the Irish episcopal conference
Sean Cannon, C.SS.R., in his historico-cano
University, a brilliant pioneer work.

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