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STRUCTURE FOR COORDINATION Part I

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State-of-the-Article Glot International, Volume 3, Issue 7, September 1998 3

this out to me). The data show that anaphoric epithets

STRUCTURE FOR COORDINATION can function as bound variables (14), but since they
obey Condition C, this is only possible if the QP in an
A-bar position, but not its trace in an A-position, c-

Part I commands the epithet at LF. Otherwise, (15) would be

grammatical:
(14)
John criticized every senatori in private while praising the
bastardi in public.

by Ljiljana Progovac (15)

*Billi expected that the bastardi would win.

The ungrammaticality of (16) below would follow

Capturing the structure of coordination has long posed a challenge for any theory of syntax. Given the systematic and
from some version of the Leftness Condition (see
pervasive nature of coordination cross-linguistically, it has become clear that the degree of success of any theory of
Chomsky 1973, Higginbotham 1980), as also pointed
language structure largely depends on how successful it is in integrating coordination. The recent years have seen a
out in Munn (1993):
significant progress: numerous sophisticated analyses of coordination have been advanced, and a wealth of new data
has been uncovered. The riddle of coordination is on the verge of being resolved. (16)
Part I of this paper introduces the representative data relevant for determining the structure for coordination *Hisi dog and everyi man went to mow a meadow.
(section 1), and provides a survey of the analyses of coordination that do not treat conjunctions as heads of This leaves us with no evidence for c-command
conjunction phrases (section 2). Part II, to appear in Glot International 3,8 (see box), provides a survey of those between conjuncts.
analyses of coordination that do treat conjunctions as heads of conjunction phrases (section 3), as well as the In addition, cross-linguistic data on binding and
extensive Bibliography. negative concord reinforce the conclusion that there
is no evidence that the first conjunct c-commands the
second (for more details and arguments, see Progov-
1. Representative Data c-commands the second: ac 1996, 1997, to appear a).
1.0. Introductory words A reflexive pronoun in the second conjunct
(8)
This section introduces the data generally Johni’s dog and hei/himi went for a walk. cannot be bound by the first conjunct. This is most
considered in developing a theory of coordination. It readily observed in languages with possessive reflex-
(9)
includes not only some well-known data concerning ives, as illustrated for Serbo-Croatian in (17), but is
*He/himi and Johni’s dog went for a walk.
coordination, such as asymmetries among conjuncts, also obvious in English (18), (see Collins 1988a,b and
but also some less-known data, such as repetition of However, the same effect is observed even across Munn 1993).
conjunctions in front of each conjunct, as well as sentences, where Principle C cannot be invoked,
some old data that have been reanalyzed and re- since structural relations such as c-command operate (17)
*Jovani i svojai z¦ ena su stigli.
thought, such as the (lack of) c-command effects only within sentence boundaries:
*John and self ’s wife are arrived
among conjuncts. In order to keep this paper finite in (10) *“John and self ’s wife have arrived”
size, the intricacies of Gapping, Right Node Raising, *Hei finally arrived. Johni’s dog went for a walk.
(18)
and VP-Ellipsis will not be discussed here in any
It must be then that some other, possibly pragmatic, *Either Johni or a picture of himselfi will suffice.
detail; the reader is referred to Johnson (1996).
principle is responsible for the ungrammaticality of Likewise, a negative word in the first conjunct
1.1. Asymmetry: Ross’ effects (10). This same principle, whatever it is, can then cannot license a negative polarity item any in the
Ross (1967) concluded that the second conjunct also account for the ungrammaticality of (9). second (19). (For conditions on polarity licensing and
forms a unit with the conjunction, but not the first Given the additional data below, it seems that negative concord, see e.g. Ladusaw 1980 and Zanutti-
conjunct, based on the following contrasts: we not only can, but must, attribute (9) to something ni 1991). In fact, one is required to use two negatives,
other than Principle C. If principle C were operative as in (20), where the use of two negatives does not
(1) between conjuncts, it would render (11) and (12)
John left, and he didn’t even say good-bye.
result in a dialectal/negative concord use. For (21)
below equally ungrammatical. (11), however, is and (22), in which c-command uncontroversially
(2) perfectly grammatical, while (12) is marginal and obtains, exactly the opposite is true: the negative
John left. And he didn’t even say good-bye. marked, at best. word licenses the polarity item in (21), and the use of
(3) (11) another negative word in (22) results in a dialectal/
*John left and. He didn’t even say good-bye. John and John’s wife are certainly invited. negative concord usage:
Collins (1988a,b) and Munn (1993) discuss the (12) (19)
following contrasts that illustrate that extraposition ?*John certainly likes John’s wife. *He chased nobody and/or any dogs.
is possible of the last conjunct and conjunction, but Another type of argument for c-command comes from (20)
not of the first conjunct and conjunction, which fact bound pronouns. The possibility of binding a pronoun He chased nobody and no dogs.
supports Ross’ conclusion: in (13) may look like an argument for c-command (21)
(4) between conjuncts. However, this can only be an Nobody chased any dogs.
John read a book yesterday, and the newspapers. argument that every c-commands his at LF, since (22)
(5) quantifiers are subject to the rule of Quantifier %Nobody chased no dogs.
*John read the newspapers yesterday, the book and. Raising (QR) (May 1977):
There may exist alternative explanations for each of
In addition, Zoerner (1995) points out that ‘etc(etera)’ (13) the effects discussed above. For negation, one can
is used to replace the last conjunct(s) and the con- Everyi man and hisi dog went to mow a meadow.
argue that the negative feature needs to raise out of
(Munn 1993)
junction, establishing the two as a constituent. the coordination phrase (see Zanuttini 1991 and
(6)
The proposal that the pronoun is c-commanded by QP Haegeman and Zanuttini 1991), but that such raising
I bought jam, bread, etc. at LF, rather than the trace of QP, is supported by the is blocked by CSC (Coordinate Structure Constraint),
data discussed in Hornstein and Weinberg (1990) which prohibits movement out of coordinated phras-
(7)
(thanks to Marc Authier and Lisa Reed for pointing es in general (see section 1.10). For binding, one can
*I bought jam, bread, and etc.

These data seem to stand on a firm ground, and have

been widely exploited in the GB literature as evi-
This is the first State-of-the-Article that appears in two installments (we thought it fit the subject matter).
dence for a hierarchical organization of the &P
Here is the full table of contents of both Part I and Part II of Ljiljana Progovac’s Structure for coordination.
(Conjunction Phrase), as will be seen below.

1.2. Is there c-command? Part I (this month) Part II (next month)

The literature that adopts a hierarchical ap-
proach to coordination assumes or argues that the 1. Representative data 3. Conjunction as a head
first conjunct in VO languages (including English) c- 1.0. Introductory words 3.0. Introductory words
commands the rest of coordination. Of course, this 1.1. Asymmetry: Ross’ effects 3.1. Conjunction Phrase (&P) with recursive comple-
would constitute the strongest possible argument for 1.2. Is there c-command ment
hierarchy. However, such a c-command relationship 1.3. Subcategorization 3.2. Conjunction Phrase (&P) with recursive specifi-
is not a necessary consequence of a hierarchical 1.4. Agreement er
organization of the coordination phrase, as will 1.5. Conjunction doubling 3.3. Conjuncts as adjuncts
become clear in the later discussion. 1.6. Chaotic Case 3.4. Conjunction: Head without a phrase
The question is, then, whether the first conjunct 1.7. Coordination of Likes Constraint
1.8. Conjunction adverbs 4. Concluding remarks
c-commands the rest of coordination or not. The
1.9. Coordinate Structure Constraint
answer seems to be ‘no,’ since the arguments for c-
command are at best ambivalent. The rest of the Appendix: “Economy of conjunction marking” and
2. Conjunction as non-head adjunction
section reviews these arguments.
2.0. Introductory words
Collins (1988a,b) and Munn (1993) attempt to 2.1. Multi-headedness
capture the contrasts below by invoking Principle C, The Coordination Bibliography
2.2. Multi-dimensional analyses
which is only possible if the first conjunct
State-of-the-Article
argue that the conjuncts do not satisfy the condition
on co-argumenthood and that this leads to ungram-
maticality (see e.g. Hellan (1988) and Reinhart and
Reuland (1993)). At the very least, then, one can say
that there is no evidence for c-command between
conjuncts. However, given that Principle C also does
not hold between conjuncts (see the contrast between
(11) and (12)), a stronger conclusion suggests itself:
conjuncts do not c-command each other. Thus, a
theory of coordination from which this conclusion
follows is to be preferred.
There is only an apparent tension between the
data that point to a hierarchy (section 1.1.) and the
data that point to the conclusion that there is no c-
command among conjuncts, as will be seen below.
1.3. Subcategorization
The question of subcategorization is relevant for
coordination in two different ways: (i) first, the
question arises whether or not all conjuncts have to
satisfy the subcategorization requirements of the
head by which they are governed; (ii) second, if a
coordination phrase dominates conjuncts, it is not
clear how such a phrase can satisfy the subcategori-
zation requirement of a head that selects an NP, for
example. Related to this question is also the question
of conjoinability of different categories. If a coordina-
tion phrase hosts an NP, a PP and/or an AP, as in
(23)/(24) below, what features will such a coordina-
tion phrase have?
(23)
Pat has become [a banker] and [very conservative].
(Sag et al. 1985)
(24)
Robin is [ugly], [a dolt] and [of no help]. (Zoerner 1995)
Different analyses offer different solutions to this
problem, as will be made clear in sections 2 and 3.
As far as the first question goes, the data sug-
gest that not all the phrases have to satisfy the
subcategorization requirements of the governing
head, as the following examples illustrate (see
Gazdar et al. 1985):
(25)
Pat was annoyed by [the children’s noise] and [that their
parents did nothing to stop it].
(26)
You can depend on [my assistant] and [that he will be on time].
(27)
*Pat was annoyed by [that their parents did nothing to stop the
noise] and [the children].
(28)
*You can depend on [that my assistant will be on time] and [his
intelligence].
(29)
*Pat was annoyed by that their parents did nothing to stop it.
(30)
*You can depend on that he will be on time.
The above contrasts seem to illustrate that only the
first conjunct has to satisfy the subcategorization
requirements of the preposition, while the second
conjunct can sometimes, under certain circumstanc-
es, get “a free ride.” All other things being equal, that
analysis of coordination is to be preferred from which
these data follow.
1.4. Agreement
The agreement considerations point to poten-
tially conflicting conclusions. On the one hand,
agreement is normally established in such a way
that both conjuncts are taken into account, as if
the structure were symmetrical (31). This is in
contrast to a clearly asymmetrical case, given in
(32):
(31)
A man and three children ?*is/are at the front door.
(32)
A man with three children is/*? are at the front door.
Similarly, in the contrast below, conjuncts in (33) are
interpreted as thematically parallel, as opposed to
the two NPs in (34), which are clearly hierarchically
arranged:
(33)
A mother and three children arrived late on purpose.
(34)
A mother with three children arrived late on purpose.
While in (34) the agentive intention “on purpose” is
ascribed only to ‘a mother,’ it is ascribed to both ‘a
Glot International, Volume 3, Issue 7, September 1998
mother’ and ‘children’ in (33), suggesting that what-
ever the hierarchical relation between ‘mother’ and
‘three children’ is in (34), it cannot be the same as the
one in (33).
This is not the whole story, however. In various
language, including English, singular agreement can
be selected even with conjunction phrases, under
certain circumstances. In the following examples
from English, the first conjunct alone is responsible
for the choice of agreement on the verb (see (35) and
(36)), which case is reminiscent of (34) above, and not
of (33):
(35)
There is /??are [a man and three children] at the front door.
(36)
There *is/are [three children and a man] at the front door.
Agreement with the first conjunct is only possible if
the subject &P is preceded by the verb. Camacho
(1997, 85) states that, if a language has alternative
word orders, agreement with one conjunct, or partial
agreement, will occur with non-canonical word order.
The same preverbal/postverbal asymmetries arise in
many other languages, as reported for Arabic, Irish,
Portuguese, and Russian (see McCloskey and Hale
1984, McCloskey 1986, 1989, van Oirsouw 1987,
Munn 1993, 1996, Benmamoun (1992), Aoun, Ben-
mamoun and Sportiche (1994), Babyonyshev 1996,
1997, etc.). The following Arabic examples illustrate
that first conjunct agreement is possible, but that it
only occurs in post-verbal positions:
(37)
el-walad we-l-banaat gataluu el-bisse
the-boy and-the-girls killed-3PL/MASC the-cat
“The boy and the girls killed the cat.”
(38)
el-banaat we-l-walad gataluu el-bisse
the-girls and-the-boy killed-3PL/MASC the-cat
(39)
gatal el-walad we-l-banaat el-bisse
killed-SG/MASC the-boy and-the-girls the-cat
(40)
gatalen el-banaat we-l-walad el-bisse
killed-PL/FEM the-girls and-the-boy the-cat
Some analyses of coordination, such as Munn (1993),
capitalize on this set of data to argue that the first
conjunct is what the &P adjoins to, but that the first
conjunct is not really the part of this &P (see section
3.3., Part II). While this analysis accommodates the
data with first conjunct agreement, it has to say
something special about plural agreement with two
singular conjuncts, as in (31), for example.
Babyonyshev (1997) offers an interesting analy-
sis of this variation, based on the agreement pattern
in Russian, where preverbal &P necessarily triggers
plural agreement, while postverbal subjects optional-
ly occur with agreement with the first conjunct only:
(41)
V komnatu vošli/vošla/*vošel/*vošlo molodaja z¦ enšc¦ina
into room entered-pl./sg.f/sg.m/sg.n young woman-f-nom
i malen’kij mal’c¦ ik.
and little boy-m-nom
‘Into the room entered a young woman and a small boy.’
(42)
Molodaja z¦ enšc¦ ina i malen’kij mal’c¦ ik
young woman-f-nom and little boy-m-nom
vošli/*vošla/*vošel/*vošlo v komnatu.
entered-pl./sg.f/sg.m/sg.n into room
She proposes an analysis which captures, straightfor-
wardly, the asymmetry between pre-verbal and post-
verbal agreement, based on the common assumption
that the subject has to check its features in TP. The
preverbal subject is overtly moved to TP for this
purpose. On the other hand, the postverbal subject
checks its features covertly (at LF). The features of the
postverbal subject, if it is a &P, either move as a whole,
resulting in plural agreement, or only the features of
the first conjunct move to TP, resulting in singular
agreement.
If Babyonyshev’s analysis is on the right track,
then it has the following two implications for the
structure of coordination: (i) the first conjunct is
hierarchically higher than the rest of &P; otherwise,
there would be no asymmetry with respect to which
conjunct can check its features in TP; (ii) first conjunct
agreement data can be captured even if the first
conjunct is the part of &P.
1.5. Conjunction Doubling
By Conjunction Doubling I will refer to the
repetition of the conjunction in front of all conjuncts,
4
including the first. (This differs from the process
found in English of repeating only the intermediate
conjunctions.) Conjunction Doubling is available in
French, Italian, Japanese, Serbo-Croatian (SC), and
other languages (see Payne 1985 for more languag-
es), but not in English:
(43) French (Kayne 1994):
Jean connait et Paul et Michel.
Jean knows and Paul and Michel
“Jean knows both Paul and Michel.”
(44) Italian:
Sono arrivati (e) Anna, (e) Roberto, e Laura.
are arrived and Anna and Roberto and Laura
“Anna (and) Roberto and Laura have arrived.”
(45) Serbo-Croatian:
(I) Marija, (i) Milan, i Petar studiraju lingvistiku.
and Mary and Milan and Peter study linguistics
“Mary (and) Milan and Peter are students of linguistics.”
(46) English:
*And Mary and Peter study linguistics.
As illustrated with comma placement for Serbo-
Croatian and Italian examples, phonological cues
(pauses) suggest that each conjunction forms a unit
with the immediately following conjunct in VO
languages. No other comma patterns are possible, as
given below:
(47) Serbo-Croatian:
*I, Marija i Milan i Petar studiraju lingvistiku.
(48) Italian:
*Sono arrivati e, Anna e Roberto e Laura.
Interestingly and importantly, head final languages,
such as Japanese, double their conjunctions to the
right, as illustrated below (see Kuno 1973, Kayne
1994, Zoerner 1995). This provides a powerful argu-
ment for treating conjunctions as heads (see section
3, Part II). This is so because conjunctions show the
same order with respect to conjuncts that (other)
heads show with respect to their complements.
(49) Japanese:
[Robin-to Kim-to Terry-to]-ga
[Robin-and Kim-and Terry-and-CASE
Since the Conjunction Doubling strategy is available
crosslinguistically, a theory of coordination that can
accommodate these data is to be preferred.
1.6. Chaotic Case
Recent accounts have started to make use of
unexpected Case assignment in coordination phras-
es, most notably Zoerner (1995) and Johannessen
(1998). It is well-known that coordination phrases in
English tolerate accusative Case assignment to
subjects, and nominative Case assignment to objects,
as illustrated below. The examples also show that a
mixture of nominative and accusative Cases is
possible in a single coordination phrase.
(50) Subjects:
Them and us are going to the game together.
(Stahlke 1984, 360, quoted in Johannessen 1998)
(51)
She and him will drive to the movies.
(Schwartz, B.D. 1985, 165, quoted in Johannessen 1998)
(52) Objects:
All debts are cleared between you and I.
(Shakespeare, Merchant of Venice, quoted in Johannessen 1998)
(53)
I really wanted my mother to live with my husband, Michael
and I.
(Evening Standard, 30 June 1992, 16, quoted in Johannessen
1998)
Johannessen (1998) offers data from 32 languages
demonstrating that the phenomenon is widespread
and systematic. For her, (50) would be the case of
EBC (Extraordinary Balanced Coordination), in
which both conjuncts receive unexpected Case; in
contrast, (51) would be a case of UC (Unbalanced
Coordination), in which only one conjunct receives
unexpected Case. She establishes the following
correlation (1998, 55):
(54) Johannessen’s Correlation
“There is a very strong correlation between, on the one hand,
the order of verb+object, and on the other, that of normal
conjunct+deviant conjunct (usually the same as that between
conjunction+deviant conjunct).”
Out of 12 OV languages (Amharic, Burushaski,
Eastern Mari, Hopi, Japanese, Latin, Qafar, Sidaa-
mu Afo, Swahili, Tamil, Turkic, Yagnobi), 11 have the
deviant UC conjunct in the first position (excluding
Yagnobi); out of 14 VO-languages, all have the
State-of-the-Article
deviant UC conjunct in the second position (Czech,
English, Fulfulde, Ga, Italian, Norwegian, Old
Hebrew, Old Irish, Old Norse, Palestinian Arabic,
Serbo-Croatian, Slovene, Tokelauan, Welsh). In her
sample, there are six languages whose word order is
mixed or unclear (Afrikaans, Dutch, Estonian,
German, Homeric Greek, Vedic), and which do not
conform to the correlation. Since English is a VO
language, it follows from (54) that the deviant con-
junct in Unbalanced Coordination will necessarily be
the second conjunct.
On the other hand, it follows from Zoerner’s
(1995) generalization in (55) that deviant Case in the
first conjunct is grammatical in English (56–57), as
long as all non-final conjuncts share it. (58) and (59)
are claimed by Zoerner to be ungrammatical because
non-final conjuncts do not share the same Case, as
required by (55):
(55) Zoerner’s Generalization
All non-final conjuncts must have identical Case.
(56)
?Him, her and I all left.
(57)
Robin saw he, she and me.
(58)
*He, her and Robin (all) left.
(59)
*Him, she and Robin (all) left.
The two analyses make different predictions. Johan-
nessen’s analysis would be falsified by grammaticali-
ty of examples like (56, 57, 59, as well as by 60–63
below), while their grammaticality would follow from
Zoerner’s analysis. In fact, since Zoerner draws a line
only between final and non-final conjuncts, he pre-
dicts grammaticality of any Case combination in two-
way conjunctions. On the other hand, Zoerner’s
analysis would be falsified by grammaticality of
examples like (58) and (63), while the grammaticality
of (58) would follow from Johannessen’s analysis. (I
report 60–63 below without a grammaticality judg-
ment.)
(60)
Him and I both left.
(61)
Robin saw he and me.
(62)
All debts are cleared between I and him.
(63)
I really wanted my mother to live with I, him, and Michael.
It may not be possible to determine a priori how the
data bend here. There are many factors that influence
native speaker judgments on these, including various
prescriptive rules. This may well be a case where
ultimately the theory will have to draw the line be-
tween grammaticality and acceptability. Not only can a
prescriptive rule render a grammatical construction
unacceptable, but it can also render an otherwise
ungrammatical construction acceptable. (By ‘grammat-
ical’ I mean generated by the rules of Grammar; by
‘acceptable’ I mean judged acceptable by native speak-
ers.)
One conclusion emerges, however: ‘deviant’ Case
occurs in coordination phrases cross-linguistically,
and is subject to regular cross-linguistic patterns.
1.7. Coordination of Likes Constraint (CLC)
On the basis of contrasts like (64) and (65),
Chomsky (1957) concluded that syntactically differ-
ent categories cannot be conjoined, which constraint
has been referred to as Coordination of Likes Con-
straint (CLC); see also Williams’ (1978) “Law of
Coordination of Likes:”
(64)
the scene [PP of the movie] and [PP of the play]
(65)
*the scene [PP of the movie] and [CP that I wrote]
Schachter (1977: 90) strengthens the formulation of
the principle to require semantic, as well as syntac-
tic, ‘likeness,’ as in (66). Schachter shows that just
purely semantic considerations do not suffice, since
there is a contrast between (67) and (68) below, even
though they involve coordination of semantically
equal functions.
(66)
“The constituents of a coordinate construction must belong to
the same syntactic category and have the same semantic
functions.”
Glot International, Volume 3, Issue 7, September 1998
(67)
Bobby is the man [who was defeated by Billie Jean] and [who
beat Margaret].
(68)
*Bobby is the man [defeated by Billie Jean] and [who beat
Margaret].
However, just as purely semantic formulations have
systematic counterexamples, so do purely syntactic
approaches, as well as Schachter’s formulation in
(66). The examples below involve successful coordi-
nation of syntactically unlike categories:
(69)
Pat has become a banker and very conservative.
(Sag et al. 1985)
(70)
Robin is ugly, a dolt and of no help. (Zoerner 1995)
(71)
Robin considers Kim completely evil, a total witch, and beyond
salvation. (Zoerner 1995)
(72)
[NP Robin’s help] and [CP that (s)he gave it so willingly]
delighted Kim. (Zoerner 1995)
(73)
Robin realized [CP that the sky was falling] and [NP the gravity
of the situation]. (Zoerner 1995)
As will be discussed below, a theory based on the idea
that conjunctions are heads in the X’-schema (section
3, Part II) does not have anything to say about CLC
— the principle simply does not seem to have any-
thing to do with the theory. Most of the proponents of
such theories deny the existence of CLC. The status
of CLC may be more relevant in those theories of
coordination that assume parallel structures, in
which coordination involves a merger of two trees
with identical structures (e.g. Goodall (1987), see
section 2.2.). For this approach, examples like (74)
below are still a problem (see Gazdar et al. 1985).
(74) could not have been generated by a merger of
two well-formed trees, given the ungrammaticality of
(75):
(74)
You can depend on [my assistant] and [that he will be on time].
(75)
*You can depend on that he will be on time.
The contrast above is equally problematic for an
attempt to make CLC follow from an analysis in which
conjuncts, rather than the conjunction(s), are (multi-
ple) heads of coordination (see section 2.1.).
While counterexamples do not necessarily falsify
a theory, it seems safe to conclude that counterexam-
ples do indeed falsify a generalization that does not
follow from a theory, which seems to be the case with
CLC. The contrasts discussed above may be a result
of the interaction of the structure of coordination and
another principle of grammar (see Appendix, Part II,
for an analysis that invokes an Economy principle:
Economy of Conjunction Marking).
1.8. Conjunction adverbs
Collins (1988a,b) argues that certain adverbs
are associated with conjunctions, and that they
modify the conjunction, as in the following exam-
ples:
(76)
John and maybe Mary went to the store.
(77)
Perhaps John, maybe Mary, and certainly Bill went to the
store.
He provides arguments that these adverbs neither
modify the corresonding NPs, nor can they derive
from sentential paraphrases of coordinated NPs. For
example, although (77) below is acceptable, (79) and
(80) are not:
(78)
The treasurer, the president, and perhaps the CEO will get
together tonight to hammer out an agreement.
(79)
??The treasurer and perhaps the president will get together
tonight...
(80)
*Perhaps the president will get together tonight...
If this is the correct analysis of the examples above,
then it has two consequences for the structure of
coordination: first, it provides an additional argu-
ment for the head status of coordination; second, it
requires that there be as many conjunctions as there
are conjuncts, in order to capture the fact that each
can be modified, as in (77).
5
1.9. Coordinate Structure Constraint (CSC)
Based on the data like (83–85), Ross (1967: 98–
99) formulates the constraint in (86). (83) illustrates
that extraction of a conjunct is unacceptable, while
(84) illustrates that extraction out of a conjunct is
unacceptable. Both contrast with the acceptable (85),
where extraction is not out of a coordination phrase.
(83)
*Which surgeon did Kim date t and a lawyer?
(84)
*Which surgeon did Kim date friends of t and a lawyer?
(85)
Which surgeon did Kim date (friends of)?
(86) Coordinate Structure Constraint (CSC)
“In a coordinate structure, no conjunct may be moved, nor may
any element contained in a conjunct be moved out of that
conjunct.”
Extraction out of conjuncts is allowed only if it
applies Across-the-Board (ATB), as in:
(87)
Which surgeon did Kim date friends of and enemies of?
On the other hand, Lakoff (1986) argued that CSC is
falsified by a range of data, and concluded that it
constitutes a wrong generalization (see also Gold-
smith 1985, Zoerner 1995).
(88)
How much can you drink t and still stay sober?
In defense of CSC, Postal (in press) argues that (88)
is not an instance of true coordination, but rather
that one of the conjuncts acts as an adjunct (see
section 3.3, Part II, for adjunction analyses of coordi-
nation). It is not the purpose of this paper to decide
whether or not CSC is real. If it is real, one would
expect that it follows from a more general principle,
which subsumes other islands, such as Subjects,
Complex NP’s, etc. (see Ross 1967). There are various
analyses of islandhood, but attempts to provide a
unified account (e.g. Chomsky 1986) are only partly
successful. While it is obvious that a successful
analysis of islandhood would shed light on the struc-
ture of islands, including coordination phrases, and
while it is also obvious that a successful analysis of
the structure for coordination will shed light on the
analysis of islandhood, this connection is not a trivial
one, and, as far as I can see, has not been established
yet.
Adjunction analyses of coordination (section 3.3,
Part II) have claimed advantage on this issue since
they reduce CSC to Adjunct islandhood. However,
this cannot be a significant advantage given that
there are islands other than adjuncts, and given that
the nature of adjunct islandhood is not completely
understood either.
2. Conjunction as non-head
2.0. Introductory words
Various analyses of coordination treat conjunc-
tion as a reflex/spell-out of a feature, rather than as
a head of a coordination phrase. One line of such
analyses treats conjuncts as heads of coordination
phrases, resulting in multi-headedness (section 2.1.),
while another argues that conjuncts appear at
parallel levels/tiers of representation, and that there
are no coordination phrases at the level of syntax
(section 2.2.).
2.1. Multi-headedness
Some early attempts to integrate conjunction
into the phrase structure resulted in the following
rules (Jackendoff 1977, Chomsky 1981):
(89)
NP → NP Conj NP
(90)
VP → VP Conj VP etc.
(91)
XP → XP Conj XP
Basically, the assumed structure is as in (92) below:
(92)
XP
XP and XP and XP
The consequences of this basic analysis of coordina-
tion, with conjuncts as heads, have been explored by
many, for example, Gazdar et al. 1985, Sag et al.
1985, Pullum and Zwicky 1986, Ingria 1990, and
Pollard and Sag 1994. This approach can capture, in
a rather straigthforward way, our intuitive feeling
State-of-the-Article
that coordination of two NPs is an NP, of two PPs is a
PP, etc. On the other hand, most of the data dis-
cussed in section 1. do not follow from this structure:
the structure predicts that conjuncts will each c-
command the other (contra section 1.2.); that there
will be no asymmetries of Ross’ type (contra section
1.1.); that there should be no Case variability (contra
section 1.6); etc. In addition, recent developments in
the theory of structure of phrases and sentences
point to the conclusion that structure involves binary
branching (see Kayne 1984, for example). If that is
true, then (92) cannot be the correct representation
of coordination. In addition to binary branching,
recent research has achieved yet another generaliza-
tion which radically simplifies the conceptual system
of language: that any phrase is headed by a single
head, and that every head projects a phrase. If this is
true, then, again, the structure in (92) is not a possi-
ble representation for coordination since in it, a
single phrase XP can be headed by any number of
XPs.
Lakoff and Peters (1969) have a different ver-
sion of multi-headed conjunction structure:
(93)
XP
XP XP XP
and XP and XP and XP
Their proposal assumes that each conjunct is accom-
panied by an instance of a conjunction. All conjuncts
in (93) enjoy basically equal syntactic status. The
strucuture is still multi-headed, and multi-branch-
ing, but it enjoys some advantages over (92). It
predicts the possibility of conjunction doubling (as
discussed in section 1.5.); it predicts that conjuncts
will not c-command each other, as per conclusion in
section 1.2.); it predicts that each conjunction can be
modified by an adverb (see example (77) in section
1.8.); it predicts asymmetries noticed by Ross (see
section 1.1.). In fact, the proposals by Collins
(1988a,b) and Progovac (1996,1997) are similar in
spirit, as will be discussed in section 3, Part II.
In addition, this approach assumes that one and
the same conjunction gets copied in a single coordi-
nation phrase, deriving (93) from (94) below. The
spirit of this analysis is adopted by Zoerner 1995
(section 3.1, Part II), who provides a syntactic mech-
anism for achieving the link between equivalents of
(93) and (94).
(94)
[and XP XP XP]
Any multi-headed analysis of coordination raises the
following question: since phrases inherit the features
of their heads, what features would a multi-headed
phrase inherit in case the conjuncts are not of the
same category, as in the examples below. The solu-
tion proposed in Gazdar et al. (1985), for example, is
that the feature(s) projected to the mother node
would constitute the intersection of the features of
the daughter nodes (Head Feature Constraint). The
major categories are represented using combinations
of the binary features N and V, based on Chomsky
1970.
(95)
Pat became [NP a Republican] and [AP quite conservative].
(Sag et al. 1985)
(96)
Robin is [AP ugly], [NP a dolt] and [PP of no help].
(Zoerner 1995)
(97)
Zoe is [NP a woman], [AP rich] and [PP in the lucky position of
owing a castle]. (Johannessen 1990)
However, it is often not obvious what these common
features are, the issue taken in Johannessen 1998. She
points out that NP, AP and PP have no categorial
features in common, given that NPs are analyzed as
[+N,–V], APs are [+N,+V], and PPs are [–N,–V]. Yet
they coordinate successfully in the above examples.
The problem cannot be just the lack of a good choice of
features. Note that N, P and A are the three out of four
major word level categories, excluding only V. It is
hard to imagine that there will be a categorial feature
unifying the three, while excluding the V. It seems
equally difficult to find a feature common to clauses
and NPs, which also coordinate successfully (from
Bayer 1996):
Glot International, Volume 3, Issue 7, September 1998
(98)
[CP That Himmler appointed Heydrich] and [NP the
implications thereof] frightened many observers.
(99)
Pat remembered [NP the appointment] and [CP that it was
important to be on time].
The reader is referred to Bayer (1996) for the reasons
against an ad hoc solution which proposes that
clauses as dominated by an NP in the above exam-
ples.
For examples like (96) and (97), Jacobson (1987)
proposes that the verb ‘be’ can be analyzed as select-
ing a category PRED, which, in turn, can be re-
written as AP, NP, PP. This solution is unsatisfactory
for two reasons: first, it conflates the distinction
between form and function; second, as pointed out in
Bayer (1996), the verb ‘become’ (as illustrated in (95))
will have to re-write the feature PRED in a different
way, since ‘become’ selects only a subset of categories
selected by ‘be.’
(100)
Robin regards Kim as completely evil, (?as) a total witch, and
(??as) beyond salvation.
(101)
Robin regards Zoe as a woman, as rich and (?*as) in the lucky
position of owing a castle.
The particle ‘as’ seems rather comfortable with NPs
and APs, but not with PPs. The piece of data illus-
trated above is not an argument against the exist-
ence of predication phrases, but seems to be a strong
argument against the CLC itself. Even when the
choice of coordinating likes is available, the grammar
prefers not to use it.
A multi-headed approach also does not have the
tools to deal with the examples of coordination of
unlike categories, where their order cannot be re-
versed (see section 1.7.).
Another consequence of the approaches sketched
above is that the conjunction itself remains an
element without a clear grammatical status: it is
neither a head, nor a phrase, nor a modifier.
2.2. Multidimensional analyses
Goodall (1987, 20) sees coordination as a union
of phrase markers, or as ‘pasting together,’ one on top
of the other, of two trees, with any identical nodes
merging together (see also Williams 1981, Goodall
1993). For him, coordinated structures exist at
parallel levels. Thus, the two sentences with identi-
cal VPs, given in (102) and (103), merge, as illustrat-
ed in (104). The conjunction is inserted between the
conjuncts during the PF process of linearization
(105).
(102)
Jane saw Bill.
(103)
Alice saw Bill.
(104)
Jane
saw Bill.
Alice
(105)
Jane and Alice saw Bill.
This basic analysis is also adopted in Moltmann
1992, Grootveld (1993), te Velde (1996, 1997), etc.
The strongest appeal of this approach is the elegance
with which it can capture Right Node Raising, as
illustrated in (106). The example (106) would derive
from (107), by pasting the relevant trees together:
(106)
John cooked, and Mary ate, the goulash.
(107)
John cooked
the goulash
Mary ate
This solution to Right Node Raising is clearly superi-
or to any approach that assumes a host of deletion
rules.
This analysis also fares well with the conclusion
that conjuncts do not c-command each other: they
essentially do not see each other, since they are at
different levels. In addition, the approach does not
predict that only like elements can coordinate, since
the union of phrase markers can presumably occur
as long as the conjoined material is in the same
position.
Unfortunately, a multi-dimensional approach
faces problems with respect to other data, in addition
to constituting a considerable enrichment of the
theoretical apparatus.
6
One problem for this approach is that, very
often, the order of the conjuncts is not reversible, as
illustrated in (108–111).
(108)
John read the book and quickly.
(109)
*John read quickly and the book.
(110)
You can depend on [my assistant] and [that he will be on time].
(111)
*You can depend on that he will be on time and his intelligence.
A multi-dimensional analysis also does not predict
any other asymmetries among conjuncts, which
however occur, such as variability in Case and
agreement assignment (sections 1.6. and 1.4.),
asymmetry in extraposition possibilities (sec-
tion 1.1.), etc. Moreover, as was pointed out for multi-
headed analyses, conjunctions are analyzed as
elements that do not exist at the syntactic level, but
are rather just phonological reflexes of tree-mergers.
In an analysis that involves tree-pasting, it is not at
all clear why such markers of tree pasting would be
necessary, let alone why they would show such
intricate patterns of distribution, as illustrated in the
rest of this section, as well as in the Appendix, Part
II.
As pointed out in section 1.8., Collins (1988a,b)
argues that conjunctions can be modified by adverbs.
This would not be possible if conjunctions were not
syntactically present. Next, as also pointed out by
Collins, even the conjunction ‘and’ has a clear seman-
tic contribution, identifying a causal/temporal rela-
tionship between conjuncts, as in:
(112)
Bill drank the poison and died.
(113)
?Bill died and drank the poison.
(114)
Bill died: he drank the poison.
The oddity of (113) is not shared by the conjunction-
less (114), which is perfectly acceptable. It must be,
then, that the source of temporal/causal information
in this case resides in the conjunction. This, of
course, can only be captured if the conjunction is
present at the syntactic and semantic levels of
representation.
Murder Mystery Correction
To our regret, the last few lines of Chapter 4 of Chris
Tappan’s Murder Mystery in Glot International 3, 5
were inadvertently omitted. We print the last few
paragraphs here. We apologize to Chris Tappan and to
our readers.
“Were those his exact words?” Paul asked her,
ignoring her last comment and before she could continue
her story.
“Something like that. ‘I think you don’t have
enough paper!’ ”
“And then what happened?”
“So I go in and I was shocked to see that Nartin
was angry as hell. I mean, I had not expected this
because Bill had made that comment jokingly, and when
I had been there earlier, the atmosphere had been fine,
they were sitting there like friends, no animosity. But
now, Nartin was fuming. ‘Did you hear what he said?!’
he asked me. I said, You mean that comment about the
paper? ‘Yes!’ he says. ‘I could kill him for it!’ he said. ‘I
could kill him for it,’ that were his exact words. I could
hardly believe what I heard. Especially from Nartin.
And I mean, it was only about the paper in the printer!”
“You said that they were talking about the reasons
why Nartin did not get the job when you were up there
earlier, right?”
“Right.”
“What did they say? What were they talking
about?”
“I don’t know, I wasn’t there for a long time, I
walked in, and walked out again, right away.”
“So you did not catch anything?”
“As far as I remember, Bill was telling Nartin what
all the members of the committee had said. But I really
did not pay very much attention.”
“Thanks a lot, Esperanza.” Paul said. “You have
been a great help.”
I think you don’t have enough paper, Paul thought.
They had to find Nartin. Right away.
Where was James?
State-of-the-Article Glot International, Volume 3, Issue 8, October 1998 3

(120)

STRUCTURE FOR COORDINATION *Tom ’n Mary and Jim

(121)

Part II *Tom and Mary ’n Jim

Another advantage of Zoerner’s idea is that it

provides tools for differentiating sub-group coordi-
nation, for which examples above would be gram-

by Ljiljana Progovac matical. Thus, actually, if one adopts Zoerner’s

structure in (117) for examples (118) or (119), then
one can reserve the structure in (116) for sub-
group coordination, where Mary and Jim are
considered a sub-group, which coordinates with
Tom. This would correspond to the fact that
In Part I, which appeared in Glot International 3–7, I introduced the representative data relevant for determining the different conjunctions are possible with subgroup
structure for coordination. Part I also provided a survey of the analyses of coordination that do not treat conjunctions coordination, since there are two distinct &Ps:
as heads of conjunction phrases. Part II provides a survey of those analyses of coordination that do treat conjunctions
as heads of conjunction phrases. Part II also contains the extensive Bibliography. (122)
Tom and [Mary and Jim]

3. Conjunction as a head For Zoerner, in multiple coordination, a single & (123)

3.0. Introductory words
The idea that conjunction is a head of a
phrase, typically the conjunction phrase (&P), has
been explicitly proposed or explored by many,
including: Thiersch 1985, Munn 1987a, 1987b,
1992, 1993, Collins 1988a,b, Kolb and Thiersch
1991, Woolford 1987, 1994, Kayne 1994, Johan-
nessen 1990, 1993a–c, 1996, 1998, Zoerner 1995,
Camacho 1997, etc. This analysis, of course,
became more readily available only with the
advent of the X’-theory, somewhere in the late
seventies. This basic analysis allows of various
specific implementations: conjuncts can be specifi-
ers and complements in a &P with recursive
complements (section 3.1); conjuncts can be speci-
fiers and complements in a &Ps with recursive
specifiers (3.2); conjuncts can be attached by
adjunction (section 3.3); conjunctions can be
treated as heads that do not project a &P (section
3.4.). The rest of this section provides a brief
survey of these analyses.
3.1. Conjunction Phrase (&P) with recursive
complement
I discuss in some detail two analyses of
coordination that argue that conjuncts are specifi-
ers and complements in &Ps, where the comple-
ment is recursive: Johannessen (1998) and
Zoerner (1995). These analyses are based on a
host of previous papers, including: Thiersch 1985,
Munn 1987a, 1987b, 1992, Kolb and Thiersch
1991, Johannessen 1990, 1993c, Grootveld 1992,
etc. Since the two analyses share many of the
consequences, I will discuss them in parallel.
Johannessen (1998) argues that the non-final
conjuncts are specifiers in a conjunction phrase,
and that the final conjunct is a complement. This
is illustrated in (115) for two-termed coordination,
and in (116) for three-termed coordination (note
that she uses CoP label for Coordination Phrase):
(115)
&P
projects more than one layer of &P structure, in
parallel to Larson’s (1988) VP shell proposal (this
analysis of coordination was mentioned, but
argued against, in Collins 1988a,b). Thus, only
one & is generated (as per Lakoff and Peters
1969), the last one, while other & positions in
multiple coordination are filled by the head move-
ment of the base-generated conjunction. The basic
representation for two-term coordination will be
the same as Johannessen’s, the one in (115) above.
Below is Zoerner’s analysis of three-term coordi-
nation:
(117)
&P
Tom &’
& &P
e Mary &’
& Jim
and
The movement of and to e is normally covert; if
overt, the emphatic examples like (118) below will
be generated (see Appendix for possible semantic
contribution of repeated conjunctions). The basic
advantage of Zoerner’s proposal is that it predicts
that one and the same form of the conjunction has
to surface between conjuncts of the same coordi-
nation phrase, as illustrated below for English
(Zoerner 1995 also offers comparable Japanese
data):
(118)
Tom and Mary and Jim
(119)
Tom ’n Mary ’n Jim
Tom and [Mary ’n Jim]
(124)
Tom ’n [Mary and Jim]
(125)
Tom and [Mary or Jim]
On the other hand, if (116) is the correct represen-
tation for a single coordination phrase, then it is
not clear how to represent sub-group coordination
in a distinct way (see also Kayne’s analysis in
section 3.3.). All other things being equal, it is
desirable to have this ambiguity follow directly
from the structural representation.
Johannessen/Zoerner type of structure seems
supported by the possibility to extrapose the
highest &’, providing evidence for its constituency
(see Zoerner 1995):
(126)
I saw Tom yesterday, and Mary and Jim.
This analysis also predicts that each higher
conjunct c-commands any lower conjuncts, which
prediction may be problematic for the proposal, if
the conclusion in section 1.2, Part I, is correct.
This analysis has little to say about conjunction
doubling, i.e. repetition of the conjunction in front
of every conjunct, including the first (section 1.5,
Part I). Johannessen (1998) claims that such
doubled conjunctions are adverbs, which claim, as
far as I can tell, will be hard to sustain.
Johannessen argues, to my mind convincing-
ly, that the features of &P are inherited not only
from its head, &, but also from its specifier,
through Spec/Head agreement. On the other
hand, Zoerner argues that features of all con-
juncts percolate to &P. Johannessen’s take on this
is theoretically superior: her proposal comes at no
cost since Spec/Head agreement is already widely
established as a mechanism for feature-sharing.
On the other hand, allowing features of both
complements and specifiers to percolate up to the

Tom &’

& Jim
This is Part II of Ljiljana Progovac’s State-of-the-Article Structure of coordination; Part I was published in
the previous issue of Glot International. Here is the full table of contents of both Part I and Part II:

and
Part I (last month) Part II (this month)
(116)
&P 1. Representative data 3. Conjunction as a head
1.0. Introductory words 3.0. Introductory words
Tom &’
1.1. Asymmetry: Ross’ effects 3.1. Conjunction Phrase (&P) with recursive
1.2. Is there c-command complement
1.3. Subcategorization 3.2. Conjunction Phrase (&P) with recursive
& &P2 1.4. Agreement specifier
1.5. Conjunction doubling 3.3. Conjuncts as adjuncts
Mary &2’ 1.6. Chaotic Case 3.4. Conjunction: Head without a phrase
1.7. Coordination of Likes Constraint
1.8. Conjunction adverbs 4. Concluding remarks
&2 Jim 1.9. Coordinate Structure Constraint
Appendix: “Economy of conjunction marking” and
and 2. Conjunction as non-head adjunction
2.0. Introductory words
Zoerner (1995) proposes a hierarchically similar 2.1. Multi-headedness A Coordination Bibliography
structure, although with an important difference. 2.2. Multi-dimensional analyses
State-of-the-Article
phrasal node is a mechanism with no precedent in
the theory. Johannessen’s proposal insures that a
&P whose first conjunct is an NP has the features
of an NP, as desired. The plural feature of the
conjunction will have to come from the conjunc-
tion itself. In addition, this analysis does not force
phrases of the same/similar type to coordinate.
The strongest argument for her approach is its
ability to capture the otherwise problematic
asymmetries discussed in section 1.7, Part I (see
Gazdar et al. 1985):
(127)
You can depend on [my assistant] and [that he will be on time].
(128)
*You can depend on [that he will be on time].
Since only the features of the first conjunct will be
shared by the &P, (127) is grammatical, and it is
possible for the other conjunct to take the form
that is not selected by the preposition. (128)
shows that that-clauses are not selected by the
preposition. On the other hand, it is harder for
Johannessen’s analysis to capture some gender
resolutions that occur crosslinguistically, where
both conjuncts are taken into account (see e.g.
Corbett 1991, Bayer 1996).
While Johannessen’s approach successfully
treats examples like (127) and (128), it faces the
opposite problem: how to exclude impossible cases
of coordination (see section 1.7, Part I). Obviously,
a separate principle would be needed, possibly an
Economy principle introduced in the Appendix. In
any event, an approach that overgenerates can be
salvaged by identifying an independent principle
at work, but an approach that rules out accepta-
ble examples is harder or impossible to salvage.
The X’-structure Johannessen and Zoerner
propose for coordination implies that the comple-
ment will precede the conjunction in verb-final
languages, as in (129).
(129)
&P
&’ Mary
Tom &
and
Both authors provide arguments that (129) is
correct, based on constituency tests which show
that indeed, in verb-final languages, the conjunc-
tion forms a unit with the preceding, rather than
with the following conjunct. In addition, as pointed
out in section 1.5, Part I, the conjunction doubling
strategy in OV languages will repeat the conjunc-
tion following the last conjunct, rather than preced-
ing the first, as expected under this analysis. Also,
the data that served as input for Johannessen’s
generalization repeated below strongly suggests
that a structural difference is involved:
(130) Johannessen’s Correlation
“There is a very strong correlation between, on the one hand,
the order of verb+object, and on the other, that of normal
conjunct+deviant conjunct (usually the same as that between
conjunction+deviant conjunct).”
These consistent differences between head-initial
and head-final languages provide the strongest
support for the idea that conjunctions are heads of
phrases: they follow the pattern of order and
constituency established for other (uncontrover-
sial) heads. One puzzle remains, however: the
tendency for the conjunction to appear between
conjuncts cross-linguistically, avoiding a peripher-
al position, which tendency is not attested with
the verb (cf. e.g. SOV/VSO languages).
As pointed out in section 1.6, Part I, Zoerner
and Johannessen make different predictions with
respect to deviant Case. Zoerner argues that the
conjunction assigns Case to its complement, the
final conjunct in VO languages, just like a prepo-
sition or a verb would. The particular Case to be
assigned will vary from language to language,
Glot International, Volume 3, Issue 8, October 1998
depending on whether the conjunction is endowed
for particular Case assignment by a higher head,
or whether default Case choice is available. On
the other hand, non-final conjuncts will receive
their Case by spec-head agreement with the
moved conjunction, which Case need not necessar-
ily coincide with the Case of the final conjunct.
Because all non-final conjuncts receive Case
through the same mechanism, they all have to
have the same Case. Thus, the prediction of
Zoerner’s analysis is that all non-final conjuncts
must have the same Case.
On the other hand, Johannessen argues for a
cut-off point between the initial conjunct versus
non-initial conjuncts in VO languages. From her
Spec-Head agreement analysis it follows that the
first conjunct will not receive the deviant Case
unless all other conjuncts do.
Going into the details of Case assignment
developed by the two analyses for multiple-term
coordination is beyond the scope of this paper, as
well as the resolution of the inconsistencies in
judging the data, as pointed out in section 1.6,
Part I. However, the facts that standard Case can
be suspended with coordination at all, and that one
can predict which conjuncts will be deviant based
on word order, provide strong support for a head-of-
coordination-phrase analysis of conjunctions.
3.2. Conjunction Phrase (&P) with recursive
specifier
Collins (1988a,b) offers the following struc-
ture for coordination, in which each conjunct is a
complement in its own &P.
(131)
&P
&’ &P2
& Tom &2’ &P3
&2 Mary &3’
(and) &3 Jim
and
As opposed to the structure proposed by Johan-
nessen or Zoerner discussed in the previous
section, the location of recursion in (131) is in the
specifier position. Another difference is that the
specifier is to the right of &’, rather than to the
left, as usually assumed for English. Yet another
difference concerns the number of &Ps projected
per conjunct. According to (131), there are as
many &Ps as there are conjuncts. This differs
from Johannessen 1998, according to whom the
number of &Ps is one fewer than the number of
conjuncts. While for Zoerner, the number of &P
projections is also one fewer than that of con-
juncts, Zoerner assumes that all these projections
are only layers of structure projected by a single
conjunction. Collins specifically argues that each
&P is headed by a distinct conjunction.
Collins does not explain why he wanted his
specifiers to be to the right in (131), but I can see
two reasons for this decision. First, this enables
him to analyze ‘too’ as a specifier of &P. The basic
distribution of ‘too’ is given below:
(132)
Tim, (and) Mary, and John, too, arrived on time.
(133)
*Too Tim, Mary, and John arrived on time.
(134)
*Tim, Mary, too, and John arrived on time.
The second reason is Collins’ conclusion that the
first conjunct m-commands the rest of the con-
juncts, as will be discussed below.
Apart from integrating the placement of ‘too,’
this analysis, better than any other, captures the
prosodic patterns. There is comma intonation after
each head-complement grouping, as evident from
4
(132) (see also intonation patterns for other lan-
guages discussed in section 1.5.). This intonation
pattern is not captured by Johannessen’s or Zoern-
er’s analyses in which the intermediate conjunct
does not form a constituent with the preceding
conjunction. Also, the example (126) is captured
even better in Collins’ approach, since extraposition
targets a maximal projection in his framework,
rather than X’ (this advantage is also there in
Munn’s and Kayne’s analyses, section 3.3).
The main reason why Collins proposes an
equal number of &Ps and conjunctions is his
analysis of examples like (135) and (136), repeat-
ed from section 1.8, Part I:
(135)
John and maybe Mary went to the store.
(136)
Perhaps John, maybe Mary, and certainly Bill went to the
store.
The basic argument is that one can have as many
conjunction adverbs as conjuncts. If, as Collins
argues, these adverbs modify conjunctions, rather
than conjuncts, then it must be that each conjunct
is preceded by a conjunction, overt or covert. This
analysis would also capture, rather elegantly, the
possibility to double conjunctions in front of the
first conjuncts, as in the Conjunction Doubling
strategy discussed in section 1.5, Part I.
However, the distribution of overt/covert con-
junctions raises a problem. It is not clear why the
ultimate head of the highest &P should always be
empty, at least in English, while the most embed-
ded conjunction should (always?) be overt (but see
Collins’ paper for comparing this situation to that of
complementizers surfacing in embedded, but not
main clauses). Johannessen’s analysis faces a
similar question. On the other hand, Zoerner’s
analysis captures this elegantly. On his account, the
last conjunction is the only one generated; the rest
are the movement copies thereof. As pointed out in
the previous section, Zoerner’s analysis also pro-
(too)
vides the tools for analyzing sub-group coordination
from single group coordination, while the analysis
in (131) does not.
It may be worth exploring an alternative to
(131), in which the (recursive) specifer will be to
the left, as in:
(137)
&P
&P2 &’
&P3 &2’ & Jim
&3’ &2 Mary and
&3 Tom (and)
This representation would capture the intonation
patterns in (132) rather straightforwardly, but will
not be able to handle Zoerner’s extrapositon exam-
ple in (126), since the intermediate conjunct here
does not form a constituent with the last (but see
Kayne 1994 for an analysis of extraposition which
may be more consistent with the representation in
(137) than the one in (131)). Since the ultimate
head of &P is &, (137) also easily captures the fact
that it is & that has to be overt, rather than &2 or
&3 (this latter point is also true of Kayne’s analysis,
see section 3.3.) On the other hand, the alternative
in (137) would not capture the placement of ‘too,’ as
(131) does rather ingeneously.
Both (131) and (137) capture the Conjunction
Doubling effects discussed in the previous sections.
However, the two analyses make different hierar-
chical predictions. While both predict that there is
no strict c-command among conjuncts, (137) pre-
dicts that the following conjunct m-commands the
preceding one(s), while (131) predicts that the
preceding conjunct m-commands the following ones.
While Collins argues that indeed the first conjunct
m-commands the second, but does not c-command
it, based on examples (8–9), section 1.2, Part I,
State-of-the-Article
establishes that such contrasts are handled in a
way that does not invoke either c-command or
m-command. This issue deserves further attention.
The lack of strict c-command among conjuncts is
predicted by both of these analyses; if the conclu-
sions of section 1.2. are correct, this remains their
important advantage.
However, as they stand now, neither of the
two analyses is able to invoke the Spec/Head
mechanism of feature sharing, which, to my mind,
is the strongest achievement of Johannessen’s
approach. Recall that Johannessen handles
subcategorization in a rather straightforward
fashion: the features of the first conjunct, the
specifier of &P, percolate up &P, by spec/head
agreement. Her analysis predicts, correctly, that
the first conjunct, but not necessarily the subse-
quent conjuncts, has to satisfy the subcategoriza-
tion features of the governing head (see examples
(127) and (128), section 3.1.).
Notice that it would not work to say that &P
can be specified for more neutral features, render-
ing it compatible with subcategorization require-
ments of various heads, and that then semantics
decides what can appear inside this &P. The
reason is that the reverse order of conjuncts in
examples like (127) is not possible:
(138)
*You can depend on [that my assistant will be on time] and [his
intelligence].
One way to keep Johannessen’s spec/head solution
would be to raise the first conjunct to the specifier
position in (137). Notice that this option is una-
vailable in (131). Even if moved, the first conjunct
would not c-command the following conjuncts, as
desired, but it would be able to share its features
with the top &P in the same way in which this is
achieved in Johannessen. However, this move-
ment would raise further questions, such as the
position of ‘both/either’ in English, as well as the
Conjunction Doubling strategy in other languag-
es. If the first conjunct is in Spec, then the expla-
nation for the Conjunction Doubling strategy is
lost. The position of ‘both/either’ is not directly a
problem for this approach, since their status is
controversial. Although Collins suggests that they
may be in the & position preceding the first
conjunct, many assume that they are quantifier-
like, and not conjunctions at all.
3.3. Conjuncts as adjuncts
The analyses discussed in this section share
with the previous analyses the assumption that
conjuncts head &Ps. They differ in that they treat
at least some conjuncts as adjuncts. Munn (1993)
proposes that the second conjunct right adjoins
(with its &P) to the first conjunct, while Kayne
(1994) argues that the first conjunct left adjoins to
the &P containing the second conjunct. In addi-
tion, Munn 1993 (for semantic representation)
and Progovac 1996, 1997 (for syntactic represen-
tation) advance an analysis according to which
every conjunct, in its &P, is adjoined to an ab-
stract phrase.
According to Munn (1993), the first conjunct
appears in the regular position in which a single-
term phrase would, while any subsequent con-
juncts are complements in the &Ps, adjoined to
the first conjunct (this analysis is mentioned but
argued against in Collins 1988a,b). (Note that
Munn uses the term BP, which stands for Boolean
Phrase, instead of &P).
(139)
NP
NP &P
Tom & NP
NP &P2
Mary &2 NP
and Jim
Glot International, Volume 3, Issue 8, October 1998
This analysis straightforwardly captures the fact
that a &P involving NPs behaves like an NP,
which fact must be somehow derived in the ap-
proaches in which both conjuncts are within &P.
This analysis also captures the extraposition facts
discussed in section 1.1. in a rather straightfor-
ward way, as successfully as Collins (section 3.2.).
Case inconsistencies support this approach only
part-way. Johannessen’s Unbalanced Coordina-
tion effects are predicted, since the deviant Case
will appear on the second conjunct, if only on one
of the conjuncts. On the other hand, Johanessen’s
Extraordinary Balanced Coordination effects,
where both conjuncts have deviant Case, are not
predicted at all. The proposal in (139) would
disallow the first conjunct to receive deviant Case
marking, since it appears in exactly the same
position in which a single-term NP would. Munn
(1993) captures first conjunct agreement data,
although at the expense of losing a straightfor-
ward explanation for regular agreement patterns
(see section 1.4, Part I). It follows from this analy-
sis that the first conjunct c-commands the follow-
ing ones, for which Munn argues, although the
additional data discussed in section 1.2, Part I,
point to the contrary. Munn also addresses the
issue of conjunction repetition, as discussed in
section 1.5, Part I. His proposal is that the con-
junction raises at LF to adjoin to the NP in (139),
and that this movement can happen overtly in
some languages. One empirical problem with this
conclusion is that it fails to capture prosodic
requirements of repeated conjunctions, pointed
out in section 1.5, Part I.
Kayne (1994) adopts the spirit of Munn’s
analysis, but with one important difference. Since
his Antisymmetry approach prohibits adjunction
to the right, Kayne assumes that initial conjuncts
are adjoined to the conjunction phrase, formed
with the conjunction and the final conjunct (140).
While in Munn’s analysis, the second conjuncts
are adjuncts to the first, in Kayne’s analysis the
first conjuncts are adjuncts to the &P containing
the last conjunct.
(140)
&P
NP &P
Tom & &P2
NP &P2
Mary &2 NP
and Jim
Kayne’s structure is hierarchically parallel to the
structure proposed in Johannessen, handling
most of the data in the similar fashion. One
difference is that extraposition facts are handled
in a more straightforward way by Kayne, since
the extraposed material is indeed a full phrase
(see also the comment on Collins’ and Munn’s
analyses in the previous sections).
There is yet another logical possibility for the
adjunction analysis of conjunction, i.e., to treat
each conjunct as a complement in a &P, where
each &P is attached to an abstract head, the
situation that resembles an appositive structure.
This was proposed in Munn (1993) as a semantic
representation for coordination and in Progovac
(1996,1997) for syntactic representation.
(141)
DP
DP &P
& Jim
DP &P
and
DP &P & Mary
(they) & Tom
5
The advantages of this structure are the follow-
ing: it captures the lack of c-command among the
conjuncts, as established in section 1.2, Part I; it
straightforwardly predicts the availability of
conjunction doubling strategies, as in section 1.5,
Part I; it renders all conjuncts equal in status, in
spite of the existence of hierarchy; it predicts
deviance in Case assignment to conjuncts, since
what receives Case directly is the (null) pronomi-
nal head. However, this approach faces the follow-
ing problems: it generates several &Ps, where the
presence of one is felt (contrast Zoerner’s analy-
sis); it predicts that the last two &Ps cannot
extrapose as a unit, contrary to the data present-
ed in section 3.1., which seem to indicate that
they do; while Extraordinary Balanced Coordina-
tion is not a problem for this approach, Unbal-
anced Coordination is: since the conjuncts here
enjoy the same status, asymmetries in Case-
assignment among conjuncts are not expected.
3.4. Conjunction: head without a phrase
Camacho (1997) proposes an analysis of
coordination which treats conjunctions as heads,
but not as heads of &Ps. In an attempt to capture,
at the same time, the status of a conjunction as a
head, and its lack of relevant features, he propos-
es the following analysis of coordinating subjects:
(142)
TP
Tom T’
T TP
and Mary T’
T VP
saw the movie
Like Zoerner’s (117), the structure in (142) as-
sumes that a head can project more than one
layer of structure. Unlike the approaches outlined
in sections 3.1–3.3, Camacho does not postulate
the existence of a &P, and allows conjunctions to
head (the second layer of) any predicational
projection. This approach seems to capture the bi-
sentential ring of examples with coordinated
subjects since it posits two TPs with two distinct
specifiers. The cameleon-like nature of a coordina-
tion phrase follows, too: there is no coordination
phrase to begin with.
One potential problem is that coordinated
elements are predicted not to form a constituent
in this representation (i.e. Tom and Mary in
(142)), as pointed out and addressed in Camacho.
The constituency effects, such as agreement,
binding, pronominal replacement, etc., therefore
must be captured in some other way, which puts
this analysis at an important disadvantage.
Another problem for this analysis is that the
conjunction turns out to be a head with exception-
al nature: first, it is a head which does not have a
corresponding phrase, and, second, it is a head
which can appear in the head position of any
(predicational) projection. The trend in the recent
research on coordination has been the opposite: to
advance a theory that will render conjunctions
unexceptional and comparable to other heads.
Camacho’s approach makes certain predic-
tions with respect to deviant Case assignment.
For example, both NPs in (142) are in a
Spec/Head relationship with T, although the
instantiations of T are different. It may be argued
that a conjunction in T is comparable to a non-
finite element occupying T, which cannot assign
nominative Case. This would predict that the first
conjunct can appear in some kind of default Case,
say either Accusative or Nominative. (Notice,
however, that this is in contradiction to Johannes-
sen’s generalization in (130), which asserts that
the second, rather than first, conjunct will be
deviant in Case). For the second conjunct, Cama-
cho’s analysis proves too strong: since the second
State-of-the-Article
conjunct is in the spec/head relationship with T, it
seems to have no choice but to appear in the
Nominative Case, although the Accusative seems
widely accepted in the second-conjunct subjects.
4. Concluding remarks
While the theories of coordination are many
and various, the weight of evidence seems to push
to the following general conclusions: (i) conjunc-
tions are (functional) heads that head Coordina-
tion Phrases (&Ps) cross-linguistically; (ii) the
first conjunct (in VO languages) stands structur-
ally apart from the rest of the &P, including the
conjunction and the rest of conjuncts, although
there is no clear evidence that the first conjunct c-
commands the rest of &P; (iii) the conjunction and
the non-initial conjuncts (in VO languages) form a
structural unit.
It is worth emphasizing that, as far as I can
see, all the theories of coordination have contrib-
uted to the advancement of knowledge in the
area. Even if they were not the ones to propose
any of the conclusions that will eventually sur-
vive, and even if they argued against such conclu-
sions, various analyses have provided invaluable
insights, hypotheses, and data without which
advancement would be impossible.
Appendix: ‘Economy of Conjunction
Marking’ and adjunction
In Progovac (in press; to appear b) I argue
that the effects of the CLC are created by an
Economy principle, which one can call ‘Economy
of Conjunction Marking.’ Roughly put, the princi-
ple prohibits the use of an overt conjunction
where the two phrases converge without such a
conjunction (unless an increase in the event
structure is available, as per discussion below). In
the following examples, (a) of each pair illustrates
an unacceptable instance of coordination; the (b)
example offers the reason: the conjunctionless
counterpart is available:
(i)
a. * John probably and unwillingly went to bed. (Gleitman
1965)
b. John probably went to bed unwillingly.
(ii)
a. ?* John ate with his mother and with good appetite.
(Gleitman 1965)
b. John ate with his mother, with good appetite.
(iii)
a. * the book [that I read] and [about the war].
b. the book that I read about the war
(iv)
a. * I sat [on the couch] and [with fever].
b. I sat on the couch with fever.
On the other hand, examples of acceptable coordi-
nation in (a) below do not normally have accepta-
ble counterparts without coordination (on the
relevant reading), whether they are ‘alike’ or not,
as given in (b):
(v)
a. the scene [PP of the movie] and [PP of the play]
b. * the scene [PP of the movie] [PP of the play]
(vi)
a. Bobby is the man [CP who was defeated by Billie Jean]
and [CP who beat Margaret].
b. * Bobby is the man [CP who was defeated by Billie Jean]
[CP who beat Margaret].
(vii)
a. Pat has become [NP a banker] and [AP very conservative].
b. * Pat has become [NP a banker] [AP very conservative].
(viii)
a. Pat was annoyed by [NP the children’s noise] and [CP that
their parents did nothing to stop it.
b. * Pat was annoyed by [NP the children’s noise] [CP that their
parents did nothing to stop it].
The advantage of adopting this principle is that it
captures not only the effects ascribed to CLC, but
also its counterexamples (see (vii) and (viii)). The
principle is also independently motivated and has
a wider coverage than CLC; for example, it cap-
tures the use of repeated conjunctions for a single
coordination, as in (x) below.
Glot International, Volume 3, Issue 8, October 1998
(ix)
John, Mary and Peter brought a bottle of wine.
(x)
John, and Mary, and Peter brought a bottle of wine.
The contrast between (ix) and (x) indicates that
the use of an extra conjunction affects the inter-
pretation in that it enforces the reading of three
separate events of wine-bringing (see discussion
below). (I am using ‘event’ here as a cover term for
both states and events.)
Consider now the data in (xi–xiii). The con-
structions differ with respect to whether or not
they require the overt use of ‘and’ for coordination
purposes. Some coordinations can be conjunction-
less (paratactic/asyndetic), such as (xii–a); others
cannot, such as (xi–a) and (xiii–a). However, the
data below are subject to a clear pattern, formu-
lated in (xiv) as ‘Economy of Conjunction Mark-
ing.’ The basic claim of the principle is that every
(overt) conjunction marker is costly in that it
necessarily increases the complexity of the event
structure.
(xi)
a. * Mary, Peter will bring a bottle of wine.
b. Mary and Peter will bring a bottle of wine.
c. Both Mary and Peter will bring a bottle of wine.
(xii)
a. [S Mary fulfilled her obligation]; [S she brought a bottle of
wine].
b. [S Mary fulfilled her obligation] and [S she brought a
bottle of wine].
c. * Both [S Mary fulfilled her obligation] and [S she brought
a bottle of wine].
(xiii)
a. * Mary [VP fulfilled her obligation]; [VP brought a bottle of
wine].
b. Mary [VP fulfilled her obligation] and [VP brought a bottle
of wine].
c. Mary both [VP fulfilled her obligation] and [VP brought a
bottle of wine].
(xiv) Economy of Conjunction Marking
An extra (overt) conjunction marker signals an increase in the
complexity of the event structure, according to the following
formula:
Zero-coordination = one participant (one event necessarily):
(a) examples
1-coordination = two participants (one or two events):
(b) examples
2-coordination = two participants/two events: (c) examples
(The number of participants above refers to the number of
conjuncts that are separate participants in the event(s).)
For example, (xii) involves coordination of clauses.
The use of an overt conjunction in (xii–b) increas-
es the complexity of the event structure: while
(xii–a) implies one event (bringing wine), which
(same) event is also described as fulfilling an
obligation, (xii–b) is unspecified/ambiguous be-
tween implying one event (as in (xii–a)) or two
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