CAMEROON GRASSFIELD CHIEFS AND MODERN POLITICS

Author(s): PAUL NCHOJI NKWI

Source: Paideuma: Mitteilungen zur Kulturkunde , 1979, Bd. 25 (1979), pp. 99-115
Published by: Frobenius Institute

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/23076440

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Paideuma: Mitteilungen zur Kulturkunde

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Paideuma 25, 1979

CAMEROON GRASSFIELD CHIEFS AND MODERN POLITICS

PAUL NCHOJI NKWI

The 1960s saw the emergence of new African states, thanks to the efforts of the different
nationalist movements. The Southern Cameroons was in a unique situation. It was caught up
between two major nationalist factions; one (Kamerun National Congress/Kamerun Peoples'
Party) fighting for independence within the Federation of Nigeria, the other (Kamerun Natio
nal Democratic Party) preaching the doctrine of secession from Nigeria and reunification with
the then French Cameroun. The latter won, thanks to their mobilisation of traditional chiefs.
This paper sets out to examine the role of chiefs in the political evolution of the then South
ern Cameroons, later West Cameroon, in the 1960s and 1970s. It defines the power of pre
colonial chiefs; it discusses the initial arrangements leading up to the creation of the House
of Chiefs; it looks at the methods, motives and choice of its members; it finally examines the
essential elements of the 1977 decree concerning the reorganisation of chiefdoms throughout
the United Republic of Cameroon. In short, the paper attempts to examine the part played by
Grassfields chiefs in the years preceding and following independence.

The pre-colonial Grassfields tribes were an agglomeration of mini-states, most of which were
constituted and enlarged through conquest. Some had a minimum population of about 300
and others, especially the major chiefdoms, had a population of over six thousand at the time
of colonial penetration (Chilver and Kaberry 1967: 123ff). The latter established themselves
in their present sites most probably in the later part of the 18th century. These include the
major chiefdoms of Kom, Nso, Bafut and Bali. These, in their own ways, consolidated them
selves and increased their territorial limits through conquest and the incorporation of smaller
groups.
The kingdom of Kom whose dynastic lineages reached their present site by the middle of
the 18th century, succeeded in the years following its establishment in subduing some smaller
groups, and made its military hegemony a force to be reckoned with, a factor which motivat
ed other smaller groups to seek its protection from other harassing groups (cf Chilver and
Kaberry 1967; Nkwi 1976). The kingdom of Nso seemed not to have had much difficulties
in affirming its authority over other minor groups; it destroyed completely the chiefdom of
Nkar and imposed its language and culture upon it (Kaberry 1959: 366—367). Bafut consoli
dated its authority by engulfing some smaller groups, too (Ritzenthaler 1962: 13). Bali, as the
strongest state in the south-western sector of the Grassfields established its hegemony over a
number of villages both before and during the period of German administration.1
Besides these major chiefdoms, there were others varying in size, population and authority.
These were either completey autonomous or they were units within a federation. They en
joyed some measure of prestige in the eyes of the paramount chiefs. They maintained their
autonomy and good relations with the more powerful chiefs. An attempt was made by the
imperial government not only to accept this distinction but also to give it a further stratifi
cation. All chiefs who had a high degree of prestige, social integration, and large areas of in

I In 1949 when the native authorities were being grouped into four federations, tribes of the south
western federation refused to federate with Bali. This was largely due to the role Bali played in the
suppression of these populations before and after the arrival of the Germans in the area.

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100 Paul Nchoji Nkwi

fluence, were ranked as 'Grade One Chiefs'. Only the fons of Kom, Nso, Bafut and Bali
qualified for this first place. The chiefs of Bum, Ndu, Fungom, and Bali-Kumbat were classi
fied as 'Grade Two Chiefs'. Here, the basic criterion was the personality of the incumbent plus
his prestige. The chiefs of Ndop, with the exception of Bali-Kumbat, the chiefs of Tang, Wum,
Ngemba, Wiya and the rest of Fungom were considered 'Third Class Chiefs'. The fourth grade
chiefs were those of Beba-Befang, Mbem, Mbaw, Meta, Mfumte, Misaje, Moghamow, Ngie and
Ngonu.2
Although this grading of chiefs was a new colonial idea, one must admit that in the pre
colonial era the chiefs recognised the existence of ranking among themselves, though the
stratification was not so elaborate. The four paramount chiefs of the Grassfields considered
and treated each other as equals; minor chiefs accepted this and gave them the due respect,
and they manifested their inferiority when they were in the presence of paramounts3 as well
as in their diplomatic relations. The selection of the four 'kings' by the colonial administra
tion was rather arbitrary. There were wide differences of power between these four and other
so-called small chiefdoms. Why was Bali-Nyonga rather than Bali-Kumbat or Babadju or
Mankon chosen, if not because of the German alliance with Bali? In a sense chiefs were clas
sified on the basis of the role they played at the time of the colonial penetration, and the
prestige most of them enjoyed around this time.

The power structure among the Grassfields chiefdoms was one of moderate centralisation,
especially among the major chiefdoms. In this context we have to distinguish between cen
tralisation and concentration of power. For most Grassfields chiefdoms there was little cen
tralisation and more concentration of power. The major chiefs had some specific individuals
at all levels of the administrative system who were responsible for the execution of all instruc
tions (Kaberry 1962: 282-298). The distribution of power was made at the level of the capital
where the regulatory societies controlled the entire administration. Such societies were the
true expression of the chiefs secular authority (Nkwi 1976:40—48). Regional authorities
enjoyed executive functions and were also the chiefs territorial agents who saw to it that his
orders were carried out within their areas of jurisdiction. The chiefs dignitaries, councillors,
sub-chiefs and retainers performed a majority of government duties. Almost an absolute mon
arch, he enjoyed secular authority insofar as those who actually exercised it, saw him as the
source of it. His agents — regulatory societies, retainers, title holders, palace officials, acted as
a check on his use of whatever powers he might enjoy. The chief was at the apex of the visible
hierarchy. His ritual installation also made him a sacred king and conferred on him certain
attributes of immortality. As such he occupied an intermediary position in the monistic hier
archy at the apex of which was the supreme Being.

The colonial administration realised this relative absolutism, and even in some cases, con
centrated powers in the hands of chiefs, powers which they did not directly enjoy in the pre
colonial period. They gave chiefs administrative responsibility. Prior to European arrival most
powerful chiefs claimed extensive rights. These rights could only be effective through the
effort of their agents. As a mark of regality, chiefs had undisputable rights to reserve girls for
their households and in principle they could marry any of their female subjects. They had also
a monopoly over certain scarce commodities - ivory, etc. They could recruit pages and re

2 cf l'ile Ν.Ν.A. 160/66, July 1944, Buea Archives.

3 Minor chiefs do not sit on the same ground level or throne with the major chiefs.

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 Cameroon Grassfield Chief's and Modern Politics

tainers at will whom they trained as envoys and executives. Through their agents they could
also dispense justice and exercise a comprehensive jurisdiction in civil and criminal cases. The
colonial administration restricted the use of some of these rights. At first the "courts were left
undisturbed to deal with pleas and less flagrant criminal matters, except insofar as poison-or
deals, enslavement and brutal punishment were formally forbidden" (Chilver 1963: 94).
Although they were granted some powers at first, they began to loose hold on some in
later years. Chiefs could not recruit girls into their households, since this was considered a
violation of individual liberty. The christian churches were preaching freedom of choice and
upholding monogamy as the ideal form of marriage; obedience or allegiance to the chief was
being questioned by their acculturated subjects. The power balance was tilting: the chief was
no more an absolute and unquestionable leader; he was sharing power with his colonial mas
ters; in the 1940s the native authorities were democratised in order to permit some of the
western educated subjects to participate in local government; the chiefs were then subject to
the scrutiny of the new elite who considered the chiefs as agents or as a hindrance to the
economic and social development of their own areas. The erosion of traditional authority
which began with European penetration and intensified in the 1940s, saw a positive attempt
at a re-evaluation in the 1950s. In the 1960s the role of chiefs was redefined within the frame
work of an independent nation-state.

The so-called Direct and Indirect Rule policies are often attributed to the different colonial
powers. The French, the Belgians and the Portuguese are usually associated with the Direct
Rule Policy, while Britain, in particular, with its conservative spirit adopted the Indirect Rule
in most of her colonies. It has been said that all colonial powers were mistaken as to the
nature and extent of the powers of the Grassfields chiefs. The German and the British authori
ties disregarded the major traditional checks of the chiefs powers, namely, descent group
heads, councils, ritual specialists and title holders. They sought for the most conspicuous
aspects of Grassfields chiefdoms, namely, the chiefs and masked organisations. They failed to
understand that the balance of power lay between the chief and traditional authorities (de
scent groups heads, quarter heads, councils, specialists, societies and the commoners). Under
the Lugard doctrine, both the British and German governed through chiefs. They gave to most
chiefs executive tasks they had never before enjoyed. In some areas the chiefs had to recruit
labour, collect tax, try cases directly and carry out public works, etc. For example, in Man
kon, Angwafor II carried out these duties against the strong opposition of his subjects, who
considered this as an abuse of power. After 1920, Ndefru did the same with the strong back
ing of the British Administration. Those who stood up against Ndefru were punished severely
by the British (Warnier, 1975) 4 A similar abuse of power took place in the chiefdom of We
with the help of the Germans. When the Germans left, the chief was killed by his own subjects
(Geary 1973).
The Grassfields chiefdoms came under British colonial administration whose distinctive
features comprised the policy to rule justly, to enforce the law and to provide good living
standards. The administration boosted the powers of the chiefs in their attempt to fulfil their
mission, and they did so against other pre-colonial authorities, thus destroying the subtle ba
lance of the pre-colonial structure. The administrator sought to maintain the unity of the eth
nic groups over which their principal agents, the chiefs, ruled. These ethnic groups were often

4 Written communication from Jean-Pierre Warnier

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 102 Paul Nchoji Nkwi

combined into units of a quasi-federal nature.

the Grassfields in 1949 into which all chiefdo
Recognised hereditary chiefs were appointed
revenues for expenditure within their areas.
In the Grassfields, chiefs were not appointed
carry out administrative functions (Mair 1969
recognised. The recognition of their position,
submit in obedience and honour, was meant to
The chiefs remained Native Authorities unde
tor. They were expected to be the link betwee
transmitting government regulations and assis
right to make war or to apply coercive force
control.

From 1950 onwards Britain was determined to rid itself of all administrative responsibility
over most of her colonies. After the Second World War, most colonies began to agitate for self
rule. In the Grassfields at this time four main groups were involved in the political and social
evolution of the areas. There were the chiefs, traditional authorities, the colonial administra
tors, and finally the new political elite. In the past, the colonial administrators dealt directly
with the chiefs and virtually ignored the traditional authorities. The colonial government ruled
the area through the chiefs or sometimes chiefs in council. Traditional authorities such as de
scent group heads, title holders, councillors and regulatory societies played little or no direct
role in the administration of the people. The Native Authority was usually the chief alone,
and in rare cases, conceived by the colonialists as the chief in council. All this was within the
framework of Indirect Rule.
The new elite that had emerged from the colonial formal educational process became very
critical of the colonial administration. It attacked the whole basis of the Native Authorities,
the Indirect Rule. The new elite accused Britain of using unprogressive and illiterate chiefs
to retard the progress of the country (Nkwi 1976: 172). In a petition addressed to the United
Nations visiting mission, the Kom Improvement Association, an association of the new elite,
had this to say about British Administration: "The worst neglect of all is the absence of train
ing for self-government whereby the people might hope to do these things for themselves.
Instead, by the damnable Native Administration System, there is the role of things remaining
where they were. This is done by excluding the literate and enlightened from the Admi
nistration councils. Most council members are there by right of birth, no matter whether
they can serve the people or not, whether the people supposed to be represented like it
or not. When will these illiterate old men being trained for self-government, rule? In their
graves? Of course it does not matter with the government; the longer they (chiefs) are unable
to rule the better for the British Government" (T. Pet. 4/35 1950). Britain had to take into
account the views of this new elite. The creation of representative assemblies and the démo
cratisation of the Native Authority in preparation for full autonomy became the primary
objective of the British. They played a vital role in promoting discussion at all levels in order
to prepare for an easy transfer into independence. The chiefs, councillors, and the new elite
were all invited to participate fully in this new struggle.

Like in most British colonies with recognised traditional fillers who had been integrated
into the framework of the Indirect Rule Policy, the creation of a new political awareness had
to take into account chiefs. The démocratisation of the Native Authorities had passed on to

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 ameroon Grassfield Chiefs and Modern Politics

the new elite some political power. The relationship between the traditional and new elite was
a complex one. The new elite was eager to move into a new era of independence with or with
out the chiefs who had come to be regarded as retarding the political and economic growth of
the African people (cf Suret-Canale 1966). The new elite was also keen in preserving those
traditional institutions that gave them a sense of identity. This search for a past gave the
politicians the feeling that independence could not be achieved without the active participa
tion of chiefs. The chiefs were the people who controlled the populations. The politicians
knew that any political arrangement without the chiefs would be disastrous. Fifty-seven per
cent of the population of the then Southern Cameroons was controlled by Grassfields chiefs
(Johnson 1970: 258). Most of the chiefs were regarded as sacred persons whose ritual func
tions promoted the welfare of the tribe. Among their subjects were the new elite. To excite
the people against their chiefs through political demagogy and intrigue could be considered a
sacrilege. These were the facts which no politician could ignore without ending up in political
bankruptcy.
It must be acknowledged that many of the Grassfields chiefs were inadequately prepared
for the functions of a modern twentieth century government. The colonial government
had made it a policy to educate chiefs' sons or any persons who were likely to become chiefs.
In a Memorandum dated 26 May 1932, G. S. Browne Resident for the Cameroon Province,
outlined the British stand on the education of chiefs: "If this province is to make any progress
in the future there are two ends at which we must aim: (a) As many people as possible must
be taught to speak good English; (b) All the chiefs should have been educated at government
or Native Administration schools. As to (a) this is being done. As to (b) will you please inform
me to what extent boys who are likely to succeed to chiefdoms are being educated in the
schools and what prospect there is that the end will be attained in years to come? Is any
special attempt being made to induce chiefs' sons to attent schools" (Β. Α., File N° 134/2). It
is interesting to note that in 1932 only one Grassfields chief had received a full primary edu
cation. He was chief Mfomiyen of Meta. The Chief of Babungo who had learned to read and
write had been employed before he became chief as a Basel Mission catechist (BA. File N°
134/2). There were sixty-three potential rulers attending government and Native Authority
schools in 1932.5 The Administration was taking steps to explain the importance of education
to chiefs.

The importance of such a policy became more sensitive towards the sixties when chiefs
were called upon to participate in the constitutional process. Only those chiefs who had re
ceived a minimum of an education were able to participate actively and more sensibly. Among
the few chiefs who could dialogue with the colonial administration was the Fon of Bali, Gale
ga II, whose demand for a salary increase was readily supported by the District Officer, Mr.
Milne. He considered the Fon of Bali as more progressive and promising than the others. He
was the only leading character among the Grassfields major chiefs who could communicate
with the Administration effectively and contribute positively during the transitional period
to independence. The Fons of Kom and Nso were regarded as too old and unprogressive.
They had changed very little under the colonial impact. Milne affirms that the Fon of Bali was
being "underpaid in view of his position and the promise he shows; Bikom is old and too
addicted to alcohol to be of any great use to his people; Banso is 'new', exceedingly active,

5 There were 19 chiefs' sons in Ndop N. A. School, five at Bali N. A. School, five in Kom (Fujua N. A.)
School (two from Kom and three from Bum). In the Bamenda Government schools, there were 29
chiefs' sons among whom were four from Kom. Some of these chiefs' sons had no title to the throne.
Chief's sons in Kom have no right to succeed because of the matrilineal rule of succession.

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104 Paul Nchoji Nkwi

bigoted and dangerous in his restlessness and

repay careful treatment; Bafut is old and his
affairs" (Memo. N° 3484, 1948). The education
advantage over his counterparts, and his role
is largely due to this factor. He was able to m
cohesive body that had a say in the political c
One of my theses in this essay is that if the
of the colonial government, which was meant
schools, they would have played a more leadi
independence. They would have also stayed on
tion would have kept them abreast with the w
They would have been the leading characters
cise of power in the pre-colonial and colonial p
have emerged as part of the new elite. As tr
elite, chiefs would have had a more decisive sa
the native populations as their immediate subje
subjects who formed part of the new elite wi
played their trump cards, their subjects who
ders. What we found at independence was the
times. The elite of the western schools becam
bound to disappear from the political scene, s
strongest political allies in the pre-colonial p
themselves confronted with the new elite. Th
education were able to join the new elite in t
most chiefs who had played an initial role at
political process, since they had not the adeq
role in the new nation-state.7
As symbols of established order and guardian
could easily band together in order to protec
politicians to downgrade them. The Southern
Nigeria and its elected politicians sat in the E
Chiefs' Conference which was inaugurated at
collect facts and figures required for making
on how an Eastern House of Chiefs should be
Cameroon chiefs took their seats in it. Amon
after the establishment of the Eastern Hou
meroons Chiefs' Conference was proposed.
The Chiefs' Conference was formed in 1956 w
chiefs of the Grassfields to put forward their
traditional status. This effort of the Grassfie
descent groups from Mamfe, Kumba and Vic

6 cf Chem-Lange Bongfen: The Kamerun Plebicite:

(unpublished). He holds that chiefs of the Grassfield
7 Today, only those chiefs who received at least a p
in modern politics than those who had little or no
fields (Mankon. Batibo, and We) are men who received
8 cf Letter to the Governor-General in Lagos sent b
shall abbreviate 'Buea Archives' by BA, followed by t

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 Cameroon Grassfield Chiefs and Modern Politics

had organised themselves into Divisional Conferences: Wum, Nkambe and Bamenda Divisional
Conferences. The Fon of Bali toured the Grassfields chiefdoms addressing the chiefs on their
obligations as natural rulers. Since he had attended the constitutional talks in Lagos and Lon
don on the future of the Southern Cameroons, he was in a position to enlighten them on the
basic issues.

It is true that the political momentum gathered by the chiefs was due to the tactful mani
pulations of the politicians. The different nationalist movements were eager to see the chiefs
playing an active role in the attainment of independence. The nationalist parties — K.N.C.,
K.N.D.P., K.P.P. — courted the support of chiefs. The chiefs were being briefed on the major
political issues such as 'secession from Nigeria and unification with the then French Ca
meroons' and independence within the Nigeria Federation. Besides these two major issues, the
chiefs were also preoccupied with their status: would the new constitution grant them any
measure of power? Would they be completely eclipsed by the new emerging indigenous lea
ders? These were genuine questions which probably motivated the chiefs in uniting themselves
together.
On 26th August 1957 an ad hoc meeting of chiefs was held at Kumba to prepare for a full
scale conference. When the conference opened a day later, it was presided over by chief Man
ga Williams, a Bakweri, not a chief in the Grassfields sense. He advised the chiefs to stay out of
politics but the Fon of Bali who purported to be presenting a report on the London Con
ference attacked Dr. Endeley and even proposed a vote of no confidence in Endeley's govern
ment. The Fon of Bafut made attempts to defend Endeley (BA. File/362). The attitude of
these two chiefs rightly showed how chiefs were already divided on party lines. After the
Kumba conference, which was attended by over 20 chiefs, the Fon of Bali toured again the
Grassfields telling the chiefs and crowds how "he had saved the destiny of Southern Ca
meroons from being 'signed away' by Dr. Endeley and Mr. Mbile during the London Confer
ence".9 It was becoming clear that he was working for another nationalist movement — the
KNDP.

He is even reported to have been cheered and congratulated by the Wum Federal Council
when he visited it on the 9th January 1958 to report on the constitutional talks held in Lon
don the previous year. Speaking in the name of the Wum Chiefs' Conference, its president
said: "We, the natural rulers have the interest of people and the country more at heart than
the politicians. We have a natural and more lasting right to speak for the people and the
country than the politicians. We are confident that the salvation of Southern Cameroons is to
secede from an Independent Nigeria and have an autonomous Southern Cameroons region.
This done other things are easy to achieve".10 They were growing also in militancy and devel
oping a new political conscience under the wise leadership of the educated chiefs, especially
the Fon of Bali who had acted on several occasions as their spokesman.
The different nationalist parties were pressing forward their objectives and trying to win
the support of chiefs. Some chiefs were known to be diametrically opposed to certain nation
alist movements.11 In an emergency meeting of the National Executive Committee of the
Kamerun National Congress, the party reviewed the Trusteeship agreement and called for

9 Daily Times, 6th September 1957. p. 6

10 Daily Times, 9th January, 1958, p. 11. If the chiefs had emerged not only as natural rulers but also as
western educated politicians they could have played a more central role and remained in politics till
today.
11 The kingdom of Nso and a greater part of Nkambe were pro-K.N.C.

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 Paul Nchoji Nkwi

independence within Nigeria.12 The K.N.C, party pressed for the immediate introduction of
the ministerial system of government; it asked for full regional status for the territory; it
demanded the continuance of its association with Nigeria as an autonomous state within the
Federation and agreed to ally with the K.P.P. for any future political moves.
Meeting at Bamenda on January, 28, 1958, the chiefs of the Grassfields dissassociated
themselves from the views of Endeley's party. They asked for the implementation of the
decision affecting the state of Southern Cameroons to be postponed until after the elections
of 1959. The role of chiefs in politics at this time led to Endeley's removal of chiefs' represen
tatives from the ad hoc meeting of the Federal Electoral Laws and Marketing Board. This ac
tion infuriated the chiefs (BA. File CL. 125). In a letter sent to the Governor-General in Lagos
through the High Commissioner in Buea, the fons and chiefs stated that they had lost confi
dence in Endeley's government. They told the Governor that they could not respect any
decision on behalf of the territory of that government; that the composition of the Southern
Cameroons Government then had no regards to accepted democratic principles as indicated in
the strength of the K.N.C, elected members in the legislation. They noted that there were five
elected K.N.C, members as against the six of the Kamerun National Democratic Party; they
recommended that the latter should take over the government. The chiefs claimed that the
ruling party had betrayed the people's trust and it could be disastrous to increase its powers
without a new mandate through general elections.
Again the chiefs opted for secession. The conference was attended by only three fons of
the Grassfields - Kom, Bali, and Bafut. The Fon of Nso was notably absent along with some
pro-K.N.C. chiefs. The various Grassfields Division Chiefs' Conferences were certainly becom
ing pro-K.N.D.P. Pro-K.N.C. chiefs began to be located for harassment. The Fon of Nso was
being given particular attention. He controlled one of the largest chiefdoms of the Grassfields.
According to a report,13 the Fon of Nso was being located for any future political victimisa
tion for his unflinching support of the K.N.C, party. His actions were being watched and
detailed. He was in an extremely difficult position with regards to his authority over his subjects,
since the KNDP was out to discredit him. He had made two collections to cover the fine im
posed for the Nso tribal war. (Kaberry 1969: 366-368). The total sum collected had exceed
ed the fine by a very large margin. The K.N.D.P. used this as an excellent propaganda to dis
credit him ('the Fon being a supporter of the K.N.C.) "It is felt that should the Fon be
deposed or loose all his authority the entire Nso clan would be thrown into confusion and be
extremely difficult to govern".14 The K.N.D.P. leaders were bent on making things increasing
ly difficult to those chiefs who did not support them. In Kom, they had succeeded in combin
ing demagogy and fabricated rumours about the sale of Kom land to win the vote of ignorant
and illiterate women (Nkwi 1976: 178ff, Ritzenthaler 1960). The Fon of Kom was unable
to rule his kingdom through 1958 and into the 1960s. The women with the assistance of Kom
KNDP leaders, utilised a traditional organisation, anlu, to disrupt the social life of the chief
dom.

When the Chiefs' Conference opened in Bamenda on the 3rd March 1958, there were lead
ing politicians there to help mould their ideas. The resolutions reached, manifested how parti
san most of the Grassfields chiefs had become. "Amidst general discussions, it was decided
that the chiefs should campaign against K.N.C./K.P.P. alliance and that during the forthcom

12 Daily Times (Nigeria). 1 Ith January, 1958, p. 15

13 Southern Cameroons Reports, N° 45 of 15/3/58.
14 The l'on of Nso was such a strong supporter of K.N.C, that he was said to have died a K.N.C, supporter,
even though the party had ceased to exist.

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 Cameroon Grassfield Chiefs and Modern Polities

ing elections, should K.N.C./K.P.Ρ candidates succeed in being elected in a chiefs area, that
chief would forfeit his right to be a member of the new House of Chiefs when it is created".
Would the members of the House of Chiefs be political stooges? The answer to this question
was certainly affirmative. In fact, the KNDP was manipulating the chiefs and telling them that
the KNC/KPP alliance was opposed to traditional institutions and was out to sell Cameroons
to the Ibos.

The colonial administrators were doing everything possible to make the proposed House of
Chiefs a real representative body of traditional rulers. It seems both the administrators and
politicians wanted the House of Chiefs to stay out of politics and to function as the British
House of Lords. Evidently, most politicians co-opted and pulled those chiefs into politics.
They were asked to rally their people behind them by promising positions in the House of
Chiefs. In December 1957 the Resident at Bamenda organised a meeting of the chiefs of
South-Western Federation.15 On his arrival he found a number of politicians in attendance.
The Resident requested them to leave the meeting. They refused, saying they had been invited
by the chiefs to attend and advise. The Resident left before the meeting was started.16 In
sisting that he had only convoked the chiefs, the Resident decided to call off the meeting since
the politicans were not prepared to quit. The opposing party feared the colonial administrator
might influenced the chiefs to support the ruling party, KNC.
Another meeting of the chiefs of the South-western Federation had been held early in Oc
tober 1957 at Mbengwi. It was attended by 30 chiefs and politicians of the two major parties,
K.N.C./K.N.D.P. The conference was presided over by Chief Ndefru of Mankon. He called on
the chiefs to stay out of politics. Despite Ndefru's appeal, the "Conference became a platform
for the criticism and abuse of Dr. Endeley". He was heavily criticised by politicians who had
deserted him.17 The Fon of Bali also joined the chorus by telling the chiefs how he and Fon
cha18 had fought for the establishment of the House of Chiefs during the London Constitu
tional Talks. He asserted that only Foncha and his party had respect for traditional leader
ship. Achirimbi, the Fon of Bafut, also endorsed the views of Galega II, adding that the chiefs
should form a platform for the overthrow of Endeley.19 The chiefs finally passed a vote of no
confidence in Endeley's government.
Most chiefs were showing their support for the KNDP, the party which was purporting to
be upholding traditional institutions. The party was being portrayed as a party that upholds
traditional mores and symbols. Besides, it was the first party to be formed by Grassfields
politicians. The Grassfields chiefs, whose support was vital to any party, could not work in
isolation. They had to see beyond their local spheres, and to co-opt the southern chiefs.
A conference of Southern Cameroons chiefs was organised and it took place in Kumba
from 31 March to 1 April 1958. Again the conference was used for political ends. During the
conference, the Fon of Bali told the chiefs how he had been told not to travel on the Cameroon
delegation to the Lagos constitutional talks. He had been excluded because of his partisan role

15 The southwestern Federation included Ngemba, Moghamo, Menemo, Ngie and Ngwo.
16 Southern Cameroons Information Report, N°, 35 of 28/12/57.
17 According to the Daily Times of 15th October 1957, Hon. S. T. Muna in whose constituency the con
ference was being held, had already deserted Dr. Endeley, and had joined the Foncha-Jua Group.
18 Dr. Foncha founded the KNDP party with Augustine Jua in 1955. Foncha became Prime Minister of
West Cameroon after wining the elections of 1959. When unification was achieved, he became the Vice
President of the Cameroon Federation while maintaining his post of Prime Minister. In 1965, he relin
quished his duties of Prime Minister to Jua after a scuffle and moved to Yaounde to take up full duties
as the Vice-President to President Ahidjo.
19 cf Daily Times, 15th October 1957, p. 6

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108 Paul Nchoji Nkwi

in politics. The party in government had chose

that his place had been taken by a non-natural
inpower had no respect for traditional chiefs
meroon delegation was a warning note served
ruling party, KNC.
The chiefs also discussed matters affecting a
of Chiefs. Its creation, in terms of time and
party wanted it created ahead of schedule, th
"shifted his position on the role of chiefs and
party believed "in the maintaining of long esta
to work hand in hand with them carrying ou
making ... We shall, therefore, press for the
1970: 163.) The KNDP leaders accepted the cre
They knew the motives for the creation of
"claimed Endeley intended to interfere in the
the House or would use the promise of a posit
1630
The K.N.D.P. leaders placed emphasis on prio
taincy. When on a political mission to Lond
there were no chiefs in the then Southern Cam
resultant effect was their reaffirmation of tr
ful in marshalling traditionalism to their "cau
medical doctor, Endeley. Endeley made ma
spokesmen of tradition in the territory;he wo
ing at their side on stools reserved for their f
title or at the wrong times. Foncha eschewed
The chiefs of the Grassfields controlled 57 p
Southern Cameroons in 1957. Fifty-five pe
constituencies in the Grassfields. In 1961 the p
per cent of the electoral seats (Johnson 1970:
areas was tantamount to political bankruptcy
port the chiefs, especially the paramount fons,
The organisation of the various divisional ch
action to the changing conditions but also
value of those institutions that were once th
these divisional conferences was to keep the
opments. As such, these were used as instrume
Conference held at Mamfe in December 1958
show us the basic issues chiefs discussed; they
elections scheduled for January 1959 were no
ioneering campaigners; politicians asked all th
dates (K.N.D.P.) during the coming elections;
powerful House of Chiefs with more legislati
House of Chiefs was to be left in their hands
and the creation of the House of Chiefs was jus

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 Cameroon Grassfield Chiefs and Modern Politics

In order to brief the chiefs on the importance of the House of Chiefs, the High Com
missioner, J. 0. Field, toured the Grassfields. He had been empowered by the Constitutiona
Conference in 1957 to determine the number and method of selection of the members of the
House. On May 1st, 1958, he addressed the chiefs of the Southwestern, and Southeastern
Federated Native Authorities at Ndop.20 He explained the decisions of the London Constitu
tional Conference regarding the future of Southern Cameroons and the establishment of the
House of Chiefs. He discussed the mode of selection of its members, the nature and structure
of the new institution. He visited Wum on May 6th 1958 and presented the same issues to the
chiefs of the Northwestern Federation. The chiefs of this Federation unanimously accepted
the paramountcy of the Fon of Kom and his status as the ex-officio member of the new House
of Chiefs. The Fon of Bum, who was proposed for the same post, was rejected by a number of
chiefs.
After the Commissioner's tour, District Officers were then instructed to constitute the dif
ferent electoral colleges that would choose the chiefs' representatives. The District Officers
were empowered to determine the method of selection suitable to their areas. When the
'Southern Cameroons House of Chiefs Regulations' were drawn and finally signed by the
Commissioner on May 4th 1960, all the District Officers and the Chief Electoral Officer were
notified that elections into the House of Chiefs would take place on July 11th 1960.
A number of conditions for the selection of the members of the House of Chiefs were laid
down. Chiefs who were tax-defaulters, were to be excluded ; those who had been to prison for
more than six months were equally excluded; chiefs who did not possess moral and physical
qualities could not stand for elections; chiefs who were members of any of the national or
state legislatures were equally excluded.21 Later, any chief who wished to stand for elections
into the West Cameroon House of Chiefs had to submit his application through the Divisional
Officer who transmitted it through the Minister of Local Government to the Prime Minister.
The applications were then screened by a special committee which presented the final list for
approval. The list was then gazetted before the elections.
Over 311 chiefs registered for elections in 1968: 48 from Wum, 14 from Nso, 94 in Nkam
be, 123 in Gwofon. Of the twenty-two seats opened to chiefs, four were reserved to the four
Grassfields kings (Kom, Nso, Bafut, Bali). Of the 18 remaining seats, over 300 Grassfields chiefs
had to compete for only 9 seats. Nkambe had to constitute three electoral colleges for the se
lection of three chiefs. The Northwestern Federation had to choose two other chiefs to join
the Fon of Kom. Bamenda division was constituted into three electoral colleges for the selec
tion of the chiefs' representatives. The election finally took place in July 1960 and the follow
ing chiefs were chosen to represent the Grassfields chiefdoms: Chief Meh-Boh of Isu (Wum),
Chief Wallang of Aghem (Wum), the Fon of Kom (Wum), Fon of Bali, Fon of Bafut, Fon of
Nso, chief Ghogomo of Bambalang, Chief Ngwo, Chief of Mfe (Nkambe), chief of Ndu, Chief
Kembongsi (Nkambe). By the election of these chiefs, they were given the authority by other
chiefs and their people to speak for them. It was the hope of the people that these chiefs
would pay attention to the service of Southern Cameroons. (BA. PM 34/S1. la 1962). Ρ 323/
S. 5, la (1960) P. 1147/ la (1960)1).

20 The four federations were: Northeastern Federation (Mbembe, Mfumte, Misaje, Mbem, Mbaw, and
Nsungli); Northwestern Federation (Fungom, Bum, Kom, Esimbi, Bcba-Befang.); Southwestern feder
ation (Ngwo, Ngie, Ngemba, Moghamo, Meta.) and Eastern Federation (Nsaw, Bafut, and the Ndop
chiefdoms). cf also Kaberry women of the Grassfields, London, 195 2, HMSO.
21 cf West Cameroon Constitutional Law, W. C. H. C, p. Β 47-48

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 Paul Nchoji Nkwi

Several chiefs were dissatisfied, either with the candidates, or with the methods or modes
of selection. More petitions came from the Northern Federation-Nkambe. The Chief of Mbot
protested against the nomination of the Chief of Ndu (BA: FN 1063/64). The Chief of
Ntem-Mbaw refused to stand elections with chiefs he considered his subordinates. Chief W.
Nformi of Ntem claimed his equals were only the fons of Nso and Kom, Bali and Bafut.
Claiming to be nominated on the basis of paramountcy, he said his performances according
to Intelligence Report of 1923 were brilliant enough to warrant his choice as an ex-officio
member of the House of Chiefs. Some chiefs appealed to the High Commissioner to select
the chiefs himself rather than leave the onus to chiefs. The Chiefs of Babungo suggested that
the Chief of Bambalang should be selected to represent the Ndop area. He had worked at divi
sional and provincial levels, and was better prepared than most chiefs in the Ndop area to play
a meaningful role in the new House of Chiefs. (BA. File 1063/69).
Several reasons motivated many chiefs to seek elections into the House of Chiefs. All mem
bers of the House of Chiefs drew some financial benefits, besides their salaries22 ; they were
granted sitting allowances; their travelling and lodging expenses were also subsidized by the
government. Secondly, on the protocol list, the elected chiefs enjoyed positions of pre
eminence over the non-elected ones. They were given the same protocol treatment as that
given to elected parliamentarians.
On September 5th 1960, the House of Chiefs sat for the first time at Buea. Addressing the
House, the High Commissioner stressed its historical importance. He said: "At no time in your
history has there been greater need for wise statesmanship than in the months that lie imme
diately ahead. You come here not as elected politicians to express the views of this or that
political party but as the traditional leaders and spokesmen of your communities who are
expected to rise above all party factions and in the light of your experience of men and affairs
at large to give considered and disinterested advice on the many weighty problems that con
front the government and people of the Southern Cameroons today".23
What was the practical function of such an institution? In the minds of those who created
it, it had to be a non-partisan body, giving advice and assisting the government in exercising
its legislative authority. It was to consider, and by resolution to advise on any question or
matter introduced by a member. The House would consider proposed legislation and other
important matters of policy and its resolution would be laid on the table of the House of
Assembly where it would be open to the Government or any member of that House to take
them up. Members of the Executive Council would be entitled to attend sessions of the House
of Chiefs but not to vote. The life of the House of Chiefs would be coterminous with that of
the House of Assembly, and at least initially the Commissioner would preside (BA.File. 189:
1 a( 1957). It was to function like the British House of Lords.
By the creation of the House of Chiefs, the chiefs of Southern Cameroons were given a
unique place in the political structure of the Federal Republic of Cameroon. It had been
established to enable traditional rulers to participate in the task of governing the state. As an
advisory body, it could not initiate legislation nor could it deal with finance bills. It could
postpone but could not prevent the adoption of a bill. It also considered the merits of the
miscellaneous bills before they were approved by the legislative Assembly which transformed
them into law.24 As an upper House it performed a useful and an essential duty towards the

22 Not all chiefs received a salary. At least the four major chiefs (tons) were paid a monthly allowance.
23 Southern Cameroons Information Service. Press Release, 1960 p. 2
24 cf Cameroon National Year Book, 1958, p. 106.

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 Cameroon Grassfield Chiefs and Modern Politics

people of the Southern Cameroons. At its initial stages the House was always presided over by
a non-traditional ruler, first by the British High Commissioner, and later by politicians.25
According to the official Report of the West Cameroon House26 of Chiefs, 196 2,27 the
following bills were placed before the House for proper examination: Appropriation La
(1962), Customary Courts Law (1962), Control of Farming and Grazing Law (1962), the
West Cameroon Electricity Corporation, Constitutional Law (Amendment) and the Supp
mentary Appropriation Bill. From the report it is clear that only western oriented chiefs
took an active part in the debates. The importance of chiefs' education was felt more when
elected chiefs were being called upon to deal with national issues, most of which were far
beyond their parochial thinking.
The House of Chiefs which was created to give a new meaning to the Indirect Rule p
licy, integrated the traditional rulers into the new political structure. The Constitution of
October 1961 conferred, on the new House of Chiefs powers of a legislative body. The Federa
Constitution stated that they could exercise certain powers in matters of legislation (art.
40). For the most powerful Chiefs of the Grassfields whose powers had been drasticall
reduced under the colonial regime, they were temporarily reassured a role within the fram
work of the new constitutional arrangement. The politicians wanted the House of Chiefs
to perform its functions in the true spirit of its colonial counterpart. Addressing the House o
Chiefs in 1960, Mr. Augustine N. Jua, "appealed to the Chiefs to act as a check on the activ
ties of the Government and to support no political party. The House should give advice to
government proposals and it was this advice that they were looking forward to which help to
run the services of the Southern Cameroons".28
The House of Chiefs did not only supervise the activities of Government but it also protec
ed the interest of the chiefs. In 1962 a 'Recognition of Chiefs' Law' was carefully prepared
and formally approved by the chiefs. The law laid down ways by which chiefs could be for
mally recognised by the Government after they had been chosen and installed by traditional
'King-makers'. Given the material benefits a chief derived from his office, many potential heir
were often found disputing over succession. There were quite a number of these disputes
registered in 1960. The 'Recognition of Chiefs' Law provided some guidelines for the resolu
tion of such disputes. It spelled out the procedure to be taken:
"Whenever a report is made to the Divisional Officer that a dispute exists as to the person
entitled to be a chief or persons claiming the right to be a chief or to be appointed a chief
either to withdraw their claim or to deposit in the nearest government Treasury the sum of
thirty thousand six hundred francs CFA".
"On paying, the Divisional Officer should inform the Secretary of State that a dispute
exists. The claimants shall appear before a committee appointed by the Prime Minister".29
In making such inquiry the committee shall amongst any other matters take into account the
native law and customs that appear to them to be applicable in respect of the appointment of

25 The first president of the House of Chiefs was Mr. J. C. Fields, the then High Commissioner. After th
attainment of independence, he was replaced by P. Kale who was later succeeded by Mr. W. N. C Effion
26 Southern Cameroons became known as West Cameroon when it was reunited with the former French
Cameroons in 1960.
27 cf West Cameroon House of Chiefs, Official Report, 1962.
28 cf Southern Cameroons Information Service, Press Release, No. 967.
29 The Chiefs' Advisory Committee in 1962 was composed of the following chiefs: Chief Kembongsi of
Mfe (Nkambe), Chief Joseph Meh-Boh of Isu (Wum), Chief Ghogomo of Bambalang (Ndop), Chief Ma
koge of Mbonge (Kumba),Chief Oben of Mamfe and Chief F. B. Williams (Victoria).

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 Paul Nchoji Nkwi

the chief in question and may for such purpose have reference to any records reporting the
state of such native law and customs at the time of the Inquiry or in the past".30 It was the
task of the Committee to study the question and submit its findings to the Prime Minister
who would either accept it or send it back to the Committee for further study.31
In 1967 the permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Local Government sent a circular letter
to all Divisional Officers indicating the procedure to be taken for the proper recognition of
chiefs. According to this new circular, no chief was to be recognised by the government unless
the 'King-makers' had formally shown the government their approval of the candidate. It
reads: "In order to regularise the procedure for recognising chiefs and to minimise the peti
tions and complaints against such recognition, it will now be necessary to have a declaration
from the recognised 'King-makers' of a village before forwarding the name of any chief for
recognition. Such declarations should, for record purposes, be in writing and signed by the
'King-makers' and such 'King-makers' must be recognised by the majority population of the
village" (BA. File 1063/69). After the submission of the necessary documents and evidence,
the new chief was to be issued a certificate of official recognition by the Government.

As early as 1969, President Ahidjo had made it clear that chiefs were to keep abreast with
the modern political evolution of Cameroon. It was in the interest of the chiefs and their peo
ple that the traditional rulers had to "remain artisans of the evolution in our country; they
must even place themselves in the avant-garde of this evolution. What I am asking of them
is that this evolution come about with them, for in the contrary case, they will be vanquished
by it" (Johnson 1970: 161). In the then West Cameroon, chiefs had emerged as a political
force and as a legislative body. When the National Union Party was formed in 1966, all the
chiefs of West Cameroon were called to join this national front, the One Party System. They
could not afford to remain indifferent but had to identify themselves with the new party.
It is apparent that the independent nation-state did little or nothing to back up the chiefs
in their traditional context. As traditional rulers were not well acquainted with the new
political game, most of them were unable to understand the modern political process. The
Federal Constitution of 1960 had given the West Cameroon chiefs a legislative status. The
House of Chiefs could exercise certain powers in matters of legislation. The suppression of the
House of Chiefs in West Cameroon and other governmental actions were steps taken to re
duce the chiefs to a position of European aristocracies of today. Some chiefs, especially the
educated ones, must have silently32 accepted the suppression of this legislative organ for fear
of actions taken against them by the new political elite. As the European aristocracies lost all
power based on their former positions, so did the Grassfields chiefs and others in the Repu
blic, and so will they continue to loose power. Today they can retain some power only inso
far as they are able to enter the ranks of the new elite and appropriate official positions in the
nation-state.

30 cf West Cameroon Government Gazette, No. 2, 1962, p. 6.

31 In the 1960s one of the most serious chieftaincy disputes was that of Bafut. After the death to Achirim
bi, two candidates emerged. The Bafut population was evidently divided and the Government had to
intervene. Abumbi II was chosen.
32 The 1972 Referendum abolished federal structures and created the unitary state. It is said that the move
took many chiefs by surprise but they participated actively in the campaigns. When the House of Chiefs
was abolished as a result of the 'peaceful revolution', chiefs were told it was costing the state too much
money to run four legislative bodies (the federal parliament, the two federated state assemblies and the
West Cameroon House of Chiefs). Evidently, the forging of a national unity front and image was more
paramount than the expenses involved.

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 Cameroon Grassfield Chiefs and Modern Politics

This view can be supported by abundant evidence drawn from concrete life situation in the
Grassfields. Many chiefs have come to realise that they can only function adequately within
the new political framework. Towards the end of the colonial period, many chiefs took ad
vantage of favourable circumstances. They began to shift their basis of wealth and power.
Some went into business and politics and others joined the new administration. For example,
the Chief of Batibo became a taxi owner. In 1968 he was elected by chiefs of his area into the
West Cameroon House of Chiefs. After the dissolution of the House of Chiefs, he became sec
tion President of the Cameroon National Union (CNU) Party, and in May 1978, he was elect
ed into the National Assembly. Fon Nsom Ngwe of Kotn became the President of the Sub
Section of the CNU. The Chief of Mankon, who left the administration to become chief, serv
ed as a member of Parliament in West Cameroon, and after the creation of the unitary state,
he was elected again into the National Assembly. The Chief of We (Wum) is also a parliamen
tarian.

A number of chiefs in the Grassfields are playing a dual role; one in the new nation-state
structure and the other in the traditional set-up. The Chief of Bambalang, once a police of
ficer, is now the Governor of the South-West Province; the Chief of Bali-Kumbat is the General
Administrator of National Producing Marketing Board. Most chiefs who are civil servants leave
some of their traditional duties to be performed by their traditional councils. The Chief of
Njah Etu in Meta is a police officer. The Chief of Chomba is a secondary school teacher; the
chiefs of Banja and Mundum I are soldiers. The Fon of Bafut, Abumbi II, is presently a law
student at the University of Yaounde.
In the last municipal elections of September 1977, about twenty traditional rulers were
elected in the North-West Province.33 Many chiefs are coming to understand that for chiefs to
have any measure of power, it is absolutely necessary for them to integrate themselves with
the new elite group and to keep abreast with the modern evolution of the nation-state. They
are aware of the importance of a sound education. It is only through it that traditional chiefs
today and tomorrow shall be able to function within the new political framework. Attempts
made by colonial administrators to educate potential traditional rulers seem not to have
received a warm reception among the Grassfields chiefs. In the 1960s and right into the 1970s,
a majority of the Grassfields chiefs were still illiterate. Education for a very long time was
looked upon by any potential chief as an affair of the commoner, not one of the royalty. Why
go to school, if the same material benefits offered by western education could also be acquir
ed as a traditional chief? In an interview with Jinabo II of Kom, he honestly revealed that he
was incapable of functioning within the new framework of nation-state because he was not
educationally equipped to understand the riddle of modern politics. He preferred to have his
educated subjects to take an active role in politics rather than he himself.
Most Grassfields chiefs, like most chiefs in Cameroon, are fully aware of their role within
the new political structure. They must adapt themselves to it. They are leaders of ethnic groups
whose cultural identities manifest the diversity of the new nation-state. Forging and realising
the much desired unity of a fragmentary society is also one of the tasks of chiefs today. They
must help in the shaping or moulding of this society into a cohesive entity. Their identifica
tion with the new Cameroon political personality is imperative. Ahidjo affirmed in the 1960s
that the chiefs "independently of their sentimental value, they still constitute today and
surely will tomorrow, by reason of the leadership which they give to the people, an instru
ment of action which the state cannot afford to do without at present" (1964: 33).

33 cf Cameroon Tribune, of 5th September 1977, No. 171, p. 33

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 Paul Nchoji Nkwi

The decree of 15th July 1977 manifests the government's attempt to integrate chiefs with
in the new political structure. It specified the role, nature and powers of traditional chiefs
within the framework of the new nation-state. The decree defined the government's position
on chiefs and virtually integrated them into the administrative structure. It is worthwhile
analysing the main sections of the decree. It recognises the territorial limits of chiefdoms and
classifies chiefdoms into first, second and third classes. This classification not only approves
the colonial classification, it also stresses the fundamental differences in prestige and power
as well as the demographic and economic importance of the different chiefdoms.
It is evident that the government wants to maintain a close control of the traditional chief
doms. A chief is only a chief when he has formally been installed and recognised by the
appropriate administrative authority. The traditional process of choice and installation seems
to be recognised by the government. Insistence on moral and physical conditions as necessary
factors in the choice of chiefs is clear in the text. One would wonder whether, in the tradi
tional context, such criteria were usually decisive in the pre-colonial era. A new factor, how
ever, which was certainly not a condition for chieftaincy succession, is the government's em
phasis on the capacity to read and write. The essence of this condition is evident. Since chiefs
are regarded as government administrative agents, they should be able to read and write in
order to have a first-hand knowledge of government policies. By reading and understanding
government circulars and instructions, the chiefs will be able to keep their populations in
formed.34
The role of the government in the choice and installation seems to be very crucial and it
does indicate the government's concern over the personality and qualities of the incumbent.
He must be able to understand and interpret government directives. As soon as the chief dies,
the whole administrative process begins. The administrative authorities are immediately in
fomed, and without delay they are required to begin the necessary consultation leading to the
choice of the new chief. The authority, usually the prefect or sub-prefect, must consult the
customary nobility, the king-makers. All the customary authorities, according to the decree,
are supposed to participate in the selection process. After the consultation, the administrative
authority makes known the name of the candidate to the appropriate authority, passing
through the administrative hierarchy. The 'dossier'35 is forwarded to the administrative author
ity that has to formally recognise him. If the chief in question is a first class chief, the 'dossier'
is sent on to the Prime Minister who is expected to ratify the appointment. If the chief is of a
second grade, the Minister of Territorial Administration receives the papers and issues a formal
note of recognition. The recognition of third class chiefs falls to the Senior Prefect of the
division in which that chief has his chiefdom. It is evident that the government will control
the choice and installation of these administrative agents. Such agents will be required to keep
in touch with government policies and directives. Chiefs are expected to perform specific
functions. Administratively, chiefs fall under the Ministry of Territorial Administration. They
must assist the administrative authorities in their task of establishing law and order in their
areas. As auxiliaries of the administration, they must help the administrator in the transmission

34 The present Fon of Kom, Foyn Jinabo II, is illiterate. Five potential successors are all illiterate (Jame
Yibain, Philip Fointama, Yu Ngih, Mbama, Ngam Naya). It is only Ndi Membe, the sixth in the line who
has received a primary education.
35 The 'dossier' shall consist of a certificate of non-conviction; a copy of the birth certificate, a medical
certificate, and a document from a medical doctor indicating that the chief to be replaced has actually
died or an act of destitution for chiefs who have been removed.

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 Cameroon Grassfield Chiefs and Modern Politics

of government directives to their populations. They must see to it that these directives are
executed. It is also their duty to assist in the maintenance of public order, and in the promo
tion of the economic, social, political and cultural development of their areas. They are also
required to help the government recover its taxes. Beside these tasks, they are also expected
to be ever ready to perform whatever duties the administrative authorities might confer on
them. Such a picture gives a person the impression that the chiefs do not have any powers at
all today, although they are allowed to arbitrate in disputes of a customary nature. They are
directly under the new administrative elite and they can only function adequately if they
obey these new authorities. As government agents, they receive reasonable remunerations. The
modern process has deprived them of the means to raise their income. A new situation has
been created which is bound to bring considerable financial problems to chiefs. President
Ahidjo, realising the gravity of the situation, affirmed that it was necessary for public author
ities to increase their budget in order to make room for allowances paid to traditional rulers
(1964: 33). In the decree of 15th July 1977, chiefs not only derive reasonable incomes from
tax rebates, but they will also receive monthly allowances which will enable them to handle
their househould finances. Those who show dynamism and a great sense of dedication in the
socio-economic and political evolution of the country will also be given a special allowance.
While the state guarantees the protection of chiefs and the defence of their rights while
they are in office, it also lays down sanctions for those chiefs who fail to live up to the laws
of the nation-state. They can be made destitute or thrown out of their traditional office by
the government. They must carry out their traditional duties within the limits of the laws of
the state. Their powers have been completely eroded and they can only survive if they rec
ognise and function according to the dictates of the new political elite.

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