Assignment

Submitted By:
Name: Mushfiq Abrar Fuad
Class: 8 Section: Asteroids
Roll: 39

Submitted To:
Bro. Enrico Costa, CSC
BGS Teacher of Class 8 Asteroids

Subject: BGS
Topic: The Liberation War of Bangladesh,
from 1940 to 1971

Submission Date: 10th July, 2023

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 History of the Independence of Bangladesh (1940-1971)
The Lahore Resolution (1940)

The Lahore Resolution, also known as the Pakistan Resolution, is a pivotal

moment in the history of the Indian subcontinent and the eventual creation of the
nation of Pakistan. The resolution was proposed by Sher-e-Bangla A. K. Fazlul
Haque. It was passed on March 23, 1940, during the All-India Muslim League's
annual session held in Lahore, British India.
The Lahore Resolution marked a significant turning point in the political
aspirations of the Muslims of the subcontinent. Chaired by Muhammad Ali Jinnah,
the session brought together prominent Muslim leaders from across the country to
discuss their demands and concerns. The primary objective of the resolution was to
address the growing concerns of the Muslim community and secure their rights in a
future independent India.
The resolution asserted that the Muslims of the subcontinent were a distinct nation
with their own identity, history, and culture. It recognized that Muslims should
have the right to govern themselves and exercise their religion freely. It called for
the creation of independent states where Muslims could live in accordance with
their traditions and values.
The Lahore Resolution marked a significant departure from the earlier demand for
constitutional reforms within a unified India. It demanded the establishment of
autonomous Muslim-majority regions, which would later pave the way for the
creation of Pakistan. The resolution gained widespread support from the Muslim
community, and it became a key catalyst in shaping the political landscape of the
subcontinent.
The Lahore Resolution laid the foundation for the eventual partition of India in
1947, resulting in the creation of two separate nations: India and Pakistan. It
became the basis for the demand of a separate homeland for Muslims, leading to
years of negotiations, political movements, and ultimately the birth of Pakistan.
Today, the Lahore Resolution holds immense historical and symbolic significance
for Pakistanis. It represents their struggle for self-determination and the recognition
of their distinct identity as a nation. The annual observance of Pakistan Day on
March 23 serves as a reminder of the Lahore Resolution and the sacrifices made by
the leaders and people who worked towards the creation of Pakistan.
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Figure: Lahore Resolution

Figure: Documentation of Lahore Resolution

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 Individual Satyagraha (1940)
Individual Satyagraha, also known as Individual Civil Disobedience Movement,
was a significant phase of the Indian independence movement led by Mahatma
Gandhi. It was initiated on August 17, 1940, as a nonviolent protest against British
colonial rule in India.
The concept of Individual Satyagraha emerged as a response to the failure of the
Cripps Mission, which failed to address the demands of the Indian National
Congress for complete independence. Under the guidance of Mahatma Gandhi, the
movement aimed to exert pressure on the British government through individual
acts of civil disobedience.
Individual Satyagraha was characterized by its emphasis on nonviolence, truth, and
self-sacrifice. Participants were required to take a pledge committing themselves to
truth, nonviolence, and non-cooperation with the British authorities. Each
Satyagrahi (participant) would choose a specific cause or issue related to the
freedom struggle and openly defy the unjust laws or policies related to that cause.
The movement witnessed the participation of prominent leaders and individuals
from various walks of life. Vinoba Bhava, Jawaharlal Nehru, and Maulana Abul
Kalam Azad were among the notable participants who offered themselves for arrest
and imprisonment.
The British authorities responded to the movement with repression, arresting and
imprisoning the Satyagrahis. However, the movement gained significant attention
both within India and internationally, showcasing the Indian people's commitment
to nonviolent resistance in their struggle for freedom.
The Individual Satyagraha campaign continued for almost a year, and by the end of
1941, over 25,000 Satyagrahis had been imprisoned. The movement eventually
came to a halt following the outbreak of World War II, as Gandhi called for the
suspension of the campaign to support the British war effort against fascism.
Although Individual Satyagraha did not achieve immediate political concessions, it
played a crucial role in strengthening the spirit of resistance among the Indian
masses and highlighting the moral authority of the independence movement. It laid
the foundation for future mass movements and contributed to the ultimate
achievement of India's independence in 1947.
Individual Satyagraha remains a testament to the power of nonviolent resistance
and civil disobedience in the pursuit of justice and freedom. It serves as a source of
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inspiration for movements around the world and continues to symbolize the
enduring legacy of Mahatma Gandhi and his principles of truth, nonviolence, and
self-sacrifice.

Figure: Mahatma Gandhi during Satyagraha

World War 2 and Lend-Lease Act

World War II and the Lend-Lease Act had a profound impact on the independence
of British India. The war created a context in which the demand for self-rule and
independence grew stronger, leading to significant political and social changes in
the subcontinent.
The outbreak of World War II in 1939 presented both challenges and opportunities
for the Indian independence movement. The Indian National Congress, led by
figures such as Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, demanded full
independence as a prerequisite for India's participation in the war effort. However,
the British government, fearing the loss of control, offered limited dominion status
instead.
The war also disrupted the British administration in India. With the majority of
British troops engaged in the war, the Indian National Congress saw an opportunity

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to intensify their struggle for independence. Civil disobedience movements and
protests became more widespread, and the demand for immediate self-rule gained
momentum.
The Lend-Lease Act, introduced by the United States in 1941, played a significant
role in shaping the dynamics of the Indian independence movement. The act
allowed the United States to provide military aid, supplies, and resources to
countries fighting against the Axis powers, including Britain. As part of the act,
India received substantial military and economic support, which further
strengthened the Indian National Congress's bargaining power.
The Lend-Lease Act brought a shift in the power dynamics between Britain and
India. The Indian leaders saw this as an opportunity to press for greater
concessions from the British government. They argued that India's contribution to
the war effort warranted a more significant role in the decision-making process and
a quicker path to independence.
Furthermore, the war created economic and political challenges for Britain. The
financial burden of the war and the inability to effectively govern and administer
India further strained their position. The mounting pressure from the Indian
independence movement, coupled with the changing global dynamics, forced the
British government to reassess its stance on India's independence.
The impact of World War II and the Lend-Lease Act culminated in the realization
that continued colonial rule was no longer sustainable. The demand for
independence grew stronger, and negotiations between the Indian National
Congress and the British government intensified. Ultimately, these factors led to
the granting of independence to India in 1947, with the creation of two separate
nations: India and Pakistan.
The war and the Lend-Lease Act expedited the process of decolonization and
provided a catalyst for the Indian independence movement. They exposed the
vulnerabilities and contradictions of British rule in India, while also empowering
the Indian leadership to demand greater political agency. The war's global impact
and the changing dynamics of power played a significant role in shaping the course
of events that ultimately led to the independence of British India.

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Figure: Franklin D. Roosevelt passed the Lend-Lease Act

Figure: Indian soldiers in World War 2

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Figure: Indian Army during World War 2

Figure: Indian Army ready to fight in WW2 against the axis power

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 Quit India Movement (1942)
The Quit India Movement of 1942 was a landmark event in the history of the
Indian independence movement. Launched by the Indian National Congress under
the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi, the movement called for the immediate end of
British colonial rule in India.
The Quit India Movement emerged as a response to the failure of the Cripps
Mission, which proposed limited dominion status for India rather than full
independence. The Indian National Congress, dissatisfied with the British offer,
resolved to launch a mass civil disobedience movement to intensify their demand
for complete freedom.
On August 8, 1942, at the All-India Congress Committee session in Bombay (now
Mumbai), Mahatma Gandhi delivered his iconic speech, urging the Indian people
to "do or die" in the pursuit of independence. He called upon them to nonviolently
resist British rule and demanded the immediate withdrawal of the British from
India.
The movement sparked a wave of protests, strikes, and acts of civil disobedience
across the country. People from all walks of life, including students, peasants,
workers, and women, actively participated in the movement. They boycotted
British institutions, disrupted government services, and organized mass rallies and
demonstrations.
The British authorities responded to the Quit India Movement with brutal
repression. They arrested thousands of Congress leaders, including Gandhi,
Jawaharlal Nehru, and Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, and deployed security forces to
stop the unrest. The crackdown resulted in widespread violence, arrests, and
casualties.
Despite the harsh response, the Quit India Movement left a lasting impact on the
Indian independence struggle. It showcased the determination and resolve of the
Indian people to free themselves from British rule. The movement also forced the
British government to acknowledge the strength of the Indian national movement
and compelled them to reassess their position on Indian independence.
Furthermore, the Quit India Movement laid the groundwork for future mass
movements and set the stage for the eventual achievement of independence in
1947. It demonstrated the power of nonviolent resistance and civil disobedience as
a potent force for political change.

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The Quit India Movement of 1942 remains an integral part of India's struggle for
freedom. It symbolizes the unwavering commitment of the Indian people to
achieve self-rule and serves as a testament to their resilience in the face of
adversity. The movement's legacy continues to inspire movements for freedom,
democracy, and social justice around the world.

Figure: Quit India Movement

Figure: Mahatma Gandhi and Quit India Movement

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Figure: Quit India Movement

The Bengal Famine of 1943

The Bengal Famine of 1943 remains one of the darkest chapters in the history of
colonial India. It was a catastrophic humanitarian crisis that resulted in the death of
millions of people due to starvation, malnutrition, and diseases. The famine,
exacerbated by a combination of natural factors and British colonial policies,
unfolded in the midst of World War II.
The immediate cause of the famine was a severe shortage of food grains in Bengal,
primarily rice. The region had experienced a series of natural disasters, including
floods, cyclones, and crop failures, which significantly impacted agricultural
production. However, it was the policies and actions of the British colonial
administration that transformed a scarcity situation into a full-blown famine.
During the war, the British government requisitioned vast quantities of food grains
from Bengal to feed its troops and supply the war efforts in other regions. This
policy of "rice denial" left the local population, particularly the rural poor, deprived
of their primary source of sustenance. Additionally, the British government's
prioritization of transporting food grains out of Bengal for export purposes
aggravated the scarcity within the region.
The response of the colonial administration to the worsening crisis was slow and
inadequate. Despite early warnings and appeals from local leaders, including
Mahatma Gandhi, the British authorities failed to take timely action. Relief
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measures were insufficient and often mismanaged, leading to a further
deterioration of the situation. Moreover, the British government's censorship and
suppression of information about the severity of the famine hindered international
assistance and exacerbated the suffering of the population.
The consequences of the Bengal Famine were devastating. It is estimated that
between two and three million people lost their lives during the famine. The most
vulnerable sections of society, such as the poor, agricultural laborers, and
marginalized communities, were disproportionately affected. Starvation-related
diseases, such as malaria and dysentery, claimed numerous lives.
The Bengal Famine of 1943 had profound social, economic, and political
repercussions. It shattered the trust and faith of the Bengali population in British
colonial rule. The failure of the colonial administration to provide adequate relief
and mitigate the crisis exposed the callousness and indifference of the British
government towards Indian lives.
During the Bengal Famine of 1943, Winston Churchill was the British Prime
Minister. Unfortunately, Churchill's response to the crisis was widely criticized for
its inadequacy and lack of urgency. His policies and decisions, such as diverting
food supplies from India to support the war effort and his government's failure to
provide timely relief, exacerbated the suffering of the affected population.
Churchill's handling of the famine remains a contentious aspect of his legacy, with
many considering it a failure of leadership and an example of colonial indifference
to the plight of the Indian people. Churchill had racial views towards the
inhabitants of British India and its natives. Winston Churchill said about the
Indians, “I hate Indians. They are a beastly people with a beastly religion.” He was
referring to Hinduism, rather than Islam, given loyal support for the war effort
from the Muslim League. Churchill saw Gandhi’s decision to launch the Quit India
Movement in the middle of the war as a stab in the back when Britain most needed
and deserved loyal support. “The famine was their own fault”, he declared at a
war-cabinet meeting, “for "breeding like rabbits.””
The famine also had far-reaching implications for the Indian independence
movement. It galvanized public outrage and intensified the demand for self-rule
and freedom from British rule. The tragedy exposed the exploitative nature of
colonialism and provided a rallying point for the Indian National Congress and
other political organizations to mobilize against British imperialism.

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The Bengal Famine of 1943 serves as a tragic reminder of the consequences of
neglect, mismanagement, and the prioritization of imperial interests over human
lives. It remains a stark testimony to the urgent need for responsible governance,
equitable distribution of resources, and the protection of vulnerable populations
during times of crisis.

Figure: Bengal Famine of 1943

Figure: A family during the famine

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Figure: People were starving like animals

Figure: The victims of the famine

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 Shimla Conference (1944)
The Shimla Conference, also known as the Simla Conference, held in 1945, was a
significant event in the history of the Indian independence movement. The
conference aimed to find a solution for the future of India and was attended by
representatives of the Indian National Congress, the Muslim League, and the
British government.
The conference took place in Simla (now Shimla), a picturesque hill station in
British India. The British government, represented by Lord Wavell, the Viceroy of
India, convened the conference with the hope of reaching an agreement on India's
political future.
The main objective of the Shimla Conference was to discuss the framework for
constitutional reforms and the transfer of power from British rule to Indian hands.
The British government, recognizing the growing demand for independence,
sought to establish a plan that would pave the way for a peaceful transition of
power.
Representing the Indian National Congress were figures such as Jawaharlal Nehru,
Abul Kalam Azad, and Sardar Patel. The Muslim League, led by Muhammad Ali
Jinnah, was also present to put forth their demands for the creation of a separate
homeland for Muslims.
The discussions at the Shimla Conference centered around issues such as the
structure of the future government, representation of various communities,
safeguards for minority rights, and the status of princely states. The conference was
marked by heated debates and differing visions for the future of India.
Despite intense negotiations, the Shimla Conference failed to yield a consensus.
Fundamental disagreements persisted between the Congress and the Muslim
League regarding the shape of India's future political system. The Congress
insisted on a united India with a strong central government, while the Muslim
League pressed for a separate nation for Muslims, eventually leading to the
creation of Pakistan.
The conference's failure was attributed to various factors, including the deep-
rooted communal tensions, mistrust between the Congress and the Muslim League,
and the inability of the British government to bridge the divides. The conference
ended without a formal agreement or a clear roadmap for India's independence.

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The Shimla Conference's outcome further exacerbated communal tensions and set
the stage for the partition of India in 1947. The failure of the conference revealed
the deep divisions and conflicting aspirations within the Indian political landscape.
While the Shimla Conference did not achieve its intended goals, it served as an
important milestone in the process of negotiations and discussions leading up to
India's independence. It highlighted the complexities and challenges involved in
resolving the question of India's political future and the subsequent creation of
Pakistan.
The Shimla Conference remains significant as a historical moment that shaped the
trajectory of the Indian independence movement. It stands as a reminder of the
complex dynamics and divergent visions that ultimately led to the partition of the
subcontinent and the birth of India and Pakistan as separate nations.

Royal Navy Mutiny (1946)

The Royal Navy Mutiny of 1946 was a significant event that occurred during
World War II in British India. The mutiny, which began in February 1946, involved
Indian sailors serving in the Royal Indian Navy and other branches of the armed
forces.
The mutiny was a response to the unfair treatment and discrimination faced by
Indian sailors in the British Navy. The Indian sailors were paid significantly less
than their British counterparts and were subjected to discriminatory practices
within the naval hierarchy.
The mutiny started with a strike by sailors on various ships, demanding better
wages, improved working conditions, and equal treatment. The unrest quickly
spread to other naval establishments across the country, including Bombay (now
Mumbai), Karachi, and Calcutta (now Kolkata).
The mutiny had a profound impact on the Indian independence movement. It
showcased the growing disillusionment among Indian servicemen with British rule
and inspired a sense of unity and defiance against colonial oppression.
The British authorities responded to the mutiny with a mixture of repression and
negotiation. Martial law was imposed, and military action was taken to suppress
the revolt. However, realizing the gravity of the situation and the need for a

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political solution, the British government-initiated talks with Indian leaders to
address the sailors' grievances.
The Royal Navy Mutiny of 1945 marked a turning point in the struggle for Indian
independence. It demonstrated the determination of Indian servicemen to challenge
colonial exploitation and paved the way for subsequent movements demanding an
end to British rule.
The mutiny also highlighted the need for social justice, equal rights, and fair
treatment for all members of society, regardless of their race or nationality. It
contributed to the broader momentum for independence and set the stage for the
eventual withdrawal of British colonial rule from India in 1947.

Figure: Royal Indian Navy Mutiny

Cabinet Mission (1946)

The Cabinet Mission of 1946 was a significant initiative undertaken by the British
government to find a solution for the political future of India. The mission was sent
to India with the aim of discussing and proposing a plan for constitutional reforms
and the transfer of power from British rule to Indian hands.
The mission, consisting of three Cabinet ministers - Lord Pethick-Lawrence, Sir
Stafford Cripps, and A.V. Alexander, arrived in India in March 1946. It held
extensive discussions with Indian political leaders, including representatives from
the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League.

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The Cabinet Mission proposed a plan for a federal structure in India, with a central
government and autonomous provinces. It also suggested the formation of an
interim government with representatives from all major political parties. However,
the mission failed to gain the agreement and consensus of the Indian leaders on its
proposals, particularly regarding the composition of the central government and the
issue of grouping provinces.
Although the Cabinet Mission did not result in an immediate resolution, it was a
crucial step in the negotiations between the British government and Indian leaders.
It set the groundwork for subsequent discussions and eventually paved the way for
the partition of India and the creation of two separate nations, India and Pakistan,
in 1947.

The Direct Action Day of 1946

The Direct Action Day of 1946, also known as the Great Calcutta Killings, was a
tragic event that took place on August 16 in Calcutta (now Kolkata), British India.
The day was called by the Muslim League, led by Muhammad Ali Jinnah, as a
political demonstration to demand a separate nation for Muslims.
The Direct Action Day quickly turned into a day of widespread violence and
communal clashes between Hindus and Muslims. The city witnessed horrific
incidents of rioting, arson, looting, and targeted killings. The violence soon spread
beyond Calcutta to other parts of Bengal and across India.
The partition of Bengal in 1905, which had been annulled in 1911, had left deep
communal divisions and resentments. The Direct Action Day aggravated these
tensions and unleashed long-held communal animosities. Fanatics from both
religious communities engaged in brutal acts of violence, resulting in the loss of
thousands of lives and the displacement of countless people.
The British government's response to the violence was initially ineffective and
delayed. It took several days for the authorities to restore order and bring the
situation under control. The tragic events of Direct Action Day highlighted the lack
of adequate governance and the failure of the colonial administration to maintain
law and order.
The Direct Action Day had a significant impact on the political landscape of India.
It further deepened communal divisions and intensified the demand for a separate

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homeland for Muslims. The violence and bloodshed reinforced the arguments put
forth by the Muslim League for the creation of Pakistan.
The Direct Action Day also served as a stark warning about the potential
consequences of communal tensions and the urgent need for a political solution to
address the demands of different religious communities. The events of that day
highlighted the necessity of finding a peaceful resolution to the question of India's
future and the challenges of communal harmony.

Figure: Jinnah called on the Direct Action Day

Figure: Corpses on street at that “Direct Action” Day

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Figure: “Direct Actions” by the fanatics and Jinnah supporters

Figure: The Great Calcutta Killing

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 Plan for the Partition of India (1947) and Independence of India from
British rule
The plan for the partition of India, also known as the Mountbatten Plan, was a
significant development in the process of India's independence from British rule.
The plan was devised by Lord Mountbatten, the last Viceroy of India, and
proposed the division of British India into two separate nations: India and Pakistan.
The plan aimed to address the communal tensions between Hindus and Muslims by
creating two separate countries based on religious lines. India would have a Hindu-
majority, while Pakistan would be a Muslim-majority nation. The division was
primarily based on the principle of "two-nation theory," which asserted that Hindus
and Muslims were distinct nations with irreconcilable differences.
The plan was formally announced on June 3, 1947. It called for the transfer of
power to the respective dominions on August 15, 1947, marking the end of British
colonial rule. The division led to massive communal violence, large-scale
migrations, and the displacement of millions of people.
On August 14, 1947, Pakistan was established as a separate nation, comprising two
regions - West Pakistan and East Pakistan (which later became Bangladesh). India,
with its diverse religious and ethnic composition, emerged as a secular nation.
The partition of India in 1947 had far-reaching consequences. It resulted in the
largest mass migration in history, with Hindus and Sikhs moving to India and
Muslims to Pakistan. The violence and bloodshed that accompanied the partition
left a deep scar on the collective memory of the subcontinent.
The plan for partition remains a subject of debate and analysis, with differing
perspectives on its impact. While some argue that it prevented further bloodshed
and provided a basis for the peaceful coexistence of two nations, others contend
that it failed to fully address the complexities of communal relations and led to
enduring conflicts and tensions between India and Pakistan.
India achieved independence from British rule on August 15, 1947. It marked a
significant milestone in the country's history and the culmination of years of
struggle for self-rule. The day is celebrated annually as India's Independence Day.
With the end of British colonialism, India emerged as a sovereign nation, free to
determine its own destiny. The achievement of independence came after years of
nonviolent resistance, civil disobedience movements, and political negotiations.

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August 15 holds immense significance for the people of India as a day of pride,
remembrance, and celebration of the hard-fought freedom.

Figure: Map of Undivided Bengal

Figure: Map of British India

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 The Language Movement (1952)
The Language Movement of 1952 was a defining moment in the history of
Bangladesh and a significant milestone in the struggle for linguistic and cultural
rights. The movement arose as a response to the imposition of Urdu as the sole
national language of Pakistan, disregarding the majority Bengali-speaking
population of East Pakistan.
The roots of the Language Movement can be traced back to the partition of India in
1947 when the Indian subcontinent was divided into India and Pakistan. East
Bengal, which later became East Pakistan and eventually Bangladesh, was
predominantly inhabited by Bengali-speaking people. However, the central
government in West Pakistan sought to promote Urdu as the sole national
language, ignoring the linguistic diversity and aspirations of the Bengali-speaking
population.
The imposition of Urdu sparked outrage among the people of East Pakistan who
felt their language and cultural identity were being undermined. The movement
gained momentum in February 1952 when students from the University of Dhaka
and other educational institutions organized protests and demonstrations
demanding equal recognition for Bengali as a state language.
On February 21, 1952, the situation escalated when police opened fire on a
peaceful procession of students, resulting in several casualties. The tragic events of
that day, now known as "Ekushey" or Language Martyrs' Day, became a turning
point in the Language Movement. It galvanized the Bengali-speaking population
and ignited a deep sense of pride and determination to preserve their language and
fight for their rights.
The Language Movement spread like wildfire throughout East Pakistan. People
from all walks of life joined the protests, and the movement gained widespread
support across different socio-economic groups. Strikes, rallies, and acts of civil
disobedience became common forms of expression. The movement's leaders
emphasized the importance of linguistic and cultural identity, rallying for the
recognition of Bengali as one of the state languages of Pakistan.
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman played a significant role in the Language
Movement of 1952. As a young leader, he actively participated in protests and
demonstrations, advocating for the recognition of Bengali as a state language. His
passionate speeches and unwavering commitment inspired and mobilized the

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masses, galvanizing the movement. For these activities, he was imprisoned by the
Pakistani government. But that could not stop him, he started a hunger strike there
along with another leader from Bangladesh. For that, he was admitted to Dhaka
Medical College under police custody. His directions from prison made the
movement successful. Bangabandhu's role as a unifying force and his resolute
stance for linguistic rights left a profound impact. His leadership during the
Language Movement laid the foundation for his future role as the undisputed
leader of Bangladesh's struggle for independence.
The Language Movement not only symbolized the struggle for linguistic rights but
also served as a catalyst for the broader movement for autonomy and self-
determination. It laid the foundation for the awakening of Bengali nationalism and
ultimately led to the birth of Bangladesh as an independent nation in 1971.

Figure: Language Movement

United Front Election and 21-Point Movement (1954)

The United Front Election and 21-Point Movement of 1954 were two
interconnected events that had a profound impact on the political landscape of East
Pakistan (now Bangladesh) and significantly contributed to the rise of Bengali
nationalism.

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The United Front Election of 1954 was a landmark political event in East Pakistan.
It brought together various political parties, including the Awami League, Krishak
Sramik Party, and Nizam-e-Islam Party, to form a formidable coalition against the
ruling Muslim League. The election campaign centered around the demands for
greater provincial autonomy, land reforms, and recognition of Bengali as a state
language.
The United Front's platform struck a chord with the people of East Pakistan, who
were yearning for political change and representation that aligned with their
aspirations. The coalition's progressive agenda resonated with a diverse range of
voters, including farmers, workers, students, and intellectuals. The high voter
turnout on election day reflected the popular support for the United Front, and the
coalition secured a resounding victory, winning a majority of seats in the provincial
assembly.
Following the electoral success, the United Front launched the 21-Point Movement
in 1954. These 21 demands, formulated by the coalition, were aimed at addressing
the grievances and aspirations of the Bengali-speaking population. The demands
included linguistic and cultural rights, regional autonomy, economic reforms, and
social justice. The movement garnered widespread support and galvanized the
masses in East Pakistan.
The 21-Point Movement of 1954 was a pivotal political campaign in East Pakistan
(now Bangladesh) that aimed to address the grievances and aspirations of the
Bengali-speaking population. Led by the United Front coalition, the movement put
forth a list of 21 demands that reflected the aspirations for greater autonomy,
cultural recognition, and economic justice.
The demands of the 21-Point Movement covered a wide range of issues. The 21
points demanded from the Pakistanis were:
1. Recognition of Bengali as one of the state languages of Pakistan, alongside
Urdu.
2. Autonomy and self-governance for East Pakistan.
3. Equitable distribution of economic resources and land reforms.
4. Eradication of regional economic disparities.
5. Equal rights and opportunities for all citizens, regardless of language or
ethnicity.
6. Promotion and preservation of Bengali culture, literature, and traditions.
7. Accessible and quality education for all.
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 8. Improvement of healthcare facilities and services.
9. Ensuring a fair share of national resources for East Pakistan.
10.Development of agricultural infrastructure and support for farmers.
11.Industrialization and employment opportunities in East Pakistan.
12.Protection of workers' rights and improved labor conditions.
13.Elimination of economic exploitation and corruption.
14.Promotion of trade and commerce in East Pakistan.
15.Enhancement of transportation and communication networks.
16.Implementation of social welfare programs for the marginalized.
17.Protection of civil liberties and democratic rights.
18.Strengthening local government institutions.
19.Preservation and development of historical sites and monuments in East
Pakistan.
20.Encouragement of sports and cultural activities.
21.Fair representation of East Pakistan in all aspects of national governance.
The 21-Point Movement gained widespread support across different sections of
society, including students, intellectuals, workers, and farmers. The movement
galvanized the masses and became a powerful expression of the growing
discontent and demands for self-governance.
The movement led to mass protests, strikes, and demonstrations throughout East
Pakistan, with leaders like Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Maulana Abdul Hamid
Khan Bhashani mobilizing the public and articulating their demands with
conviction. The movement played a crucial role in shaping the political
consciousness of the Bengali-speaking population and served as a catalyst for the
rise of Bengali nationalism.
The 21-Point Movement sparked a wave of protests, strikes, and demonstrations
across the region. The movement's leaders, including Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and
Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani, mobilized the public and articulated their
demands with conviction and determination. The movement's impact was far-
reaching, exposing the deep-seated discontent among the Bengali-speaking
population and fueling the growth of Bengali nationalism.
These events, the United Front Election and the 21-Point Movement, were
instrumental in shaping the political consciousness of East Pakistan. They laid the
foundation for the subsequent rise of Bengali nationalism and served as a precursor
to the later struggles for autonomy and ultimately the independence of Bangladesh.

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The United Front Election and the 21-Point Movement marked a significant shift
in the political landscape of East Pakistan, empowering the voices of the Bengali-
speaking population and setting the stage for future political movements. These
events played a crucial role in the journey towards Bangladesh's independence, as
they laid the groundwork for the emergence of leaders like Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman, who would go on to lead the nation to freedom in 1971.

Figure: Cabinet of United Front Government in 1954

Figure: Bangabandhu giving speech in the convention of United Front

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 The Military Coup (1958)
The military coup of 1958 was a pivotal event in the political history of Pakistan,
including East Pakistan (present-day Bangladesh). It marked the first military
takeover in the country's history and had significant ramifications for the political
landscape.
The coup took place on October 7, 1958, when the then-President of Pakistan,
Iskander Mirza, declared martial law and dismissed the civilian government. Mirza
appointed General Muhammad Ayub Khan, the Commander-in-Chief of the
Pakistani Army, as the Chief Martial Law Administrator, effectively handing over
executive power to the military.
Following the coup, the military government, led by General Ayub Khan,
consolidated its control over the country and suspended the constitution. The
civilian institutions were dissolved, political parties were banned, and freedom of
the press and other civil liberties were curtailed. The military justified the coup by
citing corruption and instability in the civilian government.
The military regime initiated a series of reforms, known as the "Decade of
Development," which aimed to modernize the country's infrastructure, economy,
and education system. However, these reforms were largely criticized for favoring
the elite and neglecting the needs and rights of the common people.
In 1962, General Ayub Khan introduced a new constitution that established a
presidential system and conferred extensive powers upon the president. This move
was seen by many as an attempt to consolidate his own power and maintain
military dominance over civilian institutions.
The military regime's rule in East Pakistan exacerbated the growing discontent
among the Bengali-speaking population, who felt marginalized and discriminated
against by the central government in West Pakistan. The economic disparities,
cultural suppression, and lack of political representation in East Pakistan deepened
the sense of alienation.
The military coup of 1958 also had implications for the struggle for autonomy and
self-determination in East Pakistan. It led to the suppression of political dissent and
the arrest of prominent Bengali leaders, including Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. These
actions fueled resentment and further galvanized the Bengali nationalist
movement.

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The military regime of Ayub Khan ruled until 1969 when it faced widespread
protests and political unrest across the country. These protests, known as the
"Agartala Conspiracy Case," demanded the restoration of democracy and an end to
military rule. The movement ultimately forced Ayub Khan to step down, leading to
a brief period of civilian rule before the next military intervention.
The military coup of 1958 marked a significant shift in Pakistan's political
landscape, leading to the dominance of the military in governance. The coup had
far-reaching consequences, including the erosion of civil liberties, political
suppression, and exacerbation of grievances in East Pakistan, which ultimately
contributed to the struggle for independence and the emergence of Bangladesh as a
separate nation in 1971.

Figure: Martial Law was initiated in Pakistan

Figure: Iskander Mirza declared Martial Law all over Pakistan

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 Six-Point Movement (1966)
The Six Point Movement of 1966 was one of the most important events in the
history of Bangladesh's struggle for autonomy and self-determination. Led by
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the movement put forward a set of demands known as
the Six Points, which aimed to address the political, economic, and cultural rights
of the Bengali-speaking population in East Pakistan.
The Six Points encapsulated the aspirations of the people of East Pakistan for
greater autonomy and self-governance. The demands outlined by Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman became a milestone of the Bengali nationalist movement and played a
crucial role in shaping the path towards the eventual independence of Bangladesh.
The Six Points were as follows:
1. The Constitution: The demand called for a federal structure of government
based on a truly democratic and participatory constitution. It sought to
establish a parliamentary democracy with separate legislative, executive, and
judicial branches of government.
2. Defense and Foreign Affairs: This point emphasized the need for a balanced
and mutually beneficial relationship between the two regions of Pakistan. It
called for regional autonomy in defense and foreign affairs, allowing East
Pakistan to make decisions in its own interests.
3. Currency and Fiscal Policy: The demand sought fiscal autonomy for East
Pakistan, including the power to control its own fiscal policies, budget
allocation, and taxation system. It aimed to ensure that economic resources
were adequately distributed and utilized for the benefit of the region.
4. Foreign Trade: This point emphasized the importance of East Pakistan
having the authority to conduct its own foreign trade. It sought the freedom
to establish trade relations with other countries, negotiate treaties, and make
independent economic decisions.
5. Communication and Telecommunication: The demand focused on the
development and control of communication and telecommunication
infrastructure in East Pakistan. It called for the establishment of a separate
communication system to facilitate regional connectivity and development.
6. Natural Resources: This point highlighted the need for East Pakistan to have
control over its natural resources, including the management and utilization
of rivers, forests, and other resources. It aimed to ensure that the region

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 benefited from its own resources and was not exploited for the benefit of
West Pakistan.
The Six Point Movement gained significant traction and support among the
Bengali-speaking population. It became a rallying point for the demands of
autonomy, equal rights, and self-governance. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, through his
speeches and activism, effectively mobilized the masses and united various
segments of society behind the Six Points.
The movement faced resistance and opposition from the central government in
West Pakistan, which considered the demands as a threat to the unity and integrity
of Pakistan. The Six Point Movement marked a critical milestone in the struggle
for Bangladesh's independence. It articulated the aspirations of the Bengali-
speaking population, highlighting the need for a fair and just political and
economic framework that recognized the distinct identity and rights of East
Pakistan. The Six Points laid the foundation for the eventual transformation of East
Pakistan into an independent country, named Bangladesh.

Figure: Bangabandhu and the Six-Point Movement of 1966

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Figure: Protesters on the street

Figure: Bangabandhu called on the Six-Point Movement in 1966

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 The Agartala Conspiracy Case (1968)
The Agartala Conspiracy Case of 1968 was a highly significant event in the
political history of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). The case involved the trial of
several prominent leaders of the Awami League, including Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman, accused of conspiring against the state.
The Agartala Conspiracy Case derived its name from Agartala, the capital of the
Indian state of Tripura, where the alleged conspiracy was said to have been
planned. The case unfolded in the context of growing political discontent and
demands for autonomy in East Pakistan, as well as the rising popularity of the
Awami League led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
The Pakistani government, led by President Ayub Khan, perceived the demands for
autonomy and the growing popularity of the Awami League as a threat to national
unity and the dominance of West Pakistan. In an effort to suppress the political
opposition, the government alleged a conspiracy to secede East Pakistan from the
federation.
The case was initiated with the arrest of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and other Awami
League leaders on charges of conspiring with Indian intelligence agencies to create
unrest and separate East Pakistan from West Pakistan. The government claimed
that the accused were involved in planning violent activities, training a militia, and
collaborating with India to undermine Pakistan's integrity.
The trial proceedings were marred by controversies and allegations of coercion and
torture. The defendants were subjected to harsh treatment, and the trial was widely
criticized for lacking due process and fairness. However, the case served as a
catalyst for widespread protests and demonstrations in East Pakistan, further
intensifying the demand for autonomy and self-determination.
The Agartala Conspiracy Case triggered mass mobilization and solidarity among
the Bengali-speaking population. People from all walks of life, including students,
intellectuals, and workers, protested against the government's actions and
demanded the release of the accused leaders.
The public outcry and political pressure led to a significant turning point in the
case. The government, recognizing the growing support for Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman and the Awami League, decided to drop the charges in 1969. This move
was aimed at pacifying the public sentiment and avoiding further unrest.

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The Agartala Conspiracy Case had a profound impact on the political landscape of
East Pakistan. It heightened the sense of Bengali nationalism and fueled the
demand for autonomy and self-governance. The trial and subsequent events
brought Sheikh Mujibur Rahman into the limelight as a symbol of Bengali
resistance against oppression and contributed to his emergence as the undisputed
leader of the Bengali nationalist movement.

Figure: The day Agartala Case was withdrawn

Mass Upsurge (1969)

The mass upsurge of 1969, also known as the "Mass Uprising" or "1969
Movement," was an important event in the history of Bangladesh that played a
crucial role in the lead-up to the country's independence in 1971. The upsurge was
a response to widespread discontent with the military rule of General Ayub Khan
and marked a turning point in the struggle for democracy and autonomy.
The mass upsurge was triggered by the controversial Agartala Conspiracy Case, in
which several prominent leaders of the Awami League, including Sheikh Mujibur

Page | 34
Rahman, were charged with conspiring against the state. The case was seen as
politically motivated and an attempt to suppress the growing demand for autonomy
and self-determination.
Protests against the Agartala Conspiracy Case quickly escalated into mass
demonstrations across East Pakistan. The movement gained momentum as people
from all walks of life, including students, workers, and professionals, took to the
streets demanding the release of the accused leaders and an end to military rule.
The movement was characterized by widespread strikes, rallies, and acts of civil
disobedience. The public displayed unity and resilience in the face of government
repression. Workers went on strike, bringing economic activities to a halt, while
students organized massive demonstrations and clashed with the police and
military forces.
The mass upsurge witnessed significant violence and repression from the
government. Martial law was imposed, and the military cracked down on
protesters, resulting in numerous casualties and arrests. However, the brutality of
the regime only fueled the determination and resolve of the protesters, as the
movement gained further support and sympathy from the international community.
The significance of the mass upsurge lies in its transformative impact on the
political landscape. It exposed the deep-rooted grievances and aspirations of the
Bengali-speaking population, highlighting the stark disparities and oppression
faced by East Pakistan under the rule of West Pakistan. The movement also
solidified Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's position as the undisputed leader of the
Bengali nationalist movement, galvanizing support for his vision of autonomy and
self-determination.
Ultimately, the mass upsurge of 1969 led to a series of political changes. General
Ayub Khan was forced to step down from the presidency, leading to a brief period
of civilian rule. However, the power vacuum created by Ayub's departure paved the
way for further political instability and eventually the emergence of Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman and the Awami League as the leading force in the struggle for
Bangladesh's independence.

Page | 35
Figure: Protests led by the students

Figure: People of all ages, race, religion, joined their hands together in the movement

Page | 36
 General Election of 1970
The general election of 1970 in Pakistan was a landmark event that had far-
reaching implications for the country's political landscape, particularly in East
Pakistan (now Bangladesh). The election was a significant milestone in the
struggle for democracy and self-determination in Pakistan.
The election, held on December 7, 1970, was the first democratic election in
Pakistan in over a decade, following years of military rule. It allowed all eligible
citizens to cast their votes. The election aimed to determine the composition of the
National Assembly and provincial assemblies in both East and West Pakistan.
The political landscape was dominated by two major parties: the Pakistan People's
Party (PPP) led by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, and the Awami League led by Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman. The Awami League campaigned on a platform that emphasized
the rights and autonomy of East Pakistan, while the PPP advocated for a more
egalitarian and socialist agenda.
The election results reflected the deep divisions between East and West Pakistan.
The Awami League emerged as the clear winner in East Pakistan, securing an
overwhelming majority of seats. This landslide victory was seen as a reflection of
the popular demand for autonomy and recognition of the Bengali identity.
However, in West Pakistan, the PPP performed well, winning the majority of seats.
This outcome created a significant challenge in forming a unified government, as
the two regions had conflicting political visions and aspirations. But in terms of
United Pakistan, Awami League had won the majority of seats in the election. The
polarized election results further strained the already fragile unity of the country.
The aftermath of the election was marked by political negotiations and attempts to
form a national government. However, the central government, led by President
Yahya Khan, failed to resolve the political impasse and address the grievances of
the Bengali-speaking population in East Pakistan. This led to a breakdown in
negotiations and a subsequent escalation of tensions.
The failure to form a government that could address the aspirations of the people
of East Pakistan ultimately contributed to the outbreak of the Bangladesh
Liberation War in 1971. The military crackdown by the Pakistani army on East
Pakistan resulted in widespread violence, human rights abuses, and a massive
refugee crisis. The war ultimately led to the emergence of Bangladesh as an
independent nation.
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The general election of 1970 remains a significant chapter in Pakistan's history,
underscoring the challenges of managing diverse regional aspirations within a
federal structure. The election exposed the deep divisions and grievances that
ultimately culminated in the struggle for Bangladesh's independence and the birth
of a new nation.

Figure: Bangabandhu casting his valuable vote

Figure: Awami League Leaders at that time

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 Six-Points Speech (1st March, 1971)
The "Six Points Speech" delivered by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on March 1, 1971,
is considered a pivotal moment in the history of Bangladesh's struggle for
independence. In this historic address, Rahman, the leader of the Awami League
and the future founding father of Bangladesh, presented a comprehensive plan for
political autonomy for East Pakistan, which later became the blueprint for the
country's independence movement.
During the speech, Rahman outlined six key demands, known as the "Six Points,"
that emphasized the need for greater regional autonomy and self-governance for
East Pakistan within the Pakistani federation. The points included the recognition
of Bengali as one of the state languages, the allocation of a fair share of resources,
the establishment of separate fiscal and monetary policies, and the devolution of
power to the provinces based on a federal structure.
Rahman's speech resonated deeply with the people of East Pakistan, who had long
felt marginalized and oppressed by the West Pakistani-dominated government. His
impassioned call for autonomy struck a chord, as he articulated the aspirations of
the Bengali people and demanded an end to their political, economic, and cultural
subjugation.
The Six Points Speech became a rallying cry for the Bengali nationalist movement,
inspiring millions of people and galvanizing their determination to secure self-
determination and independence. It laid the foundation for the subsequent events
that unfolded in 1971, including the declaration of independence, the Bangladesh
Liberation War, and the ultimate birth of Bangladesh as an independent nation.
The Six Points Speech remains an iconic moment in Bangladesh's history,
symbolizing the quest for freedom, justice, and equality. It is widely recognized as
a seminal document that articulated the grievances and aspirations of the Bengali
people, shaping the course of their struggle for independence and the subsequent
formation of their own nation.

Figure: Six-Point Speech

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 The Historic 7th March Speech (1971)
The historic 7th March speech delivered by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on March 7,
1971, is regarded as one of the most significant addresses in the history of
Bangladesh's struggle for independence. It was a seminal moment that ignited the
flames of resistance and unity among the Bengali population of East Pakistan.
In this powerful speech, Rahman addressed a massive crowd of supporters at
Dhaka's Racecourse Maidan (now Suhrawardy Udyan). The speech came at a
critical result of tensions between East and West Pakistan had reached a boiling
point, and the demand for autonomy and self-determination was at its peak.
Bangabandhu began his address with an impassioned call for unity and solidarity
among the Bengalis, emphasizing their shared cultural, linguistic, and historical
heritage. He proclaimed, "The struggle this time is the struggle for emancipation...
the struggle this time is the struggle for independence!"
The speech outlined the grievances of the Bengali people, who had been subjected
to political, economic, and cultural exploitation under the rule of West Pakistan.
Rahman articulated their demands, which included the recognition of Bengali as
one of the state languages, an end to economic discrimination, and a fair share of
resources for East Pakistan. He called for a federal structure that would grant
greater autonomy to the provinces and ensure equal representation for all.
One of the most stirring moments of the speech came when Rahman declared,
"This time the struggle is for our freedom. This time the struggle is for our
independence!" His words resonated deeply with the crowd, igniting a spirit of
defiance and determination.
The speech served as a call for the Bengali people to rise up against oppression and
to fight for their rights and dignity. Rahman's words became a catalyst, inspiring
millions to join the movement for independence and to challenge the oppressive
regime in West Pakistan.
Following the speech, the Bengali population erupted in a wave of protests and
demonstrations demanding autonomy and self-rule. The 7th March speech marked
a turning point in the struggle for independence, as it unified the Bengalis and
galvanized their resolve to break free from the shackles of West Pakistani
dominance. The 7th March speech is revered as a defining moment in Bangladesh's
history. It symbolizes the courage, determination, and resilience of the Bengali
people in their struggle for freedom. His words continue to inspire generations,
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reminding them of the importance of unity, justice, and the relentless pursuit of
independence.
In recognition of its significance, UNESCO declared the speech as part of the
world's documentary heritage in 2017, acknowledging its enduring value as a
testament to the indomitable spirit of a nation and its quest for self-determination.
The English translation of the speech is as follows:
“My dear brothers . . .
I have come before your today with a heavy heart.
All of you know how hard we have tried. But it is a matter of sadness that the
streets of Dhaka, Chittagong, Khulna, Rangpur and Rajshahi are today being
spattered with the blood of my brothers, and the cry we hear from the Bengali
people is a cry for freedom a cry for survival, a cry for our rights.
You are the ones who brought about an Awami League victory so you could see a
constitutional government restored. The hope was that the elected representatives
of the people, sitting in the National Assembly, would formulate a constitution that
would assure that people of their economic, political and cultural emancipation.
But now, with great sadness in my heart, I look back on the past 23 years of our
history and see nothing but a history of the shedding of the blood of the Bengali
people. Ours has been a history of continual lamentation, repeated bloodshed and
innocent tears.
We gave blood in 1952, we won a mandate in 1954. But we were still not allowed
to take up the reins of this country. In 1958, Ayub Khan clamped Martial Law on
our people and enslaved us for the next 10 years. In 1966, during the Six-Point
Movement of the masses, many were the young men and women whose lives were
stilled by government bullets.
After the downfall of Ayub, Mr. Yahya Khan took over with the promise that he
would restore constitutional rule, that he would restore democracy and return
power to the people.
We agreed. But you all know of the events that took place after that I ask you, are
we the ones to blame?
As you know, I have been in contract with President Yahya Khan. As leader of the
majority part in the national Assembly, I asked him to set February 15 as the day

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for its opening session. He did not accede to the request I made as leader of the
majority party. Instead, he went along with the delay requested by the minority
leader Mr. Bhutto and announced that the Assembly would be convened on the 3rd
of March.
We accepted that, agreed to join the deliberations. I even went to the extent of
saying that we, despite our majority, would still listen to any sound ideas from the
minority, even if it were a lone voice. I committed myself to the support of
anything to bolster the restoration of a constitutional government. When Mr.
Bhutto came to Dhaka, we met. We talked. He left, saying that the doors to
negotiation were still open. Maulana Noorani and Maulana Mufti were among
those West Pakistan parliamentarians who visited Dhaka and talked with me about
an agreement on a constitutional framework.
I made it clear that could not agree to any deviation from the Six Points. That right
rested with the people. Come, I said, let us sit down and resolve matters. But
Bhutto’s retort was that he would not allow himself to become hostage on two
fronts. He predicted that if any West Pakistani members of Parliament were to
come to Dhaka, the Assembly would be turned into a slaughterhouse. He added
that if anyone were to participate in such a session, a countrywide agitation would
be launched from Peshawar to Karachi and that ever business would be shut down
in protest.
I assured him that the Assembly would be convened and despite the dire threats,
West Pakistani leaders did come down to Dhaka. But suddenly, on March I, the
session was cancelled.
There was an immediate outcry against this move by the people. I called for a
hartal as a peaceful form of protest and the masses redial took to the streets in
response. And what did we get as a response?
He turned his guns on my helpless people, a people with no arms to defend
themselves. These were the same arms that had been purchased with our own
money to protect us from external enemies. But it is my own people who are being
fired upon today. In the past, too, each time we the numerically larger segment of
Pakistan’s population-tried to assert our rights and control our destiny, the
conspired against us and pounced upon us.
I have asked them this before: ‘How can you make your own brothers the target of
your bullets?’

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Now Yahya Khan says that I had agreed to a Round Table Conference on the 10th.
Let me point out that is not true.
I had said, Mr. Yahya Khan, you are the President of this country. Come to Dhaka,
come and see how our poor Bengali people have been mown down by your bullets,
how the laps of our mothers and sisters have been robbed and left empty and
bereft, how my helpless people have been slaughtered. Come, I said, come and see
for yourself and then be the judge and decide. That is what I told him.
Earlier, I had told him there would be no Round Table Conference. What Round
Table Conference, whose Round Table Conference? You expect me to sit at a
Round Table Conference with the very same people who have emptied the laps of
my mothers and my sisters?
On the 3rd, at the Paltan, I called for a non-cooperation movement and the
shutdown of offices, courts and revenue collection. You gave me full support. Then
suddenly, without consulting me or even informing us, he met with one individual
for five hours and then made a speech in which he trends all the blame on me, laid
all the fault at the door of the Bengali people!
The deadlock was created by Bhutto, yet the Bengalis are the ones facing the
bullets! We face their guns, yet it’s our fault. We are the ones being bit by their
bullets- and it’s still our fault!
So, the struggle this time is a struggle for emancipation, the struggle this time is a
struggle for independence! Brothers, they have now called the Assembly to
assassin on March 25, with the streets not yet dry of the blood of my brothers. You
have called the Assembly, but you must first agree to meet my demands. Martial
Law must be withdrawn; the soldiers must return to their barracks; the murderers
of my people must be redressed. And …. Power must be handed over to the elected
representatives of the people.
Only then will we consider if we can take part in the National Assembly or not!
Before these demands are met, there can be no question of our participating in this
session of the Assembly. That is one right not give to me as part of my mandate
from the masses.
As I told them earlier, Mujibur Rahman refuses to walk to the Assembly trading
upon the fresh stains of his brothers’ blood! Do you, my brothers, have complete
faith in me….? …. Let me the tell you that the Prime Minister ship is not what I
seek. What I want is justice, the rights of the people of this land. They tempted me
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with the Prime Minister ship but the failed to buy me over. Nor did the succeed in
hanging me on the gallows, for your rescued me with your blood from the so-
called conspiracy case. That day, right here at this racecourse, I had pledge to you
that I would pay for this blood debt with my own blood. Do you remember? I am
ready today to fulfill that promise.
I now declare the closure of all the courts, offices, and educational institutions for
an indefinite period of time. No one will report to their offices- that is my
instruction to you.
So that the poor is not inconvenienced, rickshaws, trains and other transport will
ply normally-except serving any needs of the armed forces. If the army does not
respect this, I shall not be responsible for the consequences.
The Secretariat, Supreme Court, High Court, Judge’s Courts, and government and
semi-government offices shall remain shut. Only banks may open for two hours
daily for business transactions. But no money shall be transmitted from East to
West Pakistan. The Bengali people must stay calm during these times. Telegraph
and telephone communications will be confined within Bangladesh.
The people of this land are facing elimination, so be on guard. If need be, we will
bring everything to a total standstill……. Collect your salaries on time. If the
salaries are held up, if a single bullet is fired upon us henceforth, if the murder of
my people does not cease, I call upon you to turn ever home into a fortress against
their onslaught. Use whatever you can put your hands on to confront this enemy.
Ever last road must be blocked. We will deprive them of food, we will deprive
them of water. Even if I am not around to give you the orders, and if my associates
are also not to be found, I ask you to continue your movement unabated.
I say to them again, you are my brothers, return now to the barracks where you
belong and no one will bear any hostility toward you. Only do not attempt to aim
any more bullets at our hearts: It will not do any good! ….. And the seven million
people of this land will not be cowed down by you or accept suppression any more.
The Bengali people have learned how to die for a cause and you will not be able to
bring them under your yoke of suppression!
To assist the families of the martyred and the injured, the Awami League has set up
committees that will do all they can. Please donate whatever you can. Also,
employers must give full pay to the workers who participated in the seven days of
hartal or were not able to work because of curfews. To all government employees, I

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say that my directives must be followed. I had better not see any of you attending
your offices. From today, until this land has been freed, no taxes will be paid to the
government any more. As of now, the stop. Leave everything to me. I know how to
organize movement. But be very careful. Keep in mind that the enemy has
infiltrated our ranks to engage in the work of provocateurs. Whether Bengali or
non-Bengali, Hindu or Muslim, all is our brothers and it is our responsibility to
ensure their safety.
I also ask you to stop listening to radio, television and the press if these media do
not report news of our movement. To them, I say, “You are our brothers. I beseech
your to not turn this country into a living hell. With you not have to show your
faces and confront your conscience some day?
If we can peaceably settle our differences there is still hope that we can co-exist as
brothers. Otherwise, there is no hope. If you choose the other path, we may never
come face one another again. For now, I have just one thing to ask of you: Give up
any thoughts of enslaving this country under military rule again!” I ask my people
to immediately set up committees under the leadership of the Awami League to
carry on our struggle in every neighborhood, village, union and subdivision of this
land.
You must prepare yourselves now with what little you have for the struggle ahead.
Since we have given blood, we will give more of it. But, Insha’Allah, we will free
the people of this land! The struggle this time is for emancipation! The struggle
this time is for independence! Be ready. We cannot afford to lose our momentum.
Keep the movement and the struggle alive because if we fall back, they will come
down hard upon us.
Be disciplined. No nation’s movement can be victorious without discipline. Hail
Bengal!”

Figure: Bangabandhu delivering the speech

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Figure: Bangabandhu delivered the speech in the presence of 1 million people

Figure: It was Bangabandhu’s most iconic speech

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 Operation Searchlight (25th March, 1971)
On the night of March 25, 1971, the Pakistani military launched a brutal military
operation known as "Operation Searchlight" in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh).
This operation marked a turning point in the Bangladesh Liberation War and
became one of the darkest chapters in the country's history.
Operation Searchlight was designed to suppress the growing demands for
autonomy and independence from the Bengali population, who were seeking
political, economic, and cultural rights that had long been denied to them under the
oppressive rule of West Pakistan. The operation aimed to crush the Bengali
nationalist movement and maintain the dominance of the West Pakistani
establishment.
After the historic 7th March speech by Bangabandhu, President Yahya Khan came
to Dhaka and said that the general assembly about the handover of power will be
held on 25th March. A ship named M. V. Swayat loaded with arms and weapons
reached Chittagong Port in East Pakistan on 3rd March. Yahya Khan stayed at
Dhaka from 15th to 24th March in the name of discussion, but in reality, he stayed at
Dhaka to supervise the preparation of ‘Operation Searchlight’.
Under the cover of darkness, the Pakistani military launched a coordinated assault
on various targets across East Pakistan, primarily targeting perceived centers of
opposition. The operation involved widespread acts of violence, including mass
killings, massacres, rapes, and destruction of property. Civilians, intellectuals,
students, and political activists were particularly targeted, as the military sought to
eliminate key figures and disrupt the growing resistance movement.
During Operation Searchlight, Dhaka, the capital city, and other major cities of the
country witnessed intense violence and bloodshed. The military unleashed a reign
of terror, targeting residential areas, universities, and other public institutions.
Thousands of innocent Bengalis were killed, and the city was engulfed in chaos
and despair.
Major General Rao Forman Ali was in the responsibility of conducting genocide in
the city of Dhaka. Outside the Dhaka city, in other parts of Bangladesh, this
operation was conducted by General Khadem Hossain Raja. The head of this
operation was Lieutenant General Tikka Khan. The soldiers conducting the
operation wanted to take control of East Pakistan Rifle’s headquarters at Pilkhana
and Rajarbagh Police Lines. They attacked Dhaka University, Dhaka Engineering

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University (BUET at present). They were also given to actions of arresting
Bangabandhu, to control telephone exchange, radio, television, state bank, the
city’s communication system, to arrest Bengali politicians, Awami League leaders
and seize the arms of all Bengali soldiers. They brutally attacked the cantonments
of Dhaka city, EPR stations, Ansar and Police stations and tried to kill them so that
they can’t fight back against them.
The operation was characterized by indiscriminate violence and gross human rights
violations. The Pakistani military adopted a "scorched-earth" policy, leaving a trail
of destruction in their wake. The city was set on fire, homes were looted, and
countless people were killed as a result of the military's immense brutality.
The soldiers came out at the streets from Dhaka cantonment at 11:30 PM on 25th
March. A procession at Farmgate was their first target. The Bengali soldiers tried to
resist Pakistani soldiers. Rajarbagh Police Lines and Pilkhana was also attacked in
the same time. But in response to heavy arms and weapons of Pakistanis, the
Bengali soldiers only had ancient 3not3 rifles and bullets. So, they were easily
defeated and mercilessly killed on that black night.
Halls of Dhaka University was also attacked. Soldiers entered Iqbal Hall (at
present, Surgent Jahurul Haque Hall), Jagannath Hall, Liakat Hall of BUET and
killed many sleeping students and teachers. They also attacked the houses of some
prominent professors of Dhaka University and BUET on that night, including
Professor Fazlur Rahman at Nilkhet, Professor Anwar Pasha and Rashidul Hasan
of English Department, but these two professors survived by hiding under their
beds. Professor Abdul Muktadir was killed at his house at Fuller Road. Professors
A. R. Khan Khadim and Sharafat Ali of the Mathematics department were killed in
Dhaka Hall. The Army killed Ex-Provost and famous professor of philosophy
Dr Gobinda Chandra Dev with his Muslim adopted daughter's husband at
Jagannath Hall. They attacked and killed Dr. A.N.M. Manirujjaman, Professor of
Statistics, along with his son and two relatives. Professor Jyotirmoy Guhathakurta,
the provost of Jagannath Hall was severely injured by the Army attack and died in
the hospital later. Assistant house tutor Anudoipayon Bhattacharja was also killed
at that dorm.
Archer Blood, the then-consul general of US at Dhaka, wrote in his book “The
Cruel Birth of Bangladesh”, "Fire was started at Rokeya Hall (girls' dormitory)
and, when the students tried to escape, the military started firing... On 10

Page | 48
November 1971 some armed criminals attacked Rokeya Hall and kept 30 girls
confined for two hours. They also attacked Provost House.
For known connections with liberation force, Tikka Khan issued arrest orders
against many teachers and arrested some of them. Among them there were Dr.
Abul Khayer, Dr. Rafiqul Islam, Dr. K. A. M. Salahuddin, Ahsanul Hoque,
Giasuddin Ahmed, Jahurul Hoque and M. Shahidullah. Military Governor of East
Pakistan Tikka Khan officially warned Professor Munir Chowdhury, Professor
Nilima Ibrahim, Professor Sirajul Islam Chowdhury, and Professor Enamul Hoque.
Dr. Abu Muhammad Habibullah was killed. Professor Abdur Razzak (political
scientist and later National Professor of Bangladesh) was sentenced to 14 years in
jail for supporting the Bengali Independence movement.
The targets of Pakistan military were:
1. Operation to be launched simultaneously all across East Pakistan.
2. Maximum number of political and student leaders, and those among cultural
organizations and teaching staff to be arrested.
3. Operation must achieve 100% success in Dhaka. Dhaka University would be
occupied and searched.
4. Free and greater use of fire authorized for securing cantonments.
5. All internal and international communications to be cut off, including
telephone, television, radio and telegraph.
6. All East Pakistani (Bengali) troops to be neutralized by seizing weapons and
ammunition.
Pakistani troops in Dhaka, commanded by Major General Rao Forman, had the
following objectives:
1. Impose curfew at 01:10 hours, close telephone/telegraph/radio stations, and
shut all presses down.
2. Seal off the city by taking over road, rail and river communication and patrol
rivers.
3. Arrest Sheikh Mujib and 15 top Awami League leaders during operation.
4. Conduct house to house searches in Dhanmondi and Hindu areas.
5. Subdue Dhaka University, East Pakistan Rifles Headquarters and Rajarbagh
Police Line, disarm 2nd and 10th East Bengal Regiment.
6. Take over and protect the ammunition factory at Gazipur and the arms depot
at Rajendrapur.

Page | 49
The Pakistani plan of action for Dhaka, as drawn up by Major General Rao
Forman, was:
1. 13th Frontier Force to stay in cantonment as reserve and provide security.
2. 43rd Light Ack regiment was to secure Tejgaon airport.
3. 22nd Baluch regiment would disarm the EPR and seize wireless at Pilkhana
EPR headquarters.
4. 32nd Punjab was to neutralize Rajarbagh Police lines.
5. 18th Punjab was to fan out and secure Nawabpur and old Dhaka.
6. 31st Field was to secure Second capital, Mohammadpur and Mirpur.
7. A platoon from 3 Special Service Group was to capture Sheikh Mujib.
8. 22nd Baluch regiment and 32nd Punjab regiment was to neutralize Dhaka
University "rebels".
9. 22 Baluch regiment would be reinforced at Pilkhana.
Chittagong housed the only oil refinery in East Pakistan, had a large fuel
deposition, was the largest seaport and M.V. Swat, with 9000 tons of arms and
ammunition was in port. Bengali units substantially outnumbered the West
Pakistani Chittagong cantonment, which was a cause of concern for Pakistani
planners. Bengali officers of EPR and EBR had discussed a strike on Pakistan
forces, but the senior Bengali officers (Lt. Col M.R. Choudhury -Chief Instructor,
EBRC) and Major Ziaur Rahman (2IC, 8 EBR), dissuaded Captain Rafiq (Sector
Adjutant, EPR) from rebelling in the belief that the Pakistani army would not take
action against civilians, but confirmed that they would revolt in case of any
Pakistani attack. Attempts to unload arms and ammunition from MV Swat were a
partial failure during 20–25 March, as civilian protesters blocked any attempt to
take the arms to the cantonment and many were shot by the army. Brigadier
General Mazumdar was relieved of his post because of this failure.
Pakistani units were given the following objectives in Chittagong:
1. Disarm EBRC units, 8 EBR, EPR and police units
2. Seize police armory, radio station and telephone exchange
3. Liaise with Pakistani Navy
4. Arrest Lt. Col. M.R. Choudhury and Awami League leaders.
The atrocities committed during Operation Searchlight triggered a massive
humanitarian crisis, with millions of Bengalis forced to flee their homes and seek
refuge in neighboring India. The mass number of refugees added further

Page | 50
international attention to the situation and galvanized support for the Bengali
cause.

Figure: Pakistani soldiers mercilessly killed many civilians

Figure: Pakistani soldiers on their quest to destroy Bengalis

Page | 51
Figure: Resistance started immediately

Figure: Intellectuals killed at that night

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 Declaration of Independence and the Arrest of Bangabandhu
One of the primary objectives of Operation Searchlight was to arrest Bangabandhu
and take him to West Pakistan and imprison him. Eventually they succeeded in that
mission at 1:30 AM on 26th March, from Bangabandhu’s house (no. 677, Road no,
32, Dhanmondi).
Before being arrested, Bangabandhu gave the declaration of Independence of
Bangladesh. He said, “This is perhaps my last speech. From today, Bangladesh is
independent. I urge upon all the people of Bangladesh to face the occupying forces
with all what you have. You will have to fight until the last soldier of occupation
force is driven away from the soil of Bangladesh and ultimate independence is
achieved.”
It was sent to Chittagong (now Chattogram) by wireless. The Kalurghat Relay
Station was converted into “Independent Bengali Revolutionary Radio Centre”.
Abdul Hannan, General Secretary of Chattogram Awami League, broadcast this
declaration on behalf of Bangabandhu on 26th March, and Major General Ziaur
Rahman read out it again on 27th March.

Figure: The Declaration of Independence of Bangladesh

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 Mujibnagar Government (The First, Temporary
Exile Government of Bangladesh)
The temporary or exile Mujibnagar government, officially known as the
Provisional Government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, was established
on April 10, 1971, during the Bangladesh Liberation War. The members of the
government took their oath on 17th April, 1971. Operating from Baidyanathtala in
Meherpur, Bangladesh, the government-in-exile played a crucial role in organizing
governance, coordinating military strategies, seeking international support, and
addressing the needs of war victims. Its functions, objectives, ministries, ministers,
and notable activities can be elaborated as follows:
1. Functions and Objectives:
The Mujibnagar government aimed to fulfill several important functions and
objectives:
 Establish a representative government in the liberated areas of Bangladesh.
 Coordinate and lead the resistance efforts against the oppressive Pakistani
military.
 Gain international recognition and support for Bangladesh's independence
struggle.
 Provide governance, public services, and aid to war victims.
 Organize and coordinate military operations against the Pakistani forces.
2. Structure and Key Members:
The Mujibnagar government consisted of prominent leaders who had escaped
arrest by the Pakistani authorities. Key members of the government are:
 Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (President): The undisputed leader of the Bengali
nationalist movement, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's vision and leadership were
pivotal in the formation of the government-in-exile.
 Syed Nazrul Islam (Acting President): Syed Nazrul Islam played a crucial
role in leading the government and representing the President in his absence.
 Tajuddin Ahmad (Prime Minister): Tajuddin Ahmad oversaw the
administration, governance, and coordination of the government's activities.
 Khondaker Mushtaq Ahmad (Foreign Minister): Khondaker Mushtaq
Ahmad was responsible for diplomatic engagements and gaining
international support.

Page | 54
 3. Ministries and Ministers:
The Mujibnagar government established several ministries to ensure effective
governance and administration. The ministries and their respective ministers
included:
 Ministry of Finance: M. Mansur Ali
 Ministry of Home Affairs: A. H. M. Quamruzzaman
 Ministry of Information and Broadcasting: Abdul Mannan
 Ministry of Foreign Affairs: Khondaker Mushtaq Ahmed
 Ministry of Defense: M. A. G. Osmani
 Ministry of Planning: Nurul Islam

4. Directorates and Key Personnel:

The Mujibnagar government established various directorates and key personnel to
oversee specific aspects of governance and resistance activities:
 Directorate of Forces: Led by General M.A.G. Osmani, it coordinated the
military operations of the Mukti Bahini, the liberation army of Bangladesh.
 Intelligence and Information Network: Developed to gather intelligence,
disseminate information, and counter Pakistani propaganda.

5. War Strategies and Tactics:

The Mujibnagar government devised several war strategies and tactics to counter
the Pakistani military and support the liberation struggle:
 Guerrilla Warfare: The Mukti Bahini employed guerrilla warfare tactics,
such as hit-and-run attacks, ambushes, and sabotage, to weaken the Pakistani
military's hold on East Pakistan.

6. International Support: The Mujibnagar government actively sought

international support for the cause of Bangladesh's independence,
particularly from countries sympathetic to the struggle. Notably, India
provided training, resources, and strategic assistance to the Mukti Bahini.

Page | 55
 7. Coordination with Indian Forces: The Mujibnagar government collaborated
closely with the Indian Army, aligning strategies and coordinating joint
military operations to effectively combat the Pakistani military forces.
8. Seeking International Attention and Recognition:
The Mujibnagar government engaged in diplomatic efforts to garner international
attention, recognition, and support for the independence struggle. It established
diplomatic missions, appointed ambassadors, and highlighted the atrocities
committed by the Pakistani military to gain international sympathy and
condemnation of the actions of West Pakistan.
9. Management of War-time Victims and Relief Efforts:
The Mujibnagar government recognized the importance of managing war-time
victims and providing relief to affected individuals. It worked to address the needs
of displaced people, distribute food and aid, and provide healthcare services.
Efforts were made to rehabilitate and support those affected by the conflict.

The Mujibnagar government's functions and activities were instrumental in

organizing governance, coordinating military strategies, seeking international
support, and providing relief and support to war victims. Its efforts and the
resilience of the Bengali people led to the eventual victory and the birth of an
independent Bangladesh. The government-in-exile remains a symbol of the spirit
and determination of the Bengali people in their quest for freedom and self-
determination.

Figure: Mujibnagar Government

Page | 56
Figure: Syed Nazrul Islam amidst the troops

Figure: The key personnels of Mujibnagar Government

Page | 57
 Mukti Bahini and its Activities
The Mukti Bahini, also known as the Bangladesh Forces, was the guerrilla
resistance movement consisting of the Bangladeshi military, paramilitary and
civilians during the Bangladesh Liberation War that transformed East Pakistan into
Bangladesh in 1971. They were initially called the Mukti Fauj.
A formal military leadership of the resistance was created in April 1971 under the
Provisional Government of Bangladesh. The military council was headed by
General M. A. G. Osmani and eleven sector commanders. The Bangladesh Armed
Forces were established on 4 April 1971. In addition to regular units, such as the
East Bengal Regiment and the East Pakistan Rifles, the Mukti Bahini also
consisted of the civilian Gonobahini (People's Force). The most prominent
divisions of the Mukti Bahini were the Z Force led by Major Ziaur Rahman, the K
Force led by Major Khaled Mosharraf and the S Force led by Major K. M.
Shafiullah. Awami League student leaders formed militia units, including the
Mujib Bahini, the Kader Bahini and Hemayet Bahini were also prominent military
groups. The Communist Party of Bangladesh, led by Comrade Moni Singh, and
activists from the National Awami Party also operated several guerrilla battalions.
Using guerrilla warfare tactics, the Mukti Bahini secured control over large parts of
the Bengali countryside. It conducted successful "ambush and sabotage"
campaigns, and included the creation Bangladesh Air Force and the Bangladesh
Navy. The Mukti Bahini received training and weapons from India, where people
in West Bengal shared a common Bengali ethnic and linguistic heritage with East
Pakistan.
The "Mukti Bahini" was divided into two groups; the "Niomito Bahini" – or
"regular forces" – who came from the paramilitary, military and police forces of
East Pakistan, and the Gonobahini – or "people's forces" – who were civilians.
These names were given and defined by the Government of Bangladesh. The
Indians referred to the Niomito Bahini as "Mukti Fauj", and the Gonobahini were
called "freedom fighters".
On 18 April, the Deputy High Commission of Pakistan in Kolkata defected and
hoisted the flag of Bangladesh. On 17 April, the Mujibnagar Government was
formed. On 9 June, Mukti Bahini members hijacked a car and launched a grenade
attack on Dhaka Intercontinental Hotel, the office of the Pro-Junta Morning Post
and the house of Golam Azam.

Page | 58
The Mukti Bahini divided the war zone into eleven sectors. The war strategy
included a huge guerrilla force operating inside Bangladesh that targeted Pakistani
installations through raids, ambushes and sabotaging West Pakistani-controlled
shipping ports, power plants, industries, railways and warehouses. The wide
dispersion of West Pakistani forces allowed Bengali guerrillas to target smaller
groups of enemy soldiers. Groups ranging in size from five to ten guerrillas were
assigned specific missions. Bridges, culverts, fuel depots and ships were destroyed
to decrease the mobility of the Pakistan Army. However, the Mukti Bahini failed in
its Monsoon Offensive after Pakistani reinforcements successfully countered
Bengali engagements. Attacks on border outposts in Sylhet, Cumilla and
Mymensingh had limited success. The training period slowed the momentum of the
Bangladesh Forces, which began to pick up after August. After the monsoon, the
Mukti Bahini became more effective while the Indian army created a number of
bases inside East Pakistan for the Mukti Bahini. The railways in East Pakistan were
almost completely shut down due to the Mukti Bahini's sabotage. The provincial
capital, Dhaka, had become a ghost town with gun-fire and explosions heard
throughout the day.
After a visit to East Pakistan refugee camps in India in August 1971, US Senator
Ted Kennedy believed that Pakistan was committing a genocide. Golam Azam
called for Pakistan to attack India and to annex Assam in retaliation for India
providing help to the Mukti Bahini. Azam accused India of shelling East Pakistani
border areas on a daily basis. Oxfam predicted the deaths of over one hundred
thousand children in refugee camps and that more could die from food shortages in
East Pakistan because of the conflict.
In September, Regular Mukti Bahini battalions were formed, increasing the
effectiveness of the Mukti Bahini. Sabotage and ambush missions continued to be
carried out, demoralizing the Pakistan army.
In October, conventional Bangladesh Forces mounted various successful
offensives, capturing 90 of the 300 border outposts. The Mukti Bahini intensified
guerrilla attacks inside Bangladesh while Pakistan increased reprisals on Bengali
civilians, though the movement of Mukti Bahini into, out of, and inside East
Pakistan became easier and more common.
In November, Indian involvement increased, with the Indian artillery and Indian
Air force providing direct cover for the Mukti Bahini in some offensives. Attacks

Page | 59
on infrastructure and the increase in the reach of the provisional government
weakened the control of the Pakistan government.
The launch of Operation Chengiz Khan by West Pakistan on North India finally
drew India into the Bangladesh conflict and a joint command structure was
established between the Bangladeshi and Indian forces. Three corps of the Indian
Armed Forces were supported by three brigades of the Mukti Bahini and the
Bengali guerrilla army. The Mukti Bahini and its supporters guided the Indian
army and provided them with information about Pakistani troop movements. The
Indian and Mukti Bahini greatly outnumbered the three Pakistani army divisions of
East Pakistan. The Battle of Sylhet, the Battle of Garibpur, the Battle of Boyra, the
Battle of Hillis and the Battle of Kushtia were major joint engagements for the
Bangladeshi and Indian forces, who swiftly captured surrounding land by
selectively engaging or bypassing heavily defended strongholds. For example, the
Meghna Heli Bridge airlifted Bangladeshi and Indian forces from Brahmanbaria to
Narsingdi over Pakistani defenses in Ashuganj. The cities of Jessore, Mymensingh,
Sylhet, Kushtia, Noakhali and Moulvibazar quickly fell to the Mukti Bahini-Indian
joint forces. In Dhaka, the Pakistan Army and its supporting militias began the
mass murder of Bengali intellectuals and professionals in a final attempt to
eliminate the Bengali intelligentsia. Historian Yasmin Saikia writes that the
Pakistani Army, and pro-Pakistani militias looted, raped, and killed civilians in
East Pakistan. The Mukti Bahini liberated most of the Dhaka District by mid-
December. In Western Pakistan, Indian forces advanced deep into Pakistani
territory as the Port of Karachi was subjected to a naval blockade by the Indian
Navy. Pakistani generals surrendered to the Mukti Bahini-Indian forces in Dhaka
on 16 December 1971.
The Bangladesh Air Force (BAF) was established on 28 September 1971 under the
command of Air Commodore A. K. Khondaker. It initially operated from a jungle
airstrip near Dimapur in Nagaland, India. When taking over liberated territories,
the Bangladesh Forces gained control of World War II airstrips in Lalmonirhat,
Shalutikar, Sylhet and Comilla in November and December. The BAF launched
"Kilo Flights" under the command of Squadron Leader Sultan Mahmud on 3
December 1971. Sorties by Otter DHC-3 aircraft destroyed Pakistani fuel supplies
in Narayanganj and Chittagong where targets included the Burma Oil Refinery,
numerous ships and oil depots.
The Bangladesh naval forces took shape in July. Operation Jackpot was launched
by the Bangladesh Forces on 15 August 1971. Bangladesh Navy commandos sank
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vessels of the Pakistan Navy in Mongla, Chittagong, Chandpur and Narayanganj.
The operation was a major propaganda success for Bangladeshi forces, as it
exposed to the international community the fragile hold of the West Pakistani
occupation. The Bangladesh Navy commandos targeted patrol craft and ships
carrying ammunition and commodities. With Indian aid, the Mukti Bahini acquired
two vessels, the Padma and Palash, which were retrofitted into gunboats with
mine-laying capabilities. The boat crews extensively mined the Passur River in the
Sundarbans, reducing the ability of Pakistani forces to operate from the Port of
Mongla but were mistakenly bombed by Indian Air Force troops that resulted in
the loss of both vessels and some of the lives of the Mukti Bahini and Indian
personnel on board. The developing Bangladesh Navy carried out attacks on ships
and used sea mines to prevent supply ships from docking in East Pakistani ports.
Frogmen were deployed to damage and sabotage ships.
M. A. G. Osmani, a Bengali veteran of the British Raj forces in World War II and
the Pakistan army, established the Bangladesh Armed Forces on 4 April 1971. The
Provisional Government of Bangladesh placed all Bangladeshi forces under the
command of Osmani, who was appointed as the defense minister with the rank of
Commander-in-Chief as a four-star general. Osmani designated the composition of
the Mukti Bahini into several divisions. It included the regular armed forces which
covered the Army, Navy and Air Forces; as well as special brigades including the Z
Force. Paramilitary forces, including the East Pakistan Rifles and police, were
designated as the Niomito Bahini (Regular Forces). They were divided between
forward battalions and sector troops. Another civilian force was raised and known
as the Gonobahini (People's Forces) consisting of lightly trained civilian brigades
under military command; the Gonobahini also consisted of battalions created by
political activists from the pro-Western Awami League, the pro-Chinese and
socialist National Awami Party, led by Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani, and
the pro-Soviet Communist Party of East Pakistan.
The guerrilla movement was composed of three wings: well-armed Action Groups
which took part in frontal attacks; military intelligence units; and guerrilla bases.
The first conference of sector commanders was held during July 1971, starting on
11 July and ending 17 July. Prominent sector commanders included defector
officers and soldiers from the Pakistan Armed Forces, including Major Ziaur
Rahman, Major Khaled Mosharraf, Major K M Shafiullah, Captain A. N. M.
Nuruzzaman, Major Chitta Ranjan Dutta, Wing Commander M Khademul Bashar,
Major Nazmul Huq, Major Quazi Nuruzzaman, Major Abu Osman Chowdhury,

Page | 61
Major Abul Manzoor, Major M. A. Jalil, Major Abu Taher and Squadron Leader M.
Hamidullah Khan. The Mujib Bahini was led by Awami League youth leaders
Serajul Alam Khan, Sheikh Fazlul Huq Moni, Tofael Ahmed and Abdur Razzak.
An Australian war veteran, William A. S. Ouderland, organized guerrilla warfare in
Dhaka and provided vital intelligence to the Bangladesh Forces. He was awarded
the Bir Protik for his actions by the government of Bangladesh. Left-wing
politicians Kader Siddique, Hemayet Uddin and Moni Singh created several
guerrilla units. Kader Siddique operated in the Tangail District. Hemayet was a
former soldier in East Pakistan and his Bahini was raised almost entirely on local
supplies. Moni Singh was a communist leader in East Pakistan.
The Independent Bangladesh Radio Station was one of the cultural wings of the
Mukti Bahini. The Bangladesh liberation movement released five prominent
propaganda posters which promoted the independence struggle – irrespective of
religious affiliations and gender. One of the posters famously portrayed Pakistan's
military ruler, Yahya Khan, as a demon. The Mukti Bahini operated field hospitals,
wireless stations, training camps and prisons.
The Mukti Bahini benefited from the early control of Pakistani arms depots, which
were overtaken by Bengali forces during March and April 1971. The Mukti Bahini
purchased large quantities of military-grade equipment through the arms market in
Calcutta, including Italian howitzers, Alouette III helicopters, "Dakota" DC-3
aircraft and "Otter" DHC-3 fighter planes. The Mukti Bahini also received a
limited supply of equipment from the Indian military, as New Delhi allowed the
Bangladeshi forces to operate an independent weapons supply through Calcutta
Port. The Mukti Bahini used Sten Guns, Lee–Enfield rifles and Indian-made hand
grenades.

Figure: Naval Forces

Page | 62
Figure: The Mukti Bahini

Figure: Soldiers of Mukti Bahini

Page | 63
Figure: Mukti Bahini crossing a river

Figure: Training session of Mukti Bahini

Page | 64
Figure: Air Force of Mukti Bahini

Figure: Celebration of Victory

Page | 65
 Sectors of The Liberation War
For the convenience and smooth conduct of the war, the country was divided into
11 sectors in the liberation war. Each sector had a sector commander that’s
Division Commanders who directed the military operation further coordinated
through several sub-sectors under sub-sector commanders who fought along with
their troops and civilian resistance fighters. Most of the Sector Commanders and
quite a number of sub-sector commanders remained in security under Indian BSF
border camps such as Wing Commander Bashar, Major Shafiullah, Major Mir
Shawkat Ali.
The Sectors and their Commanders of the Liberation War of Bangladesh:

Sector Area Sector Commander

1 Chittagong District, Chittagong • Major Ziaur Rahman (April 10, 1971 –

Hill Tracts, and the entire May 05,1971)
eastern area of the Noakhali • Captain Rafiqul Islam (June 10, 1971 –
District on the banks of the April 6, 1972)
river Muhuri. The headquarters
of the sector was at Harina.

2 Districts of Dhaka, Comilla, • Major Khaled Mosharraf (April 10, 1971

and Faridpur, and part – September 22, 1971)
of Noakhali district. The • Major ATM Haider (Sector Commander
headquarters of the sector was September 22, 1971 – April 6, 1972)
at Melaghar.
3 Area between Churaman Kathi • Major K. M. Shafiullah (April 10, 1971 –
(near Sree Mangal) July 21, 1971)
and Sylhet in the north and • Captain A. N. M. Nuruzzaman (July 23,
Singerbil of Brahmanbaria in 1971 – April 6, 1972)
the south.
4 Area from Habiganj District on • Major Chitta Ranjan Dutta (April 10,
the north to Kanaighat Police 1971 – April 6, 1972)
Station on the south along the • Captain A Rob
160-kilometre-long (100 mi)
border with India. The
headquarters of the sector was
Page | 66
 initially at Karimganj and later
at Masimpur.
5 Area from Durgapur to Dawki • Major Mir Shawkat Ali (April 10, 1971 –
of Sylhet District and the entire April 6tb, 1972)
area up to the eastern borders
of the district. The headquarters
of the sector was at Banshtola.
6 Rangpur District and part
of Dinajpur District. The
headquarters of the sector was
at Burimari near Patgram.
7 Rajshahi, Pabna, Bogra and
part of Dinajpur District. The
headquarters of the sector was
at Tarangpur near Kaliaganj.
8 The sector comprised the
districts of Kushtia, Jessore,
Khulna, Satkhira and the
northern part of Faridpur
district. The headquarters of the
sector was at Benapole.
9 Barisal, Patuakhali, and parts of
the district
of Khulna and Faridpur. The
headquarters of the sector was
at Hasnabad.
10 This sector was constituted
with the naval commandos.
11 Mymensingh and Tangail along
with parts
of Rangpur- Gaibandha, Ulipur,
Kamalpur and Chilmari. The
headquarters of the sector was
at Teldhala and Mahendraganj.
• Wing Commander M Khademul
Bashar (April 10, 1971 – April 6, 1972)
• Major Nazmul Huq (April 10 –
September 27, 1971)
• Major Quazi Nuruzzaman (September 30
– April 6, 1972)
• Subedar Major A Rab
• Major Abu Osman Chowdhury (April 10
– July 17, 1971)
• Major Abul Manzoor (August 14, 1971 –
April 6, 1972)
• Major M. A. Jalil (July 17 – December
24, 1971)
• Major MA Manzur
• Major Joynal Abedin
•Lt AM Ataul Haque (July 17th – April 6,
1971)
• Maj Ziaur Rahman June 10, 1971 –
October 10, 1971; Major Abu
Taher (October 10, 1971 – November 2,
1971; Squadron Leader M. Hamidullah
Khan (November 2, 1971 – April 6th,
1972)
Page | 67
Figure: Map of Sectors in Bangladesh

Page | 68
 The Rape on Women in 1971
During the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War, members of the Pakistani military
and Razakars raped between 200,000 and 400,000 Bengali women and girls in a
systematic campaign of genocidal rape. Most of the rape victims of the Pakistani
Army and its allies were Hindu women. Some of these women died in captivity or
committed suicide while others moved to India. Imams and Muslim religious
leaders declared the women "war booty”. The activists and leaders of Islamic
parties are also accused to be involved in the rapes and abduction of women.
The Pakistani elite believed that Hindus were behind the revolt and that as soon as
there was a solution to the "Hindu problem" the conflict would resolve. For
Pakistanis, the violence against Hindus was a strategic policy. Muslim Pakistani
men believed the sacrifice of Hindu women was needed to fix the national malaise.
Anecdotal evidence suggests that Imams and Mullahs supported the rapes by the
Pakistani Army and issued fatwas declaring the women war booty. A fatwa from
West Pakistan during the war asserted that women taken from Bengali Hindus
could be considered war booty. Those rapes apparently caused thousands of
pregnancies, births of war babies, abortions, infanticide, suicide, and Ostracism of
the victims. Recognized as one of the major occurrences of war crimes anywhere,
the atrocities ended after surrender of the Pakistani military and supporting
Razakar militias.
In 2009, almost 40 years after the events of 1971, a report published by the War
Crimes Fact Finding Committee of Bangladesh accused 1,597 people of war
crimes, including rape. Since 2010 the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT) has
indicted, tried and sentenced several people to life imprisonment or death for their
actions during the conflict. The stories of the rape victims have been told in movies
and literature, and depicted in art. The rape victims have been recognized as
Birangona or "war heroines" by the government of Bangladesh. The term
Birangona was first introduced by Sheikh Mujib in 1971, in an attempt to prevent
them from being outcast by the society.
The attacks were led by General Tikka Khan, who was the architect of Operation
Searchlight and was given the name the "butcher of Bengal" by the Bengalis for his
actions. Khan said—when reminded on 27 March 1971 that he was in charge of a
majority province—"I will reduce this majority to a minority". Bina D'Costa
believes an anecdote used by Khan is significant, in that it provides proof of the
mass rapes being a deliberate strategy. In Jessore, while speaking with a group of

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journalists Khan was reported to have said, 'First, make them Muslims'. D'Costa
argues that this shows that in the highest echelons of the armed forces the Bengalis
were perceived as being disloyal Muslims and unpatriotic Pakistanis.
Jessica Lee Rehman calls rape in 1971 an instance of religious terrorism. She said
"The Pakistan Army is an Islamic institution; its soldiers are warriors of God
and ...they rape in God's name. Therefore, the raping of girls and women, the
forced bodily transgressions, and the mutilations are considered to be a triumph for
good." Bengalis were dehumanized and Bengali women were perceived as
prostitutes inviting sex. They were thought to have Hindu features which deleted
any thought for their "Muslim" status that might prevent a perpetrator's savage
activities. Faisal, a Pakistani officer who had been in East Pakistan, portrays
Bengali culture in terms of the differences between East and West Pakistani ladies,
pushing the open discrimination against Bengali women: "The women bathe
openly so that men walking by can see them, and they wear saris that with one pull
fall off their body, like Indians. They are very attached to music, like Hindus, and
they have their daughters dance for guests, they take pride in this dancing and
music, like prostitutes. My daughter does not dance, neither does my wife. This
music and dancing aren’t Islamic. Our ladies are not prostitutes like Bengalis." A
Bengali Muslim lady Ferdousi Priyabhashini says the soldiers raping her said to
her, "You are a Hindu! You are a spy," because she wore a sari and Bindi.
The perpetrators conducted nighttime raids, assaulting women in their villages,
often in front of their families, as part of the terror campaign. Victims were also
kidnapped and held in special camps where they were repeatedly assaulted. Many
of those held in the camps were murdered or committed suicide, with some taking
their own lives by using their hair to hang themselves; the soldiers responded to
these suicides by cutting the women's hair off. Time magazine reported on 563
girls who had been kidnapped and held by the military; all of them were between
three and five months pregnant when the military began to release them. Some
women were forcibly used as prostitutes. While the Pakistani government
estimated the number of rapes in the hundreds, other estimates range between
200,000 and 400,000. The Pakistani government had tried to censor reports coming
out of the region, but media reports on the atrocities did reach the public
worldwide, and gave rise to widespread international public support for the
liberation movement.
In what has been described by Jenneke Arens as a deliberate attempt to destroy an
ethnic group, many of those assaulted were raped, murdered and then bayoneted in
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the genitalia. Adam Jones, a political scientist, has said that one of the reasons for
the mass rapes was to undermine Bengali society through the "dishonoring" of
Bengali women and that some women were raped until they died or were killed
following repeated attacks. The International Commission of Jurists concluded that
the atrocities carried out by the Pakistan armed forces "were part of a deliberate
policy by a disciplined force". The writer Mulk Raj Anand said the rapes were too
widespread and systematic to be anything but conscious military policy, "planned
by the West Pakistanis in a deliberate effort to create a new race" or to undermine
Bengali separatism. Amita Malik, reporting from Bangladesh following the
Pakistan armed forces surrender, wrote that one West Pakistani soldier said: "We
are going. But we are leaving our seed behind".
According to Peter Tomsen, a political scientist, Pakistan's secret service the
Directorate for Inter-Services Intelligence, in conjunction with the political party
Jamaat-e-Islami, formed militias such as Al-Badr ("the moon") and the Al-Shams
("the sun") to conduct operations against the nationalist movement. These militias
targeted non-combatants and committed rapes as well as other crimes. Local
collaborators known as Razakars also took part in the atrocities.
Members of the Muslim League, such as Nizam-e-Islam, Jamaat-e-Islami and
Jamaat Ulema Pakistan, who had lost the election, collaborated with the military
and acted as an intelligence organization for them. Members of Jamaat-e-Islami
and some of its leaders collaborated with the Pakistani forces in rapes and targeted
killings. The atrocities by Al-Badr and the Al-Shams garnered worldwide attention
from news agencies; accounts of massacres and rapes were widely reported.
The Pakistani elite believed that Hindus were behind the revolt and that as soon as
there was a solution to the "Hindu problem" the conflict would resolve. For
Pakistanis, the violence against Hindus was a strategic policy. Muslim Pakistani
men believed the sacrifice of Hindu women was needed to fix the national malaise.
Anecdotal evidence suggests that Imams and Mullahs supported the rapes by the
Pakistani Army and issued fatwas declaring the women war booty. A fatwa from
West Pakistan during the war asserted that women taken from Bengali Hindus
could be considered war booty.
The mostly Punjabi soldiers hated anything to do with Hinduism. The extreme
hatred Pakistanis felt towards Hindus could be seen in their especially brutal
violence against Hindus as the Pakistani Army and its local allies raped and
murdered Hindu women. The implication for Bengali women of being connected

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in any way to a "Hindu" identity was rape by the Army. Women were captured and
taken to camps established throughout the country. In these military camps and
cantonments, the Pakistani soldiers kept the captives as their sex-slaves.
Female Hindu captives were raped in Pakistani Army camps. The Pakistani Army
committed mass rape of Hindu women because they were Hindus and the Army
intended to destroy their faith, social position and self-esteem. The policy of raping
Hindu captives intended to change the community's bloodline. The total effect of
mass sexual violence against Hindu women demonstrated the existence of the
genocidal areas.
Bina D'Costa spoke with many respondents who especially mentioned the brutality
of Pakistan's army in its "handling" of Hindus. The members from the Hindu
community with whom she interacted with firmly believed in the persecution of
Hindus by the Pakistan army and Razakar during the war. Hindu women who were
kidnapped by Pakistan army were never seen again; mostly they were killed after
being raped. Bina D'Costa interacted with families of two Hindu women who were
taken by "Punjabi" army men, neither of them returned to their respective homes
after the war. Aubrey Menen who was a war correspondent wrote about a 17-year-
old Hindu bride who was gang raped by six Pakistani soldiers according to her
father.
Some more incidents of rape and provocation of rape by the Pakistanis are cited
below:
1. Australian doctor Jeffrey Davies, who was involved in the treatment of raped
Bengali women after independence, was shocked to see the terrible level of gang-
rape and interrogated the Pak officer detained in Comilla Cantonment as to how
they did such heinous acts. Although the Australian doctor was astounded, the
pious hearts of the Pakistani officers were not affected. Their simple answer was,
“We had instructions from Lt. General Tikka Khan that a good Muslim would
never fight with his father. So, we have to get as many Bengali girls pregnant as
possible."
"We had orders from Tikka Khan to the effect that a good Muslim will fight
anybody except his father. So, what we had to do was to impregnate as many
Bengali women as we could.”
2. A Pakistani major who was involved in rape wrote a letter to his friend;

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"We need to change these undisciplined girls so that they change in the next
generation, they become good Muslims and good Pakistanis."
"We must tame the Bengali tigress and change the next generation Change to better
Muslims and Pakistanis"
(Tikka khan, one of the leading general of Pakistan on 1971.)
3. In the conference of all the division commanders of East Pakistan in September
71, an officer raised the issue of rape of Bengali women by the Pakistani army.
Niazi then told the officer, “We are in a war. Consider such occurrences as normal
in the battlefield.” Then he laughed and said, "Well, mix this Bengali blood with
Punjabi blood and improve their caste."
September 1971, in a conference of Pakistan army, an officer told to general Niazi
about the mass rape done by the Pakistan army. General Niazi said that officer-
"We are in war now, and in war it is normal"
Then he smiled and said-
"Isn't it good?"
He used to argue in favor of this rape, "How do you expect a soldier to stay, fight,
die in East Pakistan and go to brothel to satisfy his sexual hunger?"
4. Brigadier Abdul Rahman Siddiqui of the Pakistan Army also writes in his book
“East Pakistan the Endgame” – “Niyazi used to encourage soldiers in unsoldierly,
immoral and erotic activities. 'What was your achievement last night, tiger?' he
would ask with a devilish glint in his eyes. By achievement he meant rape.
5. Pakistani General Khadim Hussain Raza wrote in the book "A Stranger in My
Own Country", Niazi used to force his soldiers to rape so much that a Bengali
army officer committed suicide because he could not handle it. It does not end
here.
“Send good goods for Mr. Beg. At least one a day.” Bengali girls are mentioned
here as goods.
6. Look at the picture painted by Pakistani soldiers on the wall of the Pakistani
camp at Shalutikar in Sylhet

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7. War Crimes Facts Finding Committee's book “War and Women” contains many
facts which will surely interest the readers.
One. "After the war, several glass jars were recovered from the camp, in which
various body parts of girls were preserved in formalin. The parts were cut very
precisely.”- Dr. Vikas Chakraborty, Khulna.
Two. Then they took all our girls out of the house and lined them up. Our children
were screaming, crying. In this situation, the army said, if they did not agree to
their proposal, they would tear the children by the leg- Johra, Chatani (Datta's
garden), Natore.
Three. Raped girls used to shout to us 'we are going to die, if any of you survive
then go and talk about us at our house.'...
Four. The torture of the Pakistanis was horrible. They would cut off girls' breasts,
shoot them with rifles in their genitals; They used to torture in such a way that I
cannot describe the process in words, I have seen this with my own eyes. -Freedom
fighter AKM Abu Yusuf, Faridpur.
Five. Pak barbarians rape every woman with indescribable pain and suffering.
Then killed them. The children were killed by hitting their heads on the railway
line like washing clothes, sometimes by pulling their legs and tearing them into
two pieces. Even long after independence, women's clothes, clips, hair, hairpins
etc. are seen lying there. From there I found a piece of my younger sister's frock. -
Vinod Kumar, Nilphamari.
Six. A girl next door to us. New mother, eight days old baby in arms. At that time,
she was feeding the baby. Home invasion at such time. There was no one in the
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house. What happened next, the inhuman torture continued on the girl. In the
meantime, noon came, the Pakistanis wanted to eat. As there was nothing in the
house, he asked to bring eggplant from the field. The frightened girl leaves the
room. Seeing that the girl was late in coming, Pakistanis threw her baby in the pot
of hot rice and left the room. -Bhanu Begum, Chhabisha, Bhuapur, Tangail.
Seven. “In March, the entire family was picked up from a house in Mirpur and
asked to strip. If they do not agree, the father and son are ordered to rape the
daughter and mother respectively. If they did not agree to this, first the father and
son were killed in pieces and the mother and daughter were tied by their hair and
dragged naked to the camp.” - Md. Nurul Islam, Batiamara Kumarkhali.
Eight. “Almost all the raped women who came to our organization had mutilated
genitalia. Women would come to rehabilitation centers with bloody vaginas torn
open with bayonets, breasts torn with teeth, breast-thighs cut with bayonets and
knife wounds in the back.” - Maleka Khan, a social worker involved in registering
rape victims at a post-war rehabilitation agency.
Nine. "While looking for a person who went missing in Mirpur on December 18, I
saw that on June 23, the Pak Army was taking a completely naked woman with a
shaved head in a truck from an underground bunker." - Justice MA Sobhan.

Ten. "After the war, from December to January, February, several women were
seen wandering around like refugees in different parts of the city. Many of us knew
for sure from their clothes and behavior that they were victims of war and had
nowhere to go."-Dr. Ratan Lal Chakraborty, Professor, Department of History,
University of Dhaka.
Eleven. "Some girls were raped by Pak soldiers 80 times in one night." -Susan
Brownie Miller, researcher.
8. From a camp in Khulna, when preserved in formalin in glass jars, various body
parts of girls were found very finely dissected. When the rapists left their deeds
painted on the walls of Sylhet, it must be understood that this rape is not the
isolated pastime of two military officers. Then it is understood that they did all this
to implement an agenda, and that agenda was written most beautifully by Syed
Samsul Haque in his legendary novel Banned Frankincense.

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9. General Khadem Hussain Raja wrote: "I can give you a child. Good seed is good
harvest. Your child will be a true Muslim, have faith in God, be a sincere Pakistani,
don't you want that child? We will give that child to you, we will give it to you, we
will give it to your sister, we will give it to your mother, those who are not Hindus,
not traitors, not disobedient, not agitating, not chanting, not communists. We have
come to do this service to the nation. We will purify your blood, leave pure
Pakistanis in your womb, destroy the target of Islam. You are grateful. Stay, you
will look our way, you will sing our sweet songs.” – A Stranger in My Own
Country by Khadem Hussain Raja.

Local Pakistani Allies in 1971

During the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971, while the majority of the Bengali
population supported the movement for independence, there were some local
collaborators who aligned themselves with the Pakistani forces. These
collaborators included various groups such as the Peace Committee, Razakar, Al-
Badr, Al-Shams, Dr. Malik Cabinet, Jamaat-e-Islam, Hefazat-e-Islam, Nezam-e-
Islam, and others. These groups, comprised of locals from Bangladesh, actively
assisted the Pakistani forces in their efforts to suppress the liberation movement. It
is important to note that the actions of these groups do not represent the sentiments
or actions of the majority of the people of Bangladesh, who were committed to
achieving independence and self-determination. Some of the organizations who
worked in favor of Pakistanis in the Liberation Was are as follows:
1. Peace Committee: ‘Dhaka Civil Peace Committee’ consisting of 140
members was formed on 9th April. The Peace Committee was established as
a collaboration between pro-Pakistan Bengalis and non-Bengali Urdu-
speaking Biharis, who were settled in East Pakistan. The committee acted as
an auxiliary force to the Pakistani military, providing intelligence, logistics,
and support in identifying Bengali nationalists and aiding in their capture
and elimination.
2. Razakar: Maulana A. K. M. Yunus formed the first Rajakar ordinance in
May, 1971. On1st June, 1971, Lieutenant General Tikka Khan recognized it
as an ally to Pakistan. The Razakar force was composed of Bengalis who
collaborated with the Pakistani army. It was created as an auxiliary force to
support the Pakistani forces in their operations against the Mukti Bahini
(liberation army) and the general Bengali population. Razakars were

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 involved in activities such as identifying, arresting, torturing, and killing
Bengali nationalists and sympathizers.
3. Al-Badr and Al-Shams: Al-Badr and Al-Shams were paramilitary forces
formed by the Jamaat-e-Islami, an Islamic political party in East Pakistan.
These groups were primarily composed of Islamist students and activists.
They participated in widespread human rights abuses, including killings,
abductions, torture, and rape, targeting intellectuals, professionals, and
individuals perceived as supporting the independence movement. They were
the primary executioners of the plan to barren Bangladesh of intellect by
killing the intellectuals on 14th December. These two groups were primarily
composed by the student politicians and activists and supporters who
worked in favor of Pakistan.
4. Dr. Malik Cabinet: Pakistani government replaced Tikka Khan with Dr.
Malik to misguide the outside world. It was formed on 17th September. The
Dr. Malik Cabinet was a group of Bengali bureaucrats and intellectuals who
collaborated with the Pakistani military administration. They held key
administrative positions and were responsible for implementing policies that
favored the Pakistani regime. The Dr. Malik Cabinet played a significant
role in suppressing the Bengali nationalist movement and facilitating the
Pakistani military's oppressive actions. This government wsa forced to
resign on 14th December.
5. Jamaat-e-Islami: Jamaat-e-Islami was an Islamist political party that
opposed the creation of Bangladesh and advocated for the unity of Pakistan.
While not all members of Jamaat-e-Islami were collaborators, some
individuals within the party actively collaborated with the Pakistani forces,
supporting their actions and promoting the Pakistani narrative. Jamaat-e-
Islami members were involved in acts of violence, including mass killings
and other human rights abuses.
6. Hefazat-e-Islam and Nezam-e-Islam: Hefazat-e-Islam and Nezam-e-Islam
are more recent Islamist organizations that emerged after the Bangladesh
Liberation War. However, their ideologies are rooted in the same
fundamentalist Islamic principles that influenced some collaborators during
the war. These groups have been associated with radicalism and have been
accused of promoting violence and intolerance.
It is important to recognize that the collaboration of these local groups with the
Pakistani forces represented a small fraction of the overall population of

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Bangladesh. The majority of Bengalis supported the independence movement and
actively participated in the resistance against the Pakistani military regime. The
actions of these collaborators should not overshadow the immense sacrifices and
bravery of the Bengali people in their fight for freedom and self-determination.

Figure; Razakars of 1971

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Figure: Razakars passing through a village

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 Figure: War Criminals of 1971

Figure: Razakars, about to be prosecuted

Assistance from Abroad

The Role of Expat Bengalis
During the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971, the expatriate Bengali community
played a vital role in gathering support from the international community for the
cause of Bangladesh's independence. They worked tirelessly to raise awareness,
garner sympathy, and mobilize resources to aid the liberation movement. The roles
of the expat Bengali people in gathering support from the outside world were
diverse and impactful, and can be highlighted as follows:
1. Lobbying and Advocacy: Expatriate Bengalis engaged in extensive lobbying
efforts, advocating for the recognition of Bangladesh as an independent

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 nation and condemning the atrocities committed by the Pakistani military.
They reached out to politicians, government officials, and influential
individuals in various countries, sharing information, testimonies, and
evidence of the human rights abuses and genocide taking place in East
Pakistan. Fazlur Rahman Khan, who was called the Einstein of Structural
Engineering, roamed across the USA to gather support and funds in favor of
Bangladesh.
2. Media Outreach: Expats established and supported media outlets, including
newspapers, radio stations, and magazines, to disseminate accurate
information about the situation in Bangladesh. They organized press
conferences, interviews, and campaigns to raise awareness and shape
international public opinion regarding the liberation struggle.
3. Grassroots Activism: Expatriate Bengalis mobilized local communities and
engaged in grassroots activism to gather support. They organized protests,
demonstrations, and rallies in different countries, raising awareness about
the plight of the Bengali people and demanding international intervention to
end the violence.
4. Fundraising and Humanitarian Efforts: Expatriate Bengalis played a
significant role in fundraising and mobilizing resources to support the
liberation movement. They organized charity events, donation drives, and
fundraisers to provide financial aid, medical supplies, and humanitarian
assistance to the war-affected population in Bangladesh.
5. Diplomatic Outreach: Expats acted as ambassadors for the cause of
Bangladesh, representing the liberation movement in diplomatic circles.
They sought meetings with government officials, diplomats, and
international organizations to present the case for Bangladesh's
independence and gain diplomatic recognition and support.
Abu Sayeed Chowdhury was given the responsibility to mold and gather
public opinion in favor of the Liberation War in the outside world.
Representatives of 47 UN countries discussed the Bangladesh crisis on the
initiatives of Justice Abu Sayeed Chowdhury. Missions were established in
the big cities around the world, like Washington D.C., New York city,
London and other large cities.
6. Cultural Diplomacy: Expatriate Bengalis promoted Bangladeshi culture,
arts, music, and literature to generate interest and sympathy for the struggle.
Cultural events, exhibitions, and performances were organized to showcase
the richness of Bengali heritage and its significance in the fight for freedom.

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 Indian famous artist and famous Beatles British singer George Harrison held
a concert at Maddison Square, New York City in the USA. Money gathered
from the concert was given to Mujibnagar government. Expats living in
Bangladesh helped to arrange the concert.
7. Intellectual Support: Prominent expatriate Bengali intellectuals, academics,
and professionals used their expertise to provide analysis, research, and
scholarly publications on the Bangladesh Liberation War. Their contributions
helped shape the international understanding of the conflict and the
historical, political, and humanitarian dimensions associated with it.
The collective efforts of the expatriate Bengali community in gathering support
from the outside world played a crucial role in drawing attention to the Bangladesh
Liberation War and securing international sympathy, recognition, and assistance.
Their relentless advocacy, fundraising, media outreach, and diplomatic initiatives
helped shape global public opinion and contributed to the eventual independence
of Bangladesh. The expat Bengalis' dedication, resilience, and commitment to their
homeland were instrumental in achieving freedom and self-determination for the
people of Bangladesh.

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Figure: Bob Dylan and George Harrison singing “Bangladesh, Bangladesh…”

Figure: The Engineering Einstein had immense love for Bangladesh

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Role of Other Countries during the War
1. India:
India played a significant role in the 1971 war in support of Bangladesh's struggle
for independence from Pakistan. The role of India in the war can be highlighted as
follows:
 Refuge for Bengali Civilians:
India provided refuge and support to thousands of Bengali refugees who fled the
violence and atrocities committed by the Pakistani military in East Pakistan. Indian
government and local communities opened their doors, establishing camps and
providing humanitarian assistance to the displaced population. India gave shelter to
10 million refugees from Bangladesh, who fled to survive. Indian government took
all responsibilities for their consumption and lodging. ‘Refugee Tax’ was
introduced to meet up the expenses of the refugee camps.

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  Diplomatic Support:
India diplomatically supported Bangladesh's cause on the international stage. The
Indian government raised awareness about the plight of the Bengali people,
condemned the human rights abuses, and sought diplomatic recognition for
Bangladesh as an independent nation. Indira Gandhi, the Prime Minister of the
then India, visited various European countries to gain support for our liberation
war. She also met President Richard Nixon of the USA in November. She helped
us to gain the support of outside world in the liberation war.
 Training and Assistance to the Mukti Bahini:
The Mukti Bahini, the liberation army of Bangladesh, received significant support
from India. Indian trainers provided military training, guidance, and assistance to
the Mukti Bahini forces, helping them to organize and fight against the Pakistani
military. Armed training was given to Bengali freedom fighters in India. Arms to
fight against Pakistan was also primarily bought from India.
 Military Support:
India provided crucial military support to the Bangladesh liberation struggle. In
response to the escalation of violence by the Pakistani military, India launched a
military offensive against Pakistan. The Indian Army, alongside the Mukti Bahini,
conducted coordinated operations to weaken the Pakistani forces in East Pakistan.
 Strategic Objectives:
India had strategic interests in supporting Bangladesh's independence. The conflict
presented an opportunity for India to weaken Pakistan's military power in the
region, particularly in the eastern sector. It sought to address security concerns and
establish a friendly neighbor in East Pakistan, which would act as a buffer against
any future threats from Pakistan.
 Humanitarian Assistance and Reconstruction:
After the war, India provided extensive humanitarian assistance to Bangladesh. It
helped with relief efforts, reconstruction projects, and the repatriation and
rehabilitation of displaced persons. India played a crucial role in addressing the
humanitarian needs and the reconstruction of war-ravaged areas in Bangladesh.
India's role in the 1971 war was instrumental in the eventual liberation of
Bangladesh. Its support to the Mukti Bahini, military intervention against Pakistan,

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diplomatic efforts, and humanitarian assistance were critical factors in turning the
tide in favor of Bangladesh's independence movement. India's commitment to
justice, humanitarianism, and regional stability played a significant role in shaping
the outcome of the war and establishing Bangladesh as an independent nation. The
friendship and solidarity between the people of India and Bangladesh continue to
flourish, rooted in the shared history and sacrifices made during the 1971 war.

Figure: Indian soldiers who fought for us

Figure: Over 3000 Indian soldiers died in 1971

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 2. Soviet Union:
The role of the Soviet Union (USSR) in the liberation war of Bangladesh in 1971
was significant, as it provided crucial diplomatic, political, and military support to
Bangladesh's struggle for independence from Pakistan. The USSR's involvement
can be understood through the following key aspects:
 Diplomatic Support:
The USSR played a vital role in raising international awareness about the atrocities
committed by the Pakistani military in East Pakistan. It used its diplomatic
channels to condemn the human rights abuses and genocide, bringing the issue to
the attention of the international community. The USSR President Podgorny wrote
to Yahya Khan to stop the atrocities immediately. The decided to prolong cease fire
when India-Pakistan war finally broke out on 3rd December. USA urged China to
attack India, so that India has to get busy with their very own security. But Soviet
Union warned China that if they attack India, they will also attack China.
 Political Support:
The USSR extended political support to Bangladesh by recognizing the provisional
Mujibnagar government as the legitimate representative of the Bengali people.
This recognition added to the credibility of Bangladesh's cause and gave it greater
international standing. The Soviet Union gave assurances to India that if a
confrontation with the United States or China developed, it would take counter-
measures. This assurance was enshrined in the Indo-Soviet Treaty of Friendship
and Cooperation signed in August 1971. On November 1971, the Soviet
ambassador to Pakistan Alexei Rodionov directed a secretive message that
ultimately warned Pakistan that "it will be embarking on a suicidal course if it
escalates tensions in the subcontinent".
 Arms Support:
The Soviet Union supplied arms, ammunition, and military equipment to
Bangladesh. These supplies were crucial for the Mukti Bahini, the liberation army
of Bangladesh, as they fought against the heavily armed Pakistani military forces.
The arms support from the USSR significantly enhanced the military capabilities
of the Bengali fighters. They deployed their submarine carrying nuclear missiles in
the Bay of Bengal to prevent USA from attacking from the Bay of Bengal.

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On 6 and 13 December, the Soviet Navy dispatched two groups of cruisers and
destroyers from Vladivostok; they trailed US Task Force 74 into the Indian Ocean
from 18 December 1971 until 7 January 1972. The Soviets also had a nuclear
submarine to help ward off the threat posed by the USS Enterprise task force in the
Indian Ocean.
 Training and Intelligence Assistance:
The Soviet Union provided training and advisory support to the Mukti Bahini.
Soviet military advisers helped in training Mukti Bahini fighters, enhancing their
combat skills and tactical capabilities. Additionally, the USSR provided
intelligence assistance to Bangladesh, aiding in gathering information about
Pakistani military movements and operations.
 International Advocacy:
The USSR actively advocated for Bangladesh's cause on the international stage. It
used its position as a superpower to rally support from other countries and
international organizations. The Soviet Union's strong backing helped raise global
awareness of the situation and built international pressure on Pakistan. They used
their right to veto in UN Security Council to maintain ceasefire at any cost till Joint
Forces could capture Dhaka.
 UN Security Council Resolution:
The Soviet Union played a crucial role in the United Nations Security Council
(UNSC) by advocating for the adoption of a resolution to address the conflict in
East Pakistan. The USSR proposed a resolution that demanded an immediate
ceasefire and peaceful settlement of the conflict. Although the resolution was not
adopted due to opposition from China and the United States, it highlighted the
international attention and pressure on Pakistan.
 Humanitarian Assistance:
The Soviet Union provided humanitarian assistance to Bangladesh during and after
the war. It contributed to relief efforts, including food aid, medical supplies, and
financial support, to alleviate the suffering of the war-affected population.
The support from the Soviet Union was driven by a combination of factors,
including geopolitical considerations, support for self-determination movements,
and Cold War dynamics. The USSR's involvement in the liberation war of
Bangladesh helped to level the military playing field, boosted Bangladesh's
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international standing, and put pressure on Pakistan to seek a peaceful resolution to
the conflict. The role of the USSR demonstrated the significance of international
alliances and support in shaping the outcome of the liberation war.

Figure: Podgorny helped India to support us

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Figure: USSR Nuclear Submarine was deployed in the Bay of Bengal

3. USA:
The role of the United States in the 1971 war for the liberation of Bangladesh was
complex and multifaceted. The US government's response to the conflict was
influenced by several factors, including its Cold War interests, geopolitical
considerations, and alliances with Pakistan. The role of the US can be understood
through the following key aspects:
 Political and Diplomatic Support for Pakistan:
The United States initially sided with Pakistan during the war. The US government
viewed Pakistan as a key Cold War ally and provided significant military and
economic aid to the Pakistani regime. This support was aimed at countering Soviet
influence in the region and maintaining stability in South Asia. But the US internal
opposition parties supported our liberation war. USA decided to put their 7th fleet in
the Bay of Bengal to help Pakistan, but, when they came, they were astonished to
observe that USSR had already put their nuclear submarine in the Bay of Bengal.
Then U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, George H. W. Bush, introduced a
resolution in the UN Security Council calling for a cease-fire and the withdrawal of
armed forces by India and Pakistan. However, it was vetoed by the Soviet Union,
and the following days witnessed the use of great pressure on the Soviets from the
Nixon-Kissinger duo to get India to withdraw, but to no avail.
Nixon and Kissinger routinely demonstrated psychological biases that led them to
overestimate the likelihood of West Pakistani victory" in the war, and that they
overestimated the importance of the crisis to broader U.S. policy. The evidence
fails to support Nixon and Kissinger's own framing of the 1971 crisis as a contest
between cool-headed realpolitik and idealistic humanitarianism, and instead shows
that Kissinger and Nixon's policy decisions harmed their stated goals because of
repeated decision-making errors.
 Humanitarian Aid to Refugees:
As the conflict escalated and a large number of Bengali refugees sought shelter in
neighboring India, the United States provided humanitarian assistance to the

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affected population. It contributed to international relief efforts, offering aid and
supplies to alleviate the suffering of the refugees.
 Attempts at Mediation:
The US government attempted to mediate between Pakistan and India to find a
peaceful resolution to the conflict. Diplomatic efforts were made to facilitate
negotiations and prevent a further escalation of the war. However, these mediation
attempts were unsuccessful due to the intransigence of the Pakistani military
regime.
 Public Opinion and Human Rights Concerns:
The widespread human rights abuses committed by the Pakistani military in East
Pakistan drew international attention, including in the United States. As public
awareness of the atrocities increased, there was growing pressure on the US
government to take a stronger stance against Pakistan's actions.
 Limited Criticism of Pakistan:
While there was growing concern about the human rights situation in East
Pakistan, the US government initially took a cautious approach in criticizing
Pakistan's actions. The Nixon administration sought to balance its strategic
interests with its desire to address human rights concerns, leading to a more
restrained response.
 Shift in Policy:
As the conflict escalated and the scale of the atrocities became clearer, the US
administration, under President Richard Nixon, began to reassess its support for
Pakistan. The Nixon administration's "tilt" towards Pakistan started to shift, albeit
slowly, towards a more neutral stance as evidence of the extent of the violence
emerged.
 Delayed Recognition of Bangladesh:
Following the Pakistani military's surrender and the birth of Bangladesh, the
United States was relatively slow in recognizing the new nation. It was not until
early 1972 that the US officially recognized Bangladesh as an independent country.
The delay in recognition was primarily due to political considerations and the US
government's desire to maintain its relationship with Pakistan.

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The role of the United States in the 1971 war was marked by a complex mix of
geopolitical interests, strategic alliances, human rights concerns, and evolving
public opinion. While the initial US support for Pakistan influenced its response,
the growing awareness of the human rights abuses in East Pakistan eventually led
to a reassessment of its position. The delayed recognition of Bangladesh highlights
the complexity of US policy during the war.

Figure: The 7th Fleet on their way to destroy Bangladesh

Figure: USA urged China to fight against India

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Figure: USA and Pakistan were allies in 1971

Journalists and Press

Simon Dring was a British journalist who was staying in Dhaka when Pakistani
army attacked Dhaka. He covered the horrors of Bangladesh's war for
independence from Pakistan in 1971.
The 27-year-old Simon Dring found himself hiding in the lobby, the kitchen and
the rooftop at Dhaka's Intercontinental Hotel during Operation Searchlight on
March 25, 1971.
The 32 hours of risking his life had him noting down reports of crackdown, travel
Dhaka in a baker's van once the curfew was lifted on March 27 to collect some
evidences of genocide that, till this day, remain as one of the most gruesome and
merciless acts committed by a military. In his own words, Dring described the
aftermath of Operation Searchlight to The Daily Star, which serves harrowing
images even to this day: "I found the bodies of students who had been shot to death
in their dormitories and outside on the campus grounds; the rickshaw pullers,
bullet-ridden and bloodied, lying by the roadside; whole families burnt alive in

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their homes when their street had been sealed off and the houses torched; bazaars
in the old city burnt to the ground."
Dring managed to escape the military and board a flight to Bangkok, from where
he sent his report "Tanks Crush Revolt in Pakistan", which appeared in the front
page of The Daily Telegraph on March 30, 1971.

Anthony Mascarenhas was a Pakistani journalist who was allowed to visit some
parts of Bangladesh. He and other Pakistani journalists were asked to write in favor
of them. And if they did not, they would have been killed. But he did not write the
false reports, and delayed the publishing of them saying that he was sick. He then
visited U.K. and made the arrangements to publish the reports. He then came back
to Pakistan, and sent his family to U.K. Then he crossed the Afghanistan border on
foot, risking his life because then Pakistani citizens could not travel abroad for
more than one time a year. Then, from Afghanistan, he onboarded a flight to go to
U.K. Going to U.K. he had those shocking reports published which told about the
untold truths of our liberation war. His article "Genocide" in The Sunday Times on
13 June 1971 is credited with having "exposed for the first time the scale of the
Pakistan army's brutal campaign to suppress its breakaway eastern province". The
BBC writes: "There is little doubt that Mascarenhas' reportage played its part in
ending the war. It helped turn world opinion against Pakistan and encouraged India
to play a decisive role." Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi stating that
Mascarenhas' article led her "to prepare the ground for India's armed intervention".
Besides, BBC journalist Mark Tally and many Bengali journalists made news in
favor of Bangladesh. Nizamuddin and Nazmul Haque became martyrs in 1971 for
this. Akash Bani, Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendra, BBC, Voice of America and
Radio Australia also made news in favor of Bangladesh.

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Figure: Anthony Mascarenhas

Figure: Simon Dring

Final War of the Joint Forces

Liberation War was conducted effectively against Pakistan forces in different parts
of the country under the Mujibnagar government. Due to the heavy attacks of
freedom fighters, Pakistani soldiers became defensive and were gradually
demoralizing. They were losing frontal wars in important parts of the country, like
the ones in Kamalpur, Bilonia, Basantar, Boyra, Hilli and Gazipur. Due to these

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defeats, they were barren of bravery and courage. Besides, the Indian soldiers
started to help freedom fighters in the battle field from the middle of November.
After Pakistan-India war broke out, Indian army started to directly attack on
Pakistanis in Bangladesh and started conducting air raids. Joint force entered
Jessore, Cumilla, Brahmanbaria, Noakhali, Mymensingh, Hilli, Kushtia, Khulna,
Rangpur, Rajshahi, Dinajpur and Sirajganj were liberated one by one.
Joint forces conducted air raids over military settlements in Dhaka and proceed
towards Dhaka from all directions. By 14th December, Pakistanis surrendered in
almost all big cities except Dhaka.
To facilitate the surrender, both sides agreed to cease fire up to 3 Pm on 16th
December at the call of General Sam Manekshaw, the commander-in-chief of
joined forces.

Figure: Joint Force

The Intellectual Genocide

On 14 December, sensing imminent defeat, Pakistani forces and their local
collaborators— Shanti committee, Razakars, Al-Badr and Al-Shams—abducted
and killed front-line Bengali intellectuals and professionals in order to cripple the
new nation intellectually. Renowned academics, teachers, intellectuals, doctors,

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engineers, journalists, and other eminent personalities were dragged out of their
houses, blindfolded, and killed. Their bodies were dumped in Rayerbazar, Mirpur,
and other killing grounds in Dhaka just two days ahead of the final victory of the
war.
During the nine-month duration of the war, the Pakistani Army, with the assistance
of local collaborators systematically executed an estimated 991 teachers, 13
journalists, 49 physicians, 42 lawyers, and 16 writers, artists and engineers. Even
after the official ending of the war on 16 December there were reports of killings
being committed by either the armed Pakistani soldiers or by their collaborators. In
one such incident, notable filmmaker Jahir Raihan was killed on 30 January 1972
in Mirpur allegedly by the armed Biharis. In memory of the persons who were
killed, 14 December is observed in Bangladesh as Shaheed Buddhijibi Dibôsh
(Day of the Martyred Intellectuals).
Notable intellectuals who were killed during the time period of 25 March to 16
December 1971 in different parts of the country include Dhaka University
professors Govinda Chandra Dev (philosophy), Munier Chowdhury (Bengali
literature), Mufazzal Haider Chaudhury (Bengali literature), Anwar Pasha (Bengali
literature), Abul Khair (history), Jyotirmoy Guhathakurta (English literature),
Humayun Kabir (English literature), Rashidul Hasan (English literature),
Giasuddin Ahmed, Sirajul Haque Khan, Faizul Mahi, Santosh Chandra
Bhattacharyya and Saidul Hassan (physics), Rajshahi University professors
Hobibur Rahman (mathematics), Sukhranjan Samaddar (Sanskrit), and Mir Abdul
Quayyum (psychology), as well as Mohammed Fazle Rabbi (cardiologist), AFM
Alim Chowdhury (ophthalmologist), Shahidullah Kaiser (journalist), Nizamuddin
Ahmed (journalist), Selina Parvin (journalist), Altaf Mahmud (lyricist and
musician), Dhirendra Nath Datta (politician), Jahir Raihan (novelist, journalist, and
film director) and Ranadaprasad Saha (philanthropist). After the victory, the dead
bodies were found in various places.

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Figure: Martyred Intellectuals

Surrender of the Pakistanis

The function of surrender was headed by Lt. General Jagjit Singh Aurora, the
commander of the joint forces. Group Captain A.K. Khondaker, the deputy chief
of Mukti Bahini, was present there as a representative of Mujibnagar government.
Racecourse ground was filled with people and there was the sound of ‘Joy Bangla’.
General Aurora on behalf of Joint Force and General Niyazi on behalf of Pakistan
Army signed the documents sitting at a table under the open sky. 93000 Pakistani
soldiers were imprisoned on that day.

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Figure: Signing of the documents

Figure: 93000 Pakistani soldiers were imprisoned on that day

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 Post War Period
1972
In 1972, Bangladesh, a newly independent nation, embarked on a journey of
nation-building and recovery from the scars of a devastating war. It was a year of
immense significance for the country as it marked the end of a nine-month-long
liberation struggle against Pakistan, leading to the emergence of an independent
Bangladesh.
Bangabandhu returned to Bangladesh on 10th December, 1972. A constitution was
also drawn up to run the country.
The year witnessed significant efforts to rebuild the war-ravaged nation.
Reconstruction and rehabilitation became priorities as Bangladesh endeavored to
establish its identity and lay the foundations for a democratic society. The
government, under the leadership of Prime Minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahman,
worked tirelessly to restore stability, rehabilitate refugees, and rebuild the
economy.
On the international front, Bangladesh sought recognition from the global
community and made its entry into the United Nations. The nation also received
vital humanitarian aid and support from various countries, aiding in the recovery
process.
Despite the challenges, the spirit of resilience and determination prevailed among
the Bangladeshi people. The year 1972 marked the beginning of a new chapter,
where the nation took its first steps towards growth, development, and self-
determination. It laid the groundwork for Bangladesh's journey towards becoming
a vibrant and independent nation in the years that followed.

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Figure: Return of Bangabandhu

Figure: The constitution

1973
In 1973, Bangladesh continued its journey of nation-building and recovery from
the aftermath of the Liberation War. The year was marked by significant political,
social, and economic developments that played a crucial role in shaping the
country's trajectory.

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Politically, 1973 saw the consolidation of power by Prime Minister Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman and his ruling party, the Awami League. The government worked towards
the establishment of a democratic system, drafting a new constitution that
enshrined Bangladesh as a parliamentary democracy. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman,
popularly known as Bangabandhu (Friend of Bengal), became the country's first
president and worked towards fostering national unity and rebuilding institutions.
Economically, Bangladesh focused on reconstruction and development. Efforts
were made to rehabilitate the millions of refugees who had returned after the war,
and steps were taken to rebuild infrastructure, industries, and agriculture. The
government-initiated land reforms and implemented policies to promote self-
sufficiency in food production. Additionally, foreign aid and investment played a
crucial role in supporting the country's rebuilding process.
Socially, the year 1973 witnessed efforts to heal the wounds of war and promote
national integration. The government prioritized education and healthcare, aiming
to provide accessible services to all citizens. Steps were taken to restore cultural
heritage, revive traditional arts and crafts, and promote the use of the Bengali
language.
Internationally, Bangladesh continued its diplomatic engagements. It sought
recognition and support from the global community, establishing diplomatic
relations with various countries. Bangladesh's membership in international
organizations such as the United Nations and the Commonwealth helped the nation
gain a stronger footing on the world stage.
However, the year also faced challenges. The process of rebuilding and recovering
from the war required immense resources and efforts. The country faced economic
constraints, political tensions, and social unrest. Nonetheless, Bangladesh's
resilience and determination remained steadfast.

1974
In 1974, Bangladesh experienced a mix of challenges and achievements as the
young nation continued its efforts towards reconstruction, development, and
establishing its place on the global stage. The year witnessed significant events in
politics, economy, social affairs, and international relations.

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Politically, the year was marked by the adoption of a new constitution. In January,
Bangladesh transitioned from a presidential to a parliamentary system of
government, with Sheikh Mujibur Rahman assuming the position of Prime
Minister. The constitution aimed to strengthen democracy, ensure fundamental
rights, and decentralize power. However, political stability remained a challenge as
the country grappled with the complexities of nation-building.
Economically, Bangladesh faced difficulties due to the impact of the global oil
crisis and natural disasters. Rising oil prices and global inflation affected the
nation's economy, leading to increased inflation and trade imbalances.
Furthermore, frequent floods and cyclones hampered agricultural production,
causing food shortages and further straining the economy.
On the social front, efforts were made to alleviate poverty and improve living
standards. The government-initiated programs to provide healthcare, education,
and housing for the marginalized and underprivileged sections of society. Steps
were taken to strengthen social welfare schemes and promote rural development.
In 1974, Bangladesh also faced a significant humanitarian crisis—the influx of
thousands of refugees from neighboring Myanmar (then Burma) due to political
instability and persecution. The government provided assistance and shelter to
these displaced individuals, further straining resources but demonstrating
Bangladesh's commitment to humanitarian values.
Internationally, Bangladesh continued its efforts to secure recognition and establish
diplomatic relations. The country actively engaged with various nations, forging
alliances and seeking foreign aid for development projects. Bangladesh's
diplomatic initiatives helped raise its profile on the global stage and expanded its
international presence.
Despite the challenges faced in 1974, Bangladesh made notable strides in various
areas. The country's commitment to democracy, social welfare, and international
engagement laid the foundation for future progress. The resilience and
determination of the Bangladeshi people in the face of economic difficulties and
humanitarian crises showcased their spirit of unity and solidarity.

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Figure: 1974 Famine of Bangladesh

1975
In 1975, Bangladesh experienced a tumultuous and tragic period that deeply
impacted the nation's political landscape. The year was marked by a series of
events that shook the foundations of the young democracy, leading to political
instability and the loss of the country's founding father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
The year began with escalating political tensions and growing discontent within the
country. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, popularly known as Bangabandhu (Friend of
Bengal), had established himself as the undisputed leader of Bangladesh following
the Liberation War in 1971. However, his government faced numerous challenges,
including economic difficulties, regional disparities, and political opposition.
On August 15, 1975, tragedy struck Bangladesh when a group of disgruntled
military officers staged a coup and assassinated Sheikh Mujibur Rahman along
with most of his family members. The country was thrown into shock and
mourning as the loss of its beloved leader reverberated across the nation and the
world.

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In the aftermath of the assassination, the country plunged into a power vacuum and
political chaos. The military, led by General Ziaur Rahman, took control of the
government and declared martial law. The new regime suspended the constitution,
disbanded political parties, and initiated a period of repression and censorship.
Under General Ziaur Rahman's leadership, the military government focused on
consolidating power and restoring stability. The regime sought to reestablish
civilian rule through the formation of a new political party, the Bangladesh
Nationalist Party (BNP). The BNP emerged as the primary political force, adopting
a conservative ideology and emphasizing the principles of nationalism, democracy,
and socialism.

Figure: News of Killing of Mujib

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 My Obligation as a Citizen
My country was liberated after a valiant and bloody struggle from 1940 to 1971,
which started in 1757 after the British occupied Bengal. It’s my duty and
responsibility to build up my country as a developed, free of corruption and
democratic country in the map of the world. I have to educate myself, carry out my
duties towards the country and help Bangladesh rise in the international arena. I
have to help my country to stand upright, proudly in the World Map.

[Information Sources: Google; Wikipedia; NCTB Book, Class 8 EV, BGS; ChatGPT; Dhaka Tribune, The
Business Standard; Centre for Research and Information; Quora; Internet; ‘The Unfinished Memoirs’ by
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman; etc.]

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