1SPossessionsandMoneybeyond
MarketEconomy
TbshiyaYamamotoandNoboruTakahashi
18．1BasicViewpointfor
AnalyzingPossessionsand
Money
18.1.1MoneyasaCulturaITbol
Ahumanisacreamrewhouses tools. Such
toolscouldbephysical insirumentsorpsychoso-
cialones,suchassigns,whichVygotsb(1997)
advocates-concept, thought,andsocial sys-
tem.Humanshavesociohistoricallyinheritedand
developedthesetoolsintothecreationofpeF
sonal inner life, interpersonal communication,
and,moreov"asocialsystem.Hel℃wefbllow
theusageextendedbyCole(1996)-weusethe
conceptoftoolswithsuchexpansiveness.Money
isoneofthebasictoolsgeneratinghumaneco-
nomicactivitybMoneyis,howev"notjustan
economictool.Aneconomictool ismerelyone
typeofculturaltool・Thisisourbasicstandpoint
inourdiscussionontheeconomyandtheculmral
namreofmoneyb
Generallybmoneyisregardedasasimpleeco-
nomictool thatrepresentsexchangevalueand
thusmediatesexchange,becomesaunitofprice,
andstorervalue.Itsonlyusevalueisthatmoney
can1℃presentexchangevalue.Moneycanbe
exchangedfbranykindsofgoods.Fbrthatrea-
son, thevalueofmoneyisuniversal-anyone
whohasmoneycanuseit-andneutral・ Itdoes
notdependonanyspeci6cpersonalrelationship.
Moneyasaneconomictool hasbeencl℃−
atedthroughthedevelopmentofbarterexchange.
Howeverjbarterexchangehingesonthepractical
usevalueofgoodstobeexchangedand,inmany
cases,dependsonthespecificpersonalrelation-
shipbetweenthosewhoexchange.Inthiscontext,
thevalueneutralityofmoneyisnotabsolute.
Gifiexchange isthemostbasicpattemof
socialexchangeandcompletelydependsonspe-
cificpersonalorintercommunityrelationships.
Thosewhoexchangegiitsdosobasedontheir
personalrelationships,andsuchexchangecannot
beestablishedwhenarelationshipdoesnotexist.
Humansaretheonlyspeciestointeractwith
others throughsocial exchangeusingvarious
kindsofmedia, includingmaterialisticobjects,
suchasmoneyigoods,andgifts,andspirimal
objects,suchaswords,concepts,andthoughts.
Alloftheseinteractionsarebasedonhumansym-
bolicfilnctionorapsychologicalsystemofsigns.
18.1.2TwoTypesofExchange
andEMS
HerewecanschematizethestrucmI巳ofsuch
human-specificinteractionusingtheconceptof
expandedmediationalstrucmre(EMS),asshown
inFigurel8.l.The6gul℃showshowsubiectl
approachessubject2usingsomesortofobiect
asamedium(oljectl);then,subject2responds
tosubject lusinganomect(ohiect2),andall
oftheseinteractionsaremediatedorguidedby
anormativeelementofsomekind(nonnative
mediator).
Themediacanbemoneyorgoodsinaneco-
nomic interaction,gifis inagifiexchange,or
words inaconversation・Thenormativemedi-
atorcanbecommonpracticeinsocial intemc-
tion, includingeconomicexchangeorlogicor
334 TosHIYAYAMAMoToANDNoBoRuTAKAHAsHI
and…I
Figure18.1Expandedmediationalstructure
(EMS).
1．ulesindiscussioll.Sumectsactoutappropriate
1･olesinrespectiveinteractions,whichmeansthey
becomesellersandbuyersinamarketexchange
orlistenersandspeakersinaconversation.
Usingthisschema, thedifferentnaturethat
moneyhas inmarketexchangeandthatagiff
has ingiftexchangecanbeexplainedasfbl-
lows. Inamarketeconomyineutralsubiectsthat
donothave individualpersonalitiesexchange
moneyfbrgoodsasohjects,andthoseohjects
areregardedsimplyasrepresentinganeutral
exchangevalue.Theseinteractionsaremediated
byahighlyabstractanduniversallaw(normative
mediator).Ontheotherhand､ ingiftexchange,
sumectsexchangegifisbasedontheirpersonal
relationships,maintainingmutualcredibilityand
fbllowingcertaincustomsorethics.
Nevertheless,whenanalyzingaspecificeco-
nomicphenomenonindailylifb,giftexchange
andmarketexchangecannotalwaysbediffbrenti-
atedinsuchanabsolutemannelAThisisparticu-
larlytruewhentryingtounderstandculmraldif
fbrenceandculturalconflictsinaglobaleconomy
ortheprocessofchildrenleamingaboutmoney
throughtheirdailyexchangepractices.
Forexample,whenchildrenbuycertaingoods,
theyoftentalkwiththeirifiendsaboutappeal-
ingpomtsofaproduct.ThroughtheirconveF
sation, theproductdevelopsitssubjectivevalue,
whichissharedbythechildren. InthiswaJLvalue
becomesanintel･subiectivesubstance・Theshared
intersllqectivevaluehulctionsasamediumthat
accommodates thechildrent interactionsover
theproduct.
Meamngisalsogiventoasubiectwhouses
moneyb Just liketherichal･eexpectedtoremrn
theirmoneytosocietybeveryadultusesmoney
mediatedbyhisorher roleaccordingtothe
socializedmeaningofthesubject. Inthecaseof
acompanyoificer,heorsheisanticipatedtouse
moneytobene6tthecompany.Butthesameper-
sonasafiltherormotherinthehomeisexpected
tousemoneyfbl･ theftlmilyandhisorherown
personaluse
Moneyasal1 oMect filnctionsasaspecial
exchangetool insuchmultiplemediationalslruc-
ml･escomprisingsubjectshavingasocial role,
objectsagivensocialormtersubjectivemean-
ing,andsomenormsaccommodathlgtheirintel=
actionsApersonplaystheroleofasubject
withgivenculmralmeaningandexchangesan
oljectwithvaluewhilefbllowillgsocialnorma-
tiveconstraintsandbeingmediatedbymoneyi
andthus thesociocconomicsystemfimctions.
Understandingmoneylifomapsychologicalper-
spectivemeansanalyzingthemultiplemedia-
tionalstructuresandunderstandingthegenerat-
ingandchangingprocessesofthestl･ucmrewith
givenmeaning(seealso thediscussionabout
therelationshipbetweenobjectsthatpeoplepos-
sessandusetoextendtheselfSimmel l950,
322)．
18．1.3PolysemiCNatureofMoney
Althoughmoneyisregardedasneutral fioma
malketeconomyviewpoint,asmentionedabove,
moneyandpossessionsbeal･polysemyBwhich
camlotbedescribedonlybyaone-dimensional
valuestrucmre; inourlives,we6ndthatmany
thingsholdsuhiectivevaluesandthatthoseval-
uesdiffbr6･omtheirmarketvalues(Belk, 1988,
1991).Memory-ladenobjects, includinggifis,
filmilyphotographs, souvemrsandmementos,
heil･looms,antiques,andmonuments,aretypical
 Po55essionsandMoneybeyondMarketEconomy
examples(e.g.,Belk,1991;Dittm"1992).We
caniindnumerousexamplesthat indicatethat
possessionscarrysubjectivelyimportantmean-
ingfbrindividuals・Fbrtheaged,rolesaregiven
topossessions inprovidingcontrolandmas-
tery-moderatingemotions,cultivatingtheself
symbolizingtieswithothers,constimtingacon-
cretehistoryofonebpast(Kempmer;1989).On
theotherhand, Iossofpossessionsduetotheft
ordisasteraccompaniesastrongsenseofloss
anddepressingfeelings(Belk, 1988).Ibllowing
James(1890),weseethatthosepossessionshave
a"MaterialMe''nature,oran"expandedself;''in
ourtenns,whichisseenasrepresentingthepos-
sessorbintentionorwill.
Althoughpeoplehavethestrongnotionthat
moneyisfieefromspeciiichumanrelationships
andthat it isabstract, theyreifain廿omusingit
insomecases.Atypicalexampleismoneyas
agiit(WebleyiLea,&Portalska, 1983). Inthe
caseofagiit,asendergivesanitemthatthe
sendermadeaneffbrttomakeorselect,anda
1℃ceiveracceptsit. Inthespecificrelationship
betweenasenderandareceivenagiftexists
asasymbol representingaspecificeffbrt (or
goodwill)ofaspecincperson(Csikszentmiha-
lyi&Rochbelg-Halton,1981).Becausemoney
transposesthevaluebuiltonaspeci6cindivid-
ualrelationshipand/orexperienceontothecrite-
riausedfbrallotheritemsandgradesuchval-
ues, it iSshied廿0m・ Inadditiontoitsuseas
agift,moneyisavoidedfbruseasaremmfbr
thegoodsorhelpgivenbyneighbors(Webley&
Lea,1993b). InKoreanfannvillages,whenhelp
isgivenbyaneighbortoaresident, itiscom-
montogivehelptotheneighborinremm.Butif
theresidentisapart-timefannel;givinghelpby
laborbecomesdifficult. Inthatcase,somestart
topayfbrthelaborinI℃mrn・Thisalsomeans
suchafamilylosingitsroleasafUllmember
ofthecommunityofmutualcollaboration.This
kindofexchange isnotcarriedoutbasedon
marketeconomyprinciplesbutratherbasedon
communalexchangerule､Mills&Clark,1982).
335
Althoughmoneyisavoidedinsomecasesowing
toitsneutralityiitisnotalwaysneutral(versatile
initsuse).Accordingtoexcerptsfi℃mWebleyj
Lea,andPortalska(1983),Europeancurrencies
wereusuallyusedtopurchaseordinarygoodsand
nativemoneywasusedfbrpul℃hasingwivesin
WestAftica.Fromtheendofthenineteenthcen-
mrythroughthebeginningofthetwentiethcen-
mryinAmerica, incomeeamedbylaborofa
householdwifeinalowereconomicstmmmwas
regardedasanextensionofherhousekeeping,
andtheincomewasappropriatedfbrthepurchase
ofdailynecessities,whileherhusband'Sincome
wasusedasthemoneythatcirculatedinamarket
economybsuchasininvestments(Zelizer,1989).
Twoimportantpointshereal℃that(1)money
doesnotholdtheneutmlitythatallowsittobe
exchangedfbranythingbuthasspeci6capplica-
tionsandspeci6cmeaningsinsomecasesand
(2)suchmeaning isnot6xedbutvarieshis-
toricallyandculmrallybTherefbremoneyand
possessionsarenotissuesthatcanbegrasped
withinandexplainedbyaneutralmoney-goods
exchangesysteminamarketeconomy・Ratherb
theyshouldbeunderstoodinthecontextofthe
cultul巳sandhistoriesofthesocietiesinwhich
peopleareliving.
18.1.4DialecticalStudyofCulture
Moneyisacultural toolwhichhasaspeci6c
meaningineachculture.Whiletheuniversal
meaningofmoneyisitsfUnctionasmediumfbr
marketexchange, itsculturalmeaningappears
throughthewaypeopleacquire,shal℃,anduse
themoneyandthroughtheirevaluationofthose
behaviors.Wecanelicitpattemsofmeaning-
givingtomoneythroughinterviews,observa-
tions,orquestionnairesandinterprettheircul-
mralmeanings.
Howshouldwe interpret thesemeanings？
Whenconsideringthisquestion, oneofthe
biggesttheorCticalandmethodologicaldifficul-
ties thatcultural studieshave facedbecomes
336 TosHIYAYAMAMoToANDNoBoRuTAKAHAsHI
important, that is,what is thebestway fbr
researchers to overcome ethnocentrismand
obtainsomewhatcommonmeaning？
Herein,twostrategicpolescanbeconsidered
torelativizearesearcherbculmralperspective.
One,aspl℃sentedbyL6vi-Straussbstructural-
ism, istoextractafbnnalstrucmrefbrovercom-
ingthelimitof"subjectiveinterpretation''(Levi-
Strauss,1950,1964).Inthiscase,mathematicsas
atool isconsideredasauniversalfbrmofthink-
ingindependent廿omanyparticularcultureand
thusrequiredtoserveasthebasisfbrobiectiv-
itybHoweveI;whatwequestionistheworldof
meaningsitself;andthismethoddoesnotgivean
answe限
Theotherextremeis,converselyl tobecome
deeplyinvolvedinaspecificworldofmeanings
andtodescribetheotherpartybworldofmean-
ings,whichisdiifbrentfi℃monebownworld
ofmeanings, fbllowingtheotherpartyもworld
ofmeaningsasmuchaspossible・ Participant
observationembodiessuchanideal.Wefindthe
cultural namreofmoneyinsuchaworldof
meanmgS.
Howevel;theidealofthesemeaningsencoun-
tersthefbllowingdifTiculty: smdyingtheworld
ofmeaningsofadifferentculturerequiresa
researchertogetinside,tosharethesameworld
ofmeanings,and,asaresearchentorecordand
analyzetheacquiredworldofmeaningsusinghis
ownwords.Itisatexmalconstructprocesscalled
"writingcultule''(Cliffbrd,&Marcus, 1986),and
theworkcannotavoidbeinganethnographerb
translation/representationofaparticularculture
(Asad,1986,p.163).
Inthiscase,thefbllowingissuearisesbetween
twodiffbrentculmralworldsofmeanings,which
meansbetweentheculmretobedescribedand
theculturetowhichadescribel;researcher,or
1℃searchergroupbelongs: ､Gtheanthropological
enterpriseofcultulaltranslationmaybevitiated
bythefactthatthereareasymmetrical tenden-
ciesandpressuresinthelanguagesofdominated
anddominantsocietie"(Asadl986,p・ 164).
Researchisprimarilyintendedtocreatetheworld
ofmeaningscommunallyamongresearchers,and
amemberoftheculturetobedescribedisusually
placedoutsidethisworldofcommunalmeanings.
Aslongasaresearchertriestointroducehisor
heracquiredworldofmeaningsofthetargetcul-
tureunilaterallybytranslatingitintohisorher
ownworldofmeanings,theworldofmeaningsof
theresearcherdominates,andconsequently;the
issueofetmocentrismarisesagain.
Therefbre,thel℃al issueishowtoavoidethno-
cenmsmbroughtaboutbyaresearcherbworldof
meanings,aimingtounderstandthetalgetworld
ofmeanings・Onesucheirbrt isourdialectical
research・Therein,1℃searcherswiththeirowncul-
turalbackgroundsinterpretthemeaningofadifL
ferentculture,explainthemeaningintheirown
culmre,relativizetheirownculmrebyreferring
tootherresearchers'culmralinterpretationsasa
mirroI;andthentrytointerpretthemeaningata
higherlevel,whichenablesbothpartiestounder-
standtheculmralmeaningsoftheotherpartyLWe
regardtheprocessitselfasresearch.
Understandingculturehereisnotunilateral
workwherearesearcherregardstheculmreasa
staticsubstanceandtranslatesit intothewords
ofhisorherownculture.Rathel;it isaninteF
activecreationprocesswhereresearchersmutu-
allyadjusttheirdifferentinterpretationschemes
ofculture. Fbrexample,asdiscussedlateriwe
havefbundthattheI℃areconsiderablediHerences
inthereciprocatedgivingbetweenJapaneseand
Koreanchildren.Researchersobservedanega-
tiveattimdeinJapanesechildrentowardgifting,
whileresearchersnoticedamorepositiveatti-
tudetowardgifiinginKoreanchildren.Through
thereciprocatingprocess, themeaningoftreat-
ingisunderstoodthat C6bothtreatingandbill-
splittingareintendedtorespectothersandmain-
taingoodrelationship,buttheirapproachesare
different.''HerethehigheFlevelworldofmean-
ingsissharedwhilemaintainingworldsofmean-
ingsfbrbothpartieswithoutindicatingwhichis
superlort
 Posses5ionsandMoneybeyondMarketEconomy
Important fbrus isnotadescriptivetaxon-
omyofculmreviewingtheculturefi･omanexteF
nal standpointbutcreatinganewI℃cognition
ofculmredialogicallyi andfbrresearchers to
interactandmumallyadjustrecognitionofcul-
mrestartingfigomtheirownculmralviewpoints,
sothatculmreisanalyzedasanintersubjective
anddynamicproductintheongoingaqustment
process.
UsingtheconceptofEMS,wecandescribethe
processasfbllows. Itstartedwhenaresearcher
whohascertainculmmlnamreencounteredand
wassumrisedby CCthediiTbrentwaysofliv-
ing"(diffelもntEMS).EncounteIswiththepeo-
plewithwhomaresearchertriestocreateEMS
butfailstoshareitleadtothediscoveryofdif
ferenceinmumalcommunalitylrenectivelygiv-
ingshapetotheirownworldsofmeaningsand
thoseofothers.Researchers livingindifrerent
culmralworldsofmeaningsserveasculmlalmir-
rors・Thismeansculturedoesnotexiststatically
withineachindividual researcherbutemerges,
takingspecificshapewheneverdiffel℃ntcommu-
nalitiesareencounteredandl℃searchersbecome
awareofdifYerences. This is the fUndamen-
tal pelspectiveofour QGculmral psychology
ofdifferencer(Thkahashi,2016;Yamamoto,
2015,2017).
ThiseifbrtisthecreationprocessofnewEMS
betweenresearchs呵ectswhohavedifYerentcul-
mralbackgrounds.Whatproceedsthereafierisa
kindofcommunicationpracticewhichinteglates
meaninggivingtoanomect,transfbnnationofa
subject,andreadjustmentofnonnativerelation-
ships.Thesmdyoftheculmralnamreofmoney
viewed廿omsuchaperspectiveshowsusanew
aspectofthemeaningsinthereal-life,dailyprac-
ticesofpeople.Researchitselfisoneofthesecul-
mralpractices.
Theculturalmeaningofmoneycanbeelicited
and interpreted in the samewaybChildren'S
allowancesareoneofthesignincantphenomena
pavingthewaytonewsemanticgenerativeand
dialecticalpracticalresearch.
337
18．2ChildrenandMoney:An
Overview
18.2.1ChildrenandEconomiEs
Peoplehavediiferentdesires.Thesedesiresvary
and, seeminglybhavenoend.Meanwhile, the
meansofsatisfymgthosedesires-especially
materialneeds-involvetheuseofgoodsand
servicesthataretheobjectsofsuchdesires.
BaIgainingbetweenpeople,whotrytocre-
atebalancebetweentheirdesiresandscarce
resources, isthebasisofeconomicbehaviorat
amicrolevel.Experimentalsmdiesaboutchil-
drenbeconomicactivitieshavebeencamedout
fi･omeconomicsandeconomicpsychologyview-
points.Thesesmdieswereconductedtofindout
ifchildrenwouldbehaveasthelogicofeco-
nomicsassumes-inotherwords,howrationally
childrenwouldbehave ineconomicdecision-
making(seetheexamplesofHarbaugh,Krause,
&Lidayi 2003;Mumighan&Saxon, 1998).
Theresearchdemonstratesthatchildrenbehave
rationallyevenwhentheyareyoung,andtheir
knowledgebecomesmoreconsistentwithage,
improvingthelevelofrationalityineconomic
decision-making.
Howeveri childl℃nbeconomicactivities in
dailylifbarenotalwaysbasedonrationalityb
Theysometimeschoosebehaviorsthatdeviate
fromeconomicrationalitytobuildandmaintain
peerrelationships.Anethnographicsmdyofcml-
dreninEnglandplayingwithmarbles(Webley&
Lea, 1993a)indicatesthatthecmldrenexchange
marbles,fbllowingarationalscarcity-basedprin-
cipleofexchange,whileintentionallycarrying
outdisproportionateexchanges,suchasgiving
marblesasapledgeoffiFiendshiptoanewclass-
mate. Inasimilarsmdybvariousphenomenaof
.GtreatTareobservedamongcmldreninKorea
(seethefbllowingsection).Thesesmdiesimply
thatthesocialftmctionofestablishingandmain-
taininginterpersonallElationshipsandeconomic
activitiesarecloselytied.Therefbre, thevalid
338 TosHIYAYAMAMoToANDNoBoRuTAKAHAsHI
resea1℃hstlategyisnottotracethedevelopment
ofeconomicallyrationalbehaviorb lnstead,we
inquirehowchildrenbecomeindependentftom
paI℃ntsanddevelopinterpersonal Ielationships
throughmoneyintheirecologicalenvironments-
allunitedbytheeconomicnamreofhumanactiv-
ities.Therefbre,developmentalpsychologyfbr
moneyisnotpredicatedonHo腕oeco"o""c"S.
Rathel;itinquiresintothefbundationofhuman
relationshipstructuresthatmakeexchangeand
possessionpossible.
18.2.2BeyondChildrenas
IndividuaIs
While much research has systematically
approachedchildrenbunderstandingofmoney
andeconomicconceptsandhasgroupeditinto
severalstagesbasedonthePiagetianffamework,
and,therefbre,universaldevelopmentalstagesof
theirunderstandings(e.g.,Berti&Bombi,1988;
Strauss, 1952), thelewerealsowideculmral
diiferencesamongthem(Jahoda,1983;Leiser;
Sev6n,&L6vybl990;Ng,1983).Jahoda(1983)
demonstrates thatZimbabweanchildren(who
donothavedirectexperienceofsellingand
buyingcommoditiesbutseetheirparentsmake
andsellcommodities)understandtherelation-
shipbetweensellingandbuyingandashop
clerk'Swageaswellasitssystemmorequickly
thanEuropeanchildrendo・Likewise, children
inHongKong,whereeconomicactivitiesal℃
bustling, understandbanking systemsmore
quicklythanWesternchildrendo(Ng, 1983).
Childrendonotbuilduptheirknowledgeabout
economicsystems independentlyorseparately
fromtheirlitworlds.
Childl℃nbattitudestowardeconomicinequal-
ityisuchaspovertyandwealth, isanothertheme
inwhichunderstandingofeconomicevents
cannot beseparated廿oml巳al life (Dittmar,
1996;Emler&Dickinson,1985,2004;Fum-
ham,1982;Leahyil981;Leiser&Ganin,1996).
According toBourdieu(1979), social strata
reproducethemselvesthroughcategorizationof
consumption-styledifferencesandsocialworlds
aswellasinternalizationofvaluesystems・Cul-
mralassetsthatcomprisechildren'Slifeworlds
diffbrwithinthesocialstrammorculture,and
childrenbuilduptheirthinkingaboutthesocial
worldundersuchcircumstances・Additionallyi
understandingabout thecausesofbeingrich
andpoorandtheattimdestowardthemarenei-
thertheknowledgewhichexistswithinindivid-
ualsnorthesubstancewhichexistsexternally;
lathel;theyaresociallyconstructedandshared
as predominant knowledge (seeMoscovici,
2001).
Researchonchildrenbunderstandingabout
thecausesofpovertyandwealthfbunddiffeF
encesamongthedifferentclasses,ononehand,
andthepotencyofpI℃dominantknowledgeinthe
culmrebeyondclasses,ontheotheI:According
toFumham(1982),inwhichmterviewsabout
thecausesofeconomicinequalitieswereheld
inEngland, therelativelyrichpublicschool
studentstendtoattachweighttoindividualistic
explanationabout thecausesofpovertyiwhile
stateschoolstudents,whoarefinanciallybelow
themiddleclass, attachweight toasociety-
consciousexplanation.Alternativelyiaccording
toastudyofAmericanjuniorandseniorhigh
school students,childreninanyeconomicsta-
msgivereasonssuchascompetenceofand
effbrtsbyindividualsinsteadofsocialfactors,
whilechildrenwhobelongtoalowereconomic
statustendtobemorepositiveaboutthepos-
sibilityofeliminatingpovertythrroughsocial
change(Leahybl981).Accordingtocompara-
tiveI℃searchconductedinl5countries,which
mainlyconsistofEuropeancounlries,children
whobelongtothemiddleclassacceptpresentsit-
uationsasawholemorereadilythanchildrenin
amoreindividualisticcountry(Leiser&Ganin,
1996).Therefbredevelopmentalpsychologyfbr
moneydoesnotfbcusontheprocessofachild
 PossessionsandMoneybeyondMarketEconomy
acquiringinternalknowledgeasanindividual.
Rathel;itdiscussesthatsuchknowledgeisbuilt
upinassociationwiththesocietiesandculmres
inwhichchildrengrow.
18.2.3TheSocioculturalUseof
ChildrentAllowances
Herewespecificallydiscusstheculturalnature
ofmoneyandfbcusonphenomenainvolving
childrenballowances.Withadults, thenorma-
tivenamreofmoneyremainsalmostuncon-
scious anddifYIcult to6nd. Observing the
processwherechildrenlearnhowtousethespe-
cial toolcalledanallowancehelpsresearchers
uncoverthenonnsusuallynotl℃cognizedamong
adults inparents' disciplinaryactionswith
moneyandconflictsbetweenparentsandchil-
drenconcemingmoneyGAdditionallylcompari-
sonofthesel℃cognizednonnsamongdifYerent
societiesmakestheculturalnatm℃ofthesenonns
clearem
Childrenballowancesespeciallydemonstrate
theculmlalnatureofmoneyinthefbllowing
wayWhenconsideringacquisition,allowances
areresourcesgivenasagift.Whereasadultstyp-
icallyacquiremoneythroughmarketexchange,
childrenacquireallowancesasagiftunilateF
allygivenbyadults. Ingiftgiving,thepersonal
relationshipbetweensubjectshasgreatersignifL
icancethaninmarketexchange.Therefbrepro-
cesseswherechildrenacquireoruseallowances
firmlyincorporatethecharacteristicsofpersonal
relationshipswithadultsandthusrenectculmral
natureinaneasy-to-understandmanner(culmral
diirerenceinparent-childrelationshipsinvolving
money).
Next,whenconsideringtheuseofallowances,
allowancesarespecial resources that canbe
exchangedfbravarietyofcommodities.But
becauseofthisspecialpower;childrentmis-
usemayleadtoum℃strained,runawaydesires.
Thatbwhychildrenarestronglyconstrained
339
byparents intheiruseofmoneybTheman-
nerofsuchparental constraintprovidesclear
guidance tochildrenon theuseofmoney
fi℃mimplicitknowledgethatadultspossessas
well ascultulal logicconcerning itscontrol
(cultural differences inconstraintsonuseof
allowances).
Furthennol℃,whenconsidering itsuse in
humanrelationships,inadditiontopersonalcon-
sumption,moneyisusedasaresourcetoadiust
interpersonal relationships.Childrenareinthe
processoflearningways toestablishculmral
interpersonalrelationshipswheretheappropriate
useofmoneywithifiendsisdirectedbyadults.
Inthisprocess, thecharacteristicsofculmral
interpersonalrelationshipscaneasilybeobserved
(culmraldifferencesinusesofmoneyinhuman
relationships).
Inthefbllowingsection,wewillfbcusonthe
cross-culmraldevelopmentalresearchinvoIving
allowancesthatweconductedwithresearchers
fromJapan,China,Korea, andViemamand
thenwe identifyculmral characteristics of
paren-childrelationshipsandpeerrelationships
observedintheleamingprocessofusingmoney
anddescribehowchildrencI℃ateculturalworlds
ofmeaningsusingmoneyasatool.
18.3EastAsianChildrenand
MoneyasaCulturaITbol
Inourprqject,wecallmoneyaGGtool''ratherthan
a..symbol'':moneyisatooltorealizeourdesiI℃s
andservestolinkrelationshipsbetweenpeople.
Ourprqjectaimstodisclosehowhumanl℃lation-
ships, includingparen-childandpeerl℃lation-
ships,developindi錠祀ntculmresthroughthe
useofmoneyandhowindividualchildrenculmle
allysophisticatethemselves.Ourprqject,named
straightibrwardlythe"PocketMoneyPrqject,"
intendstoshowthefbllowingthreepoints.First,
moneyisnotonlyatoolofexchangeinthemaF
keteconomybutalsoatoolthatmediateshuman
340 TosHIYAYAMAMoToANDNoBoRuTAKAHAsHI
relationshipsineachculmreandisactuallyused
whilemediatedbynonnsabouttheusage.Sec-
ond,thenonnstrucmresaredifferentacmsscul-
mres,andeventhesamebehaviorhasdifTerent
meaningsindifferentcultures-oncethenorm
structureinaculmI℃isidentified, themeaning
ofbehaviorinthatculturealsobecomescleam
Nevertheless,thirdandmostimportant, itshould
beindicatedthatsuchanonnstrucmreandmean-
ingofbehaviorinaculmredonotexistassub-
stancesinaculmmlgroupinthemannerofstable
preferences.
Thesepoints emergedynamically in the
researchprocess, althoughwecanrecoglize
crystallized, staticfbrmsofthem.Researchers
canstudyaculmreonlyfromtheirownpeF
spective・ Studyingandunderstandingcultures
takesdialogicaleffbrtfbrbothparties,wherein
researcherA(whoisconcurl℃ntlyamemberof
culmreA)triestounderstandculmmlpractices
ofamemberofadimrentcultul℃B,andsimul-
taneouslyiaresearcherB(whoisconcurrentlya
memberofcultureB)continuouslytriestounderb
standculturalpracticesofamemberofadifYerent
culmI℃A. c℃ulmralpsychologyofdifferences''
aimsnottoextractsuchacrystallized..culmre''
assubstancebutmthertoshowthepossibilityof
understandingadilTbrentculmI℃withaprescrip-
tiontohandleandanalyzetheprocessbywhichit
isbeingcrystalizedand,throughthis,ultimately
toshowapracticalwayto..understanddiiTbrent
culmres.''
18.3.10utlineoftheProject
Inthisprqject, researchersfiomthefburEast
AsiancountriesofJapan,Korea,China,andViet-
namjointlyconductedresearchinvariouscom-
binationsontherelationshipbetweenmoneyand
childl℃nineachcountry.WhilecountriesinEast
Asia,whichhaveamixedhistoryofpeacefill
and/orantagonisticrelationships,havemanydifL
ferencesintheirlifestylesandcultures,research
on comparative smdies between East and
Westhasemphasizedtheirhomogeneity(e.g.,
HofStede,1991; Triandis,1995).Evenifa
fewsmdieshave indicated theirdiversityj it
merelyconcemed subculmres inwhatwas
considered a dichotomousworld (Kashima
etal.,1995;Kimetal.,1994). Itis,then,boththe-
oreticallyandpIacticallyimportanttounderstand
differentculmreswithinEastAsiancountries.
Threemainmethodswere used: first,
researchersvisited theother threecountries
fbrhomevisits,duringwhichtheyinterviewed
childrenandparents・Second,researchersvisited
theother threecountries todirectlyobserve
childrenshoppingatvariousplaces, suchas
candystores, stationeryshops,bookstores,and
supermarkets. Third, researchers handedout
aquestionnaireaboutpocketmoneytonfih-,
eighth-,andeleventh-gradesmdentsaswellasto
theirparentsinthefburcountries.Thequestion-
nairewasmadeupofquestionsregardingways
ofreceivingandusingpocketmoneyirightand
wrongjudgmentsandallowableleveljudgments
onuse,andparent-childandpeerrelationships
revolvingaroundmoneyb
Inthissection,wewilloutlinetheresultsof
thep呵ect.Wewillsummarizethethreemain
findings: lifeinaconsumersocietyi thestruc-
mreofparent-childrelationships,andthatof
peerrelationshipsfbrchildreninthefburcoun-
mesofJapan,Korea,China,andVietnam・The
diHerencesbetweenthefburcountriesarevisu-
alizedthroughthepracticeofculmralpsychol-
ogyofdiifel℃nces, inwhichtheresearchers
fi･omthefburcounmescontinuouslydiscussed
thesebasedonthedataandtentativelyreached
amumalunderstandingoftheirculmralmean-
ing.Thel℃fbre, theseal℃notstableentitiesbut
havebeendynamicallytakingontheirfbnns.The
mainresultsoftheprqjecthavealreadybeen
Ieportedelsewhere(Ohetal.,2012; 'Iakeoetal.,
2009;Yamamoto,&Takahashi,2007;Yamamoto
etal.,2012).'
 PossessionsandMoneybeyondMarketEconomy
18.3.ZChildrenELiveSina
ConsumerSociety
UndeniablyiourliveshavebecomemoreafHuent
andconvenientwiththedevelopmentofthecom-
modityeconomy;thechangesarealsoapparent
inchildI℃nballowances.Childrenparticipatein
theirsocial livesassingleconsumersandbuild
relationshipswithothers.
Thefbllowingisasimpli6edsummalyofchil-
drenblifestylesinthefburcountriesaspartof
consumersocieties.InJapan,childrentendtouse
theirmoneyentirelyfbrthefillfillmentoftheir
owndesires.Namelyjchildrenballowancesarein
principleseparatedfiFomtheirhouseholds;there-
fbre,theyhavetheirownplaceintheconsumer
societyi inwhichtheyneedtolearnhowtouse
themoneyandcontroltheirdesirefbrpossession.
Theirrightsarebasicallylimitedtotheirpersonal
activities,andchildIEnarenegativeaboutboF
rowingfiFomorlendingmoneytofiFiends・Sim-
ilartoJapanesechildren,childreninKoreause
themoneymainlyfbrfIm.HowevelBcontraryto
Japanesechildren, theyarepositiveaboutborr
rowingfinmor lendingmoneytofiFiends. In
addition, theinterchangeofmoneyisgenerally
moreactiveinKorea;childrenhavemorechances
toacquireand, therefbre,usemoneyL InChina,
whilethesimationhasbeengraduallychang-
ingduetothequickeconomicgrowth,childrenb
allowancesaremainlyregaldedasbeingwithin
thefiFameworkofthehousehold,whelechildrenb
fTeeuseofmoneytendstobesuppressed.Con-
sequentlyb therangeoftheirmoneyuseislim-
itedcomparedwithchildreninJapanandKorea;
howeveLitsteadilyextendswithage・Children
inChinaarenotparticularlynegativeaboutboF
rowingorlendingmoneyb lnViemam,childl℃、
havefewerchancestogetmonetaryallowances,
andtheamountofmoneyissmall.Moreovel;
childrenarenotpositiveaboutusingmoneyfbr
themselves.Viemamesechildrenseeminglyhave
asenseofunitywiththefamilyanddepend
341
ontheirparents inregard tohowtheyuse
themoneybecauseit isnotcompletelysepa-
ratedfiPomtheirhouseholds.Thechildrenbworld
aroundmoneyis limitedpredominantlywithin
theirfamilylives;theirpersonalactivitiesal℃not
veryimportanttothem・Thepresentstudyabout
childrenballowancesamongthesefburcountries
illustratesthediversityoftheirlivesinconsumer
societies.
Whilethedevelopmentofaconsumingecon-
omyrenectsthetypeofamuenceinacountryi
thedevelopmentindicatesthatourrelationswith
thingsconvergeintoasimplepicml℃,namely5
the relations aremediatedentirely through
moneyThismayimplythat l℃lationsbetween
peopleandthingshavebecomesigni6cantly
poorer(Hamada&It6,2010).Inexchangefbr
theamUenceandconvenienceofaconsuming
societyiwemayimpairthesymbioticfbelings
betweenparentsandchildren.Whilechildren
growprincipallywithintheirrelationshipswith
theirpar巳ntsandotheradults, theinvoIvement
ofparents and thehousehold inchildrenb
allowances inChinaandViemamparticularly
makesus l℃call theoriginofparent-children
symbiosis.
The cultulal diveIsity in the childrenb
lifestyles invoIvingallowances canbecom-
prehensivelyinterpretedonlybycharacterizing
themwithinbothparent-childrenrelationships
andchildrenbindividualityB Sinceconcluding
thesesurveys, theChineseeconomyhasgrown
mpidlyiandtheeconomyinVietnamhasshown
markeddevelopment.AswecanseefromthedifL
ferencesbetweenJapanandKorea,thesituations
inChinaandViemammustbedifferent廿om
thoseinJapanandKorea. Ingeneml,boththe
marketizationandgrowthofthemarketeconomy
stronglyaffect thelivesofchildI℃n;howeveI;
theseneverledtochangesintheirlifbstylesina
singlemanneltWithsuchhighdiversityiwemust
6ndawaytoportraythechildrenblifestylesin
detail.
342 TosHIYAYAMAMoToANDNoBoRuTAKAHAsHI
18.3.3ParenChildRelationships
MediatedbyAllowances
MostJapanesechildreninelementaryandjunior
highschoolsaregiven6xedallowancesat reg-
ularintervais.Thechildrenatthoseagesagree
thatparentsshouldkeeptheirpromisestotheir
childrenaboutallowances,whiletheydisagree
thatanallowancebelongstoparentsbecauseit
isprovidedbythem・ Japanesechildrensecure
theirterritor)Lsuchastheirownmoneyandtheir
desires,whiletheparentsrespect thechildren'S
territory
Incontrast inKorea, howmuchallowance
isprovidedandwhenaredeterminedthrough
dil℃ctconunumcationsbetweenparentsandchil-
dren.SuchcharacteristicrelationshipsinvoIving
allowancesarefbundtobeextendedoutsideof
thefamilyifbrexample,totheparents'brothers
andsistersandtofi･iendsoftheparentsandthe
children.TheresultsfinmtheKoreanchildren
illuminatetheirdistinctwayofcreatingtrust-
ingrelationshipswithothers,whichisdeveloped
throughdil℃ctcommunicationswithfamiliarpeF
sonsandthenexibleexchangeofmoneybasedon
these.
InChina,manychildrenhaveexperiencedthat
G｡pal℃ntsusethechildrenballowanceswithout
asking"fbrdailyfbod, groceries, andschool
expenses;however,theyfbel thatthiscannotbe
avoided,since"theallowancesdonotnecessar-
ilybelongtothechildlen.''AsChinesechildren
growolderi theydevelopthroughexperiencing
suchconHictswithparentswhileacceptingthem.
Throughtheprocessofacceptingdil℃ctdemands
fi･omtheirparents,ChinesechildI℃n,eventhough
theysometimesfbelfrustratedmaybuildtrusting
relationshipswiththeirparents.
Theresultsofthequestionnail℃showthatchil-
dreninVietnamarepositiveaboutpayingliv-
ingandeducationcosts,suchas@@thefamilyfbod
expense3and@ctheschoolexpenses including
thefbodservicefbes,'' fi℃mtheirallowances,
whereastheyaremostlynegativeaboutusing
allowancesfbrpersonalftm. lnaddition,theinterg
viewsurveyshowsthatVietnamesechildrenare
usuallynegativeaboutc.gettingtheirallowances
incompensationfbrtheirassistancewiththe
housework,''andmanychildrenthinkthatchil-
drenshouldhelparoundthehouseasmem-
bersofthefamilyb lt isseeminglynotsurpriS-
ingfbrViemamesechildrentoplacethefamilyb
demandsaheadofpersonalfim.Forthechildren,
@.thefilmilybdemandsandpersonalfim''maynot
bealternatives; theymaythinkthatworkingfbr
thefamilyleadstosatisfyingtheirdesires.The
circumstances invoIvingchildI℃nballowances
reilectthevalueofcGdoinggoodfbrthefamily''
inViemam.
Moneycirculatesthroughtheglobalmarket
economyandexchangeswithanythingasauni-
versal tool.However;whenmoneyisusedas
anallowancecirculatingfromparentstochil-
dren,thecirculationisveryindividualandvaries
dependingonspeci6crelationships.Although
relationshipsbetweenoneselfandothersinEast
Asiancountrieshavebeendescribedascollec-
tivistic, therelationshipsaremediatedbyvarb
iouscultural tools, includingallowances, and
showdiverseculturalcharacteristicsthatcannot
beexplainedbyculmraldichotomyb
18.3.4FriendshipandMoney
Withoutdoubt, itiscommoninallcountriesfbr
bothparentsandchildrentowishthatchildren
fbrmgoodrelationshipswithfriendsatschool;
filrthennore,childrenareexpectedtospendtheir
moneywiselyandnotwasteit.What, then, is
thebestwayfbrchildrentospendmoneywithin
theirrelationshipswithiifiends,andhowshould
childrenuse theirownmoneytofbnngood
航endships？Inthissection,weuncover髄end-
shipsmediatedthroughmoneyiwithaparticular
fbcusonchildren'Sfbelingsandactionsregarding
treats,billsplitting,andbormwingandlending
moneybetweenfriends.
Inthequestionnaires,weaskedchildrenques-
tionsabout treats, bill splitting, andborrow-
ingandlendingmoneybetweenfiFiends, such
 Pos5essionsandMoneybeyondMarketEconomy
as6℃hildrenshouldnottl℃atorgettreatedby
theirfi･iendrand.@Canyoulendmoneytoyour
fi･iendswithouthesitation, iftheyarestrapped
fbrmoney?'' Intheinterviewsurveys,weasked
them, fbrexample, 4.Whichdoyoumoreoften
do, treatingyour fiFiendsorsplittingthebill
withthem?'' G@Whendoyoutreatyourfiiends?''
and.4Whatdoyouthinkabout treatsandbill
splitting?''Wesummarizethecharacteristicsof
ffiendshipsmediatedthroughmoneyinthefbur
countriesasfbllows.
Japanesethinkbillsplittingisbetterthantreats
amongfiPiends・ ForKorcansandViemamese,
treatingfriendsiscommon; theythinksplitting
thebillwithfi･iendsatalltimesshouldbeavoided
fbrgoodfiFiendships. InChina,childrenbothtreat
figiendsandsplitthebillwithfiiends,depending
onthesituation. Importantlyandinterestinglyi
peoplebfeelingsandactionsinregardtotreating
andbillsplittingarediiTerentfbrJapan,Korea,
andVietnam・ Inaddition, fbrJapanese, ..tl℃at''
correspondsto6.money''withanegativeimage,
whileinKoreaandVietnam, @.billsplitting'' is
connectednegativelywith@@moneyi''althoughthe
underlyingpurposeof"fbnningagoodrela-
tionshipwith fi･iend3is thesame fbr these
counmes.
Wedefinearelationshipthatallowsfbrtreat-
ingorborrowingandlendingmoneybetween
fiiendsasareciprocal fiiendship,whilearela-
tionshipwheretreatingorborrowingandlend-
ingmoneyisrelativelyunfavorableisdefined
asaselflimitingfifiendship. Japaneseprefera
selfLlimitingwayofthinkingandaction,while
KoreansandVietnamesepreferal℃ciprocalwayh
Weaimnottoimposeourpersonalvaluejudg-
mentswhendefiningthel℃lationshipsasrecip-
rocal andselfLlimiting fi｡iendships. However,
withthenormativeviewineachcountrycon-
sidel巳d､he..selfLlimiting'' fi･iendshipcouldbe
l巳definednegativelyasa@@sel6shandisolating''
fifiendshiporpositivelyasanGGindependentand
selfI℃sponsible''friendship.Similarlyi 6@recipro-
cal''couldbercdefinednegativelyasa.Cdepen-
dentandselfirresponsible'' friendshiporposi-
343
tivelyasa"mumallysupportingandhannonioug'
ftiendship.
Onecouldexpect that thenonnativeview
about iriendshipandmoneywillberelatedto
growingconsumptionalongwiththedevelop-
mentoftheeconomyineachcountry.Thefbur
countriescanbearrangedindecreasingorder
ofGDPpercapitaas fbllows: Japan,Korea,
China,andViemam.However;contrarytoexpec-
tations, thisGDPdifferencedoesnotnecessare
ilydirectlyreHectfeelingsandnonnativeviews
about friendshipmediatedthroughmoney in
thesecountries. Instead,asthesectionon.･chil-
drenblivesinaconsumingsociety'' illustrates,
chil&℃n'Slivesintermsof.@individualism''and
.4relationshipswithothers,''orasthesectionon
G6parent-childrenrelationships''discusses them
竹omtheperspectiveofallowance, thenorma-
tiveviewaboutffiendshipisalsolikelytobe
detenninedinassociationwithparenトchildl℃n
relationshipsandthechildrenbpositions ina
society
18.4BeyondtheDualism
ofCollectiviSmversus
Individualism
Next,amongfindingsabouttheculmralnamIE
ofthemeaninggiventoallowances,wefbcuson
culmraldifferencesfbundingoodorbadjudg-
mentoftreating,refbrtothecollectivismversus
individualismargumentthatcross-culmralpsy-
chologyhasemphasized(e.g.,HofStede,1984;
Tdandis, 1995),andproposeournewdialectical
methodologytocompal℃culmresandl℃adout
culturalmeanings.
TheEastAsial巴gioncovel℃dbyourPocket
MoneyPrOjecthasbeenregardedasadhering
tocollectivism(e.g.,Triandis,1995,amongoth-
ers).The.@treating''oftheothersonwhichwe
fbcusinthischapterisnotamarketexchange
butratheragiiiexchangeinvolvingafbrmation
ofapersonalconnectionandanimportantactiv-
itywhichrepresentssocialcharacteristicsofthe
interpersonalrelationship. Ifthewayinwhich
344 TosHIYAYAMAMoToANDNoBoRuTAKAHAsHI
gifisareexchangedisregardedasinappmpriate
betweensubiects, iteasilyleadstoseriousprob-
lemswherebothpartiesnegativelyperceiveaper-
sonalconnectionorpersonalitybActuallyiitisone
ofthecultureshocksthatChineseandKorean
smdentsencounterinJapan,whel巳theyinterpret
theJapanesehabitofbillsplittingtoindicatea
"coolrelationship''(Oh,2016).
Basedon the theoretical viewpointofthe
collectivismversusindividualismaIgument,we
caninterpret C@treating''ascollectivistbehavior
thatemphasizesrelationshipsoverselfandbill
splittingas individualistbehaviorthatputsan
individualaheadofarelationship.HoweveLas
mentionedbefbre,positivitytoward..tl･eating''
cannotbeexplainedbythesimple"marketization
=individualism''schemewhenconsidedngmar-
ketizationlevelandGDPpercapita.
Meanwhile, inourresearch,thephenomenon
thatcanbeinterpretedasindividualismenhanced
throughmarketizationistheexpansionofoneb
personalreaimthroughthepurchaseofgoodsto
"createhisownworld,''suchasahobby(Pian,
2016).Moneyisthetoolthatallowsanindivid-
ual toacquiregoodsasheorshedesireswith-
outconsideringanother'Swill.Butwhentheindi-
vidualwantsto..deepentherelationshipwiththe
otherthroughtreating,''heorshecanalsouse
moneyfbr@.theworldwiththeother'' inacol-
lectivistmannel:
Infact,theincreaseindisposableincomealong
withmarketeconomypenetrationisusedfbr
treatinginKorea,but thesameisnot truein
Japan.Behindthis,completelyoppositelogicsof
culturalintemersonalrelationshipsareobserved:
treatingeachotheristovaluefriendshipinKorea,
whilebeingselfresponsiblewithoutputtinga
burdenonothersisvaluedfbrmaintaininggood
fifiendshipsinJapan(Oh,2016).Thisresultsnot
fi･omthediHerenceinmarketizationlevelbut
fromthedifYbrenceinthecultural logicofinteF
personalrelationships.
Herebythelimitsandpotentialofthecollec-
tivismversus individualismperspectivetoward
understandingcultureandhowmarketization
changespeopleandculturebecomevisible.Con-
cerningthefbnnel;thecollectivismversusindi-
vidualismaIgumentrelativizesetmocenmsm,a
psychologicaltheorybasedonthemodernWest-
ernperspectiveofhumanityiwithcollectivism,
whichisconsideredasanonmodemandnon-
Western(andrathermoreequal toanEastern)
principle, incross-culturalpsychologybBut,with
theriseoftheChineseeconomyb twoofthe
world'StopthreeGDPcountriesareinEastAsia,
andtheeconomicsizeofJapan,China,andKorea
exceedstheGDPoftheEuropeanUnion'Stop
tencountries(IME2015).Thus, inthedrasti-
callymultipolarizedpresentworld,analyzingcul-
mralconHictswiththeoriesofcollectivismand
individualismasakeyperspectivehasalready
becomedifficult.Thisisexactlywhatweobserve
inculmmldiffbrencesinG6treating''withinEast
Asia.
Everyhumansocietyhastheissueofrela-
tionshipadjustmentbetweentheindividualand
agroup,whereinconilictbetweenindividualism
andcollectivismuniversallyarisesineverycul-
ture.Thisiswhyacollectivismversusindivid-
ualismcomparisonispersuasive・Nevertheless,
thetheoreticalandpractical tasksthatweface
nowwouldbetodiscussGGinwhichaspectJapan
andKoreaal℃collectiveorindividualistic,''by
exploringtheirintemalstrucmres.Ibrtheamre-
mentionedreason, thesameissueariseswhen-
everanysocietyiscomparedtoanothem
Next, concerningthelastpointabove, it is
obviousthatamarketeconomysystembmgs
significantcultural transfbnnationtoasocietyb
Asoneaspect,thereisnodoubtthatituniversally
enhancestheindividualizationoftheeconomic
unitfi℃macommunityembeddedinavillageor
householdtoa@G〃b耐oeco"omic"soreconomic
man''basedonthefi･eeeconomicactivitiesof
individuals.Ontheotherhand,marketexchanges
areconductedfbrindividualstocreatetheirown
worldsofmeaninggiventhroughtheacquisi-
tionofgoods,wherebyhowtocreateaworldof
 Posse55ionsandMoneybeyondMarketEconomy
meaningsbecomesan issue:What isworth
acquiring？Howshouldanindividualcompetefbr
orsharewithotherssuchvaluablethings？How
shouldanindividualfbnnaselfandwhatkinds
ofhumanrelationshipsshouldbeconstructed？
Asrepeatedlydescribed,amarketeconomysys-
temisofienconsideredasaculturallyneutral
anduniversalsystem.But it isestablishedand
maintainedbyparticipants ineconomicactivi-
tieswhocreatetheirownworldsofmeaningand
involveothers・Peopleconstimteagroup,suchas
anenterprise,anation,oraI℃gionalcommunityi
andsteertheeconomywhilecarryingtheirhisto-
riesandmumallyadjustingtheirsensesofvalues.
Themarketeconomysystemandmoneyasits
toolareintegmteduniquelyintopeopleblivesin
theirrespectiveculmralworldsofmeaning,and
thusmarketizationcannotunifyculmresinthe
world.AsobservedinourPocketMoneyPInject,
thisisthereasonthatmarketexchangebehaviors
haveculturaldiHerencesandal己reproduced. In
suchacontext, theculturalconflictsseeninthe
presenteconomicactivitiesareconHictsbetween
worldsofmeaning.Culturalbarriersintheecon-
omyalsoariseasanextensionofthis.Thusthe
coreissueisnottointerpl℃ttheabstract iden-
tityofafbnnalsocialsystembuttounderstand
thespecificdiversityoftheworldsofmeaningin
whichpeoplelive.
18．5Conclusion
Humanbeingsareuniquebecausetheycreate
theirenvironmentsusingtools.Tbolsarenotjust
physicalomectsbutobjectsthatfimctionassigns.
Asignisculmral initsnature,andatool is
inevitablyaculturaltool.Bysharingthemeaning
ofasign,humanscreateanintersuhiectiveworld
ofmeaning,andinsuchaworldofmeaning,sub-
jectgsocialrolesarecreated・ Inasharedworld
ofmeaning,subjectsinteractanddevelopcertain
nonnstoaccommodatetheirconHicts.Societies
ofallkindsarecreatedinsuchamannerand
becomeintersubjective､2
345
Thesesocial interactionsarecreatedthrough
individual, specific interactionsbytheuseof
a tool,wherevariouspatternsofinteraction
emergedependingonsuhiects, theirenviron-
ments,andcombinationsofsubjectsandenvi-
ronments・HoweveIBthroughthisadjustmentpro-
cess,choicesaremadeonvariouspatterns,and
thechosenpatternsareelaboratedbypeopleand
becomesteadilysharedamongsomepeople.
Whenas呵ectwhousesthepattern(EMSl)
sharedbysomepeopleencounterspeoplewho
shareadifferentpattern(EMS2)withotherpeo-
ple, thesubjectmayiindthatthesubjectbown
pattemandthepattemoftheotherarerespec-
tivelyuniquetothegrouptowhicheachbelongs.
Inthiscontext,thesubject'SowngroupisdiffeF
entiatedfromthegroupoftheotherbandsuch
groupsemergeasculmralgroups.
MoneyisoneofthetoolsthatcI巳atestheeco-
nomic intersubjectiveinteractioncalledmarket
exchange,andit isaculmral tool.ThusinteF
actionthroughmoneyshowsculmmlproperties.
Theabstractpattemofmarketexchange, that
is, theexchangeofequivalencebetweenobjects
eachofwhichrepresentsanequivalentamountof
neutralexchangevalue, isuniversal,althoughits
practicalmeaningvaries.
Infact,wefindthatpocketmoneyhasdiverse
meaningsamongchildren inAsiancountries.
Suchdiversityinthemeaningofmoneycorre-
spondswithvariousI℃lationshipsbetWeenchil-
drenandparentsorfriends, andsuchcultural
meaningsofmoneycreateaculturallyunique
patternofinteractionorhumanrelationships.
Thesefindingscannotbeexplainedsimplyby
theconceptofmarketizationorthedichotomy
ofcollectivismversusindividllalism・MoreovelB
suchculturaldiffel℃nceofienleadstoserious
economicconilictsthatdonotdisappearthrough
aprocessofmarketizationorindividualism.Fbr
thatreason,toeaseconHictscreatedinthemarke-
tizationprocessandpromotemumalunderstand-
ingamongculturalgroups,weshouldexplore
adiifbl℃nt typeofstudyandtheoryonthe
346 TosHIYAYAMAMoToANDNoBoRuTAKAHAsHI
cultural natureofhumanbeings・ Thesocio-
culmral psychologythat this〃上J"dbookhelps
developtakesonenewdirectionintheoryand
research.Ourculmralpsychologyofdifferences
viewsculmredynamicallythroughdialogical
interactionsamongresearcherswhohavediffbF
entculmralbackgroundsandisoneoftheafbre-
mentionedeifbrtsinpsychologyb
Notes
IThissectionisasummaryofTakahashietal.(2016).
Respective6ndingsweretheresultoftheefrbrts
ofprqjectmembersfromfburcountriestoundeF
standmeaningsinamutualandI℃Hectivemanner
throughthepracticeofcultumlpsychologyofdifYbrb
ences･Thepartfbr｡6LivesinaConsumerSociety''
wassummarizedbyPian,thepartfbrG6Parcnt-Child
Relationship3wasbyThkeo,andthepartabout
｡$FriendshipandMoney''wasbyOh.Theauthordis-
cusseseachsectioncomprehensivelyinThkahashi
andYamamoto(fbrthcoming).
2Tbbeexact,weshoulddiffbrentiate intersubjec-
tivityat twodiffbrent levels.The6rst level is
composedoftwopartieswhosharetheirpresent
worldofmeaning.Thesecondlevelofintersub-
jectivityiscomposedofthreeparties,andsuch
atriadicconngumtiongivesacertainobjectivity
tothe6rst-level intersubjectivity.Thenonnative
mediatorinEMSisthethirdpartyandstabilizes
intemctionsbetweentwoparties・ThussuchaninteF
actionalsystememergesasakindofstablesubstan-
tialoWect.Theintersuhiectivitythatmaygenerate
social intemctionisthesecond-levelorcollective-
intersuljectiveone(Wmamoto,2015,2017,n.1).
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"""術",51,68-76.
 一一−1

THECAMBRIDGEHANDBOOKOF

SOCIOCULTURAL
PSYCHOLOGY
口 1

-少…

■ SECONDEDITION
４一二少
TheCambridge Handbookof
SocioculturaIP!
PSychology
SecondEdition

Editedby
AlbertoRosa
〔ﾉ"〃e"i"fMz"6"o"1α火M"(か〃

JaanValsiner
4aﾉ加噌[ﾉ""e廠峨De"卿α戒

CAMBRIDGE
鯵 UNIVERSITYPRESS
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 Contents

LiSrqが7浬"セs p"elx

Ｘ・幻
●■４各Ｑ■４
L"qf乃6ﾉes
Cb"〃坊""応

Editors'Introduction 1

SocioculturalPsychologyontheMove 3
ALBERTOROSAANDJAANVALSINER

PartITheoreticalandMethodologicaI Issues 11

1 TheHumanPSycheLiveSinSemiospheres 13
ALBERTOROSAANDJAANVALSINER

2 CulturalPsychologyastheScienceofSensemaking:A
Semiotic-culturalFrameworkforPsychology 35
SERGIOSALVATORE

3 KnowledgeandExperience: InterobjectivitMSubjectivitMandSocial
Relations 49
GORDONSAMMUT,MARTINW. BAUER9ANDSANDRAJOVCHELOVITCH

4 ''Mediationism'' inCognitiveandSocialTheory 63
ALANCOSTALL

5 SocioculturalPsychologyandlnterpersonalPsychoanalysis:The
SemioticSpaceintheConsultingRoom 78
PHILIPJ・ROSENBAUM

PartIIAction,Objects,Artifacts,andMeaning 101

6 SpiritedPsycheCreatesArtifacts:SemioticDynamicsofExperiencein
theShapingofObjects,AgencMandlntentionalWorlds 103
ALBERTOROSA

7MakingSocialObjects:TheTheoryofSocialRepresentation
OO
130
WOLFGANGWAGNER,KATRINKELLO,ANDANDURAMMER

8 BeyondtheDistinctionbetweenTbolandSign:ObjectsandArtifacts
inHumanActivity 148
REIJOMIETTINENANDSAMIPAAVOLA
 ■

Vl Contents

9TheSocioculturalStudyofCreativeAction 163
ｰ

VLADPETREGLAVEANU

10 5ymboliCResourcesandlmaginationintheDynamicsofLife 178
TANIAZITTOUN

PartIIITheAgentRisesaReflectiveSelf:Educationand
Development 205

11 Earlylnfancy-aMovingWorld:EmbodiedExperienceandthe
EmergenceofThinking 207
SILVIAESPANOL

120bjectPragmatics:CultureandCommunication-theBasesforEarly
CognitiveDevelopment 223
〃 F

CINTIARODRIGUEZ,MARISOLBASILIO,KARINACARDENAS,
ク ク∼

SILVIACAVALCANTE,ANAMORENO-NUNEZ,PEDROPALACIOS9
グ

ANDNOEMIYUSTE

13 DistinguishingTwoProcessesofSelf-reflection 245
ALEXGILLESPIE

14MakingMemory:MeaninginDevelopmentoftheAutobiographical
Self 260
KATHERINENELSON

15MappingDialogicPedagogy: InstrumentalandNon-instrumental
Education 274
EUGENEMATUSOV

16 DevelopmentandEducationasCrossingSocioculturalBoundaries 302
GIUSEPPINAMARSICO

PartIVInstitutionalArtifactsforValue 317

170wnershipandExchangeinChildren: ImplicationsforSocialand
MoralDevelopment 319
GUSTAVOFAIGENBAUM

18 PossessionsandMoneybeyondMarketEconomy 333
TOSHIYAYAMAMOTOANDNOBORUTAKAHASHI

PartVAestheticandReligiousExperiences 349

19 TheSoCioculturalConstitutionofAestheticTranscendence 351
MARKFREEMAN

20 SocioculturalScienceofReligionandNaturalBelief 366
JAMESCRESSWELL
 合e

Contents vii

21 PSycheandRe/igioFacetoFace:Religion,PsychologylandModern
SubjectivityintheMirror 380
げ

LUISMARTINEZGUERRERO

PartVIPracticesandArtifactsforlmaginingldentity 397

22 ImaginativeProcessesandtheMakingofCollectiveRealitiesin
NationalAllegories 399
LUCATATEO

23 National ldentitiesintheMakingandAIternativePathwaysof
HistoryEducation 424
MARIOCARRETERO,FLOORVANALPHEN,ANDCRISTIANPARELLADA

24ThePoliticsofRepresentingthePast:SymbolicSpacesofPositioning
andlrony 443
P

BRADYWAGONER, SARAHH・ AWAD,ANDIGNACIOBRESCODELUNA

25 BeyondHistoricalGuilt: IntergenerationalNarrativesofViolence
andReconciliation 458
GIOVANNALEONE

26 Psytizenship:SocioculturalMediationsintheHistoricalShapingofthe
WesternCitizen 479
夕

JORGECASTRO−TEJERINAANDJOSECARLOSLOREDO−NARCIANDI

PartVII ExperiencesMakethePerson 501

27 TheHumanExperience:ADialogicalAccountofSelfandFeelings
∼
503
JOAOSALGADOANDCARLACUNHA

28 KnowingOurselves:DancesofSocialGuidance, Imagination,and
DevelopmentbyOvercomingAmbivalence 518
SETHSURGAN,AURORAPFEFFERKORN,ANDEMILYABBEY

29 PersonalHistoryandHistoricalSelfhood:TheEmbodiedand
Pre-reflectiveDimension 538
ALLANKgSTERANDDITTEALEXANDRAWINTHER-LINDQVIST

30 TheDevelopmentofaPerson:Children'sExperienceofBeingand
BecomingwithintheCulturalLifeCourse 556
PERNILLEHVIIDANDJAKOBWAAGVILLADSEN

31 TheConstructionofthePersoninthelnterethnicSituation:Dialogues
withindigenousUniversityStudents
∼ 夕
575
DANILOSILVAGUIMARAESANDMARILIAANTUNESBENEDITO

32 Social ldentities,GenderiandSelf:CulturalCanalizationin
ImagerySocieties 597
l

ANAFLAVIADOAMARALMADUREIRA
 ■●O

V111 Contents

33 TheExperienceofAging:ViewsfromWithoutandWithin 615
DIETERFERRING

GeneralConclusion 631

34AnEpistemologicalCoda:SocioculturalPsychologyamong
theSciences 633
ALBERTOROSAANDJAANVALSINER

ﾉ"〔たx 652
 Figures

3.1 Psychologicalphenomenainthespacesbetweenthepersonal-collectiveandthe
６６６６
１２３４

private-publicdimensions. pqge53
Triadicfbnnalismsaccountingfbraction,semiosis,experience,andrealities. 117
Semioticstrucmreofthei"re""o"αﾉscheme. 119

4α"α"o":Semioticdevelopmentof加re""o"αﾉαc"o"andoh/eczs. 120

Fractalstrucmreofexperienceandbehavior:Developmentofqy"16oZsand
a堰z《胴e"心． l22
6.5 Substimtivesemiosesinthedynamicsofsocioculmralphenomenaandpersonal
expenences･ 125
7．1 Anantiqueandamodemwheelchaim 135
7．2 ChoirfiFomT6stamaal865. 140
8.l Statusofthegumdiseasede6nedinthecareplan. 156
9.1 DecoratedeggsatdiHerentstages. 166
9．2 ThenveAb廿ameworkofcreativity 167
10．1 Loopofimaginationinathree-dimensionalspace. 182
10.2 Semioticprism. 190
10.3 Astarelikemodel. 193
l2.l Triadicinteractionattwoandfburmonthsofage. 227
l2.2 Symbolicusesofobjects. 230
12.3 SelfE1℃gulationwithprivategesmresandprotocanonicaluses. 232
12．4 Numericalusesofobjects. 234
14．1 BoundsofexperientialspaceinanenvironmentaleventorencountelM 262
15.l Diverseandvastterlainofdialogicpedagogyb 277
16.l Intheelevator:regulationofsociocultuml, interpersonal,andinnerbolders. 304
16.2 .GSchoolborderscape.，， 310
l6.3 Theschoolborderzone. 310
16.4 Theborderzonewithinaschool. 311
16.5 Schoolentrancehallasasocialmemblane. 312
18．1 Expandedmediationalstructure(EMS). 334
21．1 Aneternalobsessiveloop.ThegenealogicalI℃lationshipbetweenreligionand
psychologyb 391
22.l Abstractionandreification. 403
22.2 泓e乃加"1phqがﾉｾ"'γ〃byPeterPaulRubens. 405
22.3 Changingcon6gurationsofdistinctionsandrelationships. 406
22.4 Cb"se9"e"cesqf"hl･byPeterPaulRubens. 409
22.5 "α/”α"aGe""α"iqbyFriedrichOverbeck. 409
22.6 FemalepersonificationsofFrance,Russia,andBritain. 410
X ListofFigures

22．7 Demonstrationagainstsame-sexmarriageinParis. 411

22．8 MapofSykes-PicotAgreement. 412

22.9 Theimaginedland. 413

22.10 Exoticathomeandhomenessintheexotic. 415

22.11 WorldWarlpropagandapostersadvocatingintervention. 416

22.12 Abstraction/reificationinGCumbrellarevolution.'' 418

22.13 SchoolchildrenrehearsalfbrtheEmpireGamesinNewSouthWales,1938. 420

23.1 MapofthelberianPeninsulaamund710.HistoricalmapadaptedfifomGarciade
Cortazar,,4r/nsdeHisioriα火EV7α加.Barcelona:Planeta,2005. 432
23.2 MapofthelberianPeninsulaaround721. 432

23.3 MapofthelberianPeninsulaaroundl212. 432

23.4 MapofthelberianPeninsulaaroundl491. 432

23.5 StudentdmwingofthelberianPeninsulaaround710.AdaptedfiFomLopez,
Carl℃tem&Rodriguez-Moneo(2015). 433
23.6 SmdentdrawingofthelberianPeninsulaaround721. 433
23.7 SmdentdrawingofthelberianPeninsulaaroundl212. 433
23.8 SmdentdrawingofthelberianPeninsulaaroundl491. 433
24.l Streetartonthepresidentialpalacewall inCairo,June,2013｡ 451

24.2 GovernmentposterinCairo,February2016. 452

27.l Thethreelayersofthehumanmind:first-,second-,andthird-person
perspectives. 511
27.2 Thetriadicstrucmreofadialogicalposition. 512
27.3 Adialogicalconceptionoffeelings. 513

28.l Theopennessofthesigntofilturemeaning. 519

32.l Socialidentitiesasboundaryphenomena:fiPomdifferencestoinequalities,fiFom
inequalitiestointolerance. 602
34.l Psyche:dynamicprocessesarising廿omaspimlofciI℃ularl℃actioncycles. 634
34.2 Epistemicoverlapsinthestudyofthedevelopmentaldynamicsofpsyche. 636
34.3 AIgument:asemioticsigncompilingvaluesarisingfinmactionandproducing
expenences･ 641
34.4 Fieldsofsense(andculmre)arisingfromexperienceandinfluencingbehaviorb 641
34.5 Crisscrossingboundariesofcultural,institutional,interpersonal,andsuhjective
6elds. 645
 Tables

8.1 BIM-relatedsoftwareusedinaFinnishconstructionprqjectm2011-2012. "fgel58

33.1 Overviewofcentralconcepts,models,andtheoriesonhumanaging. 619
Contributors

EMILYABBEYisaprofessorofpsychologyatRamapoCollegeofNewJerseyBUSA・Working
fi･omadevelopmentalorientationandaculmralperspective,sheiscuriousaboutambivalence,
thesemioticoIganizationofhumanlives,andtherelationshipbetweenpoetryandpsychologyb

sARAHH.AwADisaPhDfbllowattheCentrEfbrCulmralPsychologyiAalborgUniversityj
Denmark.ShereceivedherMScdegreeinsocialandculmralpsychologyfigomtheLondon
SchoolofEconomicsandPoliticalScience,UK,andherBAdegreeinmasscommunication
fi℃mtheAmericanUniversityinCairo,Egypt.Herresearchinterestsareintheinterrelations
betweenthe6eldsofculturalpsychologyicommunication,andsocialdevelopment.Shestud-
iestheprocessbywhichindividualsdevelopthroughtimesofliferupturesandsocialchange
usingsignstocreatealternativevisionsofsocialrealityLShelooksspecincallyatimagesin
theurbanspaceandtheiriniluenceonidentityicollectivememoryiandpowerl℃lationswithin
asociety.

MARIsoLBAsILIoisaresearchfellowattheFacultyofEducationoftheUniversityofCam-
bridge,UK,workingaspartoftheCentrefbrResearchonPlayinEducation,Development
andLearning(PEDAL).Herresearchinterestfbcusesontheinterplaybetweencommunica-
tion,selfLregulation,andplayinchildrenbdevelopment.

MARTINw.BAuERisaprofbssorofsocialpsychologyandresearchmethodologyattheLon-
donSchoolofEconomicsandPoliticalScience,UK・AfbmereditorofP"6"c(ﾉ"火ﾉ窓/α"ding
Q/.S℃je"ce,hecurrentlydirectstheMScSocial&PublicCommunicationprogmmandlecml℃s
1℃gularlyinBrazilandChina・Heinvestigatesscience,attimdes,andcommonsensethrough
theoryandindicatorconstructionusingcompamtivesurveys,mediamonitoring,andqualita-
tiveinquiries.

MARiLIAANTuNEsBENEDIToisconcludingherundeIgraduatestudiesatthelnstituteof
PsychologyattheUniversityofSaoPaulo,Brazil.Shedevelopedal℃searchp呵ectinthe
fieldofculturalpsychologyaboutAmerindianidentityintheurbancontext,whichinvoIved
interviewingAmerindianundeIgraduatesmdents.

IGNAcIoBREsc6DELuNAiscurrentlyworkingasanassociateprofessorattheCentre
fbrCulturalPsychologyjAalborgUniversityjDenmark.HereceivedhisPhDdegreefi℃mthe
AutonomousUniversityofMadrid,Spain,whereheworkedasanassociateprofbssoruntil
2014.Hisresearchinterestsrevolvearoundcollectivememoryandidentityitheteachingof
historyipositioningtheoryiandthenarrativemediationofremembering.

KARINAcARDENAs,PhD, isaqualiiiedearlyyearsteacheranddevelopmentalresearcheIx
SheisanassistantprofbssoratthePontificiaUniversidadCat61icadeChile,inVillarrica.Her
 ●●●

Contributors xiii

researchinterestsconcerntheearlydevelopmentofconnnunicationandpedagogical interac-
tionsusingmaterialohiectsineadychildhoodeducation.

MARIocARRETERo isaprofessoratAutonomaUniversityofMadrid, Spain, anda

researcherattheFacultadLatinoamericanadeCienciasSociales(FLACSO),Argentina.He
hascarriedoutextensiveI℃searchonhistoryeducation.

JoRGEcAsTRo-TEJERINAisaprofessorofthehistoryofpsychologyattheUniversidad
NacionaldeEducaci6naDistancia(UNED)inMadrid,Spain.Hisworkisorientedtowaldthe
studyoftherelationshipbetweenthehistoryofpsychologyandsocioculturaltopicssuchas
citizenship,professional identities,aesthetics,andculmraltheory.

siLvIAcAvALcANTE,PhUisaresearcherofdevelopmentalandeducationalps/hologyat
theDepartmentofCogntion,DevelopmentandEducationalPsychologyattheUniversityof
Barcelona,Spain.Herresearchinterestfbcusesonearlychildhooddevelopmentandeduca-
tion,especiallyonnumberdevelopmentinyoungchildren,廿omasocio-cognitiveapproach.

ALANcosTALLisaprofessoroftheoreticalpsychologyanddeputydirectoroftheCen-
trefbrSimatedActionandCommunicationattheUniversityofPOrtsmouth,UK.Hiswork
explorestheimplicationsofa@Gmumalistapproach''topsychologybAseriousengagementof
thisapproachwiththesocioculmral should(hehopes)beabletocounterthenuttinessof
postmodernism.

JAMEs(Jim)cREsswELLisaculturalpsychologistwhoisprimarilyinteI℃stedindialog-
icalityandhowitcanenrichourunderstandingofpsychologicalphenomena.Thisinterest
drawsontheaesthetictheoryoftheBakhtinCircleandhasledhimtodocommunityengaged
researchwithimmigrants.

cARLAcuNHA,PhD, iscurrentlyanassistantprofessorattheUniversitylnstimteofMaia
(ISMAI-InstimtoUniversitariodaMaia),POrtugal,whereshecoordinatestheMasterin
ClinicalandHealthPsychologyprogram.Hercurrentr巳searchinterestsarefbcusedonchange
processesinpsychotherapyiidentitytransfbnnation,andthedialogicalself

sILvIAEsPANoL,PhD,isaresearcherattheCONICET(NationalCouncilofScientificand
TbchnicalResearch),Argentina.Herareaofspecialtyisthesocio-cognitivedevelopmentin
earlyinfancybHerworkisontheborderbetweencognitivedevelopmentalpsychologyipsy-
chologyofmusic,andtheareaofhumanmovement.

GusTAvoFAIGENBAuMgraduatedfi.omtheUniversityofBuenosAirEs,Argentina,and
obtainedhisPhDinphilosophyattheNewSchoolUniversityiNewYbrk,USA.Heisapro-
fessorattheUniversidadAut6nomadeEntreRios,Argentina.Hisresearchfbcusesonsocial
development,socialcognition,ownership,andexchange.

DIETERFERRING,untilhisuntimelydeathinAugust2017,wasaprofessorofdevelopmental
psychologyandgeropsychologyattheUniversityofLuxembouIg.Hewasthedirectorof
thelntegrativeResearchUnitonSocialandlndividualDevelopment(INSIDE).Hismain
researchareasliewithinlifespandevelopmentandaging, fbcusingonpersonalandsocial
factorscontributingtoautonomyordependenceinoldage.
 ●

X1V ContributorS

MARKFREEMANisaprofbssorandchairoftheDepartmentofPsychologyandDistinguished
ProfessorofEthicsandSocietyattheCollegeoftheHolyCrossinWorcesteI;Massachusetts,
USA.Heisthewinnerofthe2010TheodoreR.SarbinAwardintheSocietyfbrTheoretical
andPhilosophicalPsychologyb

ALExGILLEsPIEisanassociateprofessorinsocialpsychologyattheLondonSchoolof
EconomicsandPoliticalScience,UK,andco-editoroftheん"〃αノルrr〃eTMeo':yqrSbcmノ
Be〃αvio"r・HisI℃searchfbcusesoncommunication,divergencesofperspective,misundeF
standings,andlistening.

vLADPETREGLAvEANuisanassociateprofessorandheadoftheDepartmentofPsy-
chologyandCounselingatWebsterUniversityGeneva,Switzerland,directoroftheWebster
CenterfbrCreativityandlnnovation(WCCI),andAssociateProfessorllattheCenterfbrthe
ScienceofLearningandTbchnology(SLATE),BergenUniversity,NorwayLHehaspublished
extensivelyintheculmmlpsychologyofcreativityb

DANILosILvAGuIMARAEsisaprofessoratthelnstimteofPsychologywithintheUni-
versityofS5oPaulo,Brazil.Hismainfbcusofresearchistheprocessofsymbolicelabo-
rationsoutoftensionalboundariesbetweenculturalalterities,psychology,andAmerindian
peoples.

PERNILLEHvIIDisanassociateprofessorattheDepartmentofPsychologyattheUniversity
ofCopenhagen,Denmark.Herresearchfbcusesondevelopmentalprocessesifomacultural
lifecourseperspective・Herempiricalfbcusisonchildrenblifeanddevelopmentininstitu-
tionalpracticesandonthedevelopmentofeducationalandmanagerialpracticesaimingat
caringfbrandeducatingchildren.

sANDRAJovcHELovITcHisaprofessorofsocialpsychologyattheLondonSchoolofEco-
nomicsandPoliticalScience,UK,whereshedirectstheMScprograminsocialandculmral
psychology.Herresear℃hfbcusesonthesocioculturalpsychologyofrepresentations,pub-
licspheres,andcommunitydevelopment・HerlatestreseaI℃hexamineshumandevelopment
underpovertyandurbansegregation, fbcusingontraiectoriesofselfandconnnunityinthe
favelasofRiodeJaneiro.

KATRINKELLoholdsanMAinhistoryandPhDinmediaandcommunications.Atthetime
ofwritingthechaptershewasal℃sea1℃heratthelnstimteofSocialStudies,Universityof
Tartu,Estonia.ShecurrentlyworksattheEstonianResearchCouncil.Sheisinterestedin
historyoflawaswellasinsocialmemoryihistorypolitics,andsocialrepresentationtheoryb

ALLANK｡sTERisapostdocfellowatAalborgUniversityiDenmark.HeholdsaPhDin
philosophyofpsychologyandisirainedasaclinicalspecialistinnarrativetherapybThemat-
icallyjhisresearchcentersontherelationbetweenselfhoodembodiment,andnarrativein
psychologicalprocessesasthesearesocioculturallyembedded.

GIovANNALEoNEisanassociateprofessorofsocialpsychologyatSapienzaUniversity
ofRome, ItalyiwheI℃sheteachessocialpsychology,communication,politicalpsychologyi
andcommunitypsychologyHermainresearchinterestsincludesocialandcollectiveaspects
ofautobiographicalmemoryiambivalenteffbctsofoveFhelpingasobservedinmulticultulal
 Contributors xv

classrooms,andrelationshipsbetweenchangesofhistoricalnarrativesonpastintelgroupvio-
lenceandreconciliation.

JosEcARLosLoREDo-NARcIANDI isaprofessoroftheDepartmentofPsicologiaBAsica
IattheUniversidadNacionaldeEducaci6naDistancia(NationalUniversityfbrOpenEduca-
tion)inMadrid,Spain.HecurrentlyteachesthehistoryofpsychologyandepistemologybHis
a1℃asofinterestarethehistoryofpsychology廿omagenealogicalpointofviewbconstructivist
traditionsinthesocialsciences,andtechnologiesofsubjectivity

ANAFLAvIADoAMARALMADuREIRAhasaPhDinpsychologyffomtheUniversidadede
Brasilia,Brazil.SheisaprofessorofpsychologyatCentroUniversitdriodeBrasilia,Brazil,
anddoesresearchinpsychologyandeducationwithaspeci6cinterestintherelationsbetween
socialidentities,diversity;andprQjudice.

GIusEPPINAMARsIcoisanassistantprofessorofdevelopmentandeducationalpsychol-
ogyattheUniversityofSalemo(Italy),apostdoctoralresearcherattheCentrefbrCulmral
PsychologyatAalborgUniversity(Denmark),andavisitingprofessoratthePhDprogramin
psychologyattheFederalUniversityofBahia(Brazil).

LuIsMARTiNEzGuERRERohasaPhDinpsychologyattheUniversidadAut6nomade
Madrid,Spain.HeisanassociateprofessorofmedicalanthropologyattheUniversidadAnto-
niodeNebrija,Spain.Hisinterestsincludetheculturalpsychologyofreligion,thehistoryof
emotions,thetechnologiesoftheself;andthegenealogyofmodernsuhjectivity

EuGENEMATusovisaprofessorintheSchoolofEducationattheUniversityofDelawal℃，
USA・Hismaininterestsareindialogicpedagogyandinstudyinghowtodesignsafelearning
environmentsfbrallsmdents.

REIJoMIETTINENisaprofessoremeritusofadulteducationattheIbcultyofEducational
SciencesoftheUniversityofHelsinki,Finland,andworksintheCenterfbrResearchon
ActivitybDevelopmentandLeaming(CRADLE).Hisresearchgroupsmdiesscienti6cwork,
networkcollaboration,producer-userinteraction,andlearningintechnologicalinnovations.

ANAMoRENo-N6NEzisanassistantprofessorofdevelopmentalpsychologyatUniversidad
deValladolid,Spain・Shel℃ceivedherPhDfromUniversidadAut6nomadeMadridandhas
workedasaresearchfellowattheSingaporeNationallnstimteofEducationatNanyangTbch-
nologicalUniversitybSingapore.Herresearchfbcusesonmicro-geneticanalysisoftheroleof
adultsasaguideinchildren'Sdevelopmentalprocessesandhowtheiractionsconmbuteto
childl℃noutcomesatanearlyage, inbothhomeandschoolsettings.

KATHERINENELsoNisDistinguishedProfbssorEmeritaofPsychologyattheGraduateCen-
teroftheCityUniversityofNewYbrk,USA.SheisafellowoftheAmericanPsychological
AssociationandtheAssociationfbrPsychologicalScience.Sheistherecipientofawardsfbr
adistinguishedresearchcareerffomtheAmericanPs/hologicalAssociationandtheSociety
fbrResearchinChildDevelopmentandshealsoreceivedtheSRCDBookAwardin2008.
Herresearchfbcusesonthedevelopmentoflanguage,memoryiandcognitionduringthelate
infancyandearlychildhoodyears.
 ●

XV1 Contributors

sAMI PAAvoLAisanassociateprofessorattheFacultyofEducationalSciencesattheUni-
versityofHelsinki,Finland,andisaHiliatedwiththeCenterfbrResearchonActivityjDevel-
opmentandLearning(CRADLE).Hisresearchfbcusesondigitizationofworkandoncollab-
orativeleamingandinquiry.

PEDRoPALAcIos,PhnisaprofbssorintheDepartmentofPsychologyattheUniversi-
dadAutOnomadeAguascalientes,Mexico.Hisresearchinterestisinsmdyingtheoriginand
developmentofsymbolsininfants.

CRISTIANPARELLADA isaleCtuI℃rattheFacultyofPsychologyoftheUniversityof
LaPlata,AIgentina,andresearcherattheFacultadLatinoamericanadeCienciasSociales
(FLACSO),Argentina.Hisresearchinterestsarerelatedtohistoryeducationandnational
identityiparticularlyinrelationtohowhistoricalmapsarerepresentedbybothstudentsand
textbooks.

AuRoRAPFEFFERKoRNisagraduatesmdentatFordhamUniversityinNewYbrk,USA.She
isaninterdisciplinarysocialhistorian,utilizingthesmdyofpsychologyandliteramleinher
work.Sheel1町ssmdyingmomentsofgreatsocialupheavalandchange,thoughspecializes
inmedievalEuropeanhistoryb

ANDuRAMMERisaresearcherandlecmrErofsociologyattheUniversityofTartu,Estonia.
Heisinterestedinthefbrmationofvalues,diiYilsionofnewideas,publicacceptanceofnew
technologies,trustinscience,andsocialrepresentationtheoryb

cINTIARoDRiGuEzisaprofessorofdevelopmentalpsychologyat theUniversidad
Aut6nomadeMadrid,Spain.SheworkedintheGenevaSchoolinthel980s,whereshedevel-
opedasemiotic-pragmaticapproachonobiectsincommunicativesituations.HerresearchaI℃a
isconcemedwithearlysocio-cognitivedevelopmentinnamralcontexts.

ALBERToRosAisaprofbssorofpsychologyattheUniversidadAut6nomadeMadrid,Spain,
wherehelecmresonthehistoryofpsychologyandculmralpsychologyHeisinterestedinthe
historyofpsychologyandthesemioticsofexperienceasmediatedbyculmralartifacts.

PHILIPJ.RosENBAuM,PhD,isaclinicalps/hologist,psychoanalyst,andthedirectorof
theCounselingandPsychologicalServices(CAPS)atHavermordCollegeinPennsylvania,
USA・Hisinterestsareinstudyingthecommonalitiesbetweencontemporaryinterpersonal
analyticplacticeandculturalpsychologye

JoAosALGADo,PhD,isanassistantprofessorattheUniversitylnstimteofMaia(ISMAI-
InstitutoUniversitariodaMaia),Portugal,andthedirectorofthePhDprograminclinical
psychology.Hisworkhasbeenmainlydevotedtotheoreticalandempiricalresearchonpsy-
chothempyandonthedialogicalperspective,rangingfinmleadingclinicaltrialstoqualitative
micro-analyticstudiesandtheolEticaldevelopment.

sERGIosALvAToREisaprofbssorofdynamicpsychologyattheDepartmentofHistoryi
SocietyandHumanitiesattheUniversityofSalento,ItalybHisscientificinterestsarethepsy-
chodynamicandsemiotictheorizationofmentalphenomenaandthemethodologyofanalysis
ofpsychologicalprocessesas6elddependentdynamics.Healsotakesaninterestintheory
 Contributors xvii

andtheanalysisofpsychologicalinterventioninclinical,scholastic,organizational,andsocial
6elds.

GoRDoNsAMMuTisaseniorlecturerinsocialpsychologyattheUniversityofMalta.Heis
interestedinthenegotiationandoutcomesofdiverseperspectives.Hisworkexploressocial
representationsofArabsandMuslimsinEuropeandsupportfbrdictatorshipanddemocracy
inLibya.

sETHsuRGANisaprofessorofpsychologyatWorcesterStateUniversity5Massachusetts,
USA,wher巳heenjoysbothrelievingstudentsoftheirconfilsionsabouthowpsychologycon-
structsknowledgeanddeepeningtheirconfilsionabouttheroleofculmreinpsychological
processes･

NoBoRuTAKAHAsHIisaprofessorofschooleducationatOsakaKyoikuUniversityjJapan.
Hisresearchinterestisliteracydevelopmentinculmralcontext.

LucATATEoisanassociateprofessorinepistemologyandthehistoryofculturalpsychology
attheCentrefbrCulmralPsychology,AalboIgUniversityjDenmark.Hisresearchinterestsare
inthestudyofimagmationashigherpsychologicalfimction,theepistemologyandhistoryof
psychologicalsciencesinordertorefiectonthefilml℃trendsofpsychologicalresearch,and
relatedmethodologicalissues.

JAANvALsINERiscurrentlyNielsBohrProfessorofCulmralPsychologyatAalborgUni-
versityjDenmark.Heisaculturalpsychologistwithaconsistentlydevelopmentalaxiomatic
basethatisbroughttotheanalysisofanypsychologicalorsocialphenomena.

FLooRvANALPHENisapostdoctoralresearcheratAutonomaUniversityiMadrid,Spain.
Shesmdieshistoricalnarrativesandsocial identitiesinaculturalpsychologicalveinwitha
particularinterestinadolescents,culmraldiversityiandhumanmobilityb
JAKoBwAAGvILLADsENisaPhDfellowattheCopenhagenCenterofCulmralLifeCourse
SmdiesattheDepartmentofPsychology5UniversityofCopenhagen,DenmaIk.Hismain
interestisinearlychildhooddevelopment ineducationalsettings, fbcusingonsuqectivity
andhowitemeIges,develops,andispreservedinthecultural lifecourseoftheindividual-
livedandsharedwithothers.

woLFGANGwAGNERisaprofessorofpsychologyattheUniversityofThrtu,Estonia,and
wasfbrmerlyatJohannesKeplerUniversityiLinz,Austria.Heisinterestedinthetheoryand
resea1℃hinsocietalpsychologyisocialandculturalknowledge,thepopularizationofscience,
inteIgrouprelationships,racism,andsocialrepresentationtheoryb

BRADYwAGoNERisProfessorofPsychologyatAalborgUniversityiDenmark,andanasso-
ciateeditorfbrthejournalsCHﾉ""で&Rqyc/ioﾉogyand彫αce&m柳α.HereceivedhisPhD
n℃mtheUniversityofCambridge,UK,wherehestartedhislineofresearchonsocialand
culmralpsychologyiremembering,socialchange,andthedevelopmentofdynamicmethod-
ologies・Hisrecentbooksinclude7We@"s"wc"veMi"d:Ba"ﾉe"§氏)'cho/Ey加Reco"-
s""c"o"(CambridgeUniversityPress,2017),7WeRK)ﾉcﾙoﾉQgyq/伽agj"α"o"(2017)and
 ■●■

XV111 Contributors

"""肋ookq/C脚"l"でα"dMと瓶ol:y(2017).HewasawardedtheEarlyCareerAwardb'the
AmericanPsychologicalAssociation(Division26).

DITTEALExANDRAwINTHER-LINDQvIsT,PhUisanassociateprofbssorofdevelopmen-
talpsychologyatAarhusUniversityiDenmark.Sheisinterestedinphenomenacentraltothe
developmentofchildrenandyoungpeoplefi･omapointofviewoflivedexperience.

TosHIYAYAMAMoToisadirectorattheDevelopmentalResearchSupportCenter;Shizuoka,
Japan.Hisresearchinterestistheontogenyofpossessioninasociohistoricalcontext.

NoEMiYusTE,PhD,isanassociateprofessorofdevelopmentalpsychologyatUNIRUni-
versity.Herresearch6eldcentersonpeerinteractionsand6rstsymbolicpmductionsinschool
contexts．

TANIAzITTouNisaprofessorattheInstimteofPsychologyandEducationattheUniversity
ofNeuchatelinSwitzerland.Sheisworkingonthedevelopmentofasocioculturalpsychology
ofthelifecoursewithaspecificfbcusonthedynamicsoftransition,imagination,andtherole
ofinstimtions.Hercurrentworkexaminesmobilelivesaswellasagingpersons.
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