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JO WILLIAMS
Bartlett School of Planning, University College London, London, UK
ABSTRACT Does design influence social interaction in cohousing? How crucial is it?
What other factors are involved? Can the impact of design be enhanced by the personal
characteristics of residents or the formal social structures operating in a cohousing
community? How can we design communities to increase social interaction in the future?
Cohousing provides a useful case study because it uses design and formal social structures
to encourage social interaction in neighbourhoods. In addition, informal social factors and
personal characteristics of those living in cohousing communities predispose them to social
interaction. Thus, cohousing is a housing form with optimal conditions for social
interaction. Cohousing also provides a unique opportunity to study these variables in one
setting to determine the relative importance of each and how social and personal factors
may help to enhance the outcomes of design.
Introduction
Increasingly, national and local planning policy is supporting the development of
more sustainable communities. In England, for example, national policy requires
that ‘liveable communities’ are created and that new neighbourhoods are designed
to encourage social interaction (Department of the Environment, Transport and the
Regions, 2000a, b; Department for Transport, Local Government and the Regions &
Commission on Architecture and the Built Environment, 2001; Office of the Deputy
Prime Minister, 2003). This arises from the need to encourage more vibrant
communities but also to help rebuild local social capital.1 Social interactions
provide residents living in a community with knowledge about their fellow
residents and social structure. This in turn helps to build trust between residents,
allows for exchanges to take place and creates social networks (connectedness) and
common rules/norms (Pretty & Ward, 2001). Thus, social interactions within the
neighbourhood help to encourage the growth of social capital. According to the
Performance Innovation Unit (2002), this is important because social capital
contributes to a range of beneficial economic and social outcomes including: high
levels of and growth of gross domestic product; more efficiently functioning labour
markets; higher educational attainment; lower levels of crime; better health; and
more effective institutions of government.
Correspondence Address: Jo Williams, Bartlett School of Planning, University College London,
Wates House, 22 Gordon Street, London WC1H 0QB, UK. Email: joanna.williams@ucl.ac.uk
196 J. Williams
This paper presents the results of the research and attempts to determine:
. the design factors which most influence social interactions in cohousing;
. the relative importance of design in influencing social interaction when
compared to personal and social factors in cohousing;
. how social and personal factors can enhance design features to encourage more
social interaction in cohousing.
198 J. Williams
and upper floors, whilst those living in the centre of the floor are more inclined to
socialize with their immediate neighbours (Homans, 1968; Baum & Valins, 1977).
However, the relationships established through physical proximity are occasion-
ally overcome by functional relationships (for example the need to obtain specific
advice, help or expertise, or the desire to socialize with similar people, etc.). They
may also be overcome by social distance (Abu-Gazzeh, 1999). The effect of physical
and functional distance on social interaction is greatly influenced by social
similarity (Kuper, 1953) or even homogeneity (Abu-Gazzeh, 1999).
At extremely high densities, residents feel that they have less control over
their social environment and are inclined to withdraw from the community, which
they feel is invasive and beyond their control (Baum & Valins, 1977; Birchall, 1988;
Coleman, 1990). According to Altman’s (1975) optimization process, there is a
critical mass of dwelling density that allows proximity but not overcrowding
(thresholds unspecified). Certainly, use of buffer zones (semi-private space)
between private and public (or communal) space can increase the threshold
(Homans, 1968; Baum & Valins, 1977; Birchall, 1988), as can good social relations
between neighbours (Marcus & Dovey, 1991). Semi-private space or buffer zones
(gardens and verandas, etc.) are very important in terms of social interaction. They
provide a gentle transition between public and private space (Abu-Gazzeh, 1999).
They can create a protective barrier “providing a degree of privacy and territorial
control with options for active contact into adjacent public space” (Skjaeveland
et al., 1996, p. 193). Thus, semi-private space can protect residents from
overexposure to the community, which may lead to withdrawal and a reduction in
social interaction. Semi-private space may also act as an excellent interactional
space. It increases the potential for surveillance of the public space for prolonged
periods, which increases opportunities for potential meetings. It is also an area
used for more formal social events (for example meals and parties, etc.). These
spaces also provide residents with an area in which to express themselves and
their lifestyles (Abu-Gazzeh, 1999).
Opportunities for surveillance within the community are key to higher levels
of social interaction: “The nearby environment is the basis of communication and
identification of common interests between inhabitants” (Abu-Gazzeh, 1999, p. 66).
Residents’ ability to see and hear others using public spaces outside their home
greatly influences their sense of community and enables them to observe others
with whom they would like to interact. Thus, enabling surveillance through
community layout and building design is important in terms of encouraging social
interaction.
Shared pathways to activity sites (private units, parking spaces and local
facilities) in a community also increase the potential for social interaction (Cooper
Marcus & Sarkissian, 1986; Gehl, 1987; Fromm, 1991; McCammant & Durrett,
1994; Abu-Gazzeh, 1999). However, the existence of social homogeneity in a given
setting results in a greater number of residents having similar activity sites along
shared paths (Abu-Gazzeh, 1999), which increases potential for interaction still
further. For this reason also car parking is provided on the periphery of
communities to prevent residents from walking straight from their private unit
and getting into their car. If car parking is identified as an activity site provided on
a shared path through the community, even accessing one’s car provides potential
for social interaction.
The size of a community also greatly influences social interactions (Baum &
Valins, 1977; Fischer et al., 1977; Birchall, 1988; Coleman, 1990; Fromm, 1991).
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200 J. Williams
factors (formal and informal) and other factors, including the time period the
community has been in existence (Clitheroe et al., 1998).
. Personal factors include personality traits, interpersonal dynamics and
attitudes, which are largely influenced by people’s background (family, social
class, education, affluence, religion and culture, etc.).
. Informal social factors include the relationship between an individual and other
individuals or groups, and the resources available to individuals that may
influence their social interactions with others (for example financial resources,
time and health, etc.).
. Formal social factors comprise organizational policies and structures (decision-
making processes, social structure and organization of activities, etc.).
The extent to which each of these factors influences social interaction, the relative
importance of design factors and how all the factors interact with each other
requires further investigation.
What is Cohousing?
Cohousing combines the autonomy of private dwellings with the advantages of
community living. It has private units, semi-private space and indoor and outdoor
communal space. It is built at low, medium and high densities and in a variety of
layouts and locations; thus, communities are very diverse. The design and
processes operating in cohousing encourage a ‘collaborative’ lifestyle and greater
interdependence between residents. Thus, the signature characteristic of
cohousing is its strong and vibrant communities.
Personal factors
Personality, interpersonal dynamics, attitudes, communication processes, values, preferences.
Physical factors
Layout, communal facilities/spaces,
buildings (private units).
Figure 1. The interaction between physical, personal and social factors and impact on behaviour.
Source: Adapted from Clitheroe et al. (1998).
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Various research studies have found that mutual support networks and social
relations are stronger and more developed in cohousing communities (Marcus &
Dovey, 1991; Brenton, 1998; Meltzer, 2000). The key to success is the social focus of
cohousing, cohousers’ keenness to build a sense of community and their very
positive attitude towards social interaction. Cohousers are diverse in terms of
interests, ages, religion and household types (personal factors). However, in terms
of affluence, social class, race, education and attitudes cohousers are a fairly
homogeneous group. Homogeneity within a community, as explained by Gans
(1967), Gehl (1987) and Abu-Gazzeh (1999), reinforces social interaction.
Formal social factors in cohousing also help to promote social interaction.
Communities all adopt a similar non-hierarchical social structure, which reduces
barriers to social interaction. Resident participation in the community is
formalized and encourages greater social interaction. Residents are involved in
recruiting other residents for the community, and the development, design,
management and maintenance of the community. They are also involved in the
initial design of the communal spaces and are responsible for ongoing design
decisions (using the consensus decision-making process).
Residents maintain and manage indoor and outdoor communal spaces and
organize regular social activities within the communal spaces (for example
communal meals three times per week, parties, exercise classes, cultural events
and maintenance and gardening days, etc.). Regular activities encourage greater
social interaction and help to form stronger social networks. Often these activities
and spaces are open to the wider community to encourage greater integration and
community development across a wider area, unlike gated communities, where
residents from the wider community are excluded.
202 J. Williams
204 J. Williams
affecting security. Densities and accessibility were the key design features
influencing the strength of support networks in the community. The common
house was identified as being the key design feature encouraging both
participation and unity within communities.
Overall, Torres-Antonini (2001) observed that opportunities for social
interaction and safety were increased through social contact design whilst
participatory, supportive behaviours and unity seemed to be independent of it.
Torres-Antonini (2001) also suggested that there must be other important factors
influencing the five social behaviours, including common goals, the organization
of communal activities and the joint ownership and management of space.
However, these were not explored further by the research. The research presented
in this paper builds on the work completed by Torres-Antonini (2001) and
explores how personal, social and design factors (separately and in combination)
influence social interaction and the relative importance of design factors when
compared to the others.
206 J. Williams
Table 1. (continued)
Community A Community B
Figure 2. Community A: (a) row layout; (b) communal kitchen/dining area; (c) communal garden;
(d) communal gym.
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Table 2. Comparison of the case study communities’ personal and social factors
Community A Community B
residents tended to spend the majority of their time outside the community (on
average 62%), whilst in the community residents spent the majority of their time
in their private space (on average 32%). Residents on average spent only 6% of
their time in communal or semi-private spaces and 4.45% of their time per month
engaged in social interaction with others in the community (Table 3).
There did appear to be a significant difference between the two communities
in terms of the time spent in the community and in private units. Residents in B
appeared to spend far less time in the community and less time in their private
units than residents in A (Table 3). In both communities residents spent a similar
period of time in communal spaces. However, residents in B reported greater
levels of social interaction (on average 26 hours per person per month), whilst in A
social interactions were less (approximately 17 hours per person per month).
Thus, it seemed that residents in A spent more time in their community, but this
did not increase the time they spent using communal space or engaged in social
interaction. However, there is greater potential for social interaction in A if
residents can be encouraged to spend more time using communal space rather
than in their private units.
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208 J. Williams
Figure 3. Community B: (a) vegetable patch and workshop; (b) barbecue area and building
housing kitchen, dining area, lounge, teen room and laundry; (c) communal kitchen and dining area;
(d) playground—clusters 1 and 2.
Table 3. Spatial distribution of resident activities and social interactions in communities A and B
Percentage of time Percentage of time Percentage of time spent Percentage of time spent Percentage of time spent
spent inside community spent outside in private units in communal spaces interacting with others in
(average per person community (average (average per person (average per person community (average per
per month) per person per month) per month) per month) person per month)
Activity space
Formal U
Informal U U U
Frequent U U U U
Infrequent U
Sustained U
Brief U U U
Examples Social gatherings, management Salutations and brief Salutations and brief Salutations and brief
meetings, communal meals, conversations conversations conversations
educational and exercise classes,
seminars
Exception is children, whose
activities are informal, frequent
and sustained, e.g. playing games
Informal social factors. Informal social factors or social dynamic are greatly
affected by the age of a community. Community A had recently been completed
(1 year old) and was in its autonomy phase (as defined by Shaffer & Anundsen
(1993)) at the time the research was completed. This is a period characterized
by conflict and instability and changing social relationships in a community.
This instability and conflict is likely to impact negatively on social interaction in
the short term. By contrast, community B was older and in a period of stability
(Shaffer & Anundsen, 1993). Thus, residents had settled into their roles and as a
result there was less conflict overall in B than in A. There were also mutual
confidence and clear rules amongst residents in B that ensured greater
cooperation in common tasks. Group process and conflict resolution were
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212 J. Williams
further advanced in B and most people were satisfied with decisions made.
Various members of the community had taken on set roles that reduced internal
conflicts in B. Lower levels of conflict have meant higher levels of social
interaction. Thus, the case studies demonstrate that organizational immaturity
reduces potential for social interactions (supported by Birchall (1988) and
Coleman (1990)).
the periphery of the community, activity sites linked with shared pathways
(Figure 4), layouts which provide good surveillance opportunities, central
communal facilities and small private units. However, there were some key
differences (Table 1). The most crucial was the density of the development and
therefore the proximity of residents. Community A is very high-density (80 units
per acre) (1 acre ¼ 0.4047 hectares), whilst B is low-density (19.2 units per acre).
There was no designated semi-private space outside units in A, whilst in B
verandas provided semi-private space (Figure 5).
High densities and increased proximities might have served to raise levels of
social interaction in A, but without semi-private space to act as a buffer the rapid
transfer from private to public space appears to have resulted in withdrawal of
some residents from the community. Other residents in A have resorted to
creating semi-private spaces in spatially restricted areas directly outside their
private units (very small gardens/verandas) or have their blinds/curtains
permanently closed. Lower densities and a gradual transition from private to
public space in B have prevented withdrawal of residents from the community.
Residents have not resorted to covering their windows, which in turn increases
residents’ ability to observe communal spaces and encourages social interaction.
The verandas (in B) and the makeshift gardens/verandas (in A) provide space in
which both sustained, infrequent formal interactions (barbecues, meals and
drinks parties) and frequent, brief, informal social interactions could take place
(supporting the theory outlined above).
The communities were also very different in size. Community A had 31
residents and B had 67. However, the clustering of residents into three groups in B
(Figure 6) helped to increase social interaction within smaller subsections of the
community. The number of informal social interactions appeared to be greater in
clusters (B) than in rows (A). However, in B the arrangement of clusters made
surveillance of indoor communal space more difficult and some residents felt this
reduced informal interactions in the space. Thus, it is necessary to ensure that
clusters are built around the central indoor communal facility or that several
indoor communal facilities are spread across the clusters (so that they are visible).
In A, clusters formed despite its planned row layout. The north and south ends of
the row appeared to be creating their own clusters visibly delineated by
the south’s use of garden furniture and plants in semi-private space. There
appeared to be a social and visual division along this line within the community.
In fact, the residents had become territorial about their own cluster, which
created conflicts and reduced social interaction within the community overall.
Thus, in this instance clusters appear to have variable results in terms of
encouraging social interaction.
One solution might be to have separate and different activity spaces for each
cluster, so that residents have to visit other clusters to use activity spaces. This
would reduce territorial conflicts and increase opportunities for social interaction
throughout the community. In fact, this design solution has been shown to work
well in one example (N-Street cohousing community, Davis, CA), where each
section of the community accommodated a different facility. In this example
different parts of the community had a communal laundry, sauna, kitchen and
dining area, a vegetable garden, a workshop and a tool store. Residents moved
from their private unit to these different activity sites, which involved entering
different clusters and meeting residents from outside their own cluster.
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214 J. Williams
Figure 4. The context and communal facilities: (a) community A; (b) community B.
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Figure 5. Activity sites, movement and access points: (a) community A; (b) community B.
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216 J. Williams
These activity sites were also swapped around from time to time. In this way
territorial attachments did not develop.
The communal spaces themselves were also very different in the two
communities (Figure 7). Community A had considerably more indoor communal
space than B, whilst it had less outdoor communal space. The outdoor space in B
was better-quality, well-structured (having several activity spaces, including a
playground, a vegetable plot, a barbecue area, a drying area and areas for
relaxation) and landscaped (Figure 3). By contrast, in A outdoor space was poorly
structured and had very little vegetation. Outdoor space in community B was
used most by the children. It was a space in which formal activities (barbecues)
and informal activities (children playing, gardening and laundry drying)
occurred. In A activities were informal (relaxation and chatting with neighbours)
and were generally extensions of activities in private space. However, most of the
social interactions in outdoor space in A occurred directly outside private units.
In both communities the quality of indoor communal space is high (with the
exception of the communal gym in A: see Figure 2). In both communities the main
spaces used generally for dining and socializing are flexible and thus are used
more efficiently than designated spaces such as the teen room in community B,
which is underutilized. However, this is due to the suitability of the facility for its
purpose (i.e. its lack of entertainment equipment and sound-proofing). Similarly,
poor acoustics in the main social areas of both communities have meant a
reduction in use by elderly residents in the community who cannot hear
conversations.
In both communities the laundries are too small for the number of residents
using them and the frequency at which they are used. This has resulted in some
households buying their own laundry equipment and not using the communal
laundry facilities. In community A the unsuitability of the space designated as
a gym (largely because it is too small for the purpose and the equipment too
antiquated) has meant it is hardly used. In all instances the lack of suitable spaces
for these activities reduces use and social interaction. In both communities indoor
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218 J. Williams
A further observation from the research is that social contact design can result
in both forced and voluntary social interactions. The provision of communal
spaces and facilities, increased surveillance opportunities and the accessibility of
communal spaces all enable voluntary interactions to take place and do not force
interactions. The layout of the circulatory system, territorial controls, proximity
(density) and restricted private space on the other hand can force interactions,
especially in the absence of buffer zones (or other forms of territorial controls).
Circulatory systems that are restrictive and compel movement through communal
spaces to access regularly used activity sites (for example laundries and car parks,
etc.) force interactions. Restricted access created by the physical environment or
the management of space will prevent interactions.
220 J. Williams
This study does identify the key factors influencing social interaction in
cohousing communities and the linkages between those factors (Figure 8). Initially,
personal factors (especially attitude towards socializing) appear to be very
important. However, residents’ attitude can quickly change because of their
experience of interacting with others. This may be affected by formal and informal
social factors (i.e. the way in which individual personalities interact and how a
community is organized). The latter especially can lead to a rapid degeneration in
social relationships within communities where conflict over maintenance issues,
management of communal spaces, resident involvement in communal activities
and design decisions can lead to the withdrawal of initially keen residents from the
community, whilst a poor social dynamic will also result in residents reassessing
their views on community and priorities in terms of socializing. Conversely, a
negative attitude towards socializing and the community will create a poor social
dynamic and may lead to conflicts in terms of management and maintenance
issues. Thus, personal factors (attitude), informal social factors (social dynamic)
and formal social factors (organization of community events and space and
decision-making processes) appear to be intrinsically linked (relationships shown
in Figure 8).
The realized or potential opportunities created by social interaction can
encourage further interaction. These opportunities are influenced by social, personal
and design factors. The social dynamic and the organization of a community will
Personal factors
Formal social
Informal social factors Opportunities factors
Social dynamic relationship Management and
between individuals and maintenance of
Social
individuals and group communal spaces
Interaction
Density (proximity)
Figure 8. The interaction between design, personal and social factors in a cohousing community and its
impact on social interaction.
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222 J. Williams
224 J. Williams
cohousing communities are large enough for clustering to have a positive effect on
social interaction need further research.
The literature suggests that homogeneity within residential communities
promotes social interaction. A very strong message from the research was that
although homogeneity in terms of residents’ attitudes and values is important in
ensuring high levels of social interaction, variety in terms of affluence and
household type (i.e. one-person households, couples and families, etc.) for
example actually increases social interaction in cohousing communities. Residents
are a resource. The greater diversity of residents ensures a greater diversity in
terms of the resource each resident has to offer other residents. For example,
singles have access to family life through the community. Residents who stay at
home have more time to spend organizing activities for the community and
managing the space; they also increase security during the daytime. A variety of
expertise amongst residents means that a variety of problems encountered within
the communities can be dealt with in-house. All of this helps to strengthen social
networks and increase social interaction. This is a very valuable finding because it
suggests mixed cohousing communities (in terms of affluence and household
type) could be viable and in fact more vibrant as long as residents have similar
attitudes and values, especially towards community and socializing.
The cohousing literature also suggests that the involvement of residents in
various decision-making processes (design and management decisions) in
communities increases social interaction and builds social capital. This research
shows that in fact involving residents in decision making can also create conflict
and/or ‘meeting fatigue’ which actually reduces social interaction and may lead
to complete withdrawal of residents from communities in the long term.
However, it does appear that some level of involvement of residents in decision-
making processes is beneficial for social interaction, as it brings residents together
and builds relationships and trust between individuals. It also ensures residents
feel more empowered and have deeper interest in their community. Many
conflicts in decision making result from a lack of clear universal guidelines. Many
of the conflicts arise because decisions are made on a case-by-case basis. Not only
does this increase the number of decisions that need to be made (and thus the
potential for conflict), it also opens the decision makers up to accusations of
discriminatory behaviour because there are no common standards by which
decisions are made. The introduction of design guidance, vision statements and
tenancy/ownership agreements to deal with design decisions, resident behaviour
and management issues respectively could help to reduce conflict. These common
guidelines give residents an understanding of what is expected of them as
residents and what design changes are acceptable without going through
management meetings. This reduces the need for meetings (thus resolving the
issue of ‘meeting fatigue’) and limits the number of situations in which residents
feel unfairly discriminated against. At the same time residents continue to make
decisions about the management and design of the community but their role is
more limited.
Conclusions
Design appears to be an important factor influencing social interaction in
cohousing. Density (proximity) and layout, the division of public and private
space and the quality, type and functionality of communal spaces appear to be
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Note
1. Local social capital is the ‘glue’ which binds people together in a neighbourhood and encourages
them to cooperate with each other. It is the local networks together with shared norms, values and
understandings that facilitate cooperation within or among groups in a neighbourhood. Without
social capital individuals feel isolated and are untrusting, which reduces levels of cooperation
within the neighbourhood.
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