Abdi Abdullahi Alin Thesis Complete

Accord University
Knowledge & Vision
Post Conflict National reconciliation in Mogadishu-Somalia.
This dissertation is submitted as partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the award of the master of Peace and Conflict Resolutions from
Accord University-Somalia.
Department of Peace and Conflict Resolutions
Supervisor:
DR. Christian Romeo Njia

______________________________________
Submitted By:
ABDI ABDULLAHI ALIN
_____________________________
MOGADISHU – SOMALIA
March 2023
I
Declaration
This thesis is my original work and has not been presented for a degree or
Any other academic award in any university or institution of learning
ABDI ABDULLAHI ALIN
SIGNATURE ------------------------------------
II
Approval
This is to certify that this research dissertation of Abdi Abdullahi Alin entitled “Post Conflict
National reconciliation in Mogadishu-Somalia” has been done under my supervision as
an accord university supervisor.
Prof. Dr Christian Romeo NJIA

_____
Date 26 / 02 / 2023
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DEDICATION
I have the honor to sincerely dedicate this work to my beloved parents for all their care, support,
and encouragement throughout the entire process of my academic career.
I also have the honor to dedicate to my dear brothers and sisters and also my dear friends for
their entire efforts and supports during this study.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
All praise is due to the al mighty Allah, who gave me energy and chance to accomplish this work
successfully. Next, I would also like to thank my brothers and sisters who were very helpful and
understanding in many of my situation. Their support and encouragement helped me a lot in
completing this project successfully.
Secondly, I wish to begin by thanking my supervisor, DR. Christian Romeo, thank you for your
wisdom, understanding, and compassion that you have imparted to me and my ideas. I have been
blessed to have such a brilliant mentor to help me navigate the dissertation process. You have
offered guidance, support, and unwavering patience throughout this process.
Thirdly, I would like to thank my family for supporting me emotionally and financially for their
love, support, and constant encouragement, which gave me a great deal of strength and
determination and helped me during the time of writing this thesis. The researcher extends their
gratitude to the respondents who generously contribute their ideas by honestly. I would like to
grant my deep sense of gratitude to everyone, who contributed to my project development
process through encouragement, technical support and much more cooperation and for being
helpful to the finishing of this project.
Finally, I wish to express my special appreciation to my lecturers of Accord University and my

classmates of Master of Peace and conflict resolution.
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ABSTRACT
This study will investigate the post conflict national reconciliation in Mogadishu-Somalia. The
objectives of the study is to investigate the post conflict National reconciliation initiatives in
Mogadishu Somalia, by the kind Approaches of national reconciliation used in Somalia, The role
of the international community and neighbouring countries in the approaches of national
reconciliation as well as, civil society actor’s involvement in the national reconciliation initiative
process.
The study used correlation survey design; the target population of the study was 100 respondents
and sample size of 80 respondents. The researchers used Slovenes formula and also the study
used questionnaire as research instrument and data analysis procedure with (graphs or statistics).
Also frequencies analysis was made by using statistical package for social science (SPSS)
version 16.0 to present the data analysis.
Recommendations, the researcher of this study recommends bottom-up reconciliation approach

should be emphasized, as well as civil society should have decision making role in the national
reconciliation processes across the country.
VI
Contents
CHAPTER ONE ........................................................................................................................... 1
1.0 Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 1
1.1 Background .......................................................................................................................... 1
1.2 Problem statement ............................................................................................................... 2
1.3 General Objectives .............................................................................................................. 3
1.3.1 Specific Objectives .......................................................................................................... 3
1.4 Research Questions.............................................................................................................. 4
1.5 Significance of the Study ..................................................................................................... 4
1.6 Scope of the Study................................................................................................................ 4
1.7 Definition of Key Terms ...................................................................................................... 4
1.8 Conceptual framework of the study................................................................................... 5
CHAPTER TWO .......................................................................................................................... 6
2. LITERATURE REVIEW ..................................................................................................... 6
2.1 Overview of general concept of reconciliation literature review .................................... 6
2.2 Previous national reconciliations in Somalia since 1991- 2007........................................ 7
2.3 Civil society roles in Previous national reconciliations .................................................. 11
2.4 Current national and state leaders’ prospects of reconciliation ................................... 15
2.5 Civil society current role in national efforts participation in the existing government
................................................................................................................................................... 16
CHAPTER THREE .................................................................................................................... 18
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ........................................................................................... 18
3.1 Research Design ................................................................................................................. 18
3.2 Population of the study...................................................................................................... 19
3.3. Area study ......................................................................................................................... 19
3.4 Sample size determination ................................................................................................ 19
3.5 Sampling procedure .......................................................................................................... 20
3.6 Data collection instrument ................................................................................................ 20
3.7 Data collection procedure ................................................................................................. 20
3.8 Data analysis procedure .................................................................................................... 20
3.9 Quality control ................................................................................................................... 21
3.9.1. Validity of research instrument .................................................................................. 21
3.9.2. Reliability of research instrument .............................................................................. 21
3.10 Ethical consideration ....................................................................................................... 21
CHAPTER FOUR ....................................................................................................................... 21
VII
DATA PRESENTATION, INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS .................................. 21
CHAPTER FIVE ........................................................................................................................ 62
FINDINGS, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ............................................. 62
5.1 FINDINGS OF THE STUDY ........................................................................................... 62
5.2 CONCLUSION .................................................................................................................. 64
5.3: RECOMMENDATIONS ................................................................................................ 65
Reference: .................................................................................................................................... 66
APPENDIX I ............................................................................................................................... 69
APPENDIX II .............................................................................................................................. 74
APPENDEX III ........................................................................................................................... 75
ESTIMATED RESEARCH BUDGET .................................................................................. 75
VIII
List of tables
Table 4.1 1distribution of respondents with respect of their gender ..................................... 22

Table 4.1 2 distribution of respondents with respect to their Age.......................................... 23
Table 4.1 3 Marital status of the respondents .......................................................................... 24
Table 4.1 4Frequency distribution of respondents with respect to their qualification ........ 26
Table 4.1 5Work experience of the respondents ...................................................................... 28
Table 4.1 6-4.1.22 Distribution of respondents ........................................................................................................29
IX
List Figures
Figure 4.1 1 Frequency distribution of respondents with respect of their gender ................ 22
Figure 4.1 2Frequency distribution of respondents with respect to their Age ...................... 24
Figure 4.1 3 Marital status of the respondents ......................................................................... 25
Figure 4.1 4 Frequency distribution of respondents with respect to their qualification. .... 27
Figure 4.1 5 Work experience of the respondents. ................................................................... 29
Figure 4.1 6-4.1.22 Distribution of respondents. ...................................................................... 30
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CHAPTER ONE
1.0 Introduction
This research will critically examine the Post Conflict National reconciliation in Mogadishu
Somalia. In this chapter, the researcher will discuss introduction, the background of the chosen
topic as globally, regionally, and nationally, problem statement, the general objective, specific
objectives, research questions, research hypothesis, significance of the study, scope of the study,
the operational definitions, and conceptual framework.
1.1 Background
Following the end of the Cold War, the 1990s were characterized by fundamental changes
around the world, and also, specifically in Africa, sweeping political changes were introduced in
South Africa, Nelson Mandela was freed from prison and a conflict resolution process was
initiated that led to the end of Apartheid in 1994. In addition, the civil war in Mozambique was
eventually resolved through a negotiated settlement and the negotiations for the independence of
Namibia were initiated between Pretoria and South West African People’s Organization
(SWAPO), the conflict was eventually settled through negotiations in 1990, while the
negotiations to end the civil war in Angola were taking place between the government and Jonas
Savimbi. Yet, in Somalia, a civil war fought along parochial clan patronage lines was gaining
momentum following the fall of Siad Barre’s government in January 1991 and triggered an
unprecedented process of state failure, collapse and disintegration of the Somali state and the
eventual emergence of a militia state. Fourteen peace processes have since failed to achieve
sustainable peace and security in the country.
Post conflict peacebuilding is one of the most crucial elements for a war-torn country to reunite
among all the warring groups, reconstruct the country and deter the country from returning to the
conflict that paralysed the country’s political stability and development growth. One of the most
essential components for the post conflict peacebuilding is, the national reconciliation process
which aims to heal the grievances and wounds of the victims, the perpetrators and the civil war
rivalries as well as to establish mechanisms ensuring community coherence and coexistence built
through conciliation process of truthful and justice elements (Brouneus, 2003).
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David Bloomfield presenting the concept of reconciliation and its elements states that
reconciliation after fierce confrontation is the extensive, broad and deep inter societal
relationship-building process whose integral elements contain justice, truth, healing and
reparations. And describes these elements; (1) as they are the building blocks of reconciliation;
(2) therefore, they have ability to operate in one other in parallel harmonization towards the
similar way; (3) are primarily interdependent and complimentary;(4) together contribute to the
overall relationship-building process required for progress towards the (“perhaps idealistic”) aim
of a reconciled society (Bloomfield 2006).
1.2 Problem statement

Throughout the last three decades, Somalia has been suffering an extending civil war (The
network 2019). These conflicts were caused by several factors including the political, economic
and land conflicts between various actors extending from the clans competing to obtain power to
manage the scarce resource of the country (Elmi and Barise, 2006). There was also a rise of
violent extremism like Al Shabab triggered by the weakness of the government. Devastating
natural disasters of floods and droughts partook the increase of starvation and internal
displacements occurring in the country. These issues caused the destruction of the country’s
institutions, existing structures, and the trust in the government. The Somalia prolonged conflict
impaired the social cohesion and the unity of the Somali people and left the country to be one of
the most underdeveloped and fierce countries in Africa (The network, 2019).
During the absence of the central government in Somalia, various reconciliation conferences
were held outside the country with the purpose to restore the state but unfortunately it was not
succeeded to convey peace and stability in the country. These conferences have mostly been
attentive towards state building by engaging merely politicians and militia leaders from the
warring clans. These issues reduced the success of initiating peace as it was exclusively focused
on certain actors rather than inclusive national social reconciliation (Keating & Waldman. 2018).
Nevertheless, in the last fifteen years the country has been obtaining a level of stability while
reconstructing its institutions and economy. In 2007 a national reconciliation conference was
held in Mogadishu, the capital city of the country, was the first effort to address national level
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social reconciliation but it was not succeeded due to the violent conflicts that existed in
Mogadishu. Subsequently, several state-building conferences have been held in Mogadishu (The
Network, 2019).
Since the collapse of the central government of Somalia fifteen peace reconciliation conferences
were conducted aimed at building central government and most of them were held outside of
Somalia while one was held inside Somalia, all these peace conferences failed to convene peace
in the country because all these reconciliation conferences were focusing political agreements
like power sharing and agreeing state building process rather than addressing the problems
(grievances and interests) brought Somalia to its fraction dilemmas. Any government including
the current did not invest meaningful efforts in reconciliation for the Somali people while the
need for the reconciliation of Somalia people still is an outstanding issue which needs to be
addressed to halt the conflicts in the country. Truth and justice broad based reconciliation is
neglected to address in Somalia while it is a requirement for the Somali people (Gundel 2018).
1.3 General Objectives

The General objectives of the study is to investigate the post conflict National reconciliation
initiatives in Mogadishu Somalia, by the kind Approaches of national reconciliation used in
Somalia, The role of the international community and neighbouring countries in the approaches
of national reconciliation as well as, civil society actor’s involvement in the national
reconciliation initiative process.
1.3.1 Specific Objectives
 The primary objectives of the study is to provide an analysis of the post conflict national
reconciliations in Mogadishu Somalia, through select peace conferences that included
and were driven by regional and international mediation within the broader context of
theories of conflict resolution.
 to evaluate the research findings and make recommendations for future conflict
resolution processes around the world, particularly conflicts that show similarities to
those of Somalia.
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1.4 Research Questions
The research will employ the following questions to find the information needed from the
available literature and data written on the Somali national reconciliation.
1. What kind of reconciliation approach has been used in Somalia?
2. What was/is the international community’s and neighbouring countries’ role in this approach?
3.what was/is civil society’s role in the national reconciliation initiatives?
1.5 Significance of the Study

This study will benefit the graduate students in faculty of peace and conflict resolutions as a
literature. It also explores the level of Somali community reconciliation participation in
Mogadishu, Somalia.
In this study also will be benefit government and NGOs about the best reconciliation method for
Somali community.
1.6 Scope of the Study

This study will examine the Post Conflict National reconciliation in Somalia in Mogadishu-
Somalia.
This study will be carried out in the capital city Mogadishu-Somalia.
The date will take between the periods August 2022 to April 2023.
1.7 Definition of Key Terms

Conflict : an active disagreement between people with opposing opinions or principles.
Post Conflict: is the period immediately after a conflict is over.
Reconciliation: is the process by which two people or groups in a conflict agreeing to make
amends or come to a truce.
National Reconciliation: -this term is used for establishment of so-called “National Unity” in
countries beset with political problems.
Negotiation: Negotiation is a discussion of two or more people with the goal of reaching an
agreement.
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Peace Building: -Peacebuilding is fundamentally about dealing with the reasons why people
fight in the first place.
1.8 Conceptual framework of the study
In Dependent variables Dependent variable

National Reconciliation Post Conflict
• Reimagining A National
Social Contract
• Acknowledging and dealing Framework Pillars
with the past
• Restoring and transforming
community
• Restoring trust in government

institutions and structures
• Supporting economic and
social recovery
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CHAPTER TWO
2. LITERATURE REVIEW
There is an enormous quantity of literature concerning on post conflict peacebuilding to deter
countries from returning to the past conflict and violence, among this vast literature is
reconciliation literature which various scholars and authors have written on different researches
with different opinions on how, what and when the reconciliation initiative is appropriate to start
or end and what initiatives are considered as reconciliation or not. Besides that, the idea of
reconciliation locates the first priority in the post conflict generation particularly the peace
campaigners deem the reconciliation as being an essential requirement for durable peace
(Fischer, 2011). The literature review concerns both the general concept of reconciliation
literature and the particular previous reconciliation researches’ literature on the studying case
country of Somali.
2.1 Overview of general concept of reconciliation literature review

In general authors of reconciliation discipline have different views and definitions on whether
the reconciliation is a process or an end goal of a peacebuilding agenda or as well whether the
approach of national reconciliation develops from top down or bottom-up approaches. However,
all the authors agree the reconciliation as a crucial component in post conflict peacebuilding
efforts which contributes in the attainment of the durable peace for the reconciling societies
(Brounéus, 2003). Reconciliation deals with different levels as Lerches states “Reconciliation is
currently applied on a variety of levels, from small encounter groups, to high profile truth
commissions to Presidential apologies for past wrong” (Lerche 2000) The difference on the
authors’ opinion on it is resulted by the different cultures, traditions, professions, backgrounds,
geographical landscapes of both the societies in the conflict and the authors researching it.
6
Among the authors researching reconciliation fields are world renowned authors, academic
professionals, and international peace institutes researchers and university academic researchers.
Hence there is a vast literature to use for this topic in general including the following literature.
International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA) handbook on
reconciliation after violence conflict acknowledges the complexity of the term reconciliation and
that there is little agreement on its definition and that is because reconciliation is both a goal-
something to achieve and a process as means to achieve that goal.
IDEA defined a reconciliation as a broad-based inclusive process for every one not only for ones
who suffered directly and those who perpetrated the woe.
The process involves coming to terms with an imperfect reality which demands changes in our
attitude, our aspirations, our emotions and feelings perhaps even our beliefs. Such profound
change is a vast and often painful challenge, and cannot be rushed or imposed. (IDEA hand
book, 2003).
Lederach theory proposes that reconciliation contains at least four critical elements when treating
modern conflicts and rebuilding the relationship of broken societies. It contains four components
of truth, justice, mercy and peace, he defines reconciliation as a fundamental element containing
a focus and a locus. The focus means to give concentration on the relational aspects of the
conflict while the locus is the intersect position of the divided society or in other words the focus
and the locus are the societal space and place. Lederach argues that focus aims at the relationship
building between the past rivals and considers both the root cause and the long-time solution for
the conflict hence the relationship is emphasized to be the central code of the conflict
reconciliation. The locus is the place where conflicting groups formulate the shocks of the past
and it is where brings together the rivalry groups to discuss truth, forgiveness, justice and peace
(Lederach 1997).
2.2 Previous national reconciliations in Somalia since 1991- 2007

Approximately, twenty years of Somali absolute state collapse, the international community has
been trying to build peace and re-establish operational government in Somalia. In the search for
peace and stability, numerous reconciliation initiatives were held engaging the key leadership of
the conflicting groups and were held mostly outside of Somalia. International community
7
proposing a state centric rather than peacebuilding approach. Nevertheless, this top-down
reconciliation process has not produced any tangible results (Keating & Waldman. 2018).
Joakim Gundel, is a political scientist with twenty years of research and analysis experience in
Somalia. He was one of the UN Monitoring Group experts and now leads Katuni consultancy
that focuses on different issues including the building peace and accountable government in
Somalia.
He argues that Somalia protracted conflict needs a bottom-up reconciliation which he thinks will
underpin Somalia state building and will end up the disagreement on the constitution. He
emphasises that reconciliation is very vital for Somalis and if not attained, the Somalia peace and
stability is unlikely to be sustainable.
He states that the former peace process did cover reconciliation but stressed power sharing
schemes instead they would focus on reconciliation and that is why conflict and violence
continue in Somalia’s regions and in the capital city as well.
This case illustrates that there is a vital need for reconciliation. And that there are still grievances
and disagreements that have been existing for a long time and still need to be resolved. He
suggests that Somalia needs a reconciliation and the approach of that reconciliation to be bottom-
up Participatory Action Research (PAR) methodologies to discover the grievances and the
moralities for their solutions (Gundel 2018).
Almost more than fifteen main national and many numbers of local regional and clan
reconciliation conferences mostly of the national ones held outside of Somalia. The neighbouring
countries such as Ethiopia, Kenya and Djibouti while some local ones were held in the country
all these peace and reconciliation efforts were aiming to restore peace by focusing the
representatives of warring groups and former civilian politicians. These efforts were supported
by the international community and the United nations but since these efforts were lacking the
basic elements of reconciliation like truth and justice for the victims and perpetrators and the
overall ownership of reconciliation and instead focusing on political and economic interests of
the warring groups rather than to address the real grievance and interests of the Somalis. These
conferences ended up without a functioning government and reconciliation (Mukhtar 2007). In
the pursuit for sustainable peace in Somalia the key performers have been foreign actors who
received a lot of advice from the warring individuals involved in the Somali conflict, with low
participation of public Somali citizens. The continuous financing and operation of ATMIS in
8
Somalia contrasting to improving Somali security forces have rendered a dependence which has
encountered recurrent extension of ATMIS which now seemingly having with a clear exit
strategy. This has hindered both lasting peace and political stability in Somalia (Maruf 2017).
However, the Eldoret/Mbagathi reconciliation Process finally achieved in forming a Transitional
Federal Government (TFG) in 2004, substituting the Transitional National Government (TNG)
(Menkhaus 2006).
Although, the Eldoret/Mbagathi process focused on a peaceful reconciliation process, with the
parliament approval of the TFG charter; the element of power sharing at the cost of sustainable
peace was characterized as the result of the process. (Ibrahim & Sekou 2017).
Ken Menkhaus states that Communal confidence in the series of the Somali reconciliations have
generally been low and the legitimacy of the agreements and the proclaimed governments were
also lower additionally, the successive failures of reconciliation since 1991 reduced the public
confidence in the peace process and reconciliations.
Numerous issues have contributed to this status quo. These factors include reduction of
reconciliation importance to state building. Most Somali national reconciliations process was
weakened by the allocation of political positions in a proposed transitional government with tiny
or no willingness to reach a genuine reconciliation or challenge conflict issues. External
mediators have also promoted this challenge justifying that they were under pressure to produce
an agreement therefore allowed power sharing arrangement to replace for reconciliation. The
other issue which similarly contributed to the misjudgement of the reconciliation is lack of local
ownership many times Somalis have criticised that reconciliation process have been imposed on
Somalia by external actors who urge their perceived solutions and sometimes their own interests.
Somalis have doubts in the process of reconciliation and have little ownership of the process
since they were always held outside of the country (Menkhaus 2011).
In relation to the Mark Bradbury one censure labelled at international sponsored peace
reconciliation is without Somali ownership, since they were externally planned, conducted and
financed by external actors. While the domestic reconciliations were Somali led processes,
therefore had logic of ownership, more assurance and the citizens finance from their own
resources. The authority of the local agreements originates from the acceptability of the
9
leadership, the inclusiveness of the process, the use of the customary law and the consent
decision making process (Bradbury 2008).
According to Samatar. Ahmed I and Samatar Abdi I. the biggest ailment that ever-plagued
Somali society is lack of righteous leadership. It is now well known that even the most gifted
opportunities for reconciliation and resettlement (e.g. Arta) emerged from “hapless leadership”,
that was unsuccessful to reach an effective reached time. that the appointed time has come.
In the next round, then, the requirements of public leadership, especially at the highest levels,
should at least emphasize the following: visionary thinking, energy, competence, and, above all,
a pre-existing record of ownership. When combined and used hard, this kind of combination
should calm down the spread but hate and shock anyone who is loud, tribal enough, and corrupt
enough to trust himself (and so far,) on stage. middle.
A transparent general system should be central to the classification of each goal. However, the
structure of government and leadership in part reflects the sympathy of the people and the nature
of the people (Samatar Ahmed. & Samatar Abdi. 2008).
Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation Signifies that it is agreed on the practicality and sustainability of
domestically driven peacebuilding processes.
National and international initiatives are universally seen as counterproductive if not definitely
originated in home grown initiatives. Most of the internationally sponsored conferences Somalia
has seen since 1991 were held outside of the country, mainly in the neighbouring countries
Djibouti, Egypt, Ethiopia, Kenya, Yemen and millions of dollars were spent. All these
internationally supported peace processes were controlled by some of the neighbouring
countries, particularly Ethiopia and Kenya. These interventions in the reconciliation conferences
resulted in the neighbouring countries manipulating the selection process of the participants
including parliament members who would later select the president. Somalis have suffered the
art and the result of these internationally sponsored state building processes and the transitional
governments they produced, as top-down solutions not based on the will of the Somalis and thus
without general patronage (Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation 2015).
It is crucial and worth to mention that successful endured reconciliation processes in Somalia
like in Somaliland and Puntland similar to the clan internal reconciliation initiatives in south
central Somalia, have been Somali owned, led and financed with limited external assistance
10
(Keating & Waldman. 2018). Community led peacebuilding initiatives have resulted in the
formation of stable regional administrations such as Somaliland and Puntland and others.
Traditional leaders of the above societies have succeeded in creating a degree of stability and
clan based administrative system, equated with the 14 national reconciliation efforts held from
1991 in the outside of Somalia and have been less successful (Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation
2015).
As presented above several political reconciliations targeting only the top-level leaders
(government, opposition and clan leaders) were held in Somalia but not yet held Somali national
inclusive and integrating all (the top level, middle range levels. and the grassroots level).
However, it was conducted at some national reconciliation conferences engaging some civil
society representatives. Therefore, all the reconciliations were lacking the Somalis ownership
and were not targeting the real issues of conflict actors.
They were all top-down reconciliation approaches which rarely targeted the grievances of the
Somalis apart from the Somaliland and Puntland state conference built the Somaliland
secessionist government and Puntland as a federal member state of Somali who created peace
and stability in their respective territories.
This research studies on the viability of the national reconciliation engaging both medal range
and top-level leaders to investigate top leaders' understanding and activities towards Somalia
reconciliation and middle range leaders’ participation in the reconciliation. like civil society
organizations, associations and networks like private sector leaders and local non-governmental
organizations including youth and women marginalized groups representatives and other
community associations. (Eriksson. 2013).
2.3 Civil society roles in Previous national reconciliations

The concept of civil society came from various origins. In the contemporary arena several
political philosophers have contributed to the discourse and definition of civil society
(Paffenholz and Spurk 2006). Among the key scholars are John Lock (1632-1704) who first
considered that civil society is a distinct entity from the state. People form a community that
peoples’ social life is developed with in the community while the state has nothing to do with
11
this formula. The definition of the term of civil society is elastic with different meanings to the
different users due to divergent views on the civil society’s composition and operational aspect
(Abdi and Madut 2019).
Thania Paffenholz describes civil society as it is commonly stated, the arena of voluntary, joint
actions of an institutional nature around shared interests, objectives and principles that are
different from those of the state, family and market. Civil society comprises an immense and
varied set of voluntary organizations, it contains non-state actors and associations that are not
morally ambitious towards private or economic interests which are separately organised,
naturally show civic virtue and interact in the public sphere. (Paffenholz 2010).
According to Sida “civil society is an arena, separate from the state, the market and the
individual household, in which people organise themselves and act together to promote their
common interests” (Sida 2007) as well as the UN defines civil society as the “third sector” of
society, along with government and business.
It contains civil society organizations and nongovernmental organizations. The UN realizes the
significance of collaborating with civil society entities as civil society helps the UN to advance
the UN ideals and helps support its work.(UN).
In fact, civil society has different meanings extending from its scope and operations for its
employers and the context it is functioning. However, we consider it in this paper as it is a
neutral voluntary non-political entity and non-business-oriented body comprising different
communal or individuals at the same time having shared objectives and willing to hold the state
accountable upon both domestic and international laws.
In the armed conflict and post conflict period civil society is expected to participate in the
diminishing or transforming the conflict as well as contributing to sustainable peace, based on
this view, citizens, civil society actors are considered as crucial potential actors in disabling
prevailing conflict, factionalism and organized violence (Paffenholz & Spurk 2006).
The civil society emergence in Somalia is debatable and has different histories but there are three
most notable arguments which are: the first is that Somalia civil society was established in the
early 1940 in the British and Italy colonies, some groups were gathering and making unions like
students’, women’s, elders’ groups for the purpose of seeking Somali independence. The view
argues that the Somali civil society was formed to oust the colony from the country and build a
12
nation with a democratic system. The second view is that after the military coup in 1969, the
military government permitted only the state- backed and state-owned civil society to exist and
work in the country. However, after the total collapse of the government 1991 and subsequent
civil war, civil society filled the vacuum to take a lion’s share to seek out peace and service
delivery in Somalia which the civil society currently continue (Hared 2020).
In the case of Somalia, the civil society participation in the previous reconciliation attempts was
insignificant, the reconciliation conferences were mostly held outside of Somalia and
emphasized heavily on state-building rather than social reconciliation therefore the Somali civil
society were rarely engaged and had little or zero influence to previous reconciliations. The
waring functions were exclusively pertaining to the reconciliation while the international
community saw them as legitimate representatives of the Somalia clans and society, the external
mediators were giving them recognition to negotiations in the peace conference as the key actors
of the Somalia peace and state restoration.
During the first decade of the Somali conflict over a dozen peace reconciliation conferences were
held out of Somalia and none of them was succeeded as well as none of them engaged civil
society. One of the key causes of their failure was lacking civil society participation and the
grass roots recognitions as well as the legitimacy for representation of the self-styled warlords
(Menkhaus, Sheikh, et al. 2009). The reconciliation conferences’ outcome was not implemented
and peace was getting distant. The most influential peace conference of the previous dozen
Somali reconciliation in terms of the eminent space established to the civil society for their
nation’s destiny was the Arta peace process. Even though civic groups were involved in the
earlier peace processes such as Addis Ababa in 1993 the Arta reconciliation conference provided
the civil society for the first opportunity ever given to them to execute a significant role as
decision makers.
Nonetheless the non-traditional actors in the Arta peace conference met challenges of over
representation too, since none of the women’s groups, religious groups, and the civil society at
large had a decided plan for representation and partaking let alone a combined shared
programme for determining the Somali conflict. Owing to that fact, they tended to dissolve to
clan loyalty, accepting the weaknesses of clannism (Menkhaus, Sheikh, et al. 2009).
In Somalia, the peace reconciliations continue an elite negotiating scenario mainly engaging
men. Undeniably there are some of the planners abhor disregarding women’s role in
13
reconciliation, yet unofficially uncertainty the importance of women’s inclusion, thinking that
men constitute and lead the warring parties and therefore have the means to make peace
(Gardner 2018). Judith Ganrdner suggests her research with Life and Peace Institute on
understanding the roles of men and women that Somali females are engaged in intra-and inter-
clan conflict in several various means, including funding, organising, logistics, intelligence and
participating in battles. Their roles are associated with the clan relationship as well as the specific
clan situation. She states that kinship and clan are commonly dominated for elite interests.
Nevertheless, women have executed activities to eliminate conflict. For instance, in Kismayo,
women have operated for peace via various ways, counting in influencing, organisation and
arranging protests or advocacy and lopping. In her research findings she highlights the
importance of women’s full and significant participation in peacebuilding.
Women across Somalia had worked hard in mobilising others in their domestic communities and
beyond to advance peace. For instance, in 1994 women kept Mudug peace from destroying; in
1993 women in Bosaso freely demonstrated to improve stable peace, that led to the
establishment of a peace enforcement police force. Women peace activists in Somalia had been
the forefront of initiatives to mobilise combatants and to approach peacebuilding and human
right needs. However Somali women are absent in decision making process and they are not
represented in any of the formal and non-formal institutions of decision making whether at the
village, district, regional and national levels (Gardner &El Bushra. 2004).
Abdirahman Abdullahi highlights that thirteen attempted reconciliations of the Somalia since
1991 to date was emphasizing clan conflict resolution and were stressing on the top-down
reconciliation approach on state-building, he argues that the biggest obstacle for Somalia to find
sustainable peace is to end the anarchy resulted by the statelessness by rearranging civil society.
Rearranging means to him to mobilize the community into three categories. First to reorganize
civil society consisting of the registered modern and traditional Islamic organizations,
distinguishing clan elders and recording the Somali customary law.
Secondly, reconsidering and reordering state and federal governments institutions.
And thirdly reorganizing political parties, completing party laws as well as implementing proper
electoral laws (Abdullahi 2018).
Abdullahi thinks if this is done it will alter the elite conflict to unite the political elite. In doing so
it facilitates them to work on the ground of shared legal and cultural frameworks.
14
Simultaneously, promoting modern civil society organizations facilitates to strengthen social
unity. Abdullahi claims that the Somalia conflict needs to be redefined and leaving from the
singular “state versus clan” model by employing a more inclusive “state versus society” model.
He mentions that Somalia reconciliation requires to discard the singular conception of modernity
and replace it with a concept that combines many modernities and leave the two extreme models
of westernization and indigenization of the state. He points out that failure of the above models is
obvious in the Somalia experience during the postcolonial state system and the adoption of the
4.5 clan power sharing formula. (Abdullahi 2018).
He argues that comprehensive reconciliation needs the establishment of three distinct spaces in
Somalia. (1) establishing traditional space that consists of clans, clan elders and traditional
Islamic scholars, (2) civil society space for professional organizations, Islamic movements and
other non-state institutions and actors and (3) political space: for political parties and the
apparatus of the state. He recommends that these three spaces to be in place and must be
demarcated so as to none of them occupies the space of the other (Abdullahi 2018).
The aptitude to obtain access to public opinion and interest to get appropriate methods to input
ideas into state-building is tough in Somalia. The government was always unwilling to reach and
involve civil society in high level political negotiations, the role of civil society, particularly the
organized NGOS, professionals and commercial networks was hard to apprehend public views
and advocate for their inclusion in the decision-making process. The role of civil society in
peacebuilding and state-building processes in Somalia has been restricted strictly as the result of
the country's volatility and continuing conflicts. Among the challenges that civil society faced
were insecurity, the socio-political situation-based on clannism and the Civil Society internal
capacity obstacles as well as without a strong and united structures between civil society entities
(Interpeace & CRD 2012).
2.4 Current national and state leaders’ prospects of reconciliation

The provisional constitution of the federal republic of Somalia stipulates the creation of a truth
and reconciliation commission accommodating traditional elders and leaders, members of the
Federal Parliament, respected members of civil society, judges and security personnel (Somalia
15
constitution 2012) which is yet to be established. The former government established a ministry
of Interior, federalism and reconciliation in June 2017.
The former President of the Federal Republic of Somalia, Mohamed Farmaajo expressed in his
forward statement of the book War and Peace in Somalia when he was commending the work of
the United Nations on the research on Somalia’s protracted conflict,
He said that There will not be effective support from the international community to help
Somalis find peace unless there is sincere dedication among Somali leaders to terminate violence
and resolve divergences through peaceful and inclusive dialogue, the time for Somalis to
reconcile has come and so it needs to strengthen Somalis collectives’ agreements and stave off
whatever can bring setbacks to Somali peoples and their government.
The president stated, “My Government is committed to this agenda and to restoring hope to
Somalis, including by crafting a national reconciliation plan to which all stakeholders can
contribute” (Keating & Waldman 2018).
Somalia’s federal government deputy prime minister restated his government’s dedication to
unite Somalis in attaining a durable peace and stability, he mentioned that Somalia requires
political and religious reconciliation which have remained subtle due to the conflict when he was
opening five days reconciliation conference in Mogadishu, the aim of that conference was to
map out the establishment of a reconciliation strategy and is organized by the ministry of
interior, federal affairs and reconciliation and funded by the US agency for international
development as well as facilitated by the UN and UNDP (UNDP Somalia 2017).
2.5 Civil society current role in national efforts participation in the existing government
The establishment of the federal government of Somalia and the official end of the transitional
government of Somalia has attracted new international support for Somalia. This change has
expanded the role of civil society and offered a widened opportunity. Some civil society
consultations with some of the civil society representatives participated in the dialogue that
resulted the signing of the Somali compact, though it was not apparent the extent to which wider
issues were systematically addressed or consulted or the feedback mechanism was active within
civil society (Interpeace & CRD 2012).
16
The Brussels conference communique and the compact text of the New Deal of Somalia
underscored civil society involvement in the implementation priorities set out. Effective civil
society engagement in the New Deal mechanisms including the high-level partnership forum and
peace-building and state-building working groups necessitates greater efforts from civil society
through coordination to prepare their inputs and agree on their representatives. Due to the civil
society engagement, essential progress in the representation of the marginalized groups were
realized (EU 2017- 2020).
Several achievements were accomplished, for example, in Somaliland a 25% quota was included
in the parliament and the elected representatives age was lowered in an amendment of the
electoral law as well as child protection and people with the disability’s acts were enacted.
All these achievements were the fruits of the civil society's meaningful engagement in the new
deal programs and the improved environments of the governments.
These efforts brought about 40% youth elected in the 2012 Somaliland local councils’ election.
There have been regional civil society platforms consisting of various broad based networks
including youth networks, women umbrellas, professional associations including layers, and
media houses. These platforms cover regional zones respectively. (EU 2017- 2020). Puntland
Non-state Actors Association (PUNSAA) Is the largest civil society and non-state actors’
associations hub exists and represents in Puntland, (Saferworld.org) Somaliland Non-State
Actors Forum (SONSAF) Is the Somaliland civil society platform that contains above mentioned
civil society segments(sonsaf.org). The Somalia South Central Non-state Actors Association
(SOSCENSA) which operates across south and central Somalia and comprises a range of civil
society networks, associations and umbrellas as similar as the other two platforms of PUNSAA
and SONSAF. (Saferworld.org) These three platforms are heavily supported by EU with the aim
of ensuring that civil society is able to speak with a united voice so as to strengthen their
participation in peace and state building processes at local, regional and national levels, in an EU
funded program called strengthening civil society platform to unify the civil society voice and
representation for their respective regional civil society in the political decision-making process.
(EU 2017- 2020).
17
CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
This chapter presents the research methodology and underline deeply ten sections, the first is
research design, the second section is population of the study, the third is area study, the fourth
section is sample size determination, the fifth section is sampling procedure, the sixth section is
data collection instrument, the seventh section is data collection procedure, the eighth section is
data analysis procedure, the ninth one is quality control, and the last one is the ethical
consideration.
3.1 Research Design

The research design in the current study will be correlation survey design and correlation in an
attempt to collect data from members of a population in order to determine the current status of
that population in respect to one or more variables. Survey research is therefore an adopted of
this study which requires the collection of quantitative research information from the sample
data.
18
3.2 Population of the study
During date collection process, the researchers will target the governmental institutions relating
community reconciliations, such as Ministry of Interior, Federal Affairs and Reconciliation,
national committee of reconciliation, and civil society to represent the target
population of this type of study.
3.3. Area study

Mogadishu locates in Banadir region. Mogadishu is the capital city of Somalia. It borders with
Lower Shebelle region in the west. It also borders with Middle Shebelle region in the north and
east and finally, it borders with India Ocean in the south. Mogadishu consists of seventeen
districts including, Wabari, Wadajir, Warta-nabada and other districts.
There are a lot of famous places within Mogadishu including Villa Somalia, AdanAdde
international airport, Seaport and other famous places.
3.4 Sample size determination

In order to determine the required sample size, the researchers will use Sloven’s formula for
sample size determination.
N
n=
1 + N (e) 2
n = required sample size
N = target population
e = error %5 (0.05)
n= 100/ 1+100(0.0025)
=80
Table 3 1of Respondents
Category Population Sample size

target
Ministry of 30 23
Interior, Federal
19
Affairs and
Reconciliation,
national 20 16
committee of
reconciliation
civil society 50 41
Total 100 80
3.5 Sampling procedure

During sampling, the researchers will use non probability/purposive sampling which means to
select the respondents intentionally. In this type of sampling, the researcher is the one to decide
who will participate the study and who will not. The target population will not have an equal
chance to be included into the sample.
3.6 Data collection instrument

The researchers used questionnaire as a tool for data collection. Questionnaire is used in view of
the reality that the study is concerned with variable that cannot be observed such information is
best way of collecting data through questioners.
3.7 Data collection procedure

Questionnaire will be used in order to collect research data from the target population. Study
participants will be briefed about the study and its objectives. They will also be requested to
answer the questions as honest as possible.
3.8 Data analysis procedure

Data will be analysed using statistical package for social science – SPSS. Descriptive analysis
will be done and then frequency tables will be used in order to present study results.
20
3.9 Quality control
3.9.1. Validity of research instrument
Validity is the quality of the test doing what is designed to do, the content validity index (CVI)
will computed to confirm the validity of instruments through universal agreement between
experts. To establish validity, the researchers was use pilot test.
3.9.2. Reliability of research instrument
Reliability of the respondents through the instruments of the questionnaire will establish. The
reliability of the research instruments concerns with the degree to which the research instrument
will give the same result under similar conditions.
To ensure that the data is reliable a standard of test re-test will be done before actually using it.
3.10 Ethical consideration

Respect: The researchers will respect respondent’s privacy when entering their private sphere
and when asking questions.
Confidentiality: the researcher will guarantee maximum confidentiality for the participants.
Their information will only be used for the purpose of the study.
Freedom to participate: participants will be informed that they are free to participate. They will
also be informed that they have the right to withdrawal.
Informed consent: consent will be secured from the participants after fully informing the
nature, potential risks and benefits of the study.
CHAPTER FOUR
DATA PRESENTATION, INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS
This chapter represents the main contribution of the researcher during his field survey, the
researcher selected experienced target group from the population in order to find out valid results
that is from 80 sample respondents in Mogadishu at the first, the researcher distributed written
questionnaires that related to the variables which is the Post Conflict National reconciliation in
Somalia in generally and particularly the objectives of the research. Second the researcher
21
arranged and grouped the results using SPSS in order to present the data as tabulated as well as
analyzed data in precisely.
4.1 DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF THE RESPONDENTS
This part presents the background information of the respondents who participated in the study.
The purpose of this background information was to find out the characteristics of the respondents
and show the distribution of the population in the study.
Table 4.1 1distribution of respondents with respect of their gender
Gender Frequency Percent
Male 48 60%
Female 32 40%
Total 80 100%
The given above table shows the respondents of the sample size of study was 80 respondents.
The male respondents were 48 and their percentage 60%, and the female respondents were 32
and their percentage was 40%. And the majority of the respondents’ gender 48 (60%) were male.
Figure 4.1 1 Frequency distribution of respondents with respect of their gender
22
Distribution of gender of repondents
40%
60% male
female
The given above figure shows the respondents of the sample size of study was 80 respondents.
The male respondents were 48 and their percentage 60%, and the female respondents were 32
and their percentage was 40%. And the majority of the respondents’ gender 48 (60%) were male.
Table 4.1 2 distribution of respondents with respect to their Age
Age Frequency Percent
20-30 15 18.75%
31-41 47 58.75%
42-53 10 12.5%
over 54 8 10%
Total 80 100%
The given above table shows the respondents Ages, the sample consisted of 80 respondents. The
age between 20 and 30 years of respondents were 15 and their percentage were 18.75%, and the
age between 31 and 41 years were 47 and their percentage were 58.75% and the age between 42
23
and 53 were 10 and their percentage were 12.5% and the age over 54were 8 and their percentage
were 10%. And the majority of the respondents age 47 (58.75%) were between 31-41 years.
Figure 4.1 2Frequency distribution of respondents with respect to their Age
Distibution of age of the respondents
10% 19%
12%
20-30
31-41
42-53
59%
over 54
The given above figure shows the respondents Ages, the sample consisted of 80 respondents.
The age between 20 and 30 years of respondents were 15 and their percentage were 18.75%, and
the age between 31and 41years were 47 and their percentage were 58.75% and the age between
42 and 53 were 10 and their percentage were 12.5 % and the age over 54 were 8 and their
percentage were 10%. And the majority of the respondents age 47(58.75%) were between 31-41
years.
Table 4.1 3 Marital status of the respondents
24
Marital status Frequency Percent
Married 54 67.5%
Single 14 17.5%
Widow 7 8.75%
Divorced 5 6.25%
Total 80 100%
The given above table shows the respondents Marital Status, the sample consisted of 80
respondents. The number of married respondents were 54 and their percentage were 67.5%, and
the number of single respondents were 14 and their percentage were 17.5% and the number of
widow respondents were 7 and their percentage were 8.75% and the number of divorced
respondents were 6 and their percentage were 6.25%. And the majority of the respondents
marital status 54 (67.5%) were married.
Figure 4.1 3 Marital status of the respondents
25
Distribution of marital respondents
6%
9%
married
18%
sigle
67% widow
Divorced
The given above figure shows the respondents Marital Status, the sample consisted of 80
respondents. The number of married respondents were 54 and their percentage were 67.5%, and
the number of single respondents were 14 and their percentage were 17.5% and the number of
widow respondents were 7 and their percentage were 8.75% and the number of divorced
respondents were 6 and their percentage were 6.25%. And the majority of the respondents
marital status 54 (67.5%) were married.
Table 4.1 4Frequency distribution of respondents with respect to their qualification
Qualification Frequency Percent
Secondary 21 26.25%
Diploma 8 10%
bachelor 45 56.25%
Master 6 7.5%
Total 80 100%
The given above table shows the educational level of the respondents, the sample consisted of 80
respondents and the number of secondary respondents were 21 and their percentage were
26.25%, and the number of diploma respondents were 8 and their percentage were 10% and the
number of bachelor respondents were 45and their percentage were 56.25% and the number of
26
master respondents were 6 and their percentage were 7.5%. And the majority of the respondents
educational level 45 (56.25%) were bachelor degree.
Figure 4.1 4 Frequency distribution of respondents with respect to their qualification.
Distibution of educational level of

repondents
8%
26%
Secondary
10% Diploma
56%
Bachelor
Master
The given above figure shows the educational level of the respondents, the sample consisted of
80 respondents and the number of secondary respondents were 21 and their percentage were
26.25%, and the number of diploma respondents were 8 and their percentage were 10% and the
number of bachelor respondents were 45and their percentage were 56.25% and the number of
master respondents were 6 and their percentage were 7.5%. And the majority of the respondents
educational level 45 (56.25%) were bachelor degree.
27
Table 4.1 5Work experience of the respondents
work experience Frequency Percent
less than 1year 11 13.75%
1 year - 5year 38 47.5%
5 year - 10 year 22 27.5%
10years and above 9 11.25%
Total 80 100%
The given above table shows the work Experiences, the sample consisted of 80 respondents and
the number of less than year experience respondents were 11 and their percentage were 13.75%,
and the number of a 1 year and 5year experience respondents were 38 and their percentage were
47.5% and the number of 5year and 10year experience respondents were 22 and their percentage
were 27.5% and the number of 10years and above were 9 and their percentage were 11.25%.
And the majority of the respondents work experience 38 (47.5%) were 1 year up to 5years.
28
Figure 4.1 5 Work experience of the respondents.
Work experience of the respondents.
11% 14%
less than 1year

28%
1 year - 5year
47% 5 year - 10 year

10years and above
The given above figure shows the work Experiences, the sample consisted of 80 respondents and
the number of less than year experience respondents were 11 and their percentage were 13.75%,
and the number of a 1 year and 5year experience respondents were 38 and their percentage were
47.5% and the number of 5year and 10year experience respondents were 22 and their percentage
were 27.5% and the number of 10years and above were 9 and their percentage were 11.25%.
And the majority of the respondents work experience 38 (47.5%) were 1 year up to 5years.
Table 4.1 6-4.1.22 Distribution of respondents
Somalia has been used in two distinct approaches which are top-down and
bottom-up approaches.
Options Frequency Percent
strongly agree 25 31.25%
Agree 36 45%
neutral 10 12.5%
Disagree 9 11.25%
Total 80 100%
29
The given above table shows that 25 respondents answered “strongly agree” and their percentage
were 31.25% and 36 respondents answered “agree’ and their percentage were 45%. And 10
respondents answered “neutral” and their percentage were 12.5% and 9 respondents answered
“disagree” and their percentage were 11.25%. And the majority of the respondents 36 (45%)
answered agree.
Figure 4.1 6-4.1.22 Distribution of respondents.
Somalia has been used in two distinct approaches which are top-down and bottom-up
approaches.
Distibution of the repondets
11%
13% 31%
strongly agree
Agree
neutral
45% Disagree
The given above figure shows that 25 respondents answered “strongly agree” and their
percentage were 31.25% and 36 respondents answered “agree’ and their percentage were 45%.
And 10 respondents answered “neutral” and their percentage were 12.5% and 9 respondents
answered “disagree” and their percentage were 11.25%. And the majority of the respondents 36
(45%) answered agree.
30
Table 4.1.7
There are benefits in the kinds of reconciliation approach has been used in Somalia.
strongly agree 16 20%
Agree 35 43.75%
Neutral 10 12.5%
disagree 17 21.25%
strongly disagree 2 2.5%
Total 80 100%
were 20%and 35 respondents answered “agree’ and their percentage were 443.75%. And 10
respondents answered “neutral” and their percentages were 12.5% and 17 respondent answered
“disagree” and his percentage was 21.25% and 2 respondents answered “strongly disagree” and
their percentage were 2.5%. And the majority of the respondents 35 (43.75%) answered agree.
Figure 4.1.7
There are benefits in the kinds of reconciliation approach has been used in Somalia
31
Distibution of respondents
3%
20%
21%
strongly agree
Agree
12%
neutral
44% Disagree
strongly agree
percentage were 20%and 35 respondents answered “agree’ and their percentage were 443.75%.
And 10 respondents answered “neutral” and their percentages were 12.5% and 17 respondent
answered “disagree” and his percentage was 21.25% and 2 respondents answered “strongly
disagree” and their percentage were 2.5%. And the majority of the respondents 35 (43.75%)
answered agree.
32
Table 4.1.8
Is the kind of reconciliation approach has been used in Somalia important in developing
Agree 29 36.25%
Neutral 17 21.25%
disagree 16 20%
Total 80 100%
countries? In order to improve social well-being.
were 15% and 29 respondents answered “agree’ and their percentage were 36.25%. And 17
respondents answered “neutral” and their percentages were 21.25% and 16 respondents answered
“disagree” and their percentage were 20% and 6 respondents answered “strongly disagree” and
33
Figure 4.1.8
Is the kind of reconciliation approach has been used in Somalia important in developing
countries? In order to improve social well-being.
Distribution of the respondents
8% 15%
20% strongly agree
Agree
36% neutral
21% Disagree
strongly agree
percentage were 15% and 29 respondents answered “agree’ and their percentage were 36.25%.
And 17 respondents answered “neutral” and their percentages were 21.25% and 16 respondents
answered “disagree” and their percentage were 20% and 6 respondents answered “strongly
answered agree.
34
Table 4.1.9
Every individual has the right to take a party social reconciliations in Somalia.
Agree 19 23.75%
neutral 13 16.25%
Disagree 14 17.5%
Total 80 100%
“disagree” and their percentage were 17.5% and 6 respondents answered “strongly disagree” and
their percentage were 7.5%. And the majority of the respondents 28 (35%) answered strongly
agree.
35
Figure 4.1.9
Every individual has the right to take a party social reconciliations in Somalia.
Distribution of the respondents
8%
17% 35% strongly agree
Agree
16% neutral
Disagree
24%
strongly agree
answered “disagree” and their percentage were 17.5% and 6 respondents answered “strongly
disagree” and their percentage were 7.5%. And the majority of the respondents 28 (35%)
answered strongly agree.
36
Table 4.1.10
Every individual has the right to equal and effective access to social reconciliation in order
to exercise his or her right in the community.
Agree 20 25%
Neutral 10 12.5%
disagree 31 38.75%
strongly disagree 4 5%
Total 80 100%
“disagree” and their percentage were 38.75% and 4 respondents answered “strongly disagree”
and their percentage were 5%. And the majority of the respondents 31(38.75%) answered
disagree.
37
Figure 4.1.10
Every individual has the right to equal and effective access to social reconciliation in order
to exercise his or her right in the community.
Distribution of respondents
5%
19%
strongly agree
39% Agree
25% Neutral
disagree
12%
strongly disagree
disagree” and their percentage were 5%. And the majority of the respondents 31(38.75%)
answered disagree.
38
Table 4.1.11
Over the last ten years, the level of social reconciliation has gotten better.
Agree 22 27.5%
Neutral 9 11.25%
disagree 8 10%
Total 80 100%
were 42.5% and 22 respondents answered “agree’ and their percentage was 27.5%. And 9
respondents answered “neutral” and their percentages was 11.25% and 8 respondents answered
“disagree” and their percentage was 10% and 7 respondents answered “strongly disagree” and
his percentage was 8.75%. And the majority of the respondents 34 (42.5%) answered strongly
agree.
39
Figure 4.1.11
Over the last ten years, the level of social reconciliation has gotten better.
9%
10%
strongly agree
42%
11% Agree
Neutral
28% disagree
strongly disagree
percentage were 42.5% and 22 respondents answered “agree’ and their percentage was 27.5%.
And 9 respondents answered “neutral” and their percentages was 11.25% and 8 respondents
answered “disagree” and their percentage was 10% and 7 respondents answered “strongly
disagree” and his percentage was 8.75%. And the majority of the respondents 34 (42.5%)
Table 4.1.12
40
the federal government of Somalia and political opposition have the same understanding of
the national reconciliations.
Agree 13 16.25%
Neutral 9 11.25%
disagree 38 47.5%
Total 80 100%
“disagree” and their percentages were 47.5%. And the majority of the respondents 38 (47.5%)
answered disagree.
Figure 4.1.12
the federal government of Somalia and political opposition have the same understanding of
the national reconciliations.
41
15% 10%
16% strongly agree

Agree
11% Neutral
48% disagree
strongly disagree
The given above figure shows that 8 respondents answered “strongly agree” and their percentage
“disagree” and their percentages were 47.5%. And the majority of the respondents 38 (47.5%)
answered disagree.
Table 4.1.13
The community engagement is a way of improving community participation of national

reconciliation and shall not be restricted in any manner whatsoever.
Agree 32 40%
Neutral 14 17.5%
42
disagree 12 15%
Total 80 100%
“disagree” and their percentage were 15% and 37respondents answered “strongly disagree” and
their percentage were 8.75%. And the majority of the respondents 32 (40%) answered agree.
Figure 4.1.13
The community engagement is a way of improving community participation of national
reconciliation and shall not be restricted in any manner whatsoever.
43
9%
19%
15%
strongly agree
Agree
17% Neutral
40% disagree
strongly disagree
answered “disagree” and their percentage were 15% and 37respondents answered “strongly
disagree” and their percentage were 8.75%. And the majority of the respondents 32 (40%)
answered agree.
44
Table 4.1.14
the federal government of Somalia and federal member states have the same understanding
of the national reconciliations.
Agree 34 42.5%
neutral 13 16.25%
Disagree 19 23.75%
Total 80 100%
were 12.5 % and 34 respondents answered “agree’ and their percentage were 42.5%. And 13
“disagree” and their percentage were 23.75% and 4 respondents answered “strongly disagree”
and their percentage were 5%. And the majority of the respondents 34 (42.5%) answered agree.
45
4.1.14
the federal government of Somalia and federal member states have the same understanding
of the national reconciliations.
5% 12%
24%
strongly agree
Agree
43% Neutral
16%
disagree
strongly disagree
percentage were 12.5 % and 34 respondents answered “agree’ and their percentage were 42.5%.
disagree” and their percentage were 5%. And the majority of the respondents 34 (42.5%)
answered agree.
46
Table 4.1.15
the international community’s and neighbouring countries’ role in this approach is
positively effects the Somali national reconciliations.
Agree 18 22.5%
Neutral 5 6.25%
Disagree 20 25%
Total 80 100%
were 41.25% and 18 respondents answered “agree’ and their percentage were 22.5%. And 5
their percentage were 5%. And the majority of the respondents 33 (41.25%) answered strongly
agree.
47
Figure 4.1.15
the international community’s and neighbouring countries’ role in this approach is
positively effects the Somali national reconciliations.
5%
25% strongly agree

41%
Agree
6% Neutral
disagree
23%
strongly disagree
percentage were 41.25% and 18 respondents answered “agree’ and their percentage were 22.5%.
48
Table 4.1.16
United Nations, international community, regional and continental actors played mediation
and negotiation roles to bring together warring groups to reconcile their divergences.
Agree 42 52.5%
Neutral 10 12.5%
disagree 10 12.5%
Total 80 100%
respondents answered “neutral” and their percentages were 12.5% and other 10 respondents
answered agree.
49
Figure 4.1.16
United Nations, international community, regional and continental actors played mediation
and negotiation roles to bring together warring groups to reconcile their divergences.
11% 11%
13% strongly agree
Agree
13%
Neutral
52% disagree
strongly disagree
The given above fegure shows that 9 respondents answered “strongly agree” and their percentage
respondents answered “neutral” and their percentages were 12.5% and other 10 respondents
answered agree.
50
Table 4.1.17
the international community supported the neighboring countries to accommodate the
Somali reconciliation meetings.
Agree 29 36.25%
Neutral 15 18.75%
disagree 8 10%
Total 80 100%
51
Figure 4.1.17
the international community supported the neighboring countries to accommodate the
13%
22%
10% strongly agree
Agree
19% Neutral
36% disagree
strongly disagree
percentage were 22.5% and 29 respondents answered “agree’ and their percentage were 36.25%.
answered agree.
52
Table 4.1.18
Civil society currently has strong role in national reconciliation processes.
Agree 20 25%
Neutral 17 21.25%
disagree 6 7.5%
Total 80 100%
agree.
53
Figure 4.1.18
Civil society currently has strong role in national reconciliation processes.
15%
31%
8% strongly agree
Agree
21% Neutral
disagree
25%
strongly disagree
54
Table 4.1.19
Due to the civil society engagement, essential progress in the representation of the
marginalized groups were realized.
Agree 29 36.25%
Neutral 12 15%
disagree 8 10%
Total 80 100%
respondents answered “neutral” and their percentages were 15% and 8 respondents answered
55
Figure 4.1.19
Due to the civil society engagement, essential progress in the representation of the
marginalized groups were realized.
14%
25%
10% strongly agree
Agree
15% Neutral
disagree
36%
strongly disagree
And 12 respondents answered “neutral” and their percentages were 15% and 8 respondents
56
answered agree.
Table 4.1.20
There have been regional civil society platforms consisting of various broad based
networks including youth networks participated in the dialogue.
Agree 32 40%
Neutral 12 15%
disagree 14 17.5%
Total 80 100%
were 20%and 32 respondents answered “agree’ and their percentage were 40%. And 12
respondents answered “neutral” and their percentages were 15% and 14 respondent answered
Figure 4.1.20
There have been regional civil society platforms consisting of various broad based
networks including youth networks participated in the dialogue.
57
8%
20%
17% strongly agree
Agree
15% Neutral
40% Disagree
strongly disagree
percentage were 20%and 32 respondents answered “agree’ and their percentage were 40%. And
12 respondents answered “neutral” and their percentages were 15% and 14 respondent answered
Table 4.1.21
the civil society voice and representation for their respective regional civil society in the
political decision-making process.
Agree 29 36.25%
Neutral 10 12.5%
disagree 16 20%
Total 80 100%
58
Figure 4.1.21
the civil society voice and representation for their respective regional civil society in the
16% 15%
strongly agree
20% Agree
36% Neutral
13% Disagree
strongly disagree
59
The given figure table shows that 12 respondents answered “strongly agree” and their percentage
Table 4.1.22
The official end of the transitional government of Somalia has attracted new international
support for Somalia. This change has expanded the role of civil society and offered a
widened opportunity.
Agree 13 16.25%
neutral 14 17.5%
Disagree 10 12.5%
Total 80 100%
60
agree.
Figure 4.1.22
The official end of the transitional government of Somalia has attracted new international
support for Somalia. This change has expanded the role of civil society and offered a
widened opportunity.
10%
13% strongly agree
44%
Agree
17% Neutral
Disagree
16%
strongly disagree
61
percentage were 43.75% and 13 respondents answered “agree’ and their percentage were
16.25%. And 14 respondents answered “neutral” and their percentages were 17.5% and 10
respondents answered “disagree” and their percentage were 12.5% and 8 respondents answered
“strongly disagree” and their percentage were 10%. And the majority of the respondents 35
(43.75%) answered strongly agree.
CHAPTER FIVE
FINDINGS, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
This chapter discussed the findings of the study in line with the research objectives. The
variables which were investigated for the purpose of identifying the Post Conflict National
reconciliation in Mogadishu-Somalia were to investigate the post conflict National reconciliation
initiatives in Mogadishu Somalia, by Approaches of national reconciliation used in Somalia, The
role of the international community and neighbouring countries in the approach to national
reconciliation as well as, civil society actor’s involvement in the national reconciliation initiative
process.
5.1 FINDINGS OF THE STUDY

The main objectives of the study is to investigate the post conflict National reconciliation
initiatives in Mogadishu Somalia. The study has three objectives.
62
The first objective of this study was to examine the kind Approaches of national reconciliation
used in Somalia. Based on the findings from the result of the analysis shown in table and figures
4.1.6, 4.1.7, 4.1.8, 4.1.12, and 4.1.14, respectively showed that the kind Approaches of national
reconciliation used in Somalia investigated in this study to achieve the best Approaches of
national reconciliation the researcher asked some questions to our respondents and the results
indicated that Somalia has been used in two distinct approaches which are top-down and bottom-
up reconciliation approaches. So the Results indicate that both approaches worked in Somalia.
The second objective of this study was to explore role of the international community and
neighbouring countries in the approaches of national reconciliation According to the second
objective of this study, findings from the result in tables and figures 4.1.15, 4.1.16, and 4.1.17
respectively revealed that international community and neighbouring countries have been
playing active role in the mediation and negotiation between the conflicting groups in Somalia.
To achieve this Objective, the researcher asked some questions to our respondents and the results
indicated that the international community played a vital role in Somali reconciliation processes,
the results provided by this objective show that they had worked to bring together warring
groups to reconcile their divergences.
the UN and international community supported the neighbouring countries to accommodate the
Somali reconciliation conferences, UN together with international community, regional
organizations and continental organizations such as Intergovernmental Authority on
Development (IGAD), African Union collaborated on investing financially and technically on
series of peace reconciliations intended to restore peace and establish state in Somalia hosted by
neighbouring countries.
The last objective of this research was to investigate civil society actor’s involvement in the
national reconciliation initiatives. To accomplish this objective, the researchers conducted
number of questions to the respondents and the results shown in the tables and figures 4.1.9,
4.1.10, 4.1.11, 4.1.13, 4.1.18,4.1.19,4.1.20,4.1.21 and 4.1.22. indicated that civil society have
been playing an active role in the recent reconciliation activities. The results provided by the
respondents indicated that Currently, the civil society participation in the national efforts for
peace and state building is expanded according to previous civil societies role in the former
reconciliations because the establishment of the federal government of Somalia and the official
63
end of the transitional government of Somalia has attracted new international support for
Somalia. This change has expanded the role of civil society and offered a widened opportunity.
In Summary, findings obtained from the final result of objective one shows that Somalia has
been used in two distinct approaches which are top-down and bottom-up reconciliation
approaches. and in the objective two of this study have been respectively showed that the
international community and neighbouring countries have been playing active role in the
mediation and negotiation between the conflicting groups in Somalia. And in the last objectives
of this research shows that civil society have been playing an active role in the recent
reconciliation activities.
5.2 CONCLUSION
The objective of this study was to investigate the Post Conflict National reconciliation in
Mogadishu Somalia. Also discussed the background of the two variables and there are main
problems that the study focused on, and also focused on three specific objectives including the
kind Approaches of national reconciliation used in Somalia, The role of the international
community and neighbouring countries in the approaches of national reconciliation as well as,
civil society actor’s involvement in the national reconciliation initiative process. and also talked
about some important significant for other people.
In chapter two the study deeply discussed among vast reconciliation literature which various
scholars and authors have written on different researches with different opinions on how, what
and when the reconciliation initiative is appropriate to start or end and what initiatives are
considered as reconciliation or not. Besides that, the idea of reconciliation locates the first
priority in the post conflict generation particularly the peace campaigners deem the reconciliation
as being an essential requirement for durable peace.
And chapter three focused on some main points such as the research design of the study, the area
of the study, the target population and sample of the study, the research instrument of the study
and also the limitations of the study.
And in chapter four it was analysed and interpreted the data of the study and lastly we concluded
with chapter five by discussing the findings of the data and recommendations.
64
Finally, the study has also shown the kind of reconciliation approach has been used in Somalia in
achieving citizen’s participation. Because it’s essential in the peace building process and the
social wellbeing, and it motivates our people, satisfies citizens, and creates good images for the
whole country; these things may lead to the country gaining very good and excellent image.
5.3: RECOMMENDATIONS
Based upon the study findings, many propositions and recommendations may arise those are
useful to our country.
Basing generalizations on the findings of this study, the researcher recommends

As the findings indicated Somalia has been used in two distinct approaches which are
top-down approach and bottom-up approach and both worked there, but for further
improvement bottom-up reconciliation approach should be emphasized.
Since Somalia government is unable to invest national reconciliation processes UN and

international community should continue funding Somali reconciliation processes until
Somalia enables funding all reconciliation conferences across the country.
As study declared the official end of the transitional government of Somalia has attracted
new international support for Somalia, this change has expanded the role of civil society
and offered a widened opportunity but civil society should have decision making in the
national reconciliation processes across the country.
The citizens should have the right to participate national reconciliation agendas and
express their demand and opinions.
The government should protect the rights of the citizen’s thoughts and view.
The community should have the right to equal and effective access to public
reconciliation processes in order to exercise his or her right of citizenship and wellbeing.
65
Reference:
Brouneus. Karen. (2003). Reconciliation: Theory and Practice for Development Cooperation.
Ammar, S. (2022). National Reconciliation in Libya: Challenges and Perspectives. Policy Brief,
1-7.
Elmi, M. A. (2021). Post Conflict National reconciliation in Somalia.
Knezovic, S. (2018). The Role of Civil Society, Media and Education in Post-Conflict.
Makhubela, L. M. (2016). CONFLICT RESOLUTION: THE SOMALI MILITIA STATE. Pretoria.
Martina, F. (2011). Transitional Justice and Reconciliation:.
Available at: https://www.berghof-
foundation.org/fileadmin/redaktion/Publications/Handbook/Articles/fischer_tj_and_rec_handboo
k.pdf
Ministry of Interior, F. A. (2019). National Reconciliation Framework. Mogadishu.

USAID. (1999). Promoting Social Reconciliation.
Zeraoulia, F. (2022). National Reconciliation.
Abdi. Farhia. A, Mandut. Kom. K (2019). Human Geographies – Journal of Studies and
Research in Human Geography. How can civil society support reconciliations and civil
engagement in Somalia?.
Abdullahi. Abdurahman (2018) et al. Somali National Reconciliation: Exploring a

Comprehensive Approach. In: War and Peace in Somalia. Oxford University Press. p. 215-226.
Africannews (2020). Somali Prez admits ´dark chapter` in Somaliland under Siad Barre.
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Bloomfield, David. (2006). On good terms: Clarifying reconciliation.
Bradbury, Mark. (2008). The search for peace: A synthesis report of the peace mapping study.
Interpeace: International Peacebuilding Alliance.
Bryden. Matt (1999) New hope for Somalia? The building block approach, 26:79, 134-140, DOI:
10.1080/03056249908704367.
Bryld. Erik (2019) Sida Evaluation. Evaluation of Sida’s Support to Peacebuilding in Conflict
and Post-Conflict contexts. Somalia Country Report.
Bryman, Alan. Social Research Methods (2012) (4th edition). Oxford: Oxford University Press,
530 pp.
Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation (2015). Development dialogue. Inclusive peace building:

recognized but not realized.
Derso. Solomon A (2009). Institute for Security Studies. The Somalia Conflicts. Implications for
Peace-making and Peacekeeping Efforts.
Elmi, A., A. & Barise, A. (2006). The Somali Conflict: Root causes, obstacles, and peace-
building strategies, African Security Studies, 15:1, 32-54, DOI.
Eklöw. Karolina, Krampe. Florian. (2019) SIPRI. Stockholm International Peace Research
Institute. (2019) Climate- Related Security Risks and Peace Building in Somalia.
Eriksson, Mikael (2013). External Intervention in Somalia’s civil war. Security promotion and
national interests.
EU MS. 2017-2020. Somalia EU country roadmap for engagement with civil society 2017 –
2020.
Fischer. Martina (2011) Transitional Justice and Reconciliation: Theory and Practice.
GARDNER, Judith. (2018). Increasing Women's Participation and Inclusion in Jubbaland Peace
Processes: Women, Conflict and Peace: Learning from Kismayo.
Gardner. Judith, El Bushra Judy (2004). Somalia – The Untold Story. The War Through the Eyes
of Somali Women.
Gundel, Joakin. (2018) Launching reconciliation in Somalia.
Hared. Abdifatah Abdi (2020) The Role of Civil Society in Peace Building in Somalia.
HCPR international. 2007–2008. Peacebuilding initiatives, Introduction to Peacebuilding.

History.
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HRW. Human rights Watch. world report. (2020). Somalia events of 2019.
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examination of the Somali Peace Processes. Development, 2017, 60.3-4: 183-189.
ICG. (2020) International Crisis Group. Briefing N163 10 November 2020. Staving off violence
around Somalia’s elections.
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Interpeace. CDR (2012). Centre for research and development. Pillars of peace. Somali Program.
In pursuit of peace. Challenges and opportunities in the central regions.
Lederach, J.P. (1997) Building Peace: Sustainable Reconciliation in Divided Societies, United
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Lerche. Charles (20009). Peace building through reconciliation. International journal of peace
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Interpeace.
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Somaliland and its conflict with Puntland.
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APPENDIX I
Questionnaire
(Mogadishu-Somalia)
Post Conflict National reconciliation in Mogadishu Somalia.
I am a final year students of master of public health from Accord University faculty of
Humanities and social sciences department of Peace and Conflict Resolutions. I conduct research
to assess Post Conflict National reconciliation in Mogadishu Somalia. The study will generate
information which will help the post conflict resolutions processes in Mogadishu- Somalia.
I kindly request you to participate in my study. The information you will provide to me will be treated
with extreme confidentiality and it will be strictly utilized only for academic purposes. Your participation
is highly appreciated.
Please tick the most suitable response.
FACE SHEET: DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF THE RESPONDENTS
Circle the appropriate response
1. Gender:-
Male Female
2. Age:-
20-30 yrs 42-53 yrs
31-41 yrs Over 54yrs
69
3. Marital status:-
Married single widow divorced
4. Educational level
Secondary Diploma
Bachelor Master
70
5. Work experience: -
Less than 6 months 6 months - 1 year
1 year - 2years 2 years and above
No Strongly Agree neutral Disagree Strongly

kind of reconciliation approach has been Agree Disagree
used in Somalia
1 Somalia has been used in two distinct
approaches which are top-down and
bottom-up approaches.
2 There are benefits in the kinds of
reconciliation approach has been used in
Somalia
3 Is the kind of reconciliation approach has
been used in Somalia important in
developing countries? In order to improve
social well-being.
4 Every individual has the right to take a party
social reconciliations in Somalia .
5 Every individual has the right to equal and
effective access to social reconciliation
approach in order to exercise his or her
right in the community.
6 Over the last ten years, the level of social
reconciliation has gotten better.
71
No Strongly Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly
The understanding of the national Agree Disagree
reconciliation by the government and
political opposition?
1 the federal government of Somalia and

political opposition have the same
understanding of the national
reconciliations.
2 The community engagement is a way of
improving community participation of
national reconciliation and shall not be
restricted in any manner whatsoever.
3 the federal government of Somalia and
federal member states have the same
understanding of the national
reconciliations.

the international community’s and Agree Disagree
neighbouring countries’ role in this
approach.
1 the international community’s and

neighbouring countries’ role in this
approach is positively effects the Somali
national reconciliations.
2 United Nations, international community,

regional and continental actors played
mediation and negotiation roles to bring
together warring groups to reconcile their
divergences.
72
3 the international community supported the
neighboring countries to accommodate the
Do the civil society actors were/are Agree Disagree
involved in the national reconciliation
initiatives?
1 Civil society currently has strong role in
national reconciliation processes.
2 Due to the civil society engagement,
essential progress in the representation of
the marginalized groups were realized .
3 Some civil society consultations with some
of the civil society representatives
participated in the dialogue.
4 There have been regional civil society
platforms consisting of various broad based
networks including youth networks
participated in the dialogue.
5 the civil society voice and representation for
their respective regional civil society in the
6 the official end of the transitional
government of Somalia has attracted new
international support for Somalia. This
change has expanded the role of civil
society and offered a widened opportunity.
73
APPENDIX II
TIME FRAME
DURATION MONTHS
ACTIVITIES January January February March
2022 2023 2023 2023
Study analysis
proposal design
proposal
development
Submission of
proposal for
approval
Final report writing

and submission
74
APPENDEX III
ESTIMATED RESEARCH BUDGET
This is the estimate cost and expenses that the research expects to meet during the course of
Research study.
ITEMS QTY UNIT COST AMOUNT

Internet data 20 GB $20
Ream of rule paper 3 5 $15
Pens 3 0.5 $2.5
Pencils 3 0.1 $0.3
Box files 5 1 $5.2
Preparing questionnaires $21
Editing data, printing and binding $30
Airtime $11
Motivation and refreshment $30
Miscellaneous $15
TOTAL $150
75
76

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Accord University

Knowledge & Vision

Post Conflict National reconciliation in Mogadishu-Somalia.

This dissertation is submitted as partial fulfillment of the requirements

Department of Peace and Conflict Resolutions

DR. Christian Romeo Njia

ABDI ABDULLAHI ALIN

Prof. Dr Christian Romeo NJIA

Finally, I wish to express my special appreciation to my lecturers of Accord University and my

Recommendations, the researcher of this study recommends bottom-up reconciliation approach

Table 4.1 1distribution of respondents with respect of their gender ..................................... 22

1.2 Problem statement

1.3 General Objectives

1.5 Significance of the Study

1.6 Scope of the Study

1.7 Definition of Key Terms

1.8 Conceptual framework of the study

In Dependent variables Dependent variable

• Restoring trust in government

2.1 Overview of general concept of reconciliation literature review

2.2 Previous national reconciliations in Somalia since 1991- 2007

2.3 Civil society roles in Previous national reconciliations

2.4 Current national and state leaders’ prospects of reconciliation

3.1 Research Design

3.3. Area study

3.4 Sample size determination

Category Population Sample size

3.5 Sampling procedure

3.6 Data collection instrument

3.7 Data collection procedure

3.8 Data analysis procedure

3.10 Ethical consideration

DATA PRESENTATION, INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS

Table 4.1 1distribution of respondents with respect of their gender

Gender Frequency Percent

Figure 4.1 1 Frequency distribution of respondents with respect of their gender

Age Frequency Percent

Figure 4.1 2Frequency distribution of respondents with respect to their Age

Distibution of age of the respondents

Table 4.1 3 Marital status of the respondents

Figure 4.1 3 Marital status of the respondents

Table 4.1 4Frequency distribution of respondents with respect to their qualification

Qualification Frequency Percent

Distibution of educational level of

work experience Frequency Percent

less than 1year 11 13.75%

1 year - 5year 38 47.5%

5 year - 10 year 22 27.5%

10years and above 9 11.25%

Work experience of the respondents.

less than 1year

47% 5 year - 10 year

Options Frequency Percent

strongly agree 25 31.25%

Distibution of the repondets

Options Frequency Percent

strongly agree 16 20%

strongly disagree 2 2.5%

Options Frequency Percent

strongly agree 12 15%

strongly disagree 6 7.5%

countries? In order to improve social well-being.

Distribution of the respondents

Options Frequency Percent