1808962

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University of Birmingham – School of Languages, Cultures, Art History and Music

Module Title: LI Core V – Student Research Project

Module Level: Advanced

Student ID (SRN) 1808962

Essay/assignment title: Was the sacrifice of civil liberties necessary to

maintain the independence of the Cuban state?

Confirmed Word Count: 3069

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Was the sacrifice of civil

liberties necessary to
maintain the independence
of the Cuban state?

CONTENTS

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Introduction 5

Methodology 6

Chapter 1: A History of Oppression 7

Chapter 2: The People’s Revolution 9

Chapter 3: A Ruthless Mentality 11

Conclusion 13

References 15

INTRODUCTION

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As the adage goes, history is written by the victors. This is no clearer than when we study the Cold

War and the failed implementation of the communist ideology. Communism is therefore often

portrayed as a flawed system that has resulted in despotic rule and barbarity towards the people

that it is intended to serve. Although this can sometimes be true, it is rare that one finds a

perspective that rationalises or justifies the policies of these governments through a careful

consideration of its actions. In the Western world, Fidel Castro has often been portrayed as, a

ruthless and cold-hearted leader whose self-centred exploits resulted in the betrayal of his own

people through the denial of civil liberties. However, against all odds, the survival of the

independent Cuban state and communist regime after his death indicate that his rule has had a

lasting positive effect. To determine whether the sacrifice of said liberties was necessary to ensure

this survival, it will be necessary to evaluate the history of Cuban independence, while establishing

the role of an interventionist US foreign policy in driving Castro’s regime to communism. A

subsequent analysis of Cuban governmental policy and its consequences regarding the treatment of

its people will enable its justification in both a social and political context. In this way, a conclusion

will be reached on the importance of the state liberty over that of the individual citizen.

METHODOLOGY

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To achieve the most rounded base of information to appropriately answer the question put forward,

it was necessary to combine primary sources, such as a personal letter written by Castro and the

terms of the Platt Amendment, and academic sources pertaining to the subject at hand. I found that

the most efficient way to use such resources was to generate a flexible argument through general

knowledge and academic instinct, before injecting contentions of others to provide a more reliable

and credible backbone. This included literature primarily in the English language, such as Farber’s

study on the background of the Cuban Revolution and Jayatilleka’s work on the morality of the

ensuing regime. Naturally, over the course of the project, the plan regarding the position of the

argument changed significantly as it became more informed. Also, I made use of media and news

articles from both the time period being studied and those from a more present era to gain both a

flavour of political sentiment at the time, and a more analytical perspective with the benefit of

hindsight. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, sourcing was essentially done online, although the access

to available resources through both the UOB library system and independent research was

sufficient.

CHAPTER 1: A HISTORY OF OPPRESSION

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In recent history, the geopolitical context of Cuba has left it entwined in a battle for its own

sovereignty. Its proximity to the United States and consequent subordination to foreign invaders has

resulted in its struggles with independence and freedom from outside political interference.

Following its liberation from Spanish colonialism in the Spanish-American War, it came under US rule

until the withdrawal of US troops subject to the 1901 Platt Amendment. However, the clauses of the

Amendment heavily favoured the USA and thus set a precedent for a relationship of US dominance

over Cuba. Its abrogation through the 1934 Treaty of Relations excluded Article VII, which ensured

US rights to the naval base:

“To enable the United States to maintain the independence of Cuba, and to protect the

people thereof, as well as for its own defense, the government of Cuba will sell or lease to

the United States lands necessary for coaling or naval stations, at certain specified points, to

be agreed upon with the President of the United States.”

The idea that that the USA was safeguarding the independence of Cuba by nurturing a dependence

on themselves, thereby effectively withholding the possibility of said independence indicates the

one-sided nature of the partnership, as “the situation essentially represented de facto if not fully de

jure colonialism” (Farber, 2006). It is widely understood that communism is born from times of

hardship, and the first-hand experience of the conquering nature of capitalism demonstrated to

Cuba the inherent evils of the system.

The Batista regimes that followed Cuban independence may have brought much needed economic

growth, but the corruption that was rife hardly allowed equality by way of opportunity. Having

initially been backed by the communists, the self-serving nature of the Batista administration quickly

alienated much of society. The idea that wealth could guarantee benefits for some also presented

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communism as a welcome alternative through its ideological opposition to the concept of a ruling

class and the exploitation of the masses that had become custom.

Furthermore, his second regime came to pass through a US-backed 1952 coup d’état leading to a

military dictatorship that destroyed individual liberty through the establishment of a police state.

The American involvement further fuelled anti-American sentiment, as it could effectively be

interpreted as another period of US control, albeit through a repressive puppet ruler. One could

even argue that the US occupation never ended, and that any appearance of Cuban independence

was an illusion. Moreover, any prosperity enjoyed by Cuba rebounded back to the US, due to the

American domination of key Cuban industries. At the time of Batista’s overthrow, American

corporations and wealthy individuals owned almost half of Cuba’s sugar plantations and the majority

of its cattle ranches, mines and utilities. It is therefore unsurprising that such animosity for the US

had developed. Castro’s revolution ignited in many the desire to break from the continued

oppression from which Cuba had suffered, and this letter from Castro himself at the height of the

revolution underscores his resentment:

“…me he jurado que los americanos van a pagar bien caro lo que están haciendo. Cuando

esta guerra se acabe, empezará para mí una guerra mucho más larga y grande: la guerra

que voy a echar contra ellos. Me doy cuenta que ese va a ser mi destino verdadero.”

June 5th, 1958, De Fidel a Célia.

Thus, the history of the US oppression of Cuba clearly influenced Castro’s revolutionary goals.

CHAPTER 2: THE PEOPLE’S REVOLUTION

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The revolution led by Fidel Castro is perhaps what defines Cuba today. The regime did not initially

present itself as communist, but the growing anti-US sentiment in the country incited American fear

that such a regime was inevitable. Some have argued that it was in fact US interventionism that

drove Cuban politics to the Left, and as the ideological enemy of US capitalism, a system of

communism presented a direct way to move away from the American domination of Cuban society.

In addition, the first actions of Castro in eliminating such influence by nationalising US-dominated

industries made his intentions clear, as did his slogan, “Cuba sí, Yanqui no”. The establishment of

diplomatic relations between Cuba and the Soviet Union caused American concern to come to a

head with the Bay of Pigs Invasion of 1961, which effectively ensured Cuba’s adoption of a

communist regime.

Another contention is that it was the ideals of Cuban revolutionaries that resulted in the move

towards communism, and in the historical context, this holds considerable weight. It would seem

odd to go to such extremes to merely antagonise the US but considering that this would align Cuba

with the USSR, it would guarantee them a level of protection against US intervention. However, it

would be unwise to dismiss as negligible the role of US foreign policy, as “Cuban anti-Americanism

gained momentum because the United States continued to violate its own pledges of neutrality and

non-intervention” (Paterson, 1995). Thus, we can assume that the threat of such intervention

through superior resources and numbers was enough to push Cuba into an alliance with the USSR to

protect its own liberty. In this way we can see that this partnership was essential in the maintenance

of Cuban independence from America, and it is reasonable to suggest that the adoption of

communism was therefore a way to maintain its sovereignty and avoid effective annexation. Thus, it

would have also aligned with the ideals of Cuban leaders, due to the fundamental goal of preserving

Cuban independence. There was also little immediate desire for democratic elections, due to the

system that had preceded the revolution, while “few Americans could understand the extent to

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which parliamentary democracy in Cuba had become discredited by the corruption of politicians of

the past, with the passive acquiescence of the US government”(Balfour, 2013).

Yet the concept of a communist regime was not universally popular, leaving the possibility of

opposition and with it the ensuing political divide. Given that the division of the country would have

weakened it to outside intervention, it was essential to prevent such a situation in which the US

could assert itself to ensure that the dreaded communism would not seize territory so close to

home. After all, “los Estados Unidos…por voluntad propia asumieron el compromiso de no permitir

la existencia de un foco insurreccional socialista en el hemisferio occidental” (Ardanuy and Manuel,

2014).

In theory, a communist world would ensure universal equality, thus defending the people from

invasion and hence subordination to others. But many Cubans felt excluded, leading to their self-

imposed exile in fear of a system that demonizes the bourgeoisie. In this way, they lost the

fundamental human right of residence in their home country. Nevertheless, this can be interpreted

as projecting a positive internal image of Cuban society, as anyone who was dissatisfied with the

system left the country, and as such this dissatisfaction was eliminated from society and the public

eye. This enabled Cuba to appear as if it were free from the societal fractures beset upon the

modern world. Although this mass exodus hardly reflected well on Cuba, the label

‘counterrevolutionary’ suggested that their departure left the country in better stead. When

propaganda was of utmost importance, it allowed them to dispose of negative societal influence in

in an entirely passive manner.

CHAPTER 3: A RUTHLESS MENTALITY

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Upon his death, a news article described Castro as “one of the most, if not the most influential

leader of the second half of the 20 th century, while at the same time being considered by others as

one of the world’s worst despots” (Hernández, 2016). Alas, although it had ensured pro tem

independence and liberty from American interference, the Castro regime came under heavy fire for

the treatment of its people. A 2015 report by Statista Research Department showed that 50% of

people living in Cuba had a negative opinion of Fidel Castro, and we can assume that this stems from

the reported human rights violations. However, it must be considered that Cuba’s vulnerability to

American intervention in the event of an uprising made it important for Castro to adopt a firm

stance against dissidence, and this became the point at which things took a more dictatorial turn. “El

giro autoritario se completó ampliando el nuevo sistema jurídico creado para castigar a los

seguidores de la dictadura de Fulgencio Batista a todos los discrepantes del nuevo poder” (Alcàzar

and López, 2013).

It is an indisputable fact that the Castro establishment committed atrocities to maintain power. Its

1962 expulsion from the Interamerican Commission on Human Rights indicates outside perception

of Cuban actions, as do Commission accusations of torture, unwarranted arrests, and extrajudicial

executions. One significant example was the establishment of UMAPs, concentration camps set up

to eliminate the bourgeoisie and counterrevolutionary values in the Cuban population. The 70s saw

harsh living standards and high levels of unemployment, which was subsequently criminalized in

1971. In this period, there were at any time around 20,000 dissidents incarcerated and tortured

under inhumane conditions, while estimations of the number of executions vary between 4,000

(anti-Castro Archive) and 17-20,000 (Black Book of Communism). That said, the use of violence to

maintain communist rule and keep the peace did not constitute unsystematic bloodshed as it has

often been portrayed. Throughout his life, Castro maintained the philosophy that violence should

only be used towards enemies, including those of the revolution. “It is difficult to attribute the Cuban

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armed forces’ discriminating, surgical use of violence to anything other than the ideology of Fidel

Castro and the elaboration of that ideology into an ethic and collective practice” (Jayatilleka, 2007).

It must also be considered that the good of the state aligns with the good of those in charge of one

such system of government. But desperate times call for desperate measures. In the history of

mankind, almost every country or region has seen the rise of a sometimes ruthless, yet unmoveable

leader who has made drastic but necessary change to safeguard the liberty of their people. It is

possible that history only reflects negatively on this establishment because it took place in the

modern era. Perhaps we have moved on from such a style of leadership, but it cannot be argued

that it was an inhuman way to lead, as it ultimately showed the world that Cuba did not exist to be

exploited. Moreover, the historical context of Castro’s actions is seldom considered, as these

measures were taken by a country on the perpetual verge of war. To hypothesise, had Cuba become

weakened, US invasion would have intensified tension with the Soviet Union. Therefore, to avoid an

escalation of the Cold War into a genuine conflict, some casualties may have been necessary.

CONCLUSION

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It cannot be denied that the communist regime of Fidel Castro ensured the independence and

liberation of the people from American rule, but it could be argued that in so doing, it stripped their

civil liberty through repressive Cuban rule. Any determination on the justification of such repression

fundamentally depends on whether the ends justified the means regarding the treatment of the

Cuban people in strengthening the position of the state. It is important to understand that

government restriction constituted a grand attempt to hide societal problems and show the

functionality of the system, thereby safeguarding its liberty from outside interference, which for the

vast majority was undesired. Therefore, the human rights violations in Cuba were effectively an

effort to ensure that civil liberties were not lost in the wider society, as well as for future

generations.

Fleischacker (1999) argues that “democracy serves as a check to tyranny and corruption; it provides

an incentive encouraging those in power to protect the liberties of the people over whom they rule”.

Yet the democracy that Cuba had known under Batista had checked neither, while the constant

American threat it itself violated these very liberties. Because an existence in which a country is at

constant risk of foreign invasion cannot be considered true freedom, but is true freedom a realistic

concept? Everyone would have to respect the rights of others for it to be achieved, independent of

their personal wishes, or those of the state. Thus, such technical limitations infringe on free will,

thereby rendering total liberty across society it a logical impossibility. We can therefore conclude

that the greatest way to achieve Cuban liberty would be to ensure the obtainment of the greatest

liberty possible, and that was to be free of American rule. As Castro himself proclaimed:

“aquí queremos mantener el máximo de libertades posibles, y haremos todo lo necesario

para que los enemigos de la Revolución no se salgan con el propósito de hacer que nos

veamos obligados a restringir lo más mínimo de la libertad.”

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In this way, it can be maintained that any restrictions on civil liberty were for the benefit of state

liberty, thereby allowing the fundamental preservation of Cuban liberty.

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REFERENCES

del Alcàzar, J. and López Romero, S. (2013) ‘Fidel Castro, cuatro fases de un liderazgo inacabado’,

Araucaria: Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política, Humanidades y Relaciones Internacionales,

ISSN-e 2340-2199, ISSN 1575-6823, Vol. 15, N°30, pp. 3-24

Ardanuy, S. and Manuel, F. (2014) ‘Gasto militar y políticas de excepción en la República de Cuba

(1952-1965)’, Memorias: Revista Digital de Historia y Arqueología desde el Caribe; Barranquilla, 22,

DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.14482/memor.22.5255

Balfour, S. (2013) Castro (Profiles in Power). 9th edn. Abingdon: Routledge

Castro, F. (1958) De Fidel a Célia (Fragmentos). Available at:

http://www.fidelcastro.cu/es/correspondencia/de-fidel-celia-1958-fragmentos [Accessed 20th May

2020]

Castro, F. (1959) Discurso pronunciado en el acto de su toma de posesión como Primer Ministro,
efectuado en el Palacio Presidencial, La Habana, 16 de febrero de 1959

The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica (no date) Platt Amendment. Available at:

https://www.britannica.com/topic/Platt-Amendment [Accessed 20th May 2020]

Farber, S. (2006) The Origins of the Cuban Revolution Reconsidered. Chapel Hill: North Carolina Press

Fleischacker, S. (1999) ‘Part III: The Freedom of Judgement, in A Third Concept of Liberty: Judgement

and Freedom in Kant and Adam Smith. Princeton: Princeton University Press, pp. 243-278

Hernández, J. (2016) ‘Fidel Castro: The Last Latin American Revolutionary, Dead at 90’, Caribbean

Business, Vol. 2, Issue 47, pp. 10-13, ISSN 0194-8326

History.com (2009) Bay of Pigs Invasion. Available at: https://www.history.com/topics/cold-war/bay-

of-pigs-invasion [Accessed 20th May 2020]

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Jayatilleka, D. (2007) ‘Defending the Revolutionary Regime’, in Fidel’s Ethics of Violence: The Moral

Dimension of the Political Thought of Fidel Castro. London: Pluto Press, pp. 92-115

Paterson, T. (1995) ‘A Complete Break: How Did the United States Let This One Get Away?’, in

Contesting Castro: The United States and the Triumph of the Cuban Revolution. Oxford: Oxford

University Press

Statista Research Department (2015) Popularity of Fidel Castro in Cuba in 2015. Available at:

https://www.statista.com/statistics/419412/popularity-of-fidel-castro-in-cuba/ [Accessed 20th May

2020]

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¿Era necesario sacrificar las libertades civiles para mantener la independencia del estado

cubano?

Cuando imaginamos a Cuba, pensamos en el espíritu desafiante encarnado en Fidel Castro y su

Revolución de 1959. En el mundo occidental, Castro se ha presentado como un tirano que traicionó

a su gente a través de sacarles de sus libertades civiles, pero es raro que se encuentre una opinión

que justifica sus acciones. Este proyecto examina la historia de la independencia cubana y el papel

de la política americana en los movimientos revolucionarios, antes de investigar su efecto en los

métodos para mantener la libertad cubana.

Este ensayo utiliza una mezcla de fuentes de primera mano, tales como fragmentos de discursos y

letras de Castro, además de unos artículos y libros académicos, para que haya una idea del

sentimiento del momento, pero también un punto de vista analítico. De esta manera el argumento

no pudo volverse demasiado critico sin considerar las circunstancias y la naturaleza reactiva de los

humanos.

La obtención de la independencia cubana se estudia en su contexto geopolítica, y las implicaciones

con la intervención americana por la Enmienda de Platt, y sus relaciones subsecuentes de dominio

sobre Cuba. Como lo describe Farber (2006), constituyó el colonialismo “de facto, if not de jure”, y

analizamos también cómo su apoyo de un dictador corrupto y represivo en Batista causó el

desarrollo de mucho resentimiento de los EE. UU., al igual que su control de industrias claves.

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Entonces, estudiamos las consecuencias del intervencionismo americano, en cuanto a la dirección

ideológica de la política cubana. Las razones para la elección del comunismo se consideran con la

reflexión sobre la importancia de los incumplimientos de promesas en el crecimiento de

antiamericanismo (Paterson, 1995), y el daño anterior al sistema democrático por el respaldo de

Batista (Balfour, 2013). Por eso, se investiga cómo la adopción del comunismo permitió una mejor

posibilidad de mantener la libertad de interferencia americana, debido a la protección de la URSS.

Finalmente, establecemos que haya una descripción de Castro como “one of the world’s worst

despots” (Hernández, 2016), e indagamos los éticos del uso de la violencia contra los

contrarrevolucionarios para entender el razonamiento detrás del tratamiento de la gente cubana. Se

averigua si las violaciones de los derechos humanos eran necesarias para que se mantuviera la

fuerza del estado en que la disidencia fue eliminada la sociedad, y por eso la posibilidad de una

revuelta que lo habría debilitado. Consideramos también el contexto histórico de las acciones del

gobierno de Castro, y si los ataques a su carácter no lo tienen en cuenta eso.

Este ensayo concluye que los intereses del estado se valorizaban más que los del individuo. La

amenaza continua de la invasión por parte de los EE. UU. hizo que fuera esencial “mantener el

máximo de libertades posibles” (Castro, 1959), incluyendo el sacrifico de libertades civiles. Investiga

también lo que significa realmente la auténtica libertad, y afirma que, aunque nunca vaya a ser

posible obtenerla, las acciones del gobierno se tomaban para traer tanta libertad como posible a la

sociedad cubana a toda costa.

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