Kateryna NOVIKOVA

NETWORKS AND SOCIAL MOVEMENT MOBILISATION.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK FOR THE INTERNET-
BASED PROTEST AND ACTIVISM RESEARCH

Immanent change or development – to take a more optimistic view – is cur-

rently epitomized in the unique phenomenon of the global interconnected web
of actors, actions and processes. It is not a first time in history that social and
political scientists need to take the challenge of the impact of technological
developments. However, nowadays most researchers consider this change
most overwhelming and fundamental. The global society has been changing
into the densely interconnected networks, the so-МКllОН ‘nОtаorФ soМТОtв’.
Without going into the debatable matters of the current stage of societal de-
velopment one should acknowledge the importance of the electronic network
potentials for political and social life on every level, either global, glocal or
local. The magnitude of these potentials has been explored in many ways,
with numerous methods and approaches. Nonetheless the research on net-
working potentials can also benefit from taking a particular, arbitrarily chosen
point of view on the existing state of matter. This point of view rests upon
specific research areas’ perspectives and a particular attempt to apply or con-
front these perspectives. Among the main themes one should point out first of
all the social networks phenomenon that is expanding on enormous and
unique scale in social media, social network sites or social networking ser-
vices on the Internet thanks to the unprecedented development of communica-
tion and information technologies and their relatively free usage. Another
perspective refers to the ambiguous issues of (new) social movements and
protest activities as well as their possible virtual reflections, representations or
support. Currently the social and political mobilization, protest and making-
global-difference activities are tightly interconnected in the Internet or cyber-
space on a group and personal level especially in the conditions of the pro-
МlКТmОН ‘МвЛОrНОmoМrКМв’ Тn the making. One of the prominent and most

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effective episodes in Poland was undoubtedly anti-ACTA protests in the year
2012.

These issues are particularly interesting in the context of contemporary social

changes influenced by technological changes. The sociological discourse is
thus concerned about how to name this new type of society we live in. Among
numerous alternatives there is one that is specifically interesting. The network
society conception emphasizes a network as a basic organizational principle
and communication pattern in contemporary society which is properly illustra-
ted by „аorlН аТНО аОЛ” КnН ОnКМtОН Тn polТtТМКl protОst КМtТvТtТОs Тn tСО Мy-
berspace [9; 7; 6]. This conception also underscores the importance of action
КlonР аТtС nОtаorФ Кs К struМturКl ПКМtor. CollОМtТvО КМtТon Тn CКstОlls’ tОrms
Тs sОt Тn motТon Лв tСО ‘poаОr oП ТНОntТtв’, аСТМС Тs ОбprОssОН Кlso Тn numОr-
ous social movements and protests during the last two decades of 20th c. [8;
11: p.10-11].

SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND PROTEST VS NETWORKING

Current protest issues, respective social movements or „new social move-

mОnts” КnН nОtаorФs have been recently studied rather closely with each
other. The new social movement model represented a specific response to new
conflicts concerning social values and cultural patterns of the modern, late
modern, postmodern or post-industrial eras of the second half of the 20th c.
According to Alain Touraine, while heralding the new post-industrial society
new social movements resist „the psycho-cultural effects of modern produc-
tion te-chnique and the psychological, social and environmental demands
which ema-nКtО Пrom tСОm” Д26Ś p. 8Ń-82]. Later analyses, however, made
those effects and demands more specific. A set of capitalist or industrialist
values, economic growth and political power was rejected for the benefit of
alternative lifestyles, quality of life and free civil society non-subordinated to
the state and to technocracy [ibid]. According to the general definition social
movement is „an action carried out by particular social groups in order to take
Мontrol oП soМТКl МСКnРО”, tСouРС МОrtКТnlв not Кnв soМТКl МontОstТnР oП orНОr
(or protest) could be called social movement [26: p.80; 27: p. 311]. Contem-
porary social movements promote cultural values and identities that are con-

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fronted in several theories with the rationality or instrumentality of economy
[27: p. 312-313]. They bring over a „nОoromКntТМ” protОst КnН КrО „radically
modern insofar as they are guided by the values of autonomy, emancipation
КnН ТНОntТtв” Д2ń, ń996Ś p. ń9]. SoМТКl movОmОnt or protОst МКn СoаОvОr
emerge from any social contesting if historical circumstances are favourable,
if there are some ideas and values that require defending or defeating as well
as if there are some tools to use to realize these emancipating plans and fight
for identity.

There is another crucial view on new social movements that was as a term
widely used by Alberto Melucci, later it was stressed that these movements
are not as new as claimed. All emancipation claims are similar to the old ones
of „аorФТnР МlКss ПТРСtТnР МКpТtКlТst КlТОnКtТon” Дń9Ś p.5-6]. Moreover, this
paradigm was highly criticized for the lack of comprehensiveness and omis-
sion of the conservative movements that also reacted intensely to the „alienat-
ТnР ОППОМts oП postТnНustrТКl soМТОtв” Д23Ś p. 4ń3]. ВОt ОvОn a more important
point is the one alleging that social movements are no longer consolidated
social entities fighting against the political and governmental systems. Instead
they are gradually changing into „rОtТМulКr КnН НТППusО Пorms oП soМТКl КМtТon”
[19: p.4]. Hence social movements during the late 20th c. transformed into
solidarity networks „ОntrustОН аТtС potОnt МulturКl mОКnТnРs” аСОrО ТНОologi-
cally outlined unity of goals is not as significant as the unity of values and
symbols. Somewhere else, one can find such a specific characterization of
new social movements that appear to be „loosely bound, sympathetic friend-
ship networks, involving consciousness raising and opportunity to reconstruct
life-storТОs”, аСОrО КРКТn tСО „ПormКtТon oП ТНОntТtТОs” plКвs morО ТmportКnt
role than any other specific aim or objective [24: p.61].

Another important dimension that plays even a more significant role is the
collective identity that emerges according to Melucci out of exchanges, nego-
tiations, decisions and conflicts among actors. Therefore to understand collec-
tive actor – movement – and its actions (protest activities) one must take into
consideration processes of mobilization, organizational forms, models of lead-
ership and forms of communication [ibid]. There is hardly any other theoreti-
cal concept except network and networking processes that currently allows
nowadays proper analysis. The ICT and Internet were an excellent opportunity

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to strengthen that segmented and multi-faceted movement pattern consisting
of diversified and autonomous units or „sОpКrКtО, quКsТКutonomous МОlls”.
Such networks maintains a movement’s internal solidarity of cultural and
symbolic character while, as Melucci put it, „information, people and patterns
oП ЛОСКvТour” pКss tСrouРС Пrom onО unТt to КnotСОr mКТntКТnТnР Кt tСО sКmО
time some homogeneity. The conclusion from the mid-1990s considers social
movements as „hidden networks of groups, meeting points, and circuits of so-
lidarity, which differ profoundly from the image of politically organized ac-
tor” Дń9Ś p.ńń4-115]. The mentioned homogeneity and solidarity as well as
segmentation and multifacetedness are somewhat contradictory to each other
as well as to the current state of new social movements and institutionalisation
[30: p. 8].

Apart from the stated contradictions there are some other noteworthy points.
Group solidarity and collective action have become inseparable from individ-
ual identity as well as the personal quest and „from the everyday affective and
МommunТМКtТvО nООНs oП tСО pКrtТМТpКnts Тn tСО nОtаorФs” Дń9Ś p. ńń5]. TСОsО
broad quotations are used to illustrate the latest situation of the World Wide
Web and Internet especially with regard to social networking services and
social media. However, the paper is focused not so much on the network char-
acter or organizational nature of social movements which have been particu-
larly helpful and effective in achieving the aims of protestors [11: p.156–161;
8; 7; 12]. It’s rКtСОr tСО opportunТtТОs tСКt tСО ОlОМtronТМ nОtаorФs КnН pКrtТМu-
larly computer-based social networking services could provide for the social
movement actors and possible protest activities that are central in this case. It
attempts to outline also the protest potentials that social networks possess
being maintained through the Internet social network services or social media
as well as any other advanced technical facilities [e.g. 1; 5]. The network or-
ganizational model stresses however on the key feature that virtual networks
offer, loose networks significantly increase the resources available for protest
or cause promotion in the Internet (Granovetter’s weak ties are relevant here
[15]), maximize adaptability, revolutionize hierarchical leadership but at the
same time shorten and destabilize the life of any protest action, cause or
movement.

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SOCIAL ELECTRONIC NETWORKING

Social networking online or social network sites [4] represent a remarkable

space for mobilization, protest activities and societal initiatives though most
probably not sufficient for more considerable social movement organization
and institutionalisation. Therefore protest potentials appear as possibilities for
common cause promotion and various online activities as well as for activist
recruitment and further deep engagement. This also affects the distinction
between permanent forms of networks and cyclic mobilization activities. Also
there is a powerful trend that includes the very sense of virtual world and elec-
tronic network existence as well as their perceived freedom and communal
character into grievances and demands of Internet activists [16]. However, this
„СКМtТvТsm” phenomenon seems to be rather part of a general protesting pic-
ture, which is drawn with so many different colours and shades that it would
be more meaningful to look at its universal characteristics and mechanisms.

Social networking services, social networking online, social networking plat-

forms or sites represent a specific phenomenon that has been already to a
greater extent assimilated into the everyday life of millions of Internet users –
netizens – all over the world. Considering the Digital Divide factors and Inter-
net marketisation as well as the convergence of web 2.0 and mass media, the
virtual networking is not just another buzz word in social research and mass
media discourse. There are numerous social networking sites focusing on dif-
ferent interests, practices, identities and values, sharing content or providing
specific services like connecting – actual or potential – friends, colleagues,
acquaintances or family members etc. or offering instant communication,
blogging and mobile connectivity [4].

The definition of social networking services or sites includes three main char-
acteristics. Such sites provide web-based services that allow people, first of
all, to create public or private profile, situated in a system with certain prede-
fined boundaries [ibid.]. Second, social platforms allow people to develop
their own register of connections with other people, either visible or hidden
for strangers and friends. This refers to another characteristic, which allows
site users to view or navigate without any restraint the lists of connections as
well as these of other users [4].

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Social networking sites are defined as such also due to another specific fea-
ture, which emphasizes not only mere networking activities implying „initia-
tТon oП rОlКtТonsСТp ЛОtаООn strКnРОrs”, аСТМС Тs МОrtКТnlв possТЛlО Лut НoОs
not represent the sense or aim of their activities as well as differentiating char-
acteristics among other types of social media [ibid]. With regards to social
media, they stand for an umbrella term that embraces social software and so-
cial networking [2: p.21]. Social software in this definition indicates a type of
application or various types of applications that enable users to communicate
with one another, and what is most functional „to track discussions across the
WОЛ Кs tСОв СКppОn” КnН Кs К rОsult „to build social networks to increase so-
МТКl МКpТtКl” Д2Ś p.2ń-22]. Communication technologies and media though
have always been a fruitful environment for interpersonal communication and
networking as well as various other socializing practices including organiza-
tion of people around a political and social cause. Simply putting it the phe-
nomenon of social media is influencing „how people meet and make contact
аТtС ОКМС otСОr” not mОrОlв pursuТnР pОrsonКl РoКls.

Among numerous functions of the computer-mediated communication via

social networking sites as well as the one concerning social movements,
causes and protesting issues is especially noteworthy. The political dimension
of the „аorlН аТНО аОЛ”, so МКllОН МвЛОrpolТtТМs КnН vТrtuКl НОmoМrКМв КllОg-
edly in progress goes along with „information dissemination, communication
exchange, and the formation of electronic political coalitions across the Inter-
nОt” ДТЛТН] tСКt ЛКsТМКllв tКФО plКМО on tСО nОtаorФТnР plКtПorms.

Social networking sites are specific also because they assists users in „articu-
lКtТnР КnН mКФТnР vТsТЛlО tСОТr soМТКl nОtаorФs” Д4]. TСОsО nОtаorФs КrО ЛКsОН
mainly on the offline connections or existing extended social networks despite
many analysts predicted an extreme growth of the virtual worlds and exclu-
sively online communications and ties. However virtual networking activities
still can result in connections that would not otherwise be made in certain
circumstances, for instance, lacking proper access to the advanced networking
technologies [ibid, also e.g. 7]. Depending on the nature of the social network-
ing platform virtually anyone can join it being later asked to answer a typical
series of questions. These answers are usually visible to „the friends on the
lТst” КnН rОprОsОnt tСКt ОбМОptТonКl vКluО oП nОtаorФing since one is easily

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situated or located in the semantically abundant web spaces. Adding various
demographic, social, cultural and even political references as well as multime-
dia, pictures and applications make individual profile a virtual representative
of personal identity. The life on the screen, however, is often attached rather
firmly to real life reflecting real individual characteristics of a person as well
as his or her views, opinions and political orientation.

Personal profiles are quite important in networking activities, especially when

the goal is to connect with a stranger. Nonetheless such opportunities are not
endless and depend on potential visibility of profiles on the social networking
platforms of different orientation, function or scale. There are two extreme
points of such structural variations defined as „lТttlО аorlНs” КnН „structural
РКps” КnН КpplТОН to tСО soМТКl mОНТК rОsОКrМС МКsОs oП РloЛКl LТnФОНIn КnН
regional Grono.net [17]. The former refers to the professional networking
portal, which is open to everybody to join and create a profile but closed in
tОrms oП ЛroаsТnР mТllТons oП otСОr proПТlОs lТmТtОН to onО’s oаn nОtаorФ tТll
the second degree. These features allow the including of all important identity
information – in this case mainly professional, education and job information
– with no concern about its probable theft. However, the possibilities for a
jobseeker or expert to be found by a potential employer are to a great extent
limited by those two or three „degrees of sОpКrКtТon” Кlso Пor tСО rОКson tСКt
due to homophily users on these two or three levels will be connected to per-
sons of similar profiles where no structural gap or weak ties exist.

The Grono.net portal is a regional one, which was founded for the sake of
constructing a small world, where everybody knows everybody and any pos-
sible deviation – also e. g. identity theft – is excluded. To join this networking
platform one should be invited, and since nobody invites mistrustful people,
the network was intended to be a rather safe place. However, the first and
foremost condition has been the full openness of any profile to anybody. The
utopian plans did not in effect succeed and resulted in a loose network of
„smКll аorlНs” Дń7]. PОoplО МrОКtО proПТlОs аСОrО tСОre is hardly any useful
information for others to browse except for the close contacts who possess
specific „МulturКl МoНО” КnН КrО most proЛКЛlв rootОН Тn tСО rОКl lТПО prКМtТМОs
such as close friends and family circles or „stronР tТОs” Тn żrКnovОttОr’s terms
[ibid]. Three degrees, invite-only basis and „СОlpПul” pОrspОМtТvОs ПunМtТon,

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however, in the case of AsmallWorld „unТquО” soМТКl nОtаorФТnР sОrvТМО oП
„КutСОntТМ МonnОМtТons”, аСТМС Тs НОsМrТЛОН Кs „private international commu-
nity of culturally influОntТКl pОoplО”, oППОrТnР „a platform to share informa-
tion, be a part of a dialogue, seek social and business opportunity and much
morО”. TСouРС ТntОrnКl ПunМtТonТnР КlРorТtСms КnН ОППОМts КrО ЛКsТМКllв un-
specified due to the closed character of this platform, but its private – based on
large investments – and highly regulated character for the sake of safety seem
to produce the ideal networking platform.

There are several other social networking services or sites, less effective in
terms of resources and organization, but more extensive in terms of quantity
and scope. Among the most populous networks there is the music and creativ-
ity-based MySpace, the predominantly teenage Bebo as well as most universal
and globally oriented Facebook. Among the main functions that such network-
ing platforms or sites offer along with profile creating and browsing as well as
development and navigation of lists of friends there are comments posting and
private messaging, photo and video sharing capabilities or instant messaging
and blogging tools [4]. Facebook networking site offers lots of fun and serious
applications, fan pages, groups, forums and cause promotion capabilities that
appear to be an excellent repertoire to use by various social issues advocates,
civil activists, political campaigners and protesters or just people who express
their opinion on any matter that is significant for them as well as their com-
munity or network.

Social networking platforms or services have been designed to „stay in con-

tКМt” or „maintain everв МonnОМtТon вou’Н lТФО”, tСus onО МКn МlКТm tСОТr pre-
dominantly leisure light character. The fundamental leisure feature enables
users to exist visually through the multimedia material made by them or of
them. Pictures and videos, both shared and open content like YouTube etc.,
could however produce much more powerful appeal - „moЛТlТгКtТon oП sСКmО”
- than any most persuasive petition or compelling address on any topic of so-
cial good, economic or political problems. Political or social „vТsuКlТtв” Оm-
braces presently not only the protest banners, booklets and non-interactive
mass messages on TV. Everyone can take a shot, record a movie with a mo-
bile phone as well as paint or draw his or her own artistic vision of a protest
issue. Billions of pictures in the cyberspace include millions of protesting or

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socially conscious visual appeals uploaded onto social networking platforms
and shared on private profiles or public cause pages.

INTERNET-BASED MOBILISATION AND RECRUITMENT POTENTIALS

Revising the characteristics and capabilities of the social networking sites or

services with regard to the structural and agency levels of political activities
and participation in social movements one can gain fruitful insights into the
possible protest strategies, mobilization and further actions based on these
networks. Structural level refers to the broadly understood social network
phenomenon not restricted to its electronic reflections or embodiements. In
contrast, individual or agency level refers to the perceptions of an individual
acting in these networks and being at the same time influenced by them. Both
levels have been analysed in a luminous attempt to explain differential partici-
pation in social movements [22]. The application of the effect of this analysis
to the social media case can be therefore rather fruitful.

The premises of the analysis emphasized specific sources for political partici-
pation that could be also considered closely to the concept of identity. Collec-
tive identity on the macro level of networks and personal identity on the level
of individual perceptions influence individual participation and possible en-
gagement in certain protest causes and movements. These processes of „struc-
turО trКnslКtТnР Тnto КМtТon” КrО МrТtТМКl Пor unНОrstКnНТnР oП mТМromoЛТlization
processes on the electronic networking platforms as well. The identity con-
stituent, however, can be considered too powerful for the social networking
connections, even in the case of virtual protests and causes promotion. One
should bear in mind that „not all networks between like-minded people neces-
sarily reflect social movement processes, which demand focused identity and
resulting bonds oП МОrtКТn НОРrОО” ДńńŚ p.22]. TСО virtual world or especially
virtual communities formation give another perspective on the identity issue
since group identity can develop via a bottom-up process of interpersonal –
also virtual – communication [28: p.252-253].

The mechanisms that lead people to become involved should also be comple-
mented by the factors that can by some means intensify this involvement and

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that refer to „tСО struМturКl loМКtТon oП soМТКl КМtors КnН tСОТr pОrМОptТons” Д22Ś
p.124]. Such structural understanding of social networks is elsewhere con-
fronted with the notion of the so called socio-spatial networks with alleged
greater accent on human agency, close to the social movement theory by Me-
lucci and others [25: p.28]. People tend to engage into protest activities to
defend threatened common identities usually with their friends and acquaint-
ances that share the same network. The individual perceptions or perspectives
in the mentioned structure-agency analysis in social movements develop un-
der the persistent structural influence of social networks, which has two major
dimensions. First, networks create the specific social environment that inspires
individual choices „Тn sСort run” Д22Ś p.ń24-125]. Another „lonР run” НТmОn-
sion concerns certain cognitive parameters that emerge in the course of pri-
mary and secondary socialization processes pushing individuals to take part in
protest or abstain. So among the main functions of social networks there is a
structural connection through the networking resources to an opportunity to
participate. Networks can also shape individual decisions on every specific
occasion while socializing those connected „Тnto К protОst ТssuО”. On tСО ТnНi-
vidual level of perceptions there are also a few factors that influence both the
possible joining up as well as the intensiveness of further participation. How-
ever, one must bear in mind that networks also have a significant effect on the
nature of such perceptions. The first element of perception that influences
each individual decision about participation and therefore mobilization suc-
cess refers to the perceived effectiveness of actions [22: p.125].

This aspect is well illustrated in the question „what can I МСКnРО” Кs аОll Кs Тn
the motto of many social networking sites primarily aimed on social good and
justice, virtual protest and petitioning activities to „mКФО К НТППОrОnМО”.
Among such specialized portals the most populous is Care2.com, which is
directed mainly on new social movement topics, such as global warming,
women’s rights or healthy living. There are several ways one can participate
in „making a НТППОrОnМО” on tСТs plКtПorm by volunteering, petitioning, work-
ing, taking the so-called „НКТlв КМtТon” Кs аОll Кs МОrtКТnlв НonКtО monОв. TСО
main interest for the members of this service is also represented by its social
media characteristics, which enable them to use it as a usual social networking
service connecting friends, discussing issues on forums, being a part of the

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significant networking system at the same timed based on mutual understand-
ing and fighting for common values. What one can give, what difference one
can make depends also on how the whole community or system is able to be
effective. Prospective participants assess not only their personal contribution,
but also that of a whole group before joining a protest or good cause and en-
gaging actively in it [22: p.125].

AnotСОr rОmКrФКЛlО ПКМtor tСКt ТnПluОnМОs tСО soМТКl КМtors’ ТntОntТon to tКФО
part in collective action refers to the assessment of the possible risks of collec-
tive action [ibid]. Here the cyberspace and Internet – created as a medium for
freedom – seems to play a key role as a herald of a new age of liberty. The
МruМТКl tСouРС proЛКЛlв ovОrlв optТmТstТМ CКstОlls’ stКtОmОnt rОПlОМts tСО
Internet and electronic communication potentials. „Governments can do little
to control communication flows able to circumvent geography and thus politi-
МКl ЛounНКrТОs” Д7Ś p.ń68]. TСОsО Пloаs КnН ПrООНom Кt lОКst Кt tСО ПounНКtТons
of new information and communication technologies have made an important
contribution into the perception processes on the level of every citizen or neti-
zen of either „smКll” or „ЛТР” аorlНs. IП Кn ТnНТvТНuКl IntОrnОt usОr pОrМОТvОs
his or her risk of speaking out about a problem, being active, protesting and
„mКФТnР НТППОrОnМО” Кs rКtСОr ТnsТРnТПТМКnt, tСТs МвЛОrspКМО МСКrКМtОrТstТМs
seems to be even more important than the existence of independent mass me-
dia and free speech for the representatives of every political option. If one is
safe and free on the Internet especially in his or her perceptions, the virtual
society converges with the civil one. On the mezolevel it is tightly intercon-
nected with the phenomenon of the so-called grassrooted networks, „elec-
tronТМ РrКssrootТnР oП НОmoМrКМв” КnН Лottom-up actions based on computer
mediated communication via electronic networks that Castells characterized as
an alternative power that also influenced the emergence of network society [8:
p.362].

There are various contradictions on freedom and repression on the Internet

that proved to be dependent on the overall democratic climate or its total ab-
sence in a particular country. However, the common view of cyberspace refers
to freedom of speech and actions, so the risks of certain cause promotion or
protest activities as well as subsequent high costs are fairly small. This makes
a rather positive impact on individual participation in protests as well as raises

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the possible level of engagement intensity, though probably not quality.
Moreover, there is a less optimistic opinion, according to which to make con-
nections more convenient the social networking sites aim at taking the risk
and real work out of any relationship and turning it into information exchange
КnН МontТnuous ‘ОКsв’ МommunТМКtТon. At tСТs poТnt onО sСoulН rОМoРnТгО tСО
unsurpassed capacities of the Internet as well as social networking services in
such major areas as information distribution and communication activities
irrelative [!] to its possible effectiveness for the protesting issue or cause and
intensity of the possible participant engagement.

Engagement as well as choice to participate in a protest might be influenced

also by the perceived behaviour of authorities that relates to the previous fac-
tor concerning freedom or oppression. If the legitimacy given to political au-
thorities by an individual is significantly low the legitimation of protest and
mobilization effectiveness rises at the same time increasing the intensity of
participation [22: p.126]. However, all these processes also depend on indi-
vidual perception of „mКФТnР rОКl НТППОrОnМО” Кs аОll Кs pОrsonКl КvКТlКЛТlТtв
for collective action including both objective constraints and subjective per-
ception of how much time one can offer to join the cause or protest [ibid].
Taking into consideration the demographic profile of social networking site
users, which seems to be largely similar to that of Internet users in general,
one can propose that young, independent both in mind and action, freedom-
loving and aware Internet users are to express most active protest against
every injustice or depravity in social or political sphere. However if an active
netizen really belongs to the group of such demographic characteristics, one
can disagree with their active part since among „tСО ПКst КnН ПurТous” tСОrО КrО
a lot of yuppie workaholics, cramming-overloaded students, kids-overloaded
young working moms, indifferent teenagers an so on who are surely out of
time and vigour to take an active part in any sort of online or offline protesting
activities or cause promotion considering also the lack of „immediate and
material benefits to individual memЛОrs”. SuМС К sМОptТМ opТnТon МКn ЛО Мom-
plemented by „mКФТnР rОКl НТППОrОnМО” sМОptТМТsm Кs аОll. HoаОvОr, tСО nОt-
working structural influence is able to shape individual perceptions, as Passy
and Guigni prove in their research, so the optimistic view of Internet protest
potentials can rely fortunately on – electronic as well - social network peculi-

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arities. One must also take into account the widely perceived freedom brought
by the Internet and life speeding-up – by advanced information and communi-
cation technologies. It appears to be a rather controversial issue if contempo-
rary people are out of free time because of technological innovations in their
НКТlв prКМtТМОs or quТtО tСО МontrКrв КrО КЛlО to Мontrol tСОТr lТПО’s pКМО КnН
offer plenty of free time for protest activities on the Internet.

There are two major functions specific for social networks as an environment
for the so-called micromobilization and protesting activities [22: p.127-129].
These functions are confronted also with the strong/weak and informal/formal
ties notions. The cultural role of networks according to this view includes
socialization that takes place in the longue durée and concurs to the formation
of mobilization potential providing or reinforcing awareness toward a given
protest issue. This embeddedness in the networks culturally close to the pro-
test issues does not presume totalising the framing of the social world of an
individual; rather it places him or her within an interactive structure – espe-
cially in the case of electronic social networks – and gives an opportunity to
redefine this framing.

Here one can give the example of such a function on the universal social net-
working platform (like Facebook, MySpace etc.) as updating or news feed
created around the usОr’s КМtТvТtТОs аithin the site. The specialized networking
services aimed at protest issues or promotion of the social good are created to
highlight its users’ current activities with an emphasis on those which are
most important or influential like recruiting the largest number of followers or
supporters as well as, for instance, donating the biggest sum for the cause. In
the case of the interests in a specific protest issue or social movement such
„nОаs Пrom ПrТОnНs” аСo КrО ОnРКРОН КlrОКНв МКn touМС „tСО rТРСt МСorН” oП a
potential participant or just accustom him or her to a particular issue. Since
one of the most striking features of the social networking sites’ popularity is
tСО pОoplО’s МurТosТtв КЛout otСОrs’ lТvОs Кs аОll Кs unusuКl or ОvОn nКrМТssТst
inclination to render their lives to others to observe, the socialization cultural
function of electronic networks proves to be extremely meaningful. Here the
structural function of a social network pertains as well as enables to recruit
prospective participants and activists into the protest issue that means „struc-
turКl МonnОМtТon oП ТnНТvТНuКls to Кn opportunТtв to pКrtТМТpКtО” Д22Ś p.ń28].

121
TСО soМТКl nОtаorФТnР sОrvТМОs Кlso usuКllв provТНО tСО usОr’s „СТstorв” Мon-
cerning links, pictures, videos or comments sharing, group or organization
membership, cause or protest joining in the case of specific sites etc. This
could refer to such a significant factor that facilitates participation as well as
recruitment as the so-called past experiences with the issue along with the
mere interest in it illustrated in those online activities and seen by friends and
other users [22: p.131].

Previous research has shown that recruits enter a movement or a protest issue
mainly through the interpersonal ties or informal networks of strong character
in terms of Granovetter [15; ibid]. At this point the trust appears to be the
most significant factor determining the possibility to reduce uncertainty of an
individual regarding a specific problem. „Prospective participants trust those
recruiters who are their close friends and who can convince them that a given
orРКnТгКtТon Тs К РooН plКМО to ЛОМomО ОnРКРОН” Д22Ś p.ń28]. TКФТnР Тnto
account the strong acquired and strong ascriptive ties and their diverse effect
on potential engagement one can easily find out how they function on the
soМТКl nОtаorФТnР sТtОs аСТМС ТnМluНО morО МlosО ПrТОnНs tСОn onО’s ПКmТlв
members. So the recruitment via friends [acquired ties] is more effective and
more probable via social networking services entailing more interpersonal
trust and common values among friends than the so-called moral obligations
and usually lack of intergenerational mutuality in social and political values in
the case of a family recruiting route [22: p.139-140]. In regards to formal net-
works they appear to be much more informative and active but at the same
time giving more pessimistic and realistic impression concerning the limits of
the organization to change certain political decisions than other channels of
more informal character.

This argument can explain the popularity of chain petition letters that long ago
have proven in theory and practice to be ineffective, worthless or even harm-
ful [hoax, pyramids, spamming etc.] but are still robust all over the Internet
manipulating emotionally also the social networking site users. The recruiter
status [as well as similarly a chain letter sender] significantly affects probable
participation and engagement of an individual so it really matters for people to
join collective action whether online or offline [ibid]. So if one has in his or
her network connections of first or second degree someone strongly engaged

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or centrally located in a certain social movement or protest issue elaboration
one would more probably join this issue being sure of „making real differ-
ОnМО” Пor tСО аorlН. TКФТnР Тnto МonsТНОrКtТon tСО ТНОК oП sТб НОРrООs oП sОpa-
ration it appears that the Internet and social networking services could become
the most active political and social protest players in the world which proba-
bly will take place in the near future but showing its first results at this mo-
ment [6].

In line with the argument of participation intensity conceptualisation one

should consider the impact of networks on individual perception. The possible
structural determinist approach is controversial but when the social network-
ing phenomenon and its main characteristics regarding protest activities and
cause promotion are analysed one should especially consider the direct and
indirect effects of macrostructures and social relations. These effects could
also be seen as a linkage between the structural location of social actors, their
individual perceptions and their further actions: „assuring transition from
small-scale to large-sМКlО proМОssОs КnН МonnОМtТnР struМturО КnН КРОnМв” [22:
p.130]. Such a strong linkage effect could be also explained in terms of per-
sonal and collective identity in social movements and protests which in terms
of social networks appears as networking influence over the perception of
onО’s ТnНТvТНuКl possТbilities in a particular political or social environment.
Thus social action appears to be an effect of both structural constraints – net-
works in this particular case - and subjective perception of those constraints
by an individual, a member or a node in networks.

More and more people currently join social networking platforms, define their
profiles as well as express social and political views there. They use the in-
formation, communication and organization functions of networking phenom-
ena in so many ways launching or joining the cause for good or protesting
activities on the Internet of different origin, scale and effect. On the one hand,
a typical netizen uses social networking services just to connect with his or her
significant others to realize this ever-strongest desire of the human being to
belong, to share values and fight for values and norms shared with friends.
Although the Internet enables its users to be as free in their networking activi-
ties or connection obligations as they would like, it also provides incompara-
bly powerful tools for real life processes that otherwise would not take place.

123
Despite digital divide controversies and digital literacy problems all over the
world the Internet offers unique potentials for its users to participate in protest
activities or to promote various good causes thanks to instantaneous commu-
nication, boundless and non-hierarchical organization possibilities and almost
unlimited information resources.

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Dr Kateryna Novikova - Alcide de Gasperi University of Euroregional Economy in

JягОПяа, Poland
e-mail: kate_novi@hotmail.com

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