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Promoting Strengths and Resilience in Single-Mother Families

Article  in  Child Development · March 2017

DOI: 10.1111/cdev.12741

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 Child Development, xxxx 2017, Volume 00, Number 0, Pages 1–9

The title for this Special Section is Developmental Research and Translational
Science: Evidence-Based Interventions for At-Risk Youth and Families edited by
Suniya S. Luthar and Nancy Eisenberg

Promoting Strengths and Resilience in Single-Mother Families

Zoe E. Taylor Rand D. Conger
Purdue University University of California, Davis

Mothering can be particularly demanding for single women who are more vulnerable to a variety of risks
ranging from economic hardship to poor psychological functioning. These risks place their children at higher
risk of experiencing maladjustment. Examining factors that contribute to the well-being of single mothers and,
in turn, their parenting may be one of the most effective ways of contributing to children’s adjustment. This
article highlights two factors, perceived social support and specific internal resources, that (a) substantially
contribute to single mothers’ well-being, (b) are linked to positive parenting behaviors, and (c) are amenable
to change. The authors highlight the current research in these focus areas and explore how these two
particular risk modifiers have potential to be changed via behavioral interventions.

Being a mother can be a challenging role for even
the most successful, educated, or invested woman,
including those who parent with a partner (Luthar
& Ciciolla, 2015). However, mothering can be par-
ticularly demanding for single women who are
both the primary caregivers and primary wage
earners for their children. In addition to often
having fewer economic resources, single mothers
frequently have fewer emotional resources due to
the demands of raising a child without the support
of a spouse or coparent. High stressors, such as
everyday hassles, social isolation, and financial
strain, result in single mothers having a high risk
for emotional distress and disruptions in parenting,
and their children are more vulnerable to adjust-
ment problems largely resulting from exposure to
poverty, maternal depression, and poorer parenting
methods (for reviews, see Murry, Bynum, Brody,
Willert, & Stephens, 2001; Taylor & Conger, 2014;
Waldfogel, Craigie, & Brooks-Gunn, 2010).
According to the family stress model, economic
pressure exacerbates emotional and behavioral
problems for parents, and these difficulties
negatively influence parenting and child outcomes
(Conger, Conger, & Martin, 2010). Consistent with
this, the high levels of economic hardship experi-
enced by many single mothers have been associated
with high levels of depression and anxiety, coercive
parenting, and in turn, child maladjustment (Kalil
& Ryan, 2010; Lee, Anderson, Horowitz, & August,
2009; Taylor, Larsen-Rife, Conger, Widaman, &
Cutrona, 2010). Although the majority of research
on single-mothers has focused on children in low-
income or poverty-stricken families, it is evident
that higher income single-mother families also face
challenges and can also experience economic pres-
sure. For example, Ryan, Claessens, and Markowitz
(2015) found that young children in higher income
families were more detrimentally affected by the
transition into a single-parent family than their
peers in lower income families. Psychological dis-
tress is also higher among divorced mothers than
never-married mothers (Hope, Power, & Rodgers,
1999). This work suggests that single mothers and
their children likely face risks and challenges across
the economic spectrum, and not solely at the lower
income levels.
These observations highlight the importance for
researchers to identify ways to effectively intervene

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to © 2017 The Authors

Zoe E. Taylor, Department of Human Development and Family Child Development © 2017 Society for Research in Child Development, Inc.
Studies, Purdue University, 1202 W. State Street, West Lafayette, All rights reserved. 0009-3920/2017/xxxx-xxxx
IN 47907. Electronic mail may be sent to zetaylor@purdue.edu. DOI: 10.1111/cdev.12741
2 Taylor and Conger

in promoting positive adjustment for single mothers
and their children across the full range of economic
circumstances, and this, in turn, necessitates an
understanding of potent protective processes.
Researchers have identified general vulnerabilities
that single mothers experience, with far fewer
exploring how negative pathways can be disrupted
or examining resilience factors. Furthermore,
because single-mother families are most often com-
pared to two-parent families, researchers continue
to highlight a deficit model rather than exploring
within-group differences that would emphasize
strengths in single-mother households that could be
used in intervention efforts (Murry et al., 2001;
Taylor & Conger, 2014).
Resilience researchers have demonstrated that
positive outcomes are possible for children exposed
to even extreme stressors and hardships; and a con-
sistent finding is that having a competent, warm
parent promotes healthy developmental trajectories
and protects children from maladjustment despite
adversities (Masten, 2014). Therefore, examining fac-
tors that contribute to the well-being of mothers
and, in turn, their parenting may be one of the most
effective ways of contributing to children’s adjust-
ment (Luthar & Ciciolla, 2015). For this reason, iden-
tifying processes and mechanisms that help single
mothers function well, despite the difficulties they
often face, may be the best approach to improving
the lives of children in single-mother families.
With this idea in mind, our conceptual model
(Figure 1) highlights two resilience factors that
have potential to promote the well-being of single
mothers: (a) perceived social support and (b) inter-
nal strengths. These factors are linked to positive
coping strategies, specifically optimism, self-effi-
cacy, and self-esteem. We selected these processes
as they are associated with single mothers’ adjust-
ment, are amendable to interventions, and appear
to apply equally to single mothers regardless of
income or ethnicity. In this conceptual article, we
discuss research in these focus areas, examine how
social support and internal resources have poten-
tial to improve the well-being of single mothers
via behavioral interventions, and provide recom-
mendations of how to move research and interven-
tions aimed at single mothers forward in the
future.

e.g. Perceived Support,

Authenc Connecons,
f
Relaonship Sasfacon

Mothers’ c
Social Support

Mothers’ Posive
Well-Being e Child
a b Outcomes
e.g. Posive Mental Health, e.g. Social Competence, Lower
Efficacious and Competent Behavioral & Emoonal Problems,
Parenng, Posive Coping Appropriate Developmental Tasks
Behaviors and Strategies

d
Mothers’
Internal
Strengths g
e.g. Opmism, Self-Efficacy,
Self-Esteem

Figure 1. Conceptual model.

Note: Based on empirical research discussed in this article, our conceptual model hypothesizes that perceptions of social support and
internal strengths are positively associated with mothers’ well-being, including positive mental health, efficacious parenting, and effec-
tive coping strategies (Paths c and d). Additionally, it is likely that mothers’ social support and internal strengths are bidirectionally
related (Paths a and b). Although not discussed in the present article, our overall hypothesis is that facilitating well-being in single
mothers will positively contribute to child outcomes (Path e) and that the selected resilience processes may have direct effects on child
outcomes (Paths f and g).

Resilience Processes Implicated in Positive Well-
Being of Single Mothers
The Benefits of Perceived Social Support
Supportive relationships are widely recognized
as being indispensible to healthy psychological
well-being, especially with regard to depression
(Turner & Brown, 2010). We focus our review on
perceived support, or the subjective belief that a
person has a caring and available social network
that values and takes care of them, as this is more
strongly associated with mental health than other
forms of social support such as tangible support
(Turner & Brown, 2010). Individuals with higher
levels of perceived support encounter fewer adverse
circumstances and are also more resilient to stress-
ful situations when they occur (Ensel & Lin, 1991;
Leinonen, Solantaus, & Punamaki, 2003; Lee et al.,
2009). It is likely that perceived social support bene-
fits mental health and well-being by eliciting posi-
tive interactions, assistance, and affirmation that
lead to feelings of self-worth, self-esteem, and posi-
tive affect (Lee et al., 2009).
Overall, single mothers tend to be more socially
isolated than married mothers, work longer hours,
receive less emotional and tangible support, and
have less stable social networks (Harknett & Hart-
nett, 2011). Single mothers with lower perceived
social support have higher levels of internalizing
symptoms and poorer parenting behaviors (Kotch-
ick, Dorsey, & Heller, 2005; Lee et al., 2009; Murry
et al., 2001). However, internalizing symptoms
decrease as social support increases (Turner &
Brown, 2010), and social support can moderate the
relation between stressors and depression (Kotchick
et al., 2005; Lee et al., 2009). Single mothers with
higher levels of perceived social support are also
more involved and confident as parents, and have
better relationships with their children (e.g., Lee
et al., 2009).
In addition to mental health benefits, perceived
support from family also appears to promote effec-
tive parenting behaviors and positive child out-
comes, though the majority of research has been
with low-income African American single mothers.
Overall, single mothers who perceive significant
support from relatives report higher quality parent-
ing practices, improved psychological adjustment,
and higher self-efficacy, which in turn predict posi-
tive child adjustment (for a review, see Murry et al.,
2001). However, support from family members
often includes negative interference, which has been
linked to conflict, undermining, parenting stress,
and depression in African American families (e.g.,
Resilience in Single-Mother Families 3
Jones, Zalot, Foster, Sterrett, & Chester, 2007; Murry
et al., 2001; Taylor, 2015) and thus may come with
added emotional costs.
Social support from friends is less often examined
or is measured as part of an encompassing variable
of support from all sources. However, Luthar and
Ciciolla (2015) found that friend support was posi-
tively linked with life satisfaction and fulfillment,
and negatively with stress, emptiness, depression,
anxiety, and loneliness, using a sample of over
2,000 educated single and married mothers. In
contrast, partner support was only significantly
associated with higher life satisfaction and lower
stress and emptiness. This suggests that spousal
relationships are important but that meaningful
support can come from other sources. These find-
ings are relevant to single mothers whom lack the
benefits provided by a supportive spouse and
suggest that boosting friend support could have far-
reaching implications for their well-being, especially
because friend support may involve less emotional
costs than family support (Murry et al., 2001).
Internal Strengths and Coping
A second risk modifier for single mothers
involves psychosocial characteristics that relate to
coping. Researchers have consistently demonstrated
that single mothers with higher levels of optimism,
self-efficacy, and self-esteem have lower levels of
internalizing symptoms such as depression and anx-
iety, and higher levels of positive parenting behav-
iors (for a review, see Taylor & Conger, 2014).
Dispositional optimism is a relatively stable, gen-
eral tendency of individuals to expect positive out-
comes (Carver, Scheier, & Segerstrom, 2010).
Individuals high in optimism typically report less
distress across a broad range of stressful situations,
have more positive social networks, and enjoy bet-
ter physical health than those lower in optimism
(Carver et al., 2010; Nes & Segerstrom, 2006; Taylor
& Stanton, 2007). In particular, optimism is posi-
tively associated with active coping strategies
aimed at eliminating, managing, or reducing stres-
sors (Nes & Segerstrom, 2006). Optimism may be
particularly beneficial for single mothers as it
incorporates a belief that present stressors can be
changed for the better in the future. Consistent with
this, optimism has been linked to lower levels of
depression and anxiety, and higher levels of warm
and effective parenting, within and across time and
for both African American and Mexican-origin sin-
gle mothers (Jones, Forehand, Brody, & Armistead,
2002; Kim & Brody, 2005; Taylor et al., 2010, 2012).
4 Taylor and Conger
Self-efficacy and self-esteem are also associated
with higher levels of positive adjustment in single-
mother families. Feelings of self-efficacy can deter-
mine an individual’s coping strategies, how much
effort they will expend, and for how long. Studies
with largely low-income African American families
show that self-efficacy is an important resource for
single mothers especially with regard to predicting
feelings of well-being but also in terms of positively
influencing parenting behaviors and coping strate-
gies (Brody, Flor, & Gibson, 1999; Jackson, 2000;
Mandara, Johnston, Murray, & Varner, 2008; Olson,
Ceballo, & Park, 2002). In contrast, mothers with
lower efficacy more frequently use punitive child
disciplinary practices, and their children have
higher behavior problems (Olson, Ceballo & Park,
2002). Maternal self-esteem also has been found to
positively predict specific parenting behaviors such
as regular family routines, involvement, and warm
mother–child relationships in African American sin-
gle mothers (Murry et al., 2001). Overall, mothers
who have positive self-concepts are more likely to
believe they are effective parents and are more
likely to use positive parenting strategies.
Researchers have also shown that such positive
personal attributes attenuate negative pathways
that typically result in poor adjustment for single
mothers. Taylor and colleagues (2010, 2012) found
that mothers’ optimism had little differentiating
effect when economic hardship was low, but when
economic hardship was high, mothers with higher
optimism had lower levels of internalizing symp-
toms. Self-esteem may also buffer individuals from
experiencing internalizing symptoms as a result of
adversity. For example, Brown and Moran (1997)
found that depressive onset was more likely to fol-
low an adverse event when women had poor self-
esteem and lacked social support, both of which are
commonly reported by single mothers.
Interventions Focused on Promoting Well-Being
in Single Mothers
As described in the preceding section, empirical
research has shown that mothers who feel sup-
ported and have higher levels of internal resources
that boost coping strategies have better mental
health and more positive parenting than those
reporting lower levels. Thus, a crucial research area
is to determine how interventions can bolster these
processes and assess how long such effects last.
Although the majority of interventions with single
mothers are aimed at parenting skills, we highlight
interventions that are focused on improving the
well-being of single mothers consistent with the
themes of our article. On the basis of the research
discussed earlier, we propose that interventions that
combine peer support groups with cognitive-beha-
vioral training would provide single mothers with
strong resources to cope with the challenges they
face and have a measurable effect on their well-
being and, in turn, their parenting and their chil-
dren’s adjustment. Additionally, we argue for
group-based interventions as they are likely to be
more cost effective than one-on-one therapies, are
less stigmatized, and the effects may be more sus-
tainable if participants forge meaningful and lasting
social connections with each other.
Social Support Interventions
A few researchers have specifically assessed the
effects of social support and peer education groups
in single-mother populations. Lipman et al. (2007)
found that low-income single mothers with young
children who participated in a 10-week program of
group sessions offering social support and educa-
tion had significantly improved mood and self-
esteem at 3 months postintervention compared to
the control group who received a standard list of
community resources. However, differences in
adjustment for participants and the control group
were nonsignificant at the 20-month follow-up. Sim-
ilarly, participants (majority low-income African
American and Caucasian single mothers with
young children) who participated in a 13-week par-
enting and self-care group program (Mom Power)
and attended more than 70% of the group sessions
showed medium effects of reduced levels of depres-
sion, posttraumatic stress, and feelings of helpless-
ness, particularly for those with the highest mental
health risk (Muzik et al., 2015). Also important, the
majority of participants stated that they had made
social connections with other group participants.
Toth et al. (2013) found that interpersonal psy-
chotherapy had a statistically significant medium
effect on reducing depressive symptoms in high-
risk, low-income mothers (64% African American,
34% Caucasian, 18% Hispanic) with gains retained
and increased at an 8-month follow-up compared
to a control group. In particular, women who
received interpersonal psychotherapy had signifi-
cant decreases in their perceptions of stress, with
no evidence of differences across ethnic groups.
Participation in such programs may allow single
mothers to form social networks that provide much
needed emotional support and mentorship, as well

as provide a sense they can count on others for
help when they need it (Freeman & Dodson, 2014).
Larger intervention studies focused on improv-
ing parenting in at-risk mothers, in general, have
found that an additional benefit for program
participants is enhancing mothers’ perceptions of
support. The Incredible Years Parent Training Pro-
gram (Webster-Stratton, 2001) is a highly validated
and replicated preventive multiethnic group inter-
vention that uses a collaborative group process
model to facilitate engagement, empowerment, and
support for participating parents (Borden, Schultz,
Herman, & Brooks, 2010). Participants attend group
sessions for 18 weeks and additionally create
support networks through buddy phone calls, thus
providing both developmentally appropriate par-
enting skills as well as much needed peer support.
Results across studies demonstrate lasting improve-
ments in parenting practices and child outcomes
(Borden et al., 2010; Pidano & Allen, 2015), though
the effect on mothers’ well-being was not assessed
per se. Additionally, a meta-analysis of 48 studies
by Barlow, Smailagic, Huband, Roloff, and Bennett
(2014) assessed whether group-based parenting
programs for at-risk mothers (both single and part-
nered) were effective in improving parental psy-
chosocial well-being. They found that the programs
(including behavioral, cognitive-behavioral, and
multimodal) produced small statistically significant
short-term improvements in mothers’ depression,
anxiety, stress, and low confidence. However, only
low stress and increased confidence continued to be
significant 6 months later, and none were signifi-
cant a year later, suggesting parents may need
additional “top-up” intervention sessions over time
in order to maintain the positive effects of the
program.
Finally, researchers have examined the effective-
ness of peer-administered interventions (PAIs) that
employ former clients as cost-efficient adjunct pro-
viders. A meta-analysis of 23 studies found that
PAIs had significant medium effects on pre–post
reductions in depression at roughly a 6-month fol-
low up, and performed as well as non-PAIs, and
better than PAIs involving a professional in a sec-
ondary role (Bryan & Arkowitz, 2015). Given this,
authors suggested that a “pure” approach to peer
intervention where peers lead the group may be
preferable. PAIs may be particularly effective for
use with single-mother populations because they
are cost-effective for a population that often has
limited mental health resources, include an
empathetic and supportive network of peers, and
provide the opportunity to forge authentic
Resilience in Single-Mother Families 5
connections with others facing similarly challenging
situations (Luthar & Ciciolla, 2015). This may be
particularly important as intervention studies have
found single mothers’ depressive symptoms remit
with less frequency than married or cohabiting
mothers, which suggests that social support may be
crucial for maintaining gains made in treatment
situations (Pilowsky et al., 2008).
Overall, programs such as these demonstrate that
group-based interventions are likely to improve the
short-term well-being of single mothers, although
further work is needed to determine how these
results can be maintained for a longer duration of
time.
Interventions to Bolster Internal Strengths and Coping
Skills
Although altering internal resources may be
more challenging than environmental ones, teach-
ing single mothers to perceive themselves as
capable and competent, and instilling a sense of
optimism for the future may be a critical buffer
against adversity, reducing internalizing symptoms,
and enabling parents to more optimally promote
the well-being of their children (Coleman &
Karraker, 1998). Internal resources such as opti-
mism, self-esteem, and self-efficacy are linked to
effective coping strategies that can be fostered
through psychosocial intervention and have the
potential to help individuals manage stress and
avoid compromising their mental health (Carver
et al., 2010; Taylor & Stanton, 2007).
Optimism may be amendable to intervention as
it has a strong cognitive component and is
additionally linked to goal engagement (Nes &
Segerstrom, 2006). Researchers report that teaching
people to think more positively using cognitive-
behavioral therapies is effective at increasing opti-
mism; however, it is unclear if such procedures
have pervasive or long-lasting effects (Carver et al.,
2010). Changing negative thoughts, or altering
internal working models, could also lead to higher
levels of self-esteem and self-efficacy for single
mothers. Intervention research aimed at improving
mothers’ self-efficacy has been successful, and self-
efficacy appears to be a construct that is alterable
on a practical level (Coleman & Karraker, 1998).
Researchers have found that cognitive reframing,
which challenges irrational and negative thoughts
and replaces them with more positive ones, is
particularly effective against depression (Borden
et al., 2010; Coleman & Karraker, 1998; Peden,
Rayens, & Hall, 2005). Peden et al. (2005) evaluated
6 Taylor and Conger
the long-term effects of a cognitive-behavioral
group intervention on reducing negative thinking,
chronic stressors, and depressive symptoms in low-
income African American and Caucasian single
mothers. The experimental group members (who
participated in a 6-hr cognitive-behavioral group
intervention) were found to have a greater
reduction in their depressive symptoms, negative
thinking, and perceptions of chronic stressors over
a 12-month period. Additionally, a meta-analysis of
51 interventions aimed at cultivating positive feel-
ings, behaviors, and cognitions found a small over-
all increase in well-being for participants and a
modest reduction in depression compared to the
control groups (Sin & Lyubomirsky, 2009). Format
of the intervention moderated the findings, with
individual therapy being most effective, followed
by group-administered interventions.
Researchers have also demonstrated the impor-
tance of administering interventions that boost
happiness and positive emotions in addition to
those focused on alleviating suffering; “strengths of
the heart” traits such as gratitude, zest, and hope
are robustly associated with life satisfaction and
well-being (Seligman, Steen, Park, & Peterson,
2005). Gratitude is a life orientation toward noticing
and appreciating the positive effect in life (Wood,
Froh, & Geraghty, 2010), and interventions focused
on fostering gratitude have demonstrated a signifi-
cant positive effect on individual well-being (Davis
et al., 2016; Wood et al., 2010), although no inter-
ventions have been specifically tested with single
mothers. The most common strategy to promote
gratitude has been to have participants regularly
engage in brief activities designed to cultivate a
sense of gratefulness (listing things for which one is
grateful, journaling, or expressing gratitude to a
person to whom one is appreciative). Such interven-
tions have shown modest to medium significant
associations between gratitude and lower levels of
depression, adaptive personality characteristics,
positive social relationships, and physical health in
high-risk samples such as those suffering from post
traumatic stress disorder (Davis et al., 2016; Wood
et al., 2010). It is likely that gratitude is linked to
fewer depressive symptoms through its effects on
positive reframing and positive emotion (Lambert,
Fincham, & Stillman, 2012).
Overall, it appears that interventions that target
specific internal resources that are linked to coping
skills through reformatting negative thinking pat-
terns appear to benefit single mothers and would
likely be linked to better mental health and positive
parenting behaviors. Additionally, these types of
interventions are cost effective, promote change,
allow contact with peers with similar challenges,
and can be utilized with populations of single
mothers from different socioeconomic and ethnic
backgrounds.
Implications and Future Directions
On the basis of research described earlier, we con-
clude with the following recommendations that are
aimed at moving research with single mothers for-
ward in the future. First, interventions are needed
that focus specifically on promoting single mothers’
well-being, in particular targeting their need for
meaningful social support and bolstering their
internal resources. The development of successful
interventions requires improved understanding of
mechanisms by which the well-being of single
mothers can be increased. Focusing on improving
the well-being of single mothers is expected to con-
tribute positively to their parenting behaviors and
their relationships with their children, and thus has
important implications at both an individual and
family level. In turn, enhanced well-being likely
translates into improved child adjustment.
This article suggests two important points of
entry (enhancing perceptions of social support and
bolstering internal strengths) for the development
of effective intervention programs working to
increase positive functioning and coping in single-
mother families. We propose that a strength-based
multicomponent group intervention that provides
peer support in a group environment, and that addi-
tionally combines elements of cognitive-behavioral
training, would be highly effective at improving
adjustment in single mothers based on the research
discussed earlier. As social support processes and
internal strengths likely interact, focusing on both
factors simultaneously could provide stronger
effects and potentially more lasting sustainability.
Currently it is evident that group interventions are
effective, but it is unclear what is needed to main-
tain levels of improved adjustment. In particular,
based on the intervention research with at-risk
mothers, interventions that focus on helping moth-
ers build and maintain support networks among
women experiencing similar stressors to themselves
may emerge as an effective, and cost-efficient, way
of promoting positive adjustment that needs to be
evaluated with single mothers specifically. Such
interventions could fit within a public health
continuum of intervention (Borden et al., 2010).
Universal interventions could be designed to

build mothers’ resources and decrease the likeli-
hood of adversity; selective programs could target
subgroups of single mothers (i.e., those living in
poverty or with young children) who may face
more severe challenges, whereas indicated interven-
tions could provide more intensive interventions to
mothers manifesting problem behaviors (i.e., clinical
levels of depression).
Additionally, the field remains rather limited in
conceptualizing and measuring adjustment in single
mothers, with the majority of researchers remaining
focused on assessing psychopathology such as
depression and anxiety. However, low levels of
depression and anxiety do not necessarily equate
with “wellness.” Other measures are likely needed
to accurately evaluate the psychological health and
well-being of single mothers. For example, Luthar
and Ciciolla (2015) have used other indices to
gauge perceptions of social support in mothers,
such as feeling like they have authentic connections
in their lives, the degree to which they feel uncon-
ditionally accepted or seen and loved for their
“core” selves, and whether they feel “mothered”
themselves in their daily lives. Researchers could
assess other constructs of well-being such as feel-
ings of belonging, joy, courage, fulfillment, grati-
tude, and pursuit of meaningful life goals.
Finally, research focusing specifically on single
mothers (rather than single and married mothers)
will be able to assess individual differences that
influence adjustment in populations of single moth-
ers. Despite circumstances that most likely vary
considerably, single parents are often viewed as a
homogenous group when their trajectories of emo-
tional well-being most likely differ as a result of a
variety of factors (e.g. Gibson-Davis & Gassman-
Pines, 2010). For example, African American and
Hispanic families may rely more on extended social
networks for support, and differences have been
found in how families function when facing stress-
ful life events (for a review, see Taylor & Conger,
2014). Also, the majority of researchers have exam-
ined the adjustment of low socioeconomic status
single mothers, whereas the needs of higher income
single mothers remain largely unknown. For exam-
ple, African American mothers with higher family
income have been found to have higher self-esteem
regardless of their marital status (Mandara et al.,
2008), and researchers have found that single moth-
ers in the lower middle income ranges ($25,200–
$45,199) and in the highest income range ($115,200
and above) tended to have lower resiliency scores
than participants in the $45,200 to $55,199 range
(Kjellstrand & Harper, 2012). Thus, income
Resilience in Single-Mother Families 7
differences (such as not having sufficient funds to
pay bills or career demands) might affect whether a
single mother is resilient or not and importantly
suggests that high-income mothers may face chal-
lenges that have not yet been uncovered. It is also
unclear how single mothers’ adjustment varies as a
result of the ages of her children; it is likely that the
needs and struggles differ for single women with
younger versus older children. For example, single
mothers with young children may struggle with
affordable child care or balancing the demands of a
job with family life, whereas single mothers with
adolescent children may face anxiety about moni-
toring their children or experience hurt and rejec-
tion as a result of their children’s moodiness or
rebelliousness that is not buffered by having a sup-
portive partner (Luthar & Ciciolla, 2016).
Acknowledging single parents as a multifaceted
group deserving to be studied in their own right
allows for better insight into both the strengths and
weaknesses of this type of family structure and
would allow for more effective intervention efforts.
In sum, we propose that a more relevant under-
standing of how single mothers are able to be resili-
ent amid the challenges of single parenting is
imperative and present relevant interventions that
address the needs of single mothers and that have
potential to make a significant positive difference in
the lives of single mothers and their children.
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