Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Name:Md Naseer
Class: UG-II (Semester IV)
Roll number: HIST050
Registration number: 21106160050
Paper name:HISTORY OF INDIA V (C.1550-1605)
Paper code: HIST04C9
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INTRODUCTION
Baburnama was written by the founder of the Mughal empire in India—Babur. His account
provides a reader of the 20th and 21st century with an understandable and accessible account
of that milieu. We can find many models comparable to Baburnama, but the scale and varied
It captures the way a prince in his teens establishes himself in the Persianate world of Central
Asia, India, and Iran. The original title for Babur’s account was "Vaqai," meaning events.
"Vaqiat-i Baburi" was known by Babur’s descendants.2 Vaqai refers to a genre of reports of
him. In the same way, the cultural background of the author, civilization, and social condition
also play a major role in deciding the outcome of a text and the life of the author. Babur’s
account entered into the treasury of world culture, leaving a legacy to reconstruct the history
of Central Asia and North India as well as his magnificent prose because of its source materials.
Baburnama is a unique and a fascinating account of the life and times of Babur,who was not
only a great conqueror but also gifted a writer and poets.The book provides a detailed
description of the political and social and social conditions of central Asia and India during the
15th and 16th centuries and offers insights into the customs , traditions and beliefs of the people
of that time.Babur had a lifelong passion of literature , arts , architecture and the Baburnama
reflection of his wide range intellectual and cultural interest.The book includes in depth details
of his military exploits , run ins with other kings, and personal experiences and reflections , as
well as descriptions of the flora and wildlife of the areas he conquered .As we can say that
Baburnama is a remarkable historical sources that throws light on the politics , culture , and
1
Stephen Frederic Dale, Garden of the Eight Paradises: Bābur and the Culture of Empire in Central Asia,
Afghanistan and India (1483-1530) (Brill's Inner Asian Library, 1566-7162; v. 10) (Brill Academic
Publishers,2004).Pg.24
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societies of Central Asia and India throughout the 15th and 16th centuries in addition to being a
Content of ‘Baburnama’
Baburnama describes Farghana, Samarkand, Kabul, Parhala, the Rustam Maidan, the
Qandahar Fortress, Hindustan, Gualiar, and many more significant locations he came to know.
We can clearly see the political landscape of North India and Central Asia in the late 15th and
early 16th century. Babur had a meticulous eye for capturing details through observation, which
made him a very cultured person. Babur used Baburnama to record daily occurrences and
activities in his life. These writings primarily adhere to the Persian style of writing, but we also
find descriptions of the lives of common people, such as the conditions of soldiers, acrobats
like Luh, musicians like Khawaja Yusuf, and the instruments they play, such as the audi
(lutenist), ghichak (guitar), and nayi (flautists), and singer like Jahangir Mirza and Mir Jan used
to entertain. He makes reference to wine (chagir) drinkers like Bai-sunghar Mirza as well as
the various styles of wine made around the subcontinent. He describes the weavers, lamp-
bearers, boatmen, robbers, gatekeepers, rebels, dervishes (holy men), Sufis, scholars, young
people, pastoralists, peasants, artisans, merchants, and traders. Babur's account allows us to
observe the political climate, civil war, and nobility's state in Northern India and Central Asia.
Although Babur belonged to the aristocracy, we can also read the biographies of other nobles,
such Yunas Chaghatai, Mahmud Miran-shahi, Mirza, Husain Bai-gara, and many more. Along
with other ladies and kids, allusions to his family members are discovered. They are revered
and treated with great respect, although they are not frequently acknowledged.
We find that Babur made five expeditions into Hindustan. During his raids, he only faced
resistance at Sialkot by Jats and Gujjars. He called them wretches who acted obstinately and
tyrannically. 3 From his account, scholars are able to understand his motive and condition
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before his invasion; for instance, Alam Khan Lodi asking for Babur’s help against Ibrahim
Lodi.3 Babur mentioned that the country was ruled by five Muslim rulers and two Hindu rulers
among small kingdoms. It also captures the battle and victory of Panipat and Kanwa, giving us
mentioned that Ibrahim had a standing army of 100,000 and about 1,000 elephants.4 Babur
began to move in the arrangement of right, left, and centre and his army was organised and
numbered with the reference of 700 carts and mantelets.5 Babur used Ottoman tactics where he
employed long range artillery and mobile tactics that made the charge of elephant cavalry
inefficient. A similar tactic was used during the battle of Kanwa against Rana Sangha, who,
We find that Babur was a religious person because during Ramadan he precisely observed
fasting and prayers. He constructed Kabuli Bagh mosque and gave donations to the poor. He
made an alliance with Shah Ismail Safavi by going against his own Turkish Sunni and Afghan
followers. He even visited the tombs of Sufi saints and had dialogue with Sunni scholars and
Sufi dervishes. This reflects his tolerance towards Sufi and Shi’a practices. After the battle of
Kanwa, he added the title "Ghazi" to his official seal, referred to Hindus as infidels, and
There are many anecdotes that portray him as a great warrior and ruler, but there are many
instances indicating normality. He watches wrestling, feeling sick, dislocation of his wrist,
headache, bodily pain, tooth break, ear ache, wounds of the leg, head, etc., which are frequently
found in his account and make him rest for weeks or months. For instance, he dislocated his
3
Babur and Annette Susannah Beveridge, The bābur-nāma in English. Pg. 428, 439-464.
4
Bābar Ẓahīraddīn Muḥammad and Wheeler M. Thackston, Baburnama: Memoirs of Babur, Prince and
Emperor. Pg. 329.
5
Babur and Annette Susannah Beveridge, The bābur-nāma in English. Pg. 468-470.
6
Ibid. pg.551-574.
7
Bābar Ẓahīraddīn Muḥammad and Wheeler M. Thackston, Baburnama: Memoirs of Babur, Prince and
Emperor. Pg. 387
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wrist when he was trying to give a blow in the face of Baba Jan. This made Babur unable to
write and use bows for many months.8 He also mentioned most of the treatments, and we also
exceptional sites, gardens, waterways, flora, and fauna of the region. For instance, while giving
irrigation, fauna like elephant, nil-gai, peacock, water-tiger, vegetables, flowers, seasons, days
of the week, division of time, measures, revenue, etc., and he was astonished by seeing a new
world.9 He commissioned the building of several water tanks and short channels to irrigate
these gardens and placed Persian and Turkish-style gardens and orchards.
Wine parties are frequently and elaborately mentioned in his account. The parties were held in
his tent and garden, where they freely consumed wine, liquor, and maajun. 10 The Quran forbade
the consumption of intoxication, and Babur was aware of this fact. Later, he understood this
sinful act and renounced its consumption by pouring wine on the ground, destroying precious
vessels and building an alms house and commemorative well at that place. This was done
among his nobles.11 A Farman was issued throughout his empire for public renunciation of
alcohol consumption. It can be observed that his work can be divided into three parts. Firstly,
Babur’s accession to the throne, political forces in Fergana, secondly, his invasion of
Hindustan, and lastly, his consolidation and adaptation in India. We only get an account of 18
years of his life because there are three major gaps in his work. There is almost no information
given about the periods between 1508-19 AD, 1520–25 AD, and 1529 to 1530 AD.
8
Babur and Annette Susannah Beveridge, The bābur-nāma in English. Pg. 408-409.
9
Ibid. pg. 480-521.
10
Bābar Ẓahīraddīn Muḥammad and Wheeler M. Thackston, Baburnama: Memoirs of Babur, Prince and
Emperor. Pg. 302.
11
Babur and Annette Susannah Beveridge, The bābur-nāma in English. Pg. 551-556.
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Critique
The Chaghatai Turkic language, which was a hybrid of Turkic and Persian and was spoken by
the Timurids, is used to write the Baburnama. At the period, this language served as the
common tongue across Central Asia, and the Mughals continued to speak it in India for many
years after Babur's demise. The Baburnama is distinguished by its frankness, attention to detail,
and vivid, descriptive language.The language, sentence structure, and morphology of Babur’s
prose are very Persianized. Small poems and many phrases are in Persian, and the work was
translated into Persian by Abdul Rahim. 12 He described the smallest details with a forthright
and pleasant style as he saw them, and it leaves a good impression in the mind of the reader.
Baburnama is regarded, as Prof. Lanepool describes, as the most trustworthy piece of work
because of Babur's honesty as a chronicler and a witness. 13 It seems that he combined his
geographical knowledge with chronology, which led to the formation of a fixed consequence
of historical events. Many historians believe that Babur came at the invitation of Dwalat Khan
Lodi and Alam Khan. This anecdote is self-contradictory because it is mentioned that Babur
was paid homage and horses by Dawlat Khan Yusuf-Khel’s son Ali Khan and other notables
at Bhera, but six years later, Baburnama portrays an entirely opposing picture. Babur accused
Dwalat Khan Lodi of tricking Babur’s army by strapping two swords around his waist, leading
them against their enemy and causing turmoil and strife among them." 14 Similarly, it has
elaborate exaggerations when we look at his description of his army of 12000 men against the
12
“Socio-Cultural and Economic History of Medieval India,”
https://ddceutkal.ac.in/Syllabus/MA_history/Paper_14.pdf. (accessed on May 26, 2022)
13
Vidya Dhar Mahajan, A History of India (New Delhi: S. Chand, 1980). Pg. 268.
14
Bābar Ẓahīraddīn Muḥammad and Wheeler M. Thackston, Baburnama: Memoirs of Babur, Prince and
Emperor. Pg. 277-318
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Gaps in ‘Baburnama’:
In the Baburnama, the most prominent gaps are 1502-1503, 1508-1519, and 1520-1525. In the
Turkish version of Baburnama, the story continues, whereas in the Persian version, we find
Babur lost the battle and it ends there. The description of the events shows it skips that phase
and continues after a year. 15 Babur's dream of Naqshbandi Khwaja Yaqub was said to have
saved him in the first interval. Beveridge contends that these anecdotes were employed to fill
in the blanks in his report. These kinds of anecdotes are disregarded by scholars, but they reveal
their way of thinking, their conviction, and their respect for the Sufis' supernatural powers. He
was forbidden by Shaibani Khan from 1508 and 1519, and in a similar way, between 1520 and
1525, Shaibani Khan beat him and made him marry his sister. Such occurrences show that he
made an effort to steer clear of his formative years. His tale concludes abruptly fifteen months
before his passing, and because of this, academics like Beveridge have argued that there might
Genre
Historians classify the texts produced during Mughal India into various genres based on
similarities in function and form. Genres cannot be categorized, and it’s a common
epistemological viciousness of modern scholars to fit premodern texts into modern bounded
genres. Such categorizations were not always fluid because overlapping elements were present
in them, and it made sense for a normal reader to assume such accounts represented a singular
autobiography because Babur himself wrote about his life in first person, but it also contains
15
A. Azfar Moin, “Peering through the Cracks in the Baburnama: The Textured Lives of Mughal Sovereigns,”
The Indian Economic &Amp; Social History Review 49, no. 4 (2012): pp. 493-526,
https://doi.org/10.1177/0019464612463806. Pg. 494
16
Taymiya R. Zaman, “Instructive Memory: An Analysis of Auto/Biographical Writing in Early Mughal India,”
Brill (Brill, January 1, 2011), https://brill.com/view/journals/jesh/54/5/article-p677_3.xml?language=en
(accessed on 26th May, 2022)
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detailed biographies of his kin and compatriots. Hence, autobiography in Mughal
historiography meant overlapping of the author’s social, political, familial, and literary circles
were inseparable with his text, and we find history of his own during that time. Since the 18th
and 19th centuries, "autobiography" began to be used in Europe, and they defined it as "the act
of writing one’s own life." As an historian, we should be cautious about using modern thinking
and concepts to estimate an account written in late-medieval India because such writing of
one’s own self is rarely found in the Islamic world, and because of Babur and Jahangir’s virtue
as kings, we found such an act. 17 According to Dwight Reynolds, auto/biographers of the Arab
world were aware of autobiographical acts and that their texts were full of details specific to
individual lives and that it was common there. 18 While examining beyond Baburnama, we find
the character of Babur in other accounts like Ahval-i Humayun Padishah by his daughter
Gulbadan Begum, where we find about her father’s death. This indicates the presence of
historiography.19 I can infer that as a historian we should be aware of, especially for Mughal
historiography, the author’s motive, their reliance on collective and individual interpretations.
Hence, it is important to go beyond one text and authenticate it with other genres to have a
proper history.
Cross-cultural concept
The migration of Iranian-speaking and Turkish-speaking people took place. That led to an
intense mixing of languages in that region because of the presence of different tribes, Mongol
and Semitic-speaking people. Baburnama conveys everyday life aspects of Central Asian
17
Henry Miers Elliot and John Dowson, The History of India, as Told by Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan
Period (Bombay: Kitab Mahal, 1964). Pg. 282.
18
Kristen Brustad, Dwight Fletcher Reynolds, and Dwight Reynolds, Interpreting the Self: Autobiography in the
Arabic Literary Tradition (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001). Pg. 28-66.
19
Taymiya R. Zaman, “Instructive Memory: An Analysis of Auto/Biographical Writing in Early Mughal India,”
Brill (Brill, January 1, 2011), https://brill.com/view/journals/jesh/54/5/article-p677_3.xml?language=en
(accessed on 26th May, 2022)
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people, their worldwide view, mental characteristics, their outlooks and language. For instance,
he mentioned ten to twelve languages were spoken in Kabul. 20 The situation Babur captures in
his account indicates multilingualism, and Babur himself knows Farsi and Turkic languages.
Cross-cultural influences did not only affect language; we also find diverse aspects in military
and household terms such as food, drink, clothing, and so on. Baburnama means that Central
Asian people have a similar mentality and a common past. They use special names in the
Turkish language. Beks is used to refer to the leaders of any individual regiment who served
under the Khan; bek/biy/bey is used to refer to nobles and the rich. Biki and bikim are the
words used to serve as the prefix to the names of women of noble families. 21 It can be
understood that Babur tried to give a picture of primordial Turkish realities as well as the things
that were different in Hindustan. He gave a vivid description of the history, culture, and
linguistic picture of the Central Asian peoples of the middle ages, and the people were
that Baburnama was written under the complex system of Central Asia.
20
Siuita Abdykadyrova et al., “Reflection of Intercultural Concepts in the Work ‘Baburnama,’” Open Journal of
Modern Linguistics 11, no. 02 (2021): pp. 140-148, https://doi.org/10.4236/ojml.2021.112012. Pg. 143
21
Ibid. pg. 144-147.
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CONCLUSION
and times, as well as the larger historical setting in which he lived. It is a useful resource for
academics, historians, and general readers because to its complex and nuanced portrayal of
Babur as a king, author, and human being.It brings to life a fascinating time in history and
provides a window into the cultural, political, and social dynamics of the time through its vivid
descriptions of people, places, and events.Baburnama, like other mediaeval Indian texts, has
many issues. However, it brings to light cultural transactions that remain mostly imperceptible
to a scholar of the 20th or 21st century but were naturally and enormously momentous for
native sixteenth-century readers. It can be concluded from the above observation that his
journey, due to several matters, from Central-Asia to Hindustan captures the differences that
are present in Ferghana, Hindustan, and other places by giving the descriptions. He wrote the
unfamiliar things he found after visiting a place, and it fulfils the historical gaps of those places.
Classifying ‘Baburnama’ as any particular genre still remains a very challenging thing for a
modern-day scholar because it cuts across various genres of writing because they didn’t have
any concrete understanding of auto/biographical writing and the content it presents is more
important for a scholar. Baburnama presents the relationship between the spiritual realm and
the temporal realm present during that time as well as the political scenario of Central Asia and
Northern India. The language he used in his writing also reflects the diversity of people living
in Central Asia, such as his multilingual dialect coming from Turkish, Mongol, and Semantic-
speaking people. Gaps in his account are frequently found, forcing historians to rely on
contemporary sources, which are scarce and inaccurate. It is still not clear who penned down
all the events because Babur was a ruler and he had other work to do. When we look at the
writings, the first portion has a fine literary style, with delicate prose having the verses in
Persian and Turkish, and the later writings in the text were not refined, indicating that they
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were casually written because of lack of time and copied from a diary. The authenticity of
Baburnama is a more reliable source to reconstruct the history of that time and contemporary
historians appreciate such an act of writing with accuracy by a king, but as a scholar we should
be cautious of his ideologies, philosophy, and motives that he tried to present to his audience
and descendants.
BIBLOGRAPHY
https://brill.com/view/journals/jesh/54/5/article-p677_3.xml?language=en.
• Babur, and Annette Susannah Beveridge. The bābur-nāma in English. London: Luzac,
1922.
Babur, Prince and Emperor. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996.
• Dale, Stephen Frederic. Garden of the Eight Paradises: Bābur and the Culture of
Empire in Central Asia, Afghanistan and India (1483-1530) (Brill's Inner Asian
• Elliot, Henry Miers, and John Dowson. The History of India, as Told by Its Own
• Nizami, Khaliq Ahmad. On History and Historians of Medieval India. New Delhi:
• “Socio-Cultural and Economic History of Medieval India.” Accessed May 26, 2022.
https://ddceutkal.ac.in/Syllabus/MA_history/Paper_14.pdf.
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Total words: 2625
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