Complete File - Gender, Culture, Politics - 26.09.2016

Proceedings of the One-Day
UGC-DEB Sponsored National Seminar

on
Gender, Culture, Politics :

Bengal in the 20th Century
– Open Distance Initiative
September 24, 2016
Editors
Chandan Basu
Barnana Guha Thakurta (Banerjee)
Manosanta Biswas
NETAJI SUBHAS OPEN UNIVERSITY

DD 26, Sector I, Salt Lake, Kolkata - 700064
©Netaji Subhas Open University
No part of this Proceedings may be reproduced either electronically
or by any means without written permission from the publisher.
First Published
September 24, 2016
Published by
The Registrar, Netaji Subhas Open University,
DD 26, Sector I, Salt Lake - 700064
Website: www.wbnsou.ac.in
ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7
750.00
Printed by
Cyber Graphics
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Disclaimer
The views expressed by the authors/contributors are personal and do
not necessarily represent the views of the University. It is the sole
responsibility of the Authors for any legal ramifications for the contents
in the research papers.
Content
Foreword
Professor Subha Sankar Sarkar,
Vice Chancellor, NSOU ix
Editorial
Chandan Basu
Barnana Guha Thakurta (Banerjee)
Manosanta Biswas xiii
Keynote Address
(Women in Twentieth Century Bengal : Historical Perspectives)
Mahua Sarkar xix
Open and Distance Learning

The Role of ICT in Enhancing Women’s Empowerment
through Open Distance Learning (ODL)
Arunava Samanta 3
Implementing Multicultural Education
in Diverse Classroom
Rita Singha Roy & Pintu Kumar Maji 17
Development of Intercultural
Competencies through Intercultural Competence
Tapas Kumar Sarkar 23
Secondary Teacher Education System in West Bengal with
Special Emphasis through ODL System
Rakesh Manna 30
Community Empowerment :
Role of ODL Institutions in India
Manoranjan Goswami 44
Gender
Women’s Writing and Politics in Colonial Bengal:
Some Leading Muslim Women
Aparajita Dhar 51
Dilemma of Gender Inequality in
Female Literacy in Sundarban
Biraj Kanti Mondal 62
Ensuring Empowerment for Rural Women by
addressing Domestic Violence
Kasturi Sinha Ghosh 74
Has the Reduction in Gender Gap in Literacy increased
the Female Work Participation Rate of West Bengal?
- the Census 2011 Scenario
Maniparna SyamRoy 87
20th Century Bengal: Women, Bodies and Dress
Pallavi Sen Gupta 100
A Perspective on Gender, Culture and Politics:
the Women Flower Vendors of PurbaMedinipur District
Labani Dey 108
Caste, Gender, Education: Bagdi Women of Bengal -
A Historical Study
Milan Roy 115
Zenanas in the gaze of Katherine Mayo in
20th Century Bengal
Moumita Datta 126
Nabanna Revisited :
Women at the Interface of Politics and Culture
Nabanita Mitra 135
Role of Women in Bengal in the Pre-Independence Era
Mili Mishra 143
Revolutionizing the Gender Roles in the
Early Twentieth Century Bengal:
A Critical Evaluation of Begum Rokeya’s Life and Works
Sarwar Ahmed 152
Mapping Historical Perspectives of
Women in the 20th Century Bengal
Shreyasi Ghosh 156
“Women as Special Subjects of Study”-
Tracing the Root of Feminist Consciousness and
Politicization of Indian women in the
Contributory Role of Women
Freedom Fighters of Bengal
Shampa Dutta 165
Re-reading a Kaleidoscopic Presentation of
Women in Naxalbari: Role Conflicts,
Marginalization and Gender Discrimination
Sreetanwi Chakraborty 173
Speaking Truth to Power through One’s Body:
Politics of Protest of Subaltern Women in
Mahasweta Devi’s Short Stories ‘Dhouli’ and ‘Draupadi’
Sumallya Mukhopadhyay 183
A Human Rights Approach to
Gendercide and Daughter Abuse
Titi Mukherjee 194
Traditional Social Stigma against the Hijras
Debalina Debnath & Ayantika Chakraborty 212
Gender and Autobiography: Relocating the
Bengali ‘other’ in Left Politics
Barnana Guha Thakurta (Banerjee) 219
Culture
Contextualising Culture of Science in
the Psyche of the People in Twentieth Century Bengal
Sabyasachi Chatterjee 231
Extension of Sanskrit Learning in
20th Century in Bengal
Sudipta Pramanik 240
Early Twentieth Century Orientalist
Gaze through English and Bengali Prisms
Moumie Banerjee 248
Ramkrishna Movement as a
kind of Socio-Religious Movement
Nimai Chand Dan 257
Printing Technology and Social Consciousness of

the Ummah* in the 20th Century Bengal
Sankar Kr. Biswas 269
Football and Communalism in Colonial Bengal:
Mohemmedan Sporting Club and
Bengalee Muslim Society: 1891-1947
Amrita Haldar 280
The Economic thought of Vivekananda
Aparna Sadhu 287
An argument about Origin of Poundra (Pod)

Caste in Colonial Bengal
Dipali Mondal 300
Assaying Displacement through Travel Narratives:
Ritwick Ghatak’s Partition Trilogy in Focus
Mohona Chatterjee 309
Cultural Syncretism in Muslim Society in Santipur:
A Case Study
Mrityunjoy Paul 321
The Hindu Marriage Act of 1955: Divorce and

its Consequences for the Women of Bengal
Mitali Dey 330
Negotiating Gender and Space in Post-independence Calcutta
Reading NarendranathMitra’sAbataranikaand
Satyajit Ray’sMahanagar
Sagnik Banerjee 340
Partition and Scheduled Caste Population :
A Study in the District of Nadia
Subhas Biswas 352
Swami Pranabananda and Bharat Sevasram Sangha in
Social Reformation Movement
Bablu Mallick 361
Gender Imbalance: Trends, Pattern and
Its Impact on West Bengal
Santanu Bera & Kalyan Saha 372
Kirtana: A Part of Gaudiya Tradition in the
First Half of the Twentieth Century
Surapriya Chakraborty 379
The Paradoxes and Politics of Rice Cultivation in Rural Bengal:
Recounting the Nature of the Ecological Crisis
in the Twentieth Century Bengal
Srabanti Choudhuri 388
Politics
Reviewing the growth of a Nation and Nationality:
RamanandaChattterjee and the Modern Review
Raj Narayan Pal 399
Democratic Socialism & Anil Roy:
The Great Political Thinker of the Mid 20th Century Bengal
Palash Mondal 412
An Unforgettable Movement of the Primary
Teachers of West Bengal in April 1966
Swati Maitra [Nee Banerjee] 420
Radical Resistance and Peoples Movement in
West Bengal: The story of Lalgarh
Shiladitya Chakraborty 434
Development Versus Autonomy Discourse in West Bengal:
A Case Study of Gorkhaland Movement
Nivedita Saha 444
“The Public and the Private: Questions over the Women’s
Political Participation and Democratic Citizenship”
Chitra Roy 453
Calcutta Municipal Corporation:
A Historical Journey to Democracy
Debdatta Bhaduri 460
Bengal and the Bengalee of the
Twentieth Century in the Light of Politics
Siddhartha Khanra 472
Voice from the below: United Movement of the
Milkmen, Peasants and Landless Labourers
in Burdwan District (Agradwip) 1947 – 1949
Kakali Mukherjee 477
Articulation of Community from Ethno-Indigenous Groups:
Caste, Identity and Politics in the
First Half of 20th Century Bengal
Manosanta Biswas 485
Political Participation among
Women of Scheduled Caste
Community in the District of Nadia:
Experiences of Last Quarter
of 20th Century: A Case Study
Manoj Kumar Haldar 494
Foreword
It is my great pleasure to note that the School of Social Sciences, Netaji

Subhas Open University has taken initiative to organize One-Day UGC-
DEB Sponsored National Seminar on ‘Gender, Culture, Politics:
Bengal in the 20th Century – Open Distance Initiative’. The aim
of the seminar is to explore the interplay of gender, culture and politics
– the three distinct but interdependent elements of the history of the
20th century Bengal. The notable point is that it is an initiative of Netaji
Subhas Open University – the leading open and distance learning
institution of eastern India - to interrogate the historical evolution of
Bengal through the prism of gender, culture and politics. I would like
to praise the publication of the Proceedings of the seminar in printed
form in the very day of the Seminar, that is, September 24, 2016.
Any historical account of colonial and post-colonial Bengal, particularly
Bengal of the 20th century, should pay adequate attention to the complex
transformation of the economic pattern, social structure and political
processes: the rise and growth of nationalist movement, the
development of communalism, the movements of the plebian social
classes, the partition of the province, the erosion of colonial dominance,
the birth of West Bengal and the emergence of Bangladesh as a
sovereign nation etc. This long 20th century in the history of Bengal
also witnessed left movement on the one hand and rightist politics on
the other.
Bengal also witnessed major expansion of education during the period
under review. The modern form of education which was introduced
by the colonial authority in Bengal during 19th century to meet the
political, administrative and financial requirements of the British rule
started taking a popular character in the 20th century. It included both
the primary and secondary education on the one hand and higher
education on the other. After 1947, the state took fresh initiative to
expand the horizon of education among the masses in a meaningful
Gender, Culture, Politics: Bengal in the 20th Century - Open Distance Initiative
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
way. Though this attempt was remarkable in nature, the Gross
Enrollment Ratio (GER) did not cross the expected barrier. Since the
decade of 1990s, the government reoriented its education policy from
conventional system to open and distance education learning system.
This reorientation gave birth to Netaji Subhas Open University in 1997
as advanced centre of open and distance learning in the entire eastern
India. With a very modest beginning of thirty-four study centres and
two schools of studies along with vocational courses, the NSOU is
now proud of having more than hundred study centres under its ambits
and six schools of studies along with campuses at Salt Lake, Golpark
and Kalyani. The construction of more campuses is going on at
Durgapur and Jalpaiguri. In recent years, the student support services
have been thoroughly reorganized and restructured using the latest
applications of information technologies. The smooth online process
of admission, distribution of study materials, holding of personal
contact programme (PCP) and conduct of examinations and publication
of results in due time are the most notable features of the academic
exercises of NSOU. The academic commitment of NSOU is also
reflected in the continuous revision of syllabi of the different
programmes and courses; the true spirit of the ODL system in NSOU
could also be found in the production of online course materials, open
educational resources, audio-visual lectures and e-content regularly. It
is indeed clear from the activities of NSOU that the University is now
currently undergoing major transformation aiming to create an advanced
knowledge based society. It would not be irrelevant to note that the
different schools of studies are also engaged in organizing annual
memorial lectures like Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose Memorial Lecture,
Rabindranath Tagore Memorial Lecture, Ramanujam Lecture etc. and publish
the texts of the lectures on a regular basis.
This seminar is an integral part of this tradition. I am proud to mention
that the School of Social Sciences, NSOU has taken initiative to publish
the Proceedings of the seminar on ‘Gender, Culture, Politics: Bengal
in the 20th Century – Open Distance Initiative’ on the very day of the
seminar itself. I congratulate all the members of the School for this
effort. I express my sincere gratitude to Professor Mahua Sarkar,
x Gender, Culture, Politics: Bengal in the 20th Century - Open Distance Initiative
Department of History, Jadavpur University for her keynote address
which aptly explores the long-term changes as well as continuity of the
history of Bengal during 20th century. Her contribution will be a valuable
asset of the Proceedings. I hope this volume will be referred and cited
in the world of social sciences in coming days. Finally, I fairly expect
that the School of Social Sciences would take more such programmes
in future.
Professor Subha Sankar Sarkar

Vice-Chancellor
Netaji Subhas Open University
Gender, Culture, Politics: Bengal in the 20th Century - Open Distance Initiative xi
dfgdfgd
Editorial
Introduction: Exploring the Theme
The theme of the One-Day UGC-DEB Sponsored National Seminar,
that is, Gender, Culture, Politics: Bengal in the 20th Century, is an outcome of
the long deliberation among the faculty members of the School of
Social Sciences, NSOU. The faculties, who are happened to be engaged
in researches related to Bengal, especially modern Bengal, in some way
or other, have come to the shared conclusion that Bengal’s historical
development in twentieth century needs to be addressed from new
and fresh perspectives. It was also postulated that innovative
methodologies, critical application of theoretical insights and
unconventional areas of researches must come from the younger
generation of research scholars. The Seminar titled Gender, Culture,
Politics: Bengal in the 20 th Century – Open Distance Initiative and the
‘Proceedings’ may be considered as the fruits of this academic exercise.
The Seminar Organizing Committee (SOC) prepared a Concept Note,
as highlighted in the website of the University requesting the interested
scholars to submit their papers. This call for papers (CFP) got enormous
responses, and the SOC finally distributed almost fifty papers into four
broad subthemes, namely, open and distance learning (ODL), gender, culture
and politics. Most of the contributors are either research scholars or
younger generation of teachers. If we simply make a quick scan of the
papers, we will be amazed to see the varieties of issues and wider arena
of topics that have been addressed and analyzed in the submitted papers.
These papers have not only interrogated the theme of the Seminar
from most unconventional ways, but also critically expanded the limits
of the perspectives of the theme of the seminar itself. The SOC takes
this opportunity to express its congratulations to all the contributors.
The contribution of Professor Mahua Sarkar in this Proceedings posits
the contested question of women in the historical perspectives of
Bengal in the 20th century. She primarily focuses on the transformative
role of women in broader context of education, society and politics
particularly in the post-1947 period. Here lies the basic difference
between the 19th century and 20th century. In fact, after the partition of
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
the country in 1947, the changing social realities created conditions for
the expansive role of women in the public domain. The leftist politics
also played a substantive role in this regard.
Historical Perspectives of Bengal

‘Bengal’ as an Identity
The term ‘Bengal’ is used to refer a geographical entity of a common
Bengali linguistic region of Eastern part of India. In Ancient times
Bengal was known as Anga, Banga, Paundra and Chari. Historically its
territorial boundaries have been changed for several times. In the Mughal
period this whole areas came to be known as ‘Bengal Subha’, and during
the British colonial rule it was an administrative province and its
boundary lines were changed and reshaped. In 1905, the size of Bengal
was cut down still further when Assam with the whole of Eastern
Bengal was separated into a different province. In 1912, East Bengal
was again reconstituted to Bengal and the boundary lines remained
fixed for the remaining period of British rule up to 1947. But in 1947,
with the independence and partition of India, the Bengal province was
divided into two, Eastern part was made into East Pakistan and Western
part was a new province in the Union of India. In 1971, East Pakistan
gained its independence from Pakistan and gained the distinction of
being the new country of Bangladesh. So in an academic manner, it
seems appropriate to use ‘20th Century Bengal’ refers to include Bengali
speaking areas of both Bangladesh and West Bengal.
Bengal in 20th century: Mapping the Heterogeneity

The urban intellectual life of Bengal in the early 20th century still endures
the legacy of 19th century Bengal, and particularly the renaissance.
However, the historical premises of the Bengal during the 20th century
could not be legitimately analyzed using the metaphor of social reforms
or cultural expression of the so-called western educated bhadralok class
of 19th century. There were noticeable social, cultural, economic and
political changes in Bengal during the period under review. Since the
late 19th century, the so called Hindu revivalist movements started
influencing the domain of society and culture. Even the modernist
political project of the Bengali bhadralok class was not free from inherent
xiv Gender, Culture, Politics: Bengal in the 20th Century - Open Distance Initiative
upper caste Hindu religious and cultural ideas. Another fundamental
aspect of the 20th century Bengal was the rise of the caste politics as a
powerful challenge to the nationalist politics, which was chiefly
dominated by the upper caste Hindus. The nationalist movement also
faced the challenges of communalism- both Hindu and Muslim. The
emergence of the peasant and working class movement made the
situation more complex.
The recent development of women’s movement was the clear expression
of heterogeneous nature of the transformation of Bengal’s polity. For
example, gender question is more broad-based and grounded on socio-
economic realities. Therefore, the issues like patriarchy, domestic
subordination, sexual oppression, social violence against women etc.
could not be comfortably explained from the conceptual tools of
homogeneous modernity. What we need now a new cultural turn which would
dare to question the internal structure of patriarchy both in the realms
of public and the private. The modern history of Bengal during the
period under review could be an ideal site for new researches following
the unmasking of covert ideology of patriarchy and masculinity. This
Seminar Proceedings Volume reflects some of the points highlighted
here in a more articulated way.
Bengal in 20th Century: A Fractured Time?

What were the constitutive elements of the idea of ‘Bengal in 20th
century’? Is it at all a meaningful theoretical proposition? Can we
advance idea of Bengal in 20th century as a marked historical epoch? Would
it be legitimate to identify Bengal in 20th century as distinct from both
19th century and 21st century? Or is it a fractured time which signifies
nothing but hollow land?
Let us admit that we do not possess any clear answer of these
propositions. However, if we go through the basic chronological history
of the region, we would find certain events and processes, which had
enduring effects in the lives of common people. A quick review may
be of a help to us to identify these events and processes: the first and
second partition of Bengal, the withdrawal of the colonial power and
the anxieties of freedom, the process of decolonization, the communal
riots and communalism, the fall of the Congress and the rise of the
Gender, Culture, Politics: Bengal in the 20th Century - Open Distance Initiative xv
left bloc, the Naxalbari peasant movement and division of the
communist movement etc. Apart from these broader political changes,
the social structure of Bengal also underwent fundamental
transformation between the two ends of the 20th century. At least two
features could be discernible: first the decline of the joint family system
and the advent of women in the various public forums. These two
features of the Bengali society were deeply associated with the
demographic changes, urbanization, the influx of the refugees from
East Pakistan as a result of partition, expansion of education, growth
of job market and rise of new cultural idioms. In this context, one
must admit that more researches are required to interrogate the cultural
praxis of the region, especially the urban one, in the decades after
independence and partition.
One point is clear from this preliminary analysis. Bengal in 20th century
passed through a such a time, which was far from homogeneity: it was
a fractured time. It was fractured in the sense that it neither generates any
metanarrative nor produces any model of predetermined or course of
development. It was rather inconsistent, incomplete and multilayered.
We do not have any model historical explanation that could be imposed
on Bengal in 20th century.
In lieu of Conclusion: Viewing Bengal form Margin

Twentieth century Bengal witnessed intense changes ushered in by the
nineteenth century Bengali renaissance movement in the domain of
politics, culture & history. These changes not only reshaped the history,
culture and politics of Bengal but also encouraged scholars all around
to interpret in terms of divergent perspective thereby generating
significant debates and discussion in the world of academics.
With the popularization of postcolonial reading, efforts to retrieve the
non-European marginalized culture and literatures have been highly
emphasized. So region based studies in terms of distinct categories
like gender, culture and politics were initiated to identify the specificities
of regional experiences.
Twentieth century Bengal was marked by long term transformation
over the women’s question. Women’s question though addressed quite
prominently in the colonial discourse as a civilizing project yet the
xvi Gender, Culture, Politics: Bengal in the 20th Century - Open Distance Initiative
visibility of women could be owed to the nationalist movement. In
fact, the presence of the women was felt not only in the political sphere
of nationalism, but also in the wider arena of left politics. Most
interestingly, the women also appeared as a strong social force beyond
the circle of the organized politics. It was in the subaltern politics of
resistance, the women played most critical role in radicalizing the protest
movement. Thus, a journey from the personal to the political, also
from the political to the personal began gradually thereby emerging as a
distinctly articulated discourse in the region.
The entire connotation of culture and politics is highly dynamic in
Bengal. The cultural complexities have not only made the region an
interesting area of study but have also added meaning in the social
formation of the state. Cultural identity has itself the potential to
fracture itself, destroy itself or even manifest and renew itself by means
of reconstructing it. This is being done through movements in a given
moments of political crisis. So politics-culture interface has given a
new significance to the region. In recent years, identity politics based
on caste, class, ethnicity, linguistic and gender has assumed a new
expression of contemporary validity. A transformation is noted in the
natural flow of culture of the region where the old become the new
and the new may even submerged with the old. This continuity of
change gives birth to creating a heritage- a heritage so very distinct of
the region which makes it even more relevant for our study.
This seminar proceedings volume is a reflection of these questions as
arose in the recent researches. A number of scholars, especially the
younger scholars, make critical efforts to throw light on cracks and
splits in making of the one of the most vibrant regions of South Asia,
- that is, Bengal. It fulfils, indeed, the objective of the Review Committee,
School of Social Sciences, Netaji Subhas Open University: to create an
open space of dialogue and debates for the conduct of intensive, multi-
faceted researches on gender, culture and politics of Bengal in twentieth
century.
The present volume is a humble attempt to make an exclusive study of
Bengal in 20th century through the lens of gender, culture and politics.
The initiative of the School of Social Sciences became fruitful with the
contribution of many academic scholars of various disciplines in the
Gender, Culture, Politics: Bengal in the 20th Century - Open Distance Initiative xvii
One-Day UGC-DEB Sponsored National Seminar on Gender, Culture,
Politics: Bengal in the Twentieth Century, held on 24th September’ 2016.
Nearly fifty scholars specializing in various disciplines of social sciences
participated in this seminar. We are grateful to the UGC-DEB for the
grant to organize this seminar and the publication of its proceedings.
We also extend our earnest thanks to Professor Subha Sankar Sarkar,
our honourable Vice Chancellor for his continuous support in all kinds
of academic ventures the school undertakes. The editors are particularly
thankful to Professor Mahua Sarkar, the keynote speaker and the
contributors for their scholarly articles. The editors also acknowledge
the support of all the officers, teachers and non-teaching staff of NSOU
in organizing the seminar and the publication of the proceedings. It is
needless to point out that without the support and cooperation provided
by the University Authority, the Seminar could not have been possibly
organized successfully.
Editors
Dr. Chandan Basu

Associate Professor of History, & Officer-in-Charge
School of Social Sciences, NSOU
Dr. Barnana Guha Thakurta (Banerjee)

Assistant Professor of Political Science
Dr. Manosanta Biswas

Assistant Professor of History
Women in Twentieth Century Bengal :
Historical Perspectives
Professor Mahua Sarkar

Department of History
Jadavpur University
The status of women in modern Bengal flows to a great extent from

the cherished objective and ideals that inspired the cognitive
revolutionaries of the nineteenth century, like Raja Rammohan Roy. It
was their attitude and that of those who came after them which even
now distinguish the women’s movement in Bengal from its counterparts
in the Western world. The two facets on which the early pioneers had
laid special emphasis were, firstly, the need to discard the customs like
sati, child marriage and widowhood, which had affected the status of
women very badly. The other important facet was that, women must
secure the rights of education on equal level with men. In both these
matters, personalities like Rammohan Roy and Iswarchandra Vidyasagar
were the pathfinders.
I have started with reference to the nineteenth century, while the focus
of my article is on women in twentieth century Bengal. Scholars, starting
from Geraldine Forbes, Meredith Borthwick, and Kenneth Ballhatchet
to Bharati Ray, Tanika Sarkar and Samita Sen 1 and others have
contributed immensely to develop our perceptions on twentieth century
women, and still there are so many more things to be written on literary
and historical evidence, to be collected from the vernacular sources of
Bengal. Many of the earlier works have not focused on the women’s
own perspectives as reflected in contemporary literature. This will be
the focal point of my work. Moreover I find that there is a serious gap
in the discussions on women in the twentieth century mainly from a
gender perspective across lines of class. We do get only scanty references
of the bhadramahilas speaking on chotoloker meye and there is a scope of
further research in this area.
However, I am skeptical in dividing the discussions on women in Bengal
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
on the basis of a divide between the nineteenth and the twentieth
centuries; rather, I feel that the Partition of Bengal can be taken as a
larger point of distinction between the earlier and the later situations
and there are many other moments in the twentieth century, which can
provide a second or a third take-off. Women were very much involved
in the processes of several kinds of transition from the colonial to the
post-colonial. Anyway, if I start to give the overview from the twentieth
century, it occurs in my mind that not a single woman came out in
‘public’ for work, politics or social reform in the nineteenth century.
Women and Politics

The nineteenth century, with its reform programmes, had set the stage
for women’s entry into politics. The twentieth century saw its beginning.
Bharati Ray remarked rightly that we cannot take growing feminist
consciousness and the freedom struggle as two different progresses as
they are the facets of the same phenomenon.2 The arrival of the Indian
National Congress, the Swadeshi Movement, and Mohandas
Karamchand Gandhi in the early twentieth century brought women,
especially middle class women out of her inner domain, into the realm
of politics. Right from the beginning, the Congress showed a liberal
attitude regarding the entry of women into its association. The women
took part in its sessions since 1889, though they were very few in
number. 3 The status and condition of women became a signifier for
the state of morality and prestige of the nation.
The Swadeshi movement, of 1905, which was triggered by the British
decision to partition of Bengal in 1905, saw women’s entry in to politics,
and the skilful tactics of several women leaders contributed to increase
the participation of women in public life.4 Mobilization also facilitated
this participation. Attempts at mass Pamphlets were written in Bengali
and widely distributed. One of those was a pamphlet by Ramendra
Sundar Trivedi entitled “a vow for Bengali women”, which tried to
explain the Swadeshi movement in simple language for a village woman
to understand. The pamphlet called upon women to participate in the
ritual of Rakhi Bandhan and Arandhan (not lighting cooking fires) and
the boycott of foreign goods. Women became actively involved with
the Swadeshi struggle by joining the men folk in boycotting foreign
xx Gender, Culture, Politics: Bengal in the 20th Century - Open Distance Initiative
goods and buying only indigenous goods. As the majority of Bengali
women were looking after household consumptions, they gave a leading
role in the struggle against foreign goods. This led to the popularization
of indigenous artifacts like the charka and various local handicrafts.
Many protest meetings were held all over Bengal and some of these
were exclusively women’s gatherings. For instance, about five hundred
women met at Jenokand village in the district of Murshidabad to protest
against the government’s decision to partition Bengal and to urge to
need for using indigenous, country made goods. Likewise ladies in their
streets and colonies arranged meetings and even spinning wheels were
introduced in the zenana.5 Many literary works of the period show
how the bhadramahilas were initiating charka among the other village
women. One of such evidences is Sarasibala Basu’s ‘Charkar Utsab”.6
The year 1905 saw the publication of the women’s magazine called
Bharatmahila under the editorship of Sarajubala Dutta .Hemantakumari
Chaudhury, the editor of Antahpur delivered speeches and Lilavati Mitra,
joined the movement along with her husband Krishna Kumar Mitra,
the editor of Sanjivani. Labanyaprabha Dutta, Snehashila Chaudhury,
Nabashashi Deb, Manorama Basu and many other housewives extended
their support for the swadeshi case.7 We get the picture from Punyalata
Chakraborty, “Women’s meetings were held in all the areas. Those who
had never come out of their homes and did not keep information
about anything beyond their own small domain now joined meetings
in groups. Apart from donation, many of them even donated their
jewelleries.”8 The Swadeshi movement also marked the formation of
several women’s organizations. For instance, the Mahila Shilpa Samiti
(1906 -1918) was inspired by the Swadeshi Movement. Earlier in 1910,
Sarala Devi Chaudharani had formed the Bharat Stri Maha Mandal,
after serious differences with the male leadership of the National Social
conference.9
Sarala Devi’s leading role in her youthful years was remarkable. In the
year 1903 she organized the celebration of Birastmi Brata and
Pratapaditya Brata modeled on the lines of the Shivaji ‘Utsav’ of young
Maratha followers of Tilak and harped on the requirements of a physical
culture in Bengal. During the Swadeshi period she opened the famous
Gender, Culture, Politics: Bengal in the 20th Century - Open Distance Initiative xxi
Lakshmi Bhandar, for popularizing Swadeshi goods. In 1904 she won
the gold medal for exhibiting improved Swadeshi fabrics. In Short,
Sarala Debi’s life highlighted the sanctioned role of women in the
political field within the gender stereotypes of the early twentieth
century.10
With the arrival of Gandhi, one finds larger participation of women in

contemporary politics. Gandhi’s technique of balancing women’s
traditional role with their politicization attracted women to join politics.
Women’s role was redefined to suit the needs of the public world.11
Though Gandhi was generally conservative regarding the domestic role
of women, he had brought a change in the concept of gender relations
altogether. 12 He had preferred the womanly qualities of soft submission
as ethically superior to the manly qualities of valour and repression,
thus acknowledging women’s positive role in Satyagraha and ahimsa.
In 1921, large numbers of women including the ladies from the family
of Chittaranjan Das like Basanti Debi, Urmila Debi and Suniti Debi
accepted imprisonment by taking part in the Non-cooperation
movement. Gandhi picked up salt and khaddar, the two of the most
useful consumptions of women’s daily lives and succeeded in connecting
the personal and the feminine with the political. His method of passive
resistance with a religious perspective was easily accepted by the women
of the interior. His dictates were not contradictory with the
contemporary male construction of the mother image and the sumata-
sugrihini image of a political woman. His rhetoric, by emphasizing and
generalizing certain feminine qualities as essential for politics thus
opened up opportunities for women to participate in public life. The
nineteenth century reform ideal of wifehood/motherhood thus
underwent some changes. Apart from performing her obligations to
family she now owed a lot to her motherland which needed her service.
The new ambivalent woman was projected by Rabindranath Tagore
during 1920s and 1930s in his writings like Gora (1910), Strir Patra (1914),
Ghare Baire (1916), and Nastonir (1930). Sarat Chandra Chattopadhyay
also espoused the causes of this new women in Grihadaha (1920) and
Seshprashna (1931) etc. But most of the contradictions were generally
solved when women had to return to their domestic arena according
xxii Gender, Culture, Politics: Bengal in the 20th Century - Open Distance Initiative
to traditional norms, as found in Char Adhyay (1934) of Rabindranath
Tagore and Pather Dabi (1926) by Sarat Chandra.
The colonized state, also presented the earlier degradation of Indian

women as a term to be coterminous with a fallen civilization. In their
construction of a new identity for women, the state had naturally never
praised a politically “stout’ lady as an ideal one. British attitude towards
Gandhian women was guided with doubts and silences. As regarding
the revolutionary women, the Intelligence Branch files of 1919
identified, for the first time, the women revolutionaries, not by their
own names, as their recognition in society was still bound by their
relationship as daughters, sisters, wives or mothers to males.13 Women’s
participation, thought of as transient, failed to invite attention in public
spheres, regardless of the ‘spirit of sacrifice’ transgressing domestic
boundaries. Considering women as ‘less-suspect’, ‘terrorism ‘was almost
never a feminized object and women were never of any serious concern
for the officials of the Criminal Investigation Department. Existing
social rules and compulsory confinement within a limited sphere within
which a woman was allowed to operate, made it impossible for her to
come out in the political field, in the proper sense like men. When she
did, like Sudhanshubala Sarkar, a medical student who was associated
with the ‘Garden Boys’ of the Alipore Bomb case,1908, she was
mentioned in the government record as the ‘lost one’, lost in the
conventional sense of the ‘fallen woman’. The existence of women as
a political individual was disapproved by the rulers and ruled alike.
Thus women were doubly captive, initially socially, and later also
politically, when names of women known or ‘believed’ to be associated
with ‘terrorist’ organizations like Anushilan and Jugantar came to the
forefront in the official files. Preetilata Wahdedar’s suicidal note was
important because there she had raised the notion of an equal kind of
patriotism possibly to be found in her and her brother.But she was a
martyr and her image had no link with domesticity. The women
revolutionaries who were released after 1947 did not or could not often
go back to their earlier homes. Some of them became educationists;
some had joined the communist party as whole timers, while some
were engaged in social work as spinsters. The political and social
Gender, Culture, Politics: Bengal in the 20th Century - Open Distance Initiative xxiii
language of left ideology in Bengal also revealed contradictions
regarding connotations of femininity as a political object. The shift
from the ideal of a “ghoroa” or homebound women into a ‘karmorata’
or working woman was historically not accepted throughout the
twentieth century. Regardless of undeniable potency in working women,
they remained unseen in the middle class, their role was never approved.
What came to be specially feared were women themselves who
challenged the attempted fossilization of their lives and insisted on
their subjectivity. A self-assured woman was always stigmatized as the
source of social crisis in the bhadralok society. Relegating women to a
domestic and self-sacrificing domain away from the political, public
and material concerns was regarded as a way of re-assuring the Bengali
male’s self-pride.
On the other hand, the emerging consciousness of women was gradually

manifested in the formation of a number of women’s associations in
Calcutta and its surroundings, like Nari Shiksha Samiti (1919), Bangiya
Nari Samaj (1921), Bengali Women’s Educational League (1927) and Saroj
Nalini Dutta Memorial Association.14 The establishment of political
associations like Womens Indian Association (1917), National Council of
Indian Women (1925), and All India Womens Conference (1927) paved the
way for political upliftment of women. Women’s demand for franchise
rights also formed a part of women’s agitations in1920s and 1930s.15
The Mahila Rashtriya Sangha was formed in 1928 under the leadership
of Latika Ghose whom Subhas Chandra Bose had entrusted the
responsibility of recruiting her own company for parade. In fact, the
last decades of the forties revealed different kinds of shades in women’s’
role in Bengal.16 Starting from the Quit India movement of 1942, the
consequences of the famine of 1943, the formations of the All India
Students Federation in 1936 and the Girl’s Students Association in1939,
women’s presence was felt everywhere. Kanak Dasgupta, Shanti Sarkar,
Kalyani Mukherjee and many others became members of the first girl
students committee. With the beginning of the Second World War in
1939, the growing economic crisis and massive food shortage, women
in Bengal became more politically pro-active and women’s role in Mahila
Atmaraksha Samitis, relief committees, People’s Protection Society and
xxiv Gender, Culture, Politics: Bengal in the 20th Century - Open Distance Initiative
the food committee in different localities have been explored by many
scholars in detail. The aforesaid trajectories had indeed contained a
strong element of gradual empowerment and historians have worked
on the debates and controversies. I argue in this paper that the basic
disparities in gender relationships did not change even with the influence
of the “egalitarian ‘left politics in Bengal. The communist parties did
not undertake any programme for gender sensitization and the cultural
metaphors of manhood and womanhood were retained with prominent
distinctions.
Women were the worst sufferers of the Partition and the Independence
in 1947 was associated with the loss of honour and dignity for the
majority of women in Bengal. Large numbers of women, as refugees,
were experiencing the hazards of sharing their shelter with men, in the
platforms of the Sealdah Station. At the same time, with growing
economic crisis and increasing unemployment, women with minimum
education from the lower middle class family began to come out of
their ‘andars’ or inner domain. The bewildered mindset of these women
has been wonderfully portrayed in a story of 1950s,“Mahanagar’,by
Narendranath Mitra, later filmed by Satyajit Ray in 1963. The Tebhaga
Movement of 1946 witnessed the peak point in the history of women’s
resistance.17 The Ganatantrik Mahila Samities of the Post-Partition period
offered counseling and manifold social services to women, but gender
problems were so deeply rooted in the society that the samities could
not uproot them altogether. The radical left movement of the 1970s
was associated with few intellectual strands towards gender equality,
but those had no influence on the gender relationships among the
lower classes in the villages and the slums. Samaresh Majumder’s heroine
Madhabilata in his novel Kalbela (1999)is a typical example of an
intellectual woman’s crossing the boundaries of sexuality and familial
values against the norms of patriarchy, but her revolution had no
implication for a chotoloker meye or a kajer lok in the city or the village.
There was no sensibility for the poor, the maid, the displaced, the raped,
the old and insecure widow, the sex-worker, the sexually othered, or a
so-called ‘odd womanhood’ in a typically Bengali family throughout
the twentieth century and the present condition has not changed to a
considerable extent, in spite of thirty-four years of Communist rule in
Bengal.
Gender, Culture, Politics: Bengal in the 20th Century - Open Distance Initiative xxv
The Indian Parliament passed the 73rd constitutional amendment in
1992, which reserved seats for women, scheduled castes and scheduled
tribes in the Panchayati Raj Institutions. Through the act of seat
reservation, it was an attempt to include the previously excluded groups
in the political arena at the grassroots. If I refer to women as a category,
we all know that gender based discrimination has so long deprived
them from enjoying formal political power in their own society. Even
in the 1990s, there is a serious lack of women leadership in politics. It
is only hoped that the situation will change in the 21st century.
Women and Education

The twentieth century saw an expansion of educational and professional
opportunities for women in Bengal. As a result of that, the benefits
which were showered upon women were unfortunately meant for a
single category only, i. e, and women. The reforms were based on three
approaches; protectionism, equality and patriarchy. These approaches
glorified women’s role within the family as ‘natural, sacred, honorable
and desirable.’18 In consequence, women themselves were always in
search of ‘womanly’ kind of professions like teaching and nursing .By
the 1920s and 1930s, educational and medical services for females
became popular and law began to be another new profession for women.
But it did not happen in a day. There are ample evidences of the societal
and professional struggles of Kadambini Ganguly, the first women
doctor, to avoid the connotation of a ‘fallen woman’19 and Regina Guha
(1916) and Sudhangshubala Hazra,(1921) who had been fighting against
patriarchy to get a space in the Calcutta and the Patna High Courts.20
The twentieth century also saw the flourishing of articles, stories, poems
etc. published mostly in the journals meant for women. These include
journals like Bamabodhini Patrika, Bharat Mahila, Matri Mandir,
Bangalakshmi, Jaysree, Mahila, Srimati, Gharani, Meyeder Kagoz, Mahila Mahal,
Manoroma, and Sananda and so on. The consistent theme of the writings
had been to promote female solidarity and make women conscious of
their individual identities. The various issues affecting the status of
women in the society were addressed in the female writings. For instance,
the Bangalakshmi published a story written by the female author, Asha
Gangopadhyay which dealt with the problems of women in old age..21
xxvi Gender, Culture, Politics: Bengal in the 20th Century - Open Distance Initiative
There were some writings on the condition of the wretched women
of the lower classes, but the general trend was to write on the problems
of the middle class and on the “quintessential” qualities of womanliness.
The aspect of commercialization and the question of profits from sale
were also becoming important. So, cookery was eulogized with reference
to hundreds of recipes, ‘ghar gochano’ or decorating the home comprised
the major part of the articles, knitting and tailoring were patronized
with the help of reference to new patterns and fashions, and gossips
were included .Nobody raised the question like “why should I cook,
when I do not like to do it daily?”, nobody raised their eyebrows
regarding the poor pay of the maids, no query was found regarding the
dietary discrimination between men and women? Few exceptionals were
there, but they were too few to change the society at large. For a long
period, education was meant for marriage and not for employment.
The mothering fiction was encouraged to keep females within the
household, ‘shanto, namra, mridubhashi, lajjbanato sushajjito and salankrito’,
(quiet, modest, soft-spoken, fragile with shame, well dressed and
ornamented) were the connotations codified for educated females, and
singing as a sport (not as a public profession of the “fallen Woman”
was always preferred to boxing. Thus, the purpose of education, that
is, manifestation of the perfections already in humankind did not mean
anything for women, their future and career had been pre-destined by
the society.
Women and Culture

As to cultural construction of gender, I have to refer to the behavioral
expressions of culture as well as the cultural productions. Cultural
productions are visual treats that make the body on display. Therein,
the physicality of the performing arts is thought to be separated from
the thinking sites of the body. But, in various ways, gender is embodied
in all kinds of performing arts and the varied faces of politics play
important roles in making the female body a discursive site of patriarchal
power. All kinds of performances are also acts of labour related with a
kind of empowerment for only the middle class. In Bengal, throughout
the twentieth century, a confluence of patriarchal and nationalist politics
has influenced the space of the cultural performances. Right from the
Gender, Culture, Politics: Bengal in the 20th Century - Open Distance Initiative xxvii
projection of the image of the Bharatmata to the construction of the
figure and presentation of the nayikas in Bangla films, the pedagogy of
discliplining or feminizing the body as ‘soft, shameful, divine and
beautiful’ is constructed by patriarchy. The discussions centred round
the questions of ‘aesthetics’ and ‘gaze’, and the politics of codifications
of culture emerged. Caste, class and gender are often interlocked in
the patriarchy’s appreciation of culture. I have written elsewhere about
the continuity of the sari as the typical “dress code” of a Bengali Woman
and the controversies are continued, even today.22 Exceptional female
roles, as projected in the films of Mrinal Sen, Ritwik Ghatak, Aparna
Sen. and Rituparno Ghosh are not remembered in the everyday
experiences.
Conclusion
Considering the different indicators like health,education,work, asset
ownership, survival, participation in private/public decision making
and security that indicates women’s status in Bengal, women’s work
should be taken as the most vital indicator that serve as a tool for
empowerment. Various studies show that global labour market is highly
gender biased with female labour force parcipation rates being much
lower than men and there is persistence of more employed women
than men.There is a large section of women working as unpaid labour
in family enterprises with no access to income of their own. Twentieth
century Bengal is no exception to this general trend. A child’s life starts
with the primers with pictures and metaphors like, ‘ma ranna kore,
baba office jai’, (mother cooks, while father goes to the office) and the
role is never inverted. The prevalence of gender disparities in earnings
makes the position of the working women much inferior within and
outside the family. Researches on Bengali woman show that there are
substantial numbers of women who devote long hours of work in the
care and kitchen economy as compared to men.This in turn reveals
the importance of time spent by women in unpaid care activities.It is
impossible to assign any numerical value to the jobs they perform inside
their home for maintaining their family.Women remains mostly
responsible for care services at home and these trends accelerates after
marriage and child bearing.Owing to various constraints of structural
xxviii Gender, Culture, Politics: Bengal in the 20th Century - Open Distance Initiative
and social framework, women are forced to balance between family
responsibilities and working outside.The picture has not changed even
today, and I sincerely hope that a change will come soon in this
century,with a proper understanding of the societal construction of
gender.
Notes and References

1. Geraldine Forbes, Women in Modern India, New Delhi, Cambridge University
Press, 1999 .Meredith Borthwick,The Changing Role of Women in Bengal, 1984.
Kenneth Ballhatchet, Race, Sex and Class under the Raj: Imperial Attitudes and
Policies and Their Critics, 1793-1905, London, Palgrave Macmillan,
1980.Bharati Ray, (ed.), From the Seams of History: Essays on Indian Women,
New Delhi, Oxford University Press, 1995.Tanika Sarkar, Hindu Wife, Hindu
Nation : Community, Religion and Cultural Nationalism, New Delhi, Permanent
Black, 2001,Samita Sen, Women and Labour in Late Colonial India: The Bengal
Jute Industry, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1999.
2. Bharati Ray, Swadeshi Movement and Women’s Awakening in Bengal ,
1903-1910, Calcutta Historical Journal, Vol.-9, No.2, 1985, pp.75-76.
3. For Details, Rajan Mohan, Women in Indian National Congress, Rawat
Publications Publications, Delhi, 1999.
4. Bharati Ray, op.cit. P.75-76.
5. Ibid.
6. Sarasibala Basu, Charkar Utsab, Calcutta, 1920.
7. Bharati Ray, op. cit. p.83.
8. Punyalata Chakraborty, Ekal Jakhan Shuru Holo, Kolkata, Dey’s Publishing
House, 2007, reprint, p.33.
9. For Details, Sukhendu Roy, The Many Worlds of Sarala Devi: A Diary, Social
Science Press, Delhi, 2010.
10. Dagmer Engels, Beyond Purdah? Women in Bengal 1890-1939, Soas Studies
in South Asia, Delhi,OUP,1996, P.30. Also Radha Kumar, The History of
Doing: An Illustrated Account of Movements for Women’s Rights and Feminism in
India, 1800-1990, New Delhi, Kali for Women, 1998, op.40.
11. Suruchi Thapar Bjorkert, Women in the Indian National Movement: Unseen
Faces and Unheard Voices, 1930-1942, New Delhi, Sage, 2006, p.76.
12. Madhu Kiswar, “Gandhi on Women”, Economic and Political Weekly,Vol.-
XX., No. 40.,October 5.,1985,p.1695.
Gender, Culture, Politics: Bengal in the 20th Century - Open Distance Initiative xxix
13. For details on revolutionary women, see Tirtha Mandal, Women
Revolutionaries of Bengal, Calcutta, Minerva Associates, 1991.
14. Bharati Ray, ‘Freedom Movement and Women’s Awakening in Bengal,
1911-1929, Indian Historical Review, Vol. 11-12, 1984-86, p.158.
15. Ibid.
16. For Details, Geraldine Forbes, Op. cit. pp.92-94.
17. The film opens with a vignette of a lower middle-class family. We meet
the joint-family: Subrata Mazumdar (Anil Chatterjee), his wife Arati
(Madhabi Mukherjee), their young son, Subrata’s unmarried sister Bani
(Jaya Bhaduri), his father, a retired schoolmaster, and his mother.Subrata
Mazumdar, a bank employee, with his meagre income finds it difficult to
provide for his large joint family. His father needs a new pair of prescription
glasses, younger sister Bani’s school fee is due, and mother needs a new
can of Zardah (tobacco).Arati is like an anchor holding the family together.
Subrata talks about a couple where the woman too is going to work. Soon,
Arati makes up her mind to take up a job to supplement the household
income. With some help from Subrata, and much against established
custom and opposition of the elders, she finds a job of selling sewing
machines door-to-door. Going out to work, Arati discovers a new life.
She proves successful in her work and gains self-confidence. Subrata now
feels insecure and resentful. His father too puts pressure on his son to
force Arati to quit the job. Subrata asks Arati to quit as he plans to earn
more by moonlighting.
The next morning, before Arati can give in her resignation, Subrata
telephones her and asks her not to resign as he has lost his job. Now, Arati
is the only earning member of the family. Subrata suffers as he watches
his wife go out while he sits in bed and scans newspapers for jobs’ columns.
They begin to grow apart.Arati has found a new friend in a colleague -
Edith, an Anglo-Indian woman. Her boss does not like Edith due to her
being an offspring of ‘our ex-rulers.’ Blinded by his prejudice, he accuses
Edith of loose character and fires her. Arati asks her boss to apologise to
Edith. He refuses and warns her about her own job. Arati hands over her
old resignation letter and walks away. Now neither Arati nor her husband
has a job. On her way out, she meets Subrata. After the initial shock, they
reconcile and are close to each other once again. Subrata understands her.
Arati ponders that in such a big city at least one of them is sure to find a
xxx Gender, Culture, Politics: Bengal in the 20th Century - Open Distance Initiative
job. As they walk into the city crowd, the camera tilts up to a street lamp.
18. Mitali Dey, Movements for Women’s Rights : Colonial and Post-colonial India,
(Unpublished M.Phil Thesis in History, Jadavpur University, Kolkata, pp.
13-14. Also for Details, Ratna Kapoor, Brenda Cossman, Subversive Sites:
Feminist Engagements with Law in India, New Delhi, Sage Publications,
1996.
19. Ghulam Murshid, ”, Kadambini Ganguly”. In Sirajul Islam and A. Ahmed;
. Banglapedia: National Encyclopedia of Bangladesh (Second ed.). Asiatic Society
of Bangladesh., Dacca, 2012.
20. Asha Gangopadhyay, “Raisaheber Bou: Jajer Ma”, Bangalakshmi, Vol.38,
No.4, Sharadiya, Kolkata, 1330,B.S.(1921) p.104.
21. Kasturi Ghose, ‘Women as Lawyers in the Calcutta High Court’ in Chandan
Basu et. Al. Gender Sentisization, Women Empowerment, and Distance Education
: History Society and Culture, NSOU, Kolkata, pp.178-188.
22. Mahua Sarkar, “Cultural Construction of Gender in Colonial Bengal: The
Sari and the Bengali Nari : A Dress Code’, in Amitabha Chatterjee, ed.
Gender and Modernity, Kolkata, Setu. pp.272-289.
Gender, Culture, Politics: Bengal in the 20th Century - Open Distance Initiative xxxi
dfgdfgd
sfdsddfsfsdf
OPEN
AND
DISTANCE LEARNING
sfsfd
The Role of ICT in Enhancing Women’s Empowerment
through Open Distance Learning (ODL)
Arunava Samanta
Research Scholar,
Regional Institute of Education (NCERT), Odisa
Email ID : arunava.samanta@gmail.com
Abstract
‘Women empowerment’ is the process of enabling and developing ability or potential in
women so that they can think and act freely, exercises their choice and control their lives and
thereby reducing discrimination and exploitation towards them. It brings about upliftment
of women in social, economic and political spheres where they are able to play an equal role
at par with men in society. Distance education has provided women with an opportunity to
redress the situation. ODL is endowed with high flexibility and can meet the demands of
education for women of all persuasions which the conventional education system is unable to
meet. Empowerment is an active multi-dimensional process which enables women to realize
their full potential in all spheres of life.
But women who constitute half of the population in India yet they have been subjected to the
oppression of patriarchal order and suffered from fewer rights and lower social status than
men for centuries. This widespread discrimination and exploitation of women evoke the need
for empowerment of women.In the twenty first century vigorous efforts are being made by all
the governments, organizations and agencies to empower women and girls through education,
funding, participation and involvement in all spheres of activities for overall development.
Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) are one of the best ways to facilitate
the empowerment process of women and girls to develop, involve and integrate them in
economic, political, technological and social environment of the world. This paper discusses
the hurdles and challenges in empowerment of women and girls through ICT in India and
abroad and also the steps that are being taken all across the world by government,
organizations, businesses, non-government organization to empower them through ICT. The
study found out that, the use of ICT in Open and distance learning has equipped women
intellectually and empowered them through acquisition of skills and knowledge. ICT in
ODL has rendered women more informed, autonomous and liberated.
Keywords
Empowerment, Information and communication technology
(ICT),potential of ict for empowering women, Open and distance
learning (ODL), hurdles and challenges in empowerment.
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
Introduction
Open and distance learning is one of the most rapidly growing fields
of education, and its potential impact on all education delivery systems
has been greatly accentuated through the development of ICT-based
technologies, and in particular the World Wide Web. Information and
Communication Technologies comprise a complex and heterogeneous
set of goods, applications and services used to produce, process,
distribute and transform information. Traditional technologies continue
to be important for large numbers of people around the world,
particularly in rural areas. However, new technologies have a vast
potential for empowerment which needs to be fully exploited. Over
the past decade, there has been a growing understanding that these
technologies can be powerful instruments for advancing economic and
social development through the creation of new types of economic
activity, employment opportunities, improvements in health-care
delivery and other services, and the enhancement of networking,
participation and advocacy within society. ICT also have the potential
to improve interaction between Governments and citizens, fostering
transparency and accountability in governance.
ICT can accelerate the process of women empowerment by providing
them with education, information, and knowledge, training,
occupational opportunities, market information, financial services,
information about appropriate government program, information about
health agencies and workers, feedback mechanism and support system
and networking.
This study was motivated by the potentially powerful role that
information and communication technologies (ICTs) can play in the
empowerment of women who study through ODL in India.
ICTs in ODL are increasingly being promoted as a key solution for
comprehensive national development, poverty eradication and the
empowerment of women.
Few Initiative in India

National Policies and Commission for Women: The National Policy
of Education (NPE), 1986 and the Programme of Action (PoA), 1992
act as the guiding force of influence both the qualitative and quantitative
indicators regarding the need for empowerment of women. The NPE
(1986) states that “Education will be used as an agent of basic change
4 Gender, Culture, Politics: Bengal in the 20th Century - Open Distance Initiative
in the status of women. In order to neutralize the accumulated
distortions of the past; there will be a well-conceived edge in favour of
women. The National Education System will plat a positive,
interventional role in the empowerment of women. It will foster the
development of new values through redesigned curricula, textbooks,
the training and orientation of teachers, decision makers and
administrators, and the active involvement of educational institutions.
This will be an act of faith and social; engineering Women’s studies will
be promoted as a part of various courses and educational institutions
encouraged taking up active programmes to further women’s
development”
National Commission for Women (NCW) : The National
Commission for Women was set up by an Act of Parliament in 1990 to
safeguard the rights and legal entitlements of women. It continues to
pursue its mandated role and activities viz.; safeguards wommen’s rights
through investigations into the individual complaints of atrocities, sexual
harassment of women at work place, conducting, legal awareness
programms, campus, review of both women specific an women related
legislations, investigates into individual complaints, atrocities,
harassment, denial of rights etc. Problem of violence against women
is multifaceted.
National Policy for the Empowerment of Women (2001): The
Government of India declared 2001 as the Year of Women’s
Empowement (Swashakti) and the National Policy for the
Empowerment of Women was passed in the same year to bring about
the advancement development and empowerment of women.4 This
policy has endorsed the proisions of NPE 1986. The policy prescribes:
◆ Equal access to education for women and girls.
◆ Special measures will be taken to eliminate discrimination.
◆ Universalize education.
◆ Eradicate illiteracy,
◆ Create a gender-sensitive educational system.
◆ Increse enrolment and retention rates of girls
◆ Improve the quality of education.
◆ Development of occupation / vocation / technical skills by women.
◆ Reducing the gender gap in secondary and higher education.
Gender, Culture, Politics: Bengal in the 20th Century - Open Distance Initiative 5
National Mission for Empowerment of Women (2010):
The launch of the National Mission for Empowerment of Women
(NMEW) on 8th March, 2010 by the Ministry of Women and Child
Development was an important development to translate the NPEW
prescriptions into reality.
Women’s Empowerment
Empowerment refers to the ability of people to control their own
destinies in relation to other people in society (Mason, 2005). There is
no universal definition of women’s empowerment as factors such as
socio-cultural, geographical, environmental, political and economic, as
well as many other aspects of countries and regions influence it.
Kabeer (1994) offers a definition of empowerment as: the expansion
in people’s ability to make strategic life choices in a context where this
ability was previously denied to them.
According to The World Bank (2008): empowerment is the process of
increasing the capacity of individuals or groups to make choices and to
transform those choices into desired actions and outcomes.
So, one definition of women’s empowerment could be a process that
gives them control of power and resources, and changes women’s lives
over time through their active participation in that process.
Empowerment dynamics is a complex and multidimensional process
linked at the macro, meso and micro levels (Narayan-Parker, 2005).
Macro level dynamics (i.e. global, national or regional level) directly
affect the micro level (i.e. the individual or domestic level) as does the
meso level (i.e. village or community). A connection between the levels
is needed to ascertain women’s empowerment intervention (Mason,
2005). The domestic or household level is the central point of gender-
based discrimination and the goal of empowerment (Narayan-Parker,
2005) because of the power relation in the family hierarchy. Domestic
power dynamics can be analyzed by an individual’s access to and control
of different spaces such as physical, economic, socio-cultural and
political, and non-physical within the domestic level. A new space of
women’s empowerment is technological empowerment, which is as
important as the other interrelated spaces (Lennie, 2002). Shifts in spaces
are closely connected to changes in the micro, meso and macro
environments, both backward and forward. For that reason, women’s
empowerment needs to be measured in all three dimensions and all
spaces of women’s life (Charmes & Wieringa, 2003).
The mental space of women remains the most critical issue since it has
a complex relationship with other non-mental spaces. Mental or
psychological space consists of the feeling of freedom that allows a
person to think and act. For example, it often happens that interventions
that expand a woman’s economic space with increased income do not
empower her if she has no control over the income. Therefore,
expansion in economic space alone will not bring about empowerment.
If the interventions increase a woman’s level of confidence and self-
esteem, then a process of empowerment has begun. An expansion of
this space implies a change in perception and leads to a feeling of
strength.
Hence, understanding the link with other spaces will help policy makers
to understand why some interventions fail in spite of an increase in
physical, economic and political spaces (Ranadive, 2005). Though some
ICT interventions in Bangladesh are not benefiting rural women
economically (Alam, 2006; D.Net, 2007), they are helping to provide
required information to rural women, which eventually changes their
perceptions and expands their self-esteem as human beings. This issue
needs to be investigated; that is, whether ICT can empower rural women
with or without economic benefit.
The Need for Women’s Empowerment

The World Bank (2001) developed a two-pronged strategy to eradicate
poverty: large scale investment in developing countries; and
empowerment of underprivileged people. Therefore, disadvantaged
people have the potential to develop their lives and eradicate their
poverty if they are empowered. Women are half of the total population
in the world yet 70% of the world’s disadvantaged are women
(Actionaid, 2006). Many women are the poorest of the poor because
of the extreme forms of discrimination that persist in many parts of
today’s world (Obayelu & Ogunlade, 2006). Women are, therefore, not
only the representatives of impoverished people in the world but they
are also the most deprived and the cross-cut category of individuals
that overlaps with all other disadvantaged groups (the poor, ethnic
minorities, etc.). Although actively participating in taking care of
children, family members, livestock and agricultural work (food
production, preservation and processing), household work, health care
and so forth, women have limited access to resources and economy.
The World Bank (2008) has identified empowerment as one of the key
constituent elements of poverty reduction and sustainable development.
So, it is important to empower women to change their lives through
eradicating poverty and enabling their contribution to society.
Potential of ICT for Empowering Women

Information is noted as a prerequisite for empowerment, while
participation drives empowerment by encouraging people to be actively
involved in the development process, contribute ideas, take the initiative
to articulate needs and problems and assert their autonomy (Obayelu
& Ogunlade, 2006). The UN Millennium Development Project (United-
Nations, 2005) focused on globalization as well as gender equality and
empowerment of women as effective ways to combat poverty in a
sustainable way. Women’s full and equal access to ICT-based economic
and educational activities support women’s contribution in business
and home-based activities and help women to become more
empowered. By accessing information, women can enrich and enhance
their quality of life.
The United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women
(UNDAW) focuses on “ICTs and their impact on and use as a tool for
the advancement of women” (Marcelle, 2002). Successful case studies
from many countries describe the use of ICT as a tool for the economic
empowerment of women (Prasad & Sreedevi, 2007), participation in
public life (Lennie, 2002), and enhancing women's skills and capabilities
in society (Mitchell & Gillis, 2007). When used effectively, ICT can
create better opportunities for women to exchange information, gain
access to on-line education and to engage in e-commerce activities
(Marcelle, 2002).
Hurdles and Challenges in Empowerment

There are many factors that create hurdles in empowerment of women
and girls. Some of the important factors are discussed below:
1. Poverty: Most of the people in India are poor. There are rural poor
and urban poor and they are mostly busy trying to meet their ends.
They are struggling to earn their livelihood and think ICT is only a
source of entertainment which they cannot afford. The population of
India is more than 1.2 billion as per latest figures with almost fifty
percent female population. As per the latest census recommended by
Tendulkar Committee endorsed by the Planning Commission of India,
the people living below poverty line in India are 37% which is very
alarming. So the priority is to fulfill the basic needs of these people,
empoweringis a very difficult task for such a huge number.
2. Literacy: The adult (15 years and above) literacy rate in India is
66%. The literacy rate of females above the age of 7 years is 45% as
compared to 75% for boys in the same age group. The drop-out rate
of girls studying between Class 1 to Class 8 is nearly 45%. This statistics
reveal that almost 55% of females are deprived of basic education and
moreover the drop outs are also high by the time they reach high school
hence effectively 25% of females take up education till the school level.
Rest of the 75% of female population isilliterate or literate till primary
or middle school. Moreover most of this education is in vernacular
and local language. Though the government is offering free education
to the girl child the Indian scenario is pretty grim as far is education to
womenfolk is concerned.
3. Computer literacy: Computer education is generally imparted to
students from middle school onwards. The computer education though
incorporated in the curriculum otherwise comes with a cost through
private coaching.The urban Indian student enjoys the basic computer
education but the rural Indian students have to mostly depend on
government support. The network of private computer institutes
though spreading rapidly in rural community is not affordable by many.
Basic computer education is available in English language though slowly
the computer education is now coming in different languages. The
major hurdleis that most of the education is imparted in vernacular
language hence training through English language is difficult. Internet
access and education is also a big problem as most of the websites
almost 70-80% are in English.
4. Socio-Cultural aspects: Potential for empowerment is also affected
by socio-cultural aspects such as class, age, ethnicity and race. Women
from the same social context may not enjoy access to ICT. In India the
social structure issuch that boys are given preference over girls for
everything even education and access to ICT. Boy child is pampered
and girl child is often neglected and is involved in household chores. In
many parts of the country going out of the house, learning and getting
any type of special training is considered as a taboo for womenfolk.
Women and girls remain confined to the house and mostly involved in
house work. Most of them are cut-off from the outside world so their
chance of access to ICT is reduced.
5. Early marriages: As per latest figures the adolescent girls in India
are more than 100 million. More than 50% of these are married before
18 years of age and almost 95% are school drop outs. Early marriages
are a big social menace in India. Though the government has imposed
a rule of marriages after the age of 18 years for females, still the practice
of early marriage is rampant in India. Girls are forced to marry below
the age of 18 especially in rural areas. Once the girls are married they
have family responsibilities and do not find time for education and to
avail the facilities of ICT. Probably television because of its penetration
is the only means of entertainment and information.
6. Language barriers: Language is major constraint in the
empowerment process. There are hundreds of languages and thousands
of dialect in a big country like India. Imparting knowledge through a
few common languagesis a big challenge. Most of the Internet learning
is through English language which can be implemented in urban areas
only. Communication through different languages is a herculean task.
7. Ownership: Ownership of communication assets like radios,
mobiles and computers is rarity in rural areas for women and girls.
This mainly is because of poverty and meager income levels. The social
structure issuch that men and boys are given preference over women
and girls. Only in big cities women and girlshave a choice of owning
these assets.
8. Spending patterns: Spending patterns of parents on boys and girls
are different. Boys are always given preference. Even in developed
nations like the US, the parents spend more on boys than girls. In India
also the pattern issame as the belief system is that boys are going to be
the bread earners in the family so their development is essential and
girls are going to be the home makers. Though, this belief system is
gradually changing.
Generally, two key factors in the process of empowerment are identified:
control over resources (the conditions for empowerment); and agency
(the ability to formulate choices). From the conceptual framework
discussed by Malhotra, Schuler & Boender (2005) (Figure 1), it can be
understood that empowerment is a dynamic process that may be
separated into components, such as enabling resources, agency and
outcomes.
Figure: 1. The conceptual framework showing relationship between resources, agency
and outcomes correlating empowerment (adapted from Malhotra et al., 2005).
In the model, developed by Lennie (2002), a new dimension of women’s empowerment
was added, that of technological empowerment. Other dimensions, such as social,
political, and psychological empowerment are also interrelated. The questions which
were used to identify the changes in women’s technological issues after using ICT were
incorporated in this study since ICT affects the mental space of women.
ICT and Women Empowerment

ICT has made a tremendous impact in imparting knowledge on modern
technology and its uses. NGOs, SHGs working in the field,
governmental agencies and other private agencies have also extended
their help to promote ICT among the women. ICT empower women
in various areas like social, educational, psychological, political,
technological and economical and well as few degree of
disempowerment due to some internal and external reasons (Beena et
al.2012). Empowerment of women in the context of knowledge
societies is understood as building the ability and skills of women to
gain insight into actions and issues in the external environment, which
influence them. If the women are empowered, it will build their capacity
to get involved and voice their concerns in these external processes,
make informed decisions, participate in the economic and political
processes, and bring about an overall improvement in their quality of
life (Nath, 2001). Empowerment is a multi-dimensional social process
that helps people gain control over their own lives. Women
empowerment generally refers to the process by which women enhances
their capacity to take control over decisions that shape their lives,
including in relation to access to resources, participation in decision
making and control over distribution of benefits. Women's
empowerment has five components: women's sense of self-worth; their
right to have and to determine choices; their right to have access to
opportunities and resources; their right to have the power to control
their own lives, both within and outside the home; and their ability to
influence the direction of social change to create a more just social and
economic order, nationally and internationally (UNPOPIN, 2010,
Morshedi et al., 2012).
Fig.2. Source: Nath V. (2001). Empowerment and Governance through ICT: Women’s
Perspective. Information Technology in developing country. Vol. 11. No. 1. London
School of Economics.
ICT in ODL as Women Empowerment Tool

According to UNESCO (2002) limitation in the access of many women
to education opportunities which would enhance empowerment of
women is due mainly to the inability of women and the tutor to be in
face to face contact. UNESCO (2002) highlighted that there were over
900 million adults in the whole world who were deprived access to
education, because they were required to be present in a conventional
classroom before they could gain access to quality education. In addition
limitations in human, material and financial resources, made it
impossible for the traditional conventional approach of teaching in
the classrooms to satisfy the demand. Open and Distance Learning
reflects both the fact that all or most of teaching is conducted by
someone removed in time and space from the learner, and that the
mission aims to include greater dimensions of openness and flexibility,
whether in terms of access, curriculum or other elements of structure.
The desire to anchor as much as possible to the train of globalization
demands that all sectors of society must be literate and this kind of
mass education can only be afforded through the use of ICT in distance-
learning. The concept of ICT in ODL is a scheme that affords the
opportunity to effectively transmit educational benefits to all people
cheaply and more effectively, especially women denied access on the
basis of their gender roles and other social consideration. The use of
ICT in ODL as a women empowerment strategy can be viewed from
the fact that it straddles so many facets of the social system. ICT in
ODL benefits women who are full time house wives, many of who
have never had access to formal education or had to give up school at
early stages of their lives due to many reasons some of which include
early pregnancies and lack of resources to send them to school. These
women according to (Olakulehin and Olugbenga, 2001) were not usually
enthusiastic about formal education because their husbands would want
them to sit at home and take care of the home and the children. As a
result most of these women were unable to leave their families to go a
conventional university system. ICT in ODL allows women then to be
at home and study for a programme without jeopardising their marriages
or abandoning their children.
According to UNESCO (2012) and Azikiwe (1992) women education
is essential for rural development. Women are not well equipped to
contribute effectively to socio economic issues because of illiteracy.
Contribution of ICTS to Women’s Economic Empowerment

The empowering effects of the use of ICTs for women and other
community members have been indicated by several researchers (Daws,
1997; Harcourt, 1999; Milio, 1996;) An online discussion on
“Information and communication technologies and their impact on
and use as an instrument for the advancement and empowerment of
women :(17 June to 19 July 2002) summed up the benefits of using
ICTs to improve the economic status of women in some areas. The
following observations were made: Use of ICTs:
◆ increased the ability of women to work from home;
◆ Improved employment opportunities for women;
◆ Increased ability of informal sector women to move to the formal
sector;
◆ Improved global market access for craftswomen through e-
commerce;
◆ Transformed women’s traditional gender roles;
◆ Improved access of women, especially rural women, to distance
learning and distance work programs;
◆ Improved the ability to share experiences among women's
organisations concerned with the economic well-being of women
in the informal sector; and
◆ Increased ability to avoid gender bias by having a gender-opaque
medium.
Conclusion and Suggestions

The issue of culture, social attitudes and values has a resultant effect
on the utilisation of ICTs in distance education. The overall use of
ICTs in ODL has empowered women. Internet resources have created
a greater awareness of governance issues and technical forms of
communication. Therefore, ICTs have a positive impact on the
empowerment of women. Hence the use of ICTs in ODL by women
should be considered both as a necessity and an opportunity to empower
them in this era of globalization. Though the research was limited to
women, the functional benefits and advantages of ICTS in ODL can
be extended to other vulnerable groups of the society.
The majority of women in the developing world do not have access to
ICTs due to variety of barriers as such the infrastructural, social, cultural
and linguistic. To make women independent, powerful and strong in
all fields with the help of ICT necessary actions are to be taken at
regional, national and international level. ICT provide resources,
information and opportunities for development. Some of the
recommendations are listed below:
◆ All educational institutes by law should offer free basic knowledge
of computer to women of all ages.
◆ ICT awareness camps should be organized on regular basis in rural
areas
◆ Internet facilities should be available at all locations including the
remote ones
◆ Free computer centers should be opened at rural area for providing
basic knowledge of computer.
◆ E –government should be deployed everywhere so that women can
also participate freely in decision making.
◆ ICT can be used in women security field as well by installing cameras,
emergency apps and providing access to all locations.
◆ Digital library should be there including all the books available
throughout.
References
Ahmed, A., Islam, D., Hasan, A. R., & Rahman, N. J. (2006). Measuring Impact
of ICT on Women in Bangladesh Retrieved March 27, 2008, from http://
iec.cugb.edu.cn/WorldComp2006/EEE4168.pdf
Banerjee, N. and S. Mitter, (1998). “Women Making a Meaningful Choice:
Technology and the New Economic Order”, Economic and Political Weekly, Dec
19, 33, 51, 3247– 3256.
Charmes, J., & Wieringa, S. (2003). “Measuring Women's Empowerment: an
assessment of the Gender-related Development Index and the Gender
Empowerment Measure”, Journal of Human Development, 4(3), 419-435.
DimevskI, D., &Kokol, P. ICT and Lifelong Learning, EURODL (European
Journal of Open, Distance and E-Learning. Slovenia: University of Maribor, (2004).
Pp. 1-6.
Eade, D. Capacity-Building. An Approach to People-Centred ICT as a tool for
empowerment in Uganda (1997)
Kailay, Junu Rani Das. 2001. Creating opportunities for women in developing
countries using ICT. Asia Pacific Regional Workshop on Equal Access of
Women in ICT, Seoul, R. O. Korea, October.
Lennie, J. (2002). Rural women’s Empowerment in a Communication
Technology project; some Contradictory effects. Rural Society, 12(3), 224-
254. Retrieved from www.evaluateit.org/resources/empowerment.doc
Marcelle, G. M. (2002). Information and Communication Technologies (ICT)
and their Impact on and use as an Instrument for the Advancement and
Empowerment of Women Retrieved March 25, 2008, from http://
www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/egm/ict2002/reports/Reportonline. PDF
Malhotra, A., Schuler, S. R., &Boender, C. (2005). Measuring Women’s Empowerment
as a Variable in International Development. In D. Narayan (Ed.). Washington DC:
World Bank, Gender And Development Group.
Nath, Vikas, 2001, “Empowerment and Governance through Information
and Communication Technologies: Women’s Perspective”, UNESCO Open
and Distance Learning: Trends, Policy and Strategy Considerations. (Paris.
UNESCO, 2002)
UNESCO Open and Distance Learning: Trends, Policy and Strategy
Considerations.(Paris. UNESCO, 2012)
UNDP Gender equality and empowerment of women through ICT: (New
York, 2002) United Nations Development Program (UNDP) (2002).
Infor mation, Communication and Knowledge-sharing, Gender in
Development, Learning and Information Pack, UNDP, New York; http://
www.undp.org/gender/infopack.html, retrieved on 23 May 2013
World Bank (2002). Monitoring and evaluation: Some tools, methods and
approaches. Washington D.C World Bank Group http://www.worldbank.org/
oed/ecd retrieved on 27 May 2013
Wamala C. Empowering women through ICT (2012) Spider ICT4D series Number
4 h t t p : / / w w w. i t f o r c h a n g e . n e t / s i t e s / d e f a u l t / f i l e s / I T f C /
Women_Run_ICT_Initiatives_Workshop_Re port.pdf
www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/public/w2000-09.5-ict-e/pdf
http://www.usof.gov.in
http://www.wbsed.gov.in/wbsed/schemes.html
h t t p : / / w w w. i t f o r c h a n g e . n e t / s i t e s / d e f a u l t / f i l e s / I T f C /
Women_Run_ICT_Initiatives_Workshop_Report.pdf
Implementing Multicultural Education
in Diverse Classroom
Dr. Rita Singha Roy

Assistant Professor, Department of Education
Swami Niswambalananda Girls' College, University of Calcutta
Dr.Pintu Kumar Maji
Post-Doctoral Fellow, Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR), New Delhi.
Assistant Professor, Department of Education, Sarsuna College
Abstract
Multicultural education was developed to assist teachers to respond correctly to the many
issues created by the rapidly changing demographics of their students. It also provides the
students with knowledge about the histories, cultures, and contributions of diverse groups,
and helps to assume that the concept of pluralistic society. Multicultural education various
dimensions, which the practicing educators can use to incorporate culture in their classrooms.
The teachers can also decorate the classroom in cultural decor. In this way, the multicultural
classroom will not only promote decision-making abilities and critical thinking and reasoning
among the students but will also help to reduce unequal opportunities, cultural pluralism and
bias. Teachers can encourage other students to be aware of diversity and cultural differences
in the classroom and thus encourage the students to generate a better inclusive multicultural
environment.
Key words
Multicultural education, Diversity and Teacher role
Introduction
Culture refers to the "traditions, rituals, beliefs, and values that are shared
amongst a group of people.” Multiculturalism refers to the "sharing
of many cultures." Multiculturalism or cultural diversity refers to the
sutural and theoretical expressions and views with multiple meaning.
Multicultural Education a philosophical concept is a set of strategies
and materials that were first developed in USA are the Department of
Education. Multicultural education is not a discrete learning area. It
makes sure that all students have necessary access to inclusive teaching
and learning experiences, which will allow them to successfully take
part in a rapidly changing world where intercultural as well as cross-
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
cultural understanding and communication skills are essential.
“Multicultural education incorporates the idea that all students –
regardless of their gender; sexual orientation; social class; and ethnic,
racial, or cultural characteristics – should have an equal opportunity to
learn in school” (Banks and Bank). Multicultural education was
developed to assist teachers to respond correctly to the many issues
created by the rapidly changing demographics of their students. It also
provides the students with knowledge about the histories, cultures, and
contributions of diverse groups, and helps to assume that the concept
of pluralistic society. Multicultural education is also viewed as a way of
teaching and promoting principles among the student such as inclusion,
diversity, democracy, skill acquisition, inquiry, critical thought, value of
perspectives, and self-reflection.
Multicultural education encourages students to bring aspects of their
cultures into the classroom and thus, allows teachers to support the
child’s intellectual and social/emotional growth. Therefore, Multicultural
classrooms promote decision-making and critical thinking while moving
toward cultural pluralism. James A. Banks, the father of Multicultural
Education, defined the term as, “an inclusive concept used to describe
a wide variety of school practices, programs, and material designed to
help children from diverse groups to experience educational equality”
(Banks, 1984, p. 182). It is, in fact, more comprehensive than this limited
conception and is characterized by five dimensions: content integration,
the knowledge construction process, prejudice reduction, equity
pedagogy, and an empowering school culture and social structure (Banks,
2004).
Multicultural education various dimensions, which the practicing
educators can use to incorporate culture in their classrooms. The
important five dimensions are as follows-
a) Knowledge construction dimension means the teachers need to
help students to understand, investigate and determine how the
implicit cultural assumptions, frames of reference, various
perspectives and biases within a discipline influence the method
of knowledge construction.
b) Content integration dimension deals with the extent to which
teachers in their teaching use examples and content from a variety
of cultures.
c) Empowering School Culture dimension focuses on creating a
school culture that empowers students from diverse racial, ethnic,
and gender groups to examine the interaction of the staff and the
students across ethnic and racial lines, grouping and labelling
practices, sports participation and also disproportionally in
achievement.
d) Prejudice Reduction dimension focuses how the characteristics
of students’ racial attitudes can be modified by selecting and
applying proper teaching methods and materials.
e) An equity pedagogy dimension exists when teachers modify their
teaching in classroom in ways that will facilitate the academic
achievement of students from diverse racial, cultural, gender, and
social-class groups.
Multicultural education can be implemented both at the micro and
macro level. At micro-level by specific teachers within their individual
classrooms and at the macro-level with the implementation of programs
and culture at the school-wide or district-wide level.
Multicultural education can be stimulated in the classroom by providing
students with diverse knowledge of cultural history and contributions
of varying ethnic groups. While addressing classroom diversity the
teacher must install pride and confidence within students. To achieve
this teacher can take advantage of cultural knowledge and awareness
of any upcoming holiday or current events. The teachers can also
decorate the classroom in cultural decor. In this way, the multicultural
classroom will not only promote decision-making abilities and critical
thinking and reasoning among the students but will also help to reduce
unequal opportunities, cultural pluralism and bias.
Multicultural education teaches the students to respect cultural
differences within the classroom and throughout instruction. The
teachers must consider the skills and capacities of students by upholding
all students to high quality standards regardless of their ethnic or any
other diverse background. Teachers must not display an unwillingness
to reject or lower their standards because of a student’s cultural
background or any other type of barriers. It also helps the students to
develop knowledge and understand their own home cultures. By doing
this, the teacher encourages to develop positive social conduct both in
and out of the classroom.
Connecting with the cultural identity of students in the classroom paves
the path for better communication. Understanding student’s culture
will assist teachers to appreciate their cultural behaviour, conduct and
social norms. Furthermore, teachers can encourage other students to
be aware of diversity and cultural differences in the classroom and
thus encourage the students to generate a better inclusive multicultural
environment. Multicultural education does not end with the teacher; it
must be passed on to students in order for the classroom to perform
in a diverse manner that is void of conflict. A classroom that respects
cultural diversity helps in the learning process, Students learns to respect
one another’s cultural differences. The question is how does a teacher
systemically create a classroom that values diversity and benefits all
from the incorporation of multicultural education? The fact is that
translating the various definitions and motivations for multicultural
education into actual practices and behaviours in the classroom situation
takes considerable planning and work. The teacher needs to develop
his or her own approach to these issues based on the unique
circumstances of classroom, school, and community.
All these components points towards a basic idea of equality of
opportunities to all and providing an open communication between
the students, teacher, and their peers within the diverse classroom. The
teacher can apply the following approaches while imparting lessons on
Multicultural Education to students in diverse classroom-
1) The teacher while defining the term multiculturalism must teach
the students that multicultural education is as a progressive
approach that helps in transforming education based on
educational equality and social justice. Multicultural education has
five basic elements like content integration, prejudice reduction,
knowledge construction, empowering social culture and school
culture, and lastly, equity pedagogy (Banks, 2008). These elements
are inter-related and thus all require attention for resolving conflict
in today’s world. What the students learn in their classroom
environments while interacting with those from diverse cultural
groups, translate it into how efficiently they manage their life in
the global environment.
2) The teacher must observe his/her students closely and value real-
life experience or situations of diversity over the textbook version.
David Kolb created a four-step model for really understanding
the needs of a particular diverse group of student. The steps
included in his model are-
a) Gather concrete experience,
b) Reflective observation must be given importance,
c) Shift the knowledge base to abstract conceptualization and,
d) Experimentation must be applied in active situation.
In other words, multicultural education cannot be taught through the
help of textbook. It must be developed by each teacher based on a
particular student group.
3) The teacher must have knowledge of their students’ learning styles.
With the help of the teachers, the students must discover their
own academic strengths and learning style. Thus, the students on
the basis of their own backgrounds and personalities will be able
to discover what method of comprehension works best for them,
To impart a lesson in multiculturalism, the teacher can involve the
students in class projects on their own learning style,
4) The teacher must encourage and teach their students to preserve,
conserve and transmit their heritage, and also to be proud of it.
The teacher in a positive way must emphasize the differences
between students.
5) The teacher must thoroughly examine their own cultural beliefs,
values, and biases to fully understand the significance of
multiculturalism and thereby, implement it in the classroom
environment through genuine interaction and discourse with of
students of different cultures. The teachers must be prepared to
gather knowledge about other cultures–to become familiar with
the values, traditions, communication styles, learning preferences,
contributions to society, and relationship patterns of their future
students. In a culturally responsive classroom, the onus is instead
placed on the teacher to learn about and adapt to the cultural
intricacies and differences of the students that they teach.
The teacher can consider five general methods for implementing
multicultural education in diverse classroom-
a) Recognize and appreciate the particular cultures and backgrounds
represented in the classroom through the students.
b) Recognize and appreciate the diverse background, cultures, and
perspectives of the students.
c) Considering the potential insights of research on the “cultural
learning styles of the students.
d) Teaching the students the positive norms of inclusive interactions
among themselves in the classroom.
e) Evaluating the available materials for cultural relevance and their
inclusiveness.
Conclusion
Multicultural education is applied in classroom to support equality of
ethnic diversity in the classroom. A multicultural curriculum provides
alternative points of view relative to information already taught in most
educational system, It further, provides ethnic minorities with a sense
of being inclusive in history, science etc. and also decreases stereotypes,
prejudice, bigotry, and racism in the society. A significant demographic
transformation is developed. Educational institutions are no longer
dictated by attitudes, values, beliefs, and value systems of one race and
class of people.
References
Banks, J.A., and Banks, C.A.M. (1995). Handbook of research on multicultural
education.[Online]. New York: Macmillan. http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/
10.1207/s15327671espr0102_7?journalCode=hjsp20 [August 2, 2016].
Banks, J.A. and Tucker, M. (n.d.). Multiculturalism’s Five Dimensions .[Online]. New
York: Macmillan. http://www.learner.org/workshops/socialstudies/pdf/session3/
3.Multiculturalism.pdf [August 4, 2016].
Banks and Banks, eds.( 2013). Multicultural Education, ‘Multicultural Education:
Characteristics and Goals’, ‘Culture, Teaching and Learning’ (John Wiley & Sons).
[Online].
https://prezi.com/p3ke1vqp84ip/multicultural-education-characteristics-and-goals/
[August 2, 2016].
Gorski, P.C. (n.d.) A Brief History of Multicultural Education. [Online]. http://
red.pucp.edu.pe/ridei/files/2012/11/121111.pdf[August 4, 2016].
Sleeter, C., and McLaren, P. (2000). Origins of Multiculturalism.[Online]. http://
www.rethinkingschools.org/restrict.asp?path=archive/15_01/himu151.shtml [August
4, 2016].
http://www.theedadvocate.org/6-ways-to-implement-a-real-multicultural-education-in-
the-classroom/
Development of Intercultural Competencies through
Intercultural Competence
Dr. Tapas Kumar Sarkar,

Lecturer
Itachuna Govt. Sponsored Primary Teachers’ Training Institute
Itachuna
Email ID: sarkartapaskumar27@gmail.com
Introduction
Intercultural competencies comprise a person's ability to get along with,
work and learn with people from diverse cultures. These competencies
are those knowledge, skills and attitudes that comprise a person's ability
to get the same.The ability to communicate successfully with people
of other cultures is called Intercultural Competence. Intercultural
competence is also called "cross-cultural competence" (3C) [1].Higher
education can provide an excellent opportunity for students and staff
to explore and practice the development of intercultural competencies.
However, there is both anecdotal and research evidence to suggest
that this does not always happen nor does it happen by chance. In
higher education Staff are well positioned to acquire and develop these
skills and to encourage the development of these skills in students.
This can be done first by modeling these skills themselves and also by
using specific strategies within their classes. Clearly these are
competencies for all students, not just international ones. In interactions
with people from foreign cultures, a person who is intercultural
competent understands the culture-specific concepts of perception,
thinking, feeling, and acting.
Basic requirements for intercultural competence

Cultures can be different not only between continents or nations but
also within the same company and even within the same family.
The differences may be ethical, ethnic, geographical, historical, moral,
political, or religious. The basic requirements for intercultural
competence are empathy, an understanding of other people's behaviors
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
and ways of thinking, and the ability to express one's own way of
thinking. It is a balance, situatively adapted, among four parts:
◆ Knowledge (about other cultures and other people's behaviors)
◆ Empathy (understanding the feelings and needs of other people)
◆ Self-confidence (knowledge of one's own desires, strengths,
weaknesses, and emotional stability)
◆ Cultural identity (knowledge of one's own culture).
Cross-cultural competence:
Cross-cultural competence (3C) has generated confusing and
contradictory definitions because it has been studied by a wide variety
of academic approaches and professional fields. One author identified
eleven different terms that have some equivalence to 3C: cultural savvy,
astuteness, appreciation, literacy or fluency, adaptability, terrain,
expertise, competency, awareness, intelligence, and understanding [1].
The United States Army Research Institute, which is currently engaged
in a study of 3C has defined it as "A set of cognitive, behavioral, and
affective/motivational components that enable individuals to adapt
effectively in intercultural environments." [2].
Cross-cultural competence does not operate in a vacuum, however.
One theoretical construct posits that 3C, language proficiency, and
regional knowledge are distinct skills that are inextricably linked, but to
varying degrees depending on the context in which they are employed.
In educational settings, Bloom's affective and cognitive taxonomies
[3& 4] serve as an effective framework for describing the overlapping
areas among these three disciplines: at the receiving and knowledge
levels, 3C can operate with near-independence from language
proficiency and regional knowledge. But, as one approaches the
internalizing and evaluation levels, the overlapping areas approach
totality.
The development of intercultural competence is mostly based on the
individual's experiences while he or she is communicating with different
cultures. When interacting with people from other cultures, the
individual experiences certain obstacles that are caused by differences
in cultural understanding between two people from different cultures.
Such experiences may motivate the individual to acquire skills that can
help him to communicate his point of view to an audience belonging
to a different cultural ethnicity and background.
Issues for developing teachers own intercultural competencies:
1. The teachers should find time to learn a little about the cultural
backgrounds of his/her colleagues and students;
2. The teachers can develop a ‘meta-awareness’ [5 & 6] about the
different kinds of experiences and expectations the students may
have.
3. The teacher should reflect on his/her own culture and its
approaches to education by seeing colleagues and students as a
learning resource - they may be able to provide insights into how
the whole system and the teacher’s discipline is taught and practiced
elsewhere.
4. The teacher should consider his/her attitude: how does a teacher
feel about mixing and socialising with international colleagues and
teaching international students? Do any prejudices and
preconceptions arise when thinking about particular cultures (even
within the teacher’s own country), and if so, how can a teacher
transmutes them into feelings of openness and appreciation or at
least of professional respect.
Issues for developing students' intercultural competencies

The teacher can do much to help his/her students, both home and
international.
1. The teaching of a teacher provide a commentary on why the teacher
is teaching the topic e.g. 'examining opposing arguments here
encourages critical thinking around...’ The commentary will help
international students most obviously but also home students who
will begin to habitually see that the approaches commonly used
here are just one way of teaching and that the curriculum is just
one form within a range across the world.
2. Once the academic year is well underway, the teacher should
encourage and sometimes insist that students work in unfamiliar
and diverse groups in classroom exercises.
3. The opportunities should be built for students to reflect on their
learning experiences - whether they discuss with peers their
personal challenges as well as their positive experiences.
4. The students may be asked to generate their own ideas for creating
an inclusive learning environment.
5. The students should be encouraged to participate in the wider
opportunities that universities and local communities offer such
as activities in line with global citizenship ideals like volunteering.
6. An Empathy Game may be used with students - there is nothing
like 'walking in another's shoes' to better appreciate the experiences
of being an international student.
Issue of immigrants:
A salient issue, especially for people living in countries other than their
native country, is the issue of which culture they should follow. Should
they try to fit in and adapt to the culture surrounding them, or should
they hold on to their native culture and try to avoid interacting with the
culture surrounding them? This issue is increasingly common today.
Globalization has caused immigration rates to rise sharply for most
developed and developing countries. In a country that is strange to
them, immigrants are surrounded by a culture that does not belong to
them.
Issue of international students
International students have a choice of modifying their cultural
boundaries and adapting to the culture around them or holding on to
their native culture and surrounding themselves with people from their
own country. The students who decide to hold on to their native culture
are those who experience the most problems in their university life and
who encounter frequent culture shocks. But international students who
adapt themselves to the culture surrounding them and interact more
with domestic students will increase their knowledge of the domestic
culture, which may help them to "blend in" more. Such individuals
may be said to have adopted bicultural identities.
Cultural differences
Cultural characteristics can be measured along several dimensions. The
ability to perceive them and to cope with them is fundamental for
intercultural competence. These characteristics include:
◆ Collectivism and individualism[7]
◆ Masculine and feminine cultures[7]
◆ Uncertainty avoidance[7]
◆ Power distance[7]
◆ Chronemics: monochrome (time-fixed, "one after the other") and
polychrome (many things at the same time, "multitasking"). This is
also called "long-term orientation."[7]
◆ Structural characteristics: basic personality, values, the experience
of time and space, selective perception, nonverbal communication,
and patterns of behavior.
◆ Christianity and Confucianism.
Assessment
The assessment of cross-cultural competence is another field that is
rife with controversy. One survey identified 86 assessment instruments
for 3C. [8] A United States Army Research Institute study narrowed the
list down to ten quantitative instruments that were suitable for further
exploration of their reliability and validity. [2]
The following characteristics are tested and observed for the assessment
of intercultural competence as an existing ability or as the potential to
develop it: ambiguity tolerance, openness to contacts, flexibility in
behavior, emotional stability, motivation to perform, empathy, met
communicative competence, and polycentrism.
Quantitative assessment instruments
Three examples of quantitative assessment instruments are: [2]
◆ the Inter-cultural Development Inventory
◆ the Cultural Intelligence Scale
◆ the Multi-cultural Personality Questionnaire
Qualitative assessment instruments

Research in the area of 3C assessment, while thin, points to the value
of qualitative assessment instruments in concert with quantitative ones.
[9][10][11]
Qualitative instruments, such as scenario-based assessments, are
useful for gaining insight into intercultural competence. [12][13][14][15]
Intercultural coaching frameworks, such as the Intercultural
Communication and Collaboration Appraisal, do not attempt an
assessment; they provide guidance for personal improvement based
upon the identification of personal traits, strengths, and weaknesses.
[16][17]
Criticism:
It is important that cross-cultural competence training and skills does
not break down into the application of stereotypes. Although its goal
is to promote understanding between groups of individuals that, as a
whole, think differently, it may fail to recognize specific differences
between individuals of any given group. Such differences can be more
significant than the differences between groups, especially in the case
of heterogeneous populations and value systems. [18]
Madison (2006) [19] has criticized the tendency of 3C training for its
tendency to simplify migration and cross-cultural processes into stages
and phases. Madison's article offers an outline of the original research.
References:
1. Selmeski, B.R. (2007). Military cross-cultural competence: Core concepts and

individual development. Kingston: Royal Military College of Canada Centre
for Security, Armed Forces, & Society.
2. Abbe, A., Gulick, L.M.V., & Herman, J.L. (2007). Cross-cultural competence
in Army leaders: A conceptual and empirical foundation. Washington, DC: U.S.
Army Research Institute.
3. Bloom, B.S. (Ed.). (1956). Taxonomy of educational objectives: Handbook I:
Cognitive domain. New York: David McKay.
4. Krathwohl, D.R., Bloom, B.S., &Masia, B.B. (1973). Taxonomy of Educational
Objectives, the Classification of Educational Goals. Handbook II: Affective Domain.
New York: McKay Co., Inc.
5. Louie, K. (2005). Gathering cultural knowledge: useful or handle with
care? In J. Carroll & J. Ryan (Eds), Teaching international students:
Improving learning for all (17-25). London: Routledge.
6. Ryan, J. & Louie, K. (2007). False dichotomy? ‘Western’ and ‘Eastern’
concepts of scholarship and learning. Educational Philosophy and Theory
(39)4, 404-417.
7. "Geert Hofstede cultural dimensions". ClearlyCultural.com.
8. Fantini, A.E. (2006). 87 Assessment tools of intercultural competence [Electronic
version]. Brattleboro, VT: School for International Training. Retrieved June
20, 2007 from http://www.sit.edu/publications/docs/
feil_appendix_f.pdf
9. Kitsantas, A. (2004). Studying abroad: the role of college students' goals
on the development of cross-cultural skills and global understanding.
College Student Journal, 38(3). Retrieved July 9, 2007 from ERIC database.
10. Lessard-Clouston, M. (1997). "Towards an understanding of culture in
L2/FL education". Ronko: K.G. studies in English 25: 131–150.
11. Lievens, F.; Harris, M.; Van Keer, E.; Bisqueret, C. (2003). "Predicting
cross-cultural training performance: The validity of personality, cognitive
ability, and dimensions measured by an assessment center and a behavior
description interview". Journal of Applied Psychology 88 (3): 476–489.
doi:10.1037/0021-9010.88.3.476. PMID 12814296.
12. Davis, B. (1993). Tools for teaching. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers.
13. Doll, W. (1993). A post-modern perspective on curriculum. New York: Teacher's
College Press.
14. English, F. & Larson, R. (1996). Curriculum management for educational and
social service organizations. Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas Publishers.
15. Palomba, A. & Banta, T. (1999). Assessment essentials. San Francisco: Jossey-
Bass.
16. Messner, W. &Schäfer, N. (2012). The ICCA™ Facilitator's Manual. London:
Createspace.
17. "What is The ICCA?". Intercultural Communication and Collaboration Appraisal.
GloBus Research Ltd.. Retrieved 25 June 2012.
18. Rathje, S. (2007). Intercultural Competence: The Status and Future of a
Controversial Concept. Journal for Language and Intercultural Communication,
7(4), 254–266.
19. Madison, Greg (2006). "Existential Migration". Existential Analysis 17 (2):
238–60.
Secondary Teacher Education System in West Bengal with
Special Emphasis through ODL System
Mr. Rakesh Manna

Assistant Teacher,
Santipur Municipal High School (H.S.),
Santipur, Nadia
Email ID: srijanrkm@gmail.com
Abstract
The quality of a nation depends upon the quality of education that is providing to its
citizens and quality of education depends on a large measure upon the quality of teachers
that a nation possesses. The strength of educational system largely depends on the quality of
its teachers. The purpose of teacher education in India should be to prepare good human
beings, skillful human resources, responsible citizen and improving teaching learning system
that can contribute to the national economy. In this paper, we will try to understand the
developments of secondary teacher education system in West bengal, its objectives and various
types of teacher education, i.e., pre-service, in-service and teacher education in distance mode
with their present status. This article discusses Secondary Teacher Education System in
West Bengal with Special Emphasis through ODL System.
Key Words
Distance mode, ODL System, Teacher Education, Students, Quality,
etc.
Introduction
Teacher education is a complex activity. The success of any educational
system depends upon teachers and the quality of teachers depends
upon the teacher education programme. It must make the future teacher
to perceive his/her role in the changing situation. After independence,
the conversion from ‘Training’ to “Education’ was a significant move,
in which the preparation of school teacher was moving from a rigid,
prescriptive, closed, almost exploitative and oppressive culture to
suggestive, open, relaxed, free, perspective and enjoyable one. The
teacher occupies a very important place in society because he brings
about the transfer of the intellectual traditions from one generation to
the next.
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
The National Council for Teacher Education (NCTE) was established
as a statutory body in 1993 by an Act of Parliament for maintaining
the norms and standards of teacher education in the country. In 1998,
the NCTE brought out the Curriculum Framework for Quality Teacher
Education, which provides guidelines for the organization of curriculum
for different stages of teacher education. The National Council of
Educational Research and Training (NCERT) also brought out teacher
education curriculum during 2004. The National Curriculum
Framework (NCF, 2005) recommended that teacher education
programmes be recast to reflect professionalism in the process of
training and teaching. Two significant developments particularly, the
National Curriculum Framework, 2005 and the Right of Children to
Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009 as well as the fundamental
tenets enshrined in the constitution of India have guided the
development of the National Curriculum Framework for Teacher
Education (NCFTE) in 2009.
Objectives of Secondary Teacher Education System in India:

The specific objectives of Teacher Education for the Secondary Stage
are as follows:
1. Teacher should be professionally equipped to counsel, guide and
monitor the students skillfully and sympathetically and transact
knowledge, skills and values that are expected from them through
teacher education, a teacher has to be made professionally
competent pedagogically sound and intellectually strong.
2. Provision of in-services and continuing teacher education
programme and alternative mechanisms of distance modes of
education for regular refreshment of teacher’s content knowledge
and pedagogical skill.
3. Developing linkages among the sister institutions and universities
to break isolation among teachers fraternities.
4. To construct and administer programmes to update the teachers’
knowledge and information in their content areas; to educate the
teaching community about the use of latest educational technology.
Types of Secondary Teacher Education System in India

Broadly speaking there are two types of teacher education for secondary
teacher in India: (i) pre-service teacher education and (ii) in-service
teacher education. Though the National Policy on Education holds in-
service teacher education to be a continuation of pre-service teacher
education and believes the two, i.e., pre-service and in-service
programmes are inseparable.
Media Based Distance Education Model

With the advent of satellite technology and computers many training
programmes are imparted using electronic media. Audio-conferencing
and tele-conferencing are already being used. In these the electronic
media play the key role and print material play a supportive role. The
advantage of this model is that training objectives can be achieved
within limited time period. The constraint of this approach is the limited
availability of the technology itself, and its high initial investment.
In 1993, Indira Gandhi National Open University (IGNOU) has made
attempt for the first time to provide teacher education or training
packages for teachers in institutions of higher education and primary
education in collaboration with the School of Education and National
Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) through
interactive tele-conferencing. This technology has been successfully
tried in the two states of Karnataka and Madhya Pradesh for 850 and
1,450 primary teachers respectively*, for a one week in-service training
course. the National Action Plan proposed setting up of a two-way
wide interactive network connecting all the state headquarters, district
headquarters and block headquarters during the Ninth and Tenth Five
Year Plans for providing in-service training to primary teachers.
Secondary Teacher Education in Distance Mode

Distance Education has been used extensively for continuing in-service
education of Secondary teachers, teacher educators and supervisors.
Distance education in emerging as an alternative to the formal
conventioal education system. The emphasis on education for all,
explosion of population along with the desire for education, limitation
of the conventioal system in providing greater accessibility and the
rising expectations from education are some of the factors for its
increasing demand.
The new communication technology has brought it within the reach
of all. Originally distance mode of education is designed to provide
alternative educational avenues to the poor and the working people for
higher education, but it has now developed as a parallel system in India
from the secondary to tertiary levels and covers not only humanities
and social sciences but also scientific and professional studies like teacher
education as well.
Distance education implies the use of multiple media such as self-
learning materials, audio-visual gadgets and short-learning materials,
and well-planned personal contact programmes. Information
technology and cybernetics are simultaneously being utilized for
upgrading the knowledge and skill.
Objectives
Objectives of the distance teacher education and training programme
are as follows:
1. To enable the distance educators to understand the nature and
purpose of distance education.
2. To develop among them the technique to prepare self-learning
and self-instructional materials.
3. To facilitate learning at one’s own pace and promote the habit of
self-appraisal.
4. To organize personal contact programmes and identify and utilize
learning resources.
5. To enable them to establish a healthy linkage with the formal system
and make distance education an effective means for the national
and social development.
6. To train to make use of various interactive techniques and enable
them to prepare, utilize and evaluate the assignments.
Secondary Teacher Education System in West Bengal

According to RTE Act there is a need for making available
professionally trained teachers for the schooling system in different
States of India. Therefore, in the present study the researcher has also
tried to analyze the present scenario of secondary teacher education
system in West Bengal.
Training of Untrained Teachers in West Bengal

There are 185 NCTE approved Study Centre’s including 86 PTTIs, 22
recognized B.Ed. Colleges in the state. Each study centre will have one
Coordinator to organizing the Personal Contact Programme (PCP).
PTTI Lecturers, DIET Faculty Members, B.Ed. College Teachers will
act as Resource Persons in the PCP. In case of non-availability, Guest
Teachers will also be engaged1. The number of untrained teachers of
different categories requiring professional training is presented in
Table.1
Table. 1: No. of Teachers of Different Categories Requiring

Professional Training in West Bengal
Sl. No. Teacher Category No. of in-service

untrained teachers
requiring up gradation
of professional qualification
as per NCTE norms
1. Primary Teachers 1,12,948
2. Para Teachers (primary) 21,960
3. SSK teachers 43,080
4. Upper Primary Teachers 30,118
5. Para Teachers (upper primary) 22,223
6. MSK Teachers 8,073
Total 2,38,402
[Source: A Joint Review Mission on Teacher Education for West Bengal, MHRD, Govt.
of India, 2013.]
Article 23 of the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education

Act 2009 (RTE Act) mandates that all teachers teaching at elementary
level have to possess training for two years duration by March 31, 2015
from a NCTE approved institution as per the NCTE norms. However,
the NCTE norms don’t apply for those untrained teachers who have
been recruited as teacher before September 3, 2001, the date when it
came into effect. In West Bengal the duration of training course was
for one year.
In West Bengal number of untrained teachers at primary (Class I-IV)
and upper primary levels are 75,715 and 29,515 respectively. District-
wise distribution of untrained Upper Primary teachers is shown in
Table. 2
Table. 2:District Wise Distribution of Upper Primary School
Teachers by Training Status in West Bengal
District Total Regular No. of % of

Untrained Untrained
Teacher Teacher Teacher
Bankura 4,660 1,498 32
Burdwan 7822 2404 31
Birbhum 3595 1304 36
DakshinDinajpur 1618 501 31
Darjeeling 800 335 42
Howrah 4974 1285 26
Hooghly 5889 2309 39
Jalpaiguri 3421 1502 44
Cooch Bihar 3110 1185 38
Kolkata 4424 953 22
Maldah 3163 1232 39
Murshidabad 6000 2403 40
Nadia 4960 1909 38
North 24 Parganas 9317 2534 27
Paschim Medinipur 7752 2394 31
Purba Medinipur 5820 1127 19
Purulia 3330 1195 36
Siliguri 1042 497 48
South 24 Parganas 6468 2173 34
Uttar Dinajpur 1891 775 41
Total 90056 29515 33
of India, 2013.]
In West Bengal, the proportion of untrained teachers to total teachers

at upper primary level as a whole is 33 percent. The percentage of
untrained teachers at upper primary level is highest in Siliguri (48%)
and lowest in Purba Medinipur (19%).
State Strategies for Ensuring Adequate Availability of Teachers:

Recruitment of teachers based on PTR is being been made by the
concerned DPSCs at Primary level. In case of Upper Primary, Regional
School Service Commission is authorized to recommend the names
of Assistant Teachers based upon scheduled PTR, as reported by
concerned District Inspector of schools. In West Bengal number of
sanctioned, engaged and vacant teachers at primary and upper primary
levels is 84425, 72909 and 11,516 in primary and 115691, 63986 and
51705 respectively. The number of teacher vacancies as per official
records is shown in Table.3.
Table .3: The number of teacher vacancies as per official records:
Sanctioned Engaged Vacancies

Primary 84425 72,909 11,516
Upper primary 115691 63,986 51,705
Total Vacancies 63221
Table.4: Teachers Sanctioned Under SSA in West Bengal up to

2012-13
Sl. No District Total Teacher (Primary +

Upper Primary)
1 Bankura 8385
2 Burdwan 11,904
3 Birbhum 7,676
4 Dakshin Dinajpur 4,694
5 Darjeeling 2,096
6 Howrah 7,285
7 Hoogly 8,263
8 Jalpaiguri 11,752
9 Cooch Bihar 7,920
10 Kolkata 2,084
11 Maldah 13,940
12 Murshidabad 25524
13 Nadia 13,025
14 North 24 Parganas 16,454
15 Paschim Medinipur 13,586
16 Purba Medinipur 10,158
17 Purulia 5,798
18 Siliguri 3,207
19 South 24 Parganas 17,711
20 Uttar Dinajpur 8,654
TOTAL 2,00,116
of India, 2013.]
For elementary school teachers, alternative school teachers/Para

teachers, VEC members, community leaders and parents, CRC/BRC
Coordinators and faculty of DIET, SCERT, NGOs training is being
organized with self-instructional print materials, audio-video, CDs, on-
line learning, wiki portal, tele-conferencing through IGNOU
GyanDarshan, Gyan Vani and All India Radio is underway. Refresher
Programme on English was organized in collaboration with DEPSSA,
IGNOU New Delhi for the in-service teachers, capacity building in
science at DIET Malda and Jalpaiguri for thirty upper primary teachers
each, radio programme ‘Pathshalla’ through AIR Kolkata a
&Shantiniketan Kendra for teachers, learners, community members
and stakeholder from Kolkata, South 24 Paraganas, North 24 Paraganas,
Howrah, Hooghly, Nadia, Purba Medinipur, Pachim Medinipur,
Bhirbhum, Bankura and Purulia.
Rationale
As a follow up of the National Policy of Education (1986), one such
institution in each district was decided to be upgraded to the District
Institute of Education and Training (DIET) for pre-service education
with an extended mandate of in-service education, lab-area approach
to development, micro planning, educational supervision and
monitoring, evaluation, adult education etc. Up to June, 2012 of the
599 districts in the country, 571 DIETs had been set up, of which 555
are functional1. The National Council for Teacher Education (NCTE)
has defined the duration of pre-service courses for two years for primary
teacher education.
The Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009
(RTE Act, 2009) attached great significance to the role of teachers in
reforming elementary education. Section 23 of RTE Act highlights
the need for making available professionally trained teachers for the
schooling system. For the implementation of RTE Act the maximum
emphasis is given on pre-service education on teachers at primary and
secondary level.
The status of teacher availability across states has been analyzed in the
context of the RTE provisions. Data collected from two sources i.e.
SES and District Information on School Education (DISE) on teachers
working in elementary education, it is estimated that in 2009-10 there
were 5.23 lakh teacher posts vacant under State quota, with large inter-
state variations. Uttar Pradesh had a vacancy of 1.65 lakh teachers,
followed by West Bengal (52,764), Bihar (51,074), Orissa (37,901),
Chhattisgarh (34,985) and Rajasthan (29,365).2 There are also large intra-
state variations, especially between rural and urban schools, in the
deployment of teachers. Further estimation prepared by National
University on Educational Planning and Administration (NUEPA) and
Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD) in 2009 showed
that implementation of the RTE Act would require the appointment
of 5.1 lakh additional teachers across the country. (1&2Source:
Guidelines for Implementation, 2012 of Centrally Sponsored Scheme
on Teacher Education, MHRD, Govt. of India, 97 & 10.)
During the last two years, the State Governments have assessed the
requirements of additional teacher requirement in class I-VIII and
during 2010-2012, around 8.17 lakh additional teacher posts have been
sanctioned under the combine RTE-SSA programme.3 One of the
major problems confronting the states with large teacher vacancy is
the inadequate number of teacher education institutions and their annual
intake capacity vis-à-vis the annual demand for teachers. This is true
for States like Bihar, Jharkhand, Orissa and Chhattisgarh. The imbalance
in respect of these States is evident from the Table.5.
Table.5: Annual Intake Capacity at Different Teacher Education

Courses to Teacher Vacancy in some States of India
State Annual Annual Annual Teacher

intake intake intake Vacancy
for D.Ed. for B.Ed. for M.Ed.
Assam 1,320 4,310 85 42,550
Bihar 2,000 6,210 75 2,62,351
Jharkhand 1,460 5,550 100 43,839
Orissa 3,290 1,775 170 25,138
Chhattisgarh 2,070 10,280 520 62,466
West Bengal 4,180 13,505 200 1,80,945
[Source: Guidelines for Implementation, 2012 of Centrally Sponsored

Scheme on Teacher Education, MHRD, Govt. of India.]
West Bengal Secondary Teachers Training through Open and

Distance Learning (ODL) Mode
West Bengal is in a tight situation in relation to the training of untrained
teachers. In this situation perhaps the government has taken the right
decision of organizing ODL mode of training. The Bachelor of
Education (B.Ed.) Programme under Distance Mode administered
through Directorate of Distance Education, The University of
Burdwan, Netaji Subhas Open University (NSOU) and Indira Gandhi
National Open University (IGNOU) aims at developing the
understanding and competencies required by practicing teachers for
effective teaching-learning process at the secondary education level.
The programme also provides opportunities to enquire skills essential
for practicing teachers. It enables in-service teachers to select and
organize learning behaviour according to the needs of the learners.
The programme also provides knowledge and develops educational
understanding in educational technology, school administration, school
management and educational evaluation.
Objectives of the Programme
The B. Ed. programme aims to enable practicing teachers to achieve
the following objectives:
i) To improve the skills and competencies.
ii) To develop knowledge and understanding of the various methods
and approaches for effective transaction of curriculum.
iii) To develop skills required in selecting and organizing behavioural
objectives on learning contents.
iv) To understand the psychology of learning.
v) To develop skills for analyzing learning contents for effective
instructions.
vi) To acquire understanding of the various procedures and techniques
of evaluation and their applications in classroom.
vii) To develop competencies for organizing various activities and
student support system.
viii) To develop an understanding about the prevailing socio-cultural
system and environmental situation.
Duration
The minimum duration of the programme is two years.
Medium of Instruction
Bengali or English (B.U. & NSOU) and English or Hindi (only for
IGNOU)
Intake
The NCTE approved the basic unit of intake for B.Ed. (ODL)
programmed of Burdwan University shall be 500 students in an
academic session 2014-2016. Netaji Subhas Open University (NSOU)
has organized teacher training programmed (B.Ed. Course) through
different NCTE approved B.Ed. colleges to untrained school teachers
of all Govt. run/ Govt. aided/schools in West Bengal engaged in
teaching the students of upper primary classes i.e. from class V to
class VIII through ODL mode in compliance with the provisions of
RTE Act, 2009.
Eligibility for Burdwan university

(a) Candidates having Graduation or Post-Graduation Degree in Arts/
Science/Commerce or any other qualifications equivalent thereto
with forty five per cent marks [as per NCTE (vide Point 5(2) and
its subsequent amendment made in the 25th meeting of NCTE
held on 23.03.2010)] are eligible to apply for the programme:
Provided that the requirement of forty five Percent marks shall
not apply to persons appointed as teachers prior to the
commencement of The National Council for Teacher Education
(Regulations Norms and Procedure), Second Amendment
Regulations, 30.3.2010 and Gazette Notification dt. 26.7.2010.
There shall be Relaxation of 5% marks in favour of SC/ST and
PWD (Persons with disabilities) categories
(b) Minimum two years’ full time teaching experience on regular basis
as Primary/Graduate/Post Graduate teacher in a primary/
Secondary/higher/senior secondary school recognized by the
respective Board of Primary/Secondary/Higher Secondary/
CBSE/ICSE/ Directorate of Education or Central or State
Government or Union Territory is required to apply for the
programme. The experience certificate should be issued by the
Principal or Headmaster/Headmistress only. The requisite teaching
experience of two years must be completed on or before the last
date of submission of application as notified in the advertisement.
Experience Certificate must be enclosed at the time of submission
of admission form.
(c) The reservation for admission to B. Ed. Programme for SC/ST/
OBC (Non-Creamy Layer)/PWD and other categories shall be as
per the rules of the Central Government.
Candidates, who are seeking reservation under any reserve category,
must enclose attested Photocopy of the relevant certificates along with
the application form.
Findings
1. There are two types of Secondary Teacher Education System in
India, namely, Pre-service Secondary Teacher Education and In-
service Secondary Teacher Education. Recently distance education
has been extensively used as an alternative to the formal
conventional education system for continuing in-service education
of secondary teachers, teacher educators and supervisor.
2. The major problem related to pre-service teacher education is
insufficient capacity of the states to prepare teachers according
to the demand of teacher at all levels.
3. The West Bengal Government is conducting two year B.Ed. Course
for untrained teachers in ODL mode in collaboration with Indira
Gandhi National Open University (IGNOU), Netaji Subhas Open
University (NSOU) and Burdwan University (B.U.) regular
secondary teacher training institutes/B.Ed. colleges do not have
required intake capacity.
Conclusion
The objectives of teacher education in India are very wide and specific.
The basic aims of teacher education in India are to prepare good human
beings, skillful human resources, responsible citizen and improving
teaching learning system. As said in the NPE (1986), there are two
types of teacher education system in India: pre-service and in-service.
Pre-service training is a qualification and certification programme in
teacher education of fresher student-teachers and deputed trainee
teachers, where as in-service training facilitates in developing and
updating existing knowledge and enhancing professional skills of
teachers. Now, distance education has been extensively used as an
alternative to the formal education system for continuing in-service
education of secondary teachers. In West Bengal, these three modes
of teacher education, i.e., pre-service, in-service and Open and Distance
Learning (ODL) is operated. In West Bengal ODL system is mainly
conducted for two year B.Ed. course (as per the norms of NCTE).
Reference
1. Aggarwal, J.C. (2008). Development of Education system in India. New Delhi:
Shipra Publication.
2. Mohanty, J.(2003). Teacher Education. New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publication
Pvt. Ltd.
3. Mukherjee, S. (2007).Contemporary Issues in Modern Indian Education. New
Delhi: Authorspress Publisher.
4. Sharma, R.N.and Sharma, R.K. (2002). Problems of Education in India.
New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers and Distributors.
5. Venkataiah, N. (2009). Teacher Education. New Delhi: A.P.H Publishing
Corporation.
6. Singh, L.C. (1990). Teacher Education in India, National Council of
Educational Research and Training, New Delhi.
7. Govt. of India, Ministry of Education (1966). Report of Education
Commission (1964-66), Educational and National Development. New Delhi.
8. Govt. Of India, Ministry of Education (1966). Report of Education
Commission (1964-66), vol.ll, School Education. New Delhi.
9. Chopra R.K. (1993). Status of Teacher in India. NCERT. New Delhi.
10. National Council for Teacher Education (1998). Curriculum Framework for
Quality Teacher Education. New Delhi.
11. National Council for Teacher Education (2009). National Curriculum
Framework for Teacher Education. New Delhi.
12. Govt. of India, Ministry of Human Resource Development, Department
of School Education and Literacy (2013). Report of the Joint Review Mission
on Teacher Education in West Bengal. New Delhi.
13. Guidelines for implementation of the Centrally Sponsored Scheme on
Teacher Education are available on http://mhrd.gov.in ….retrieved, June,
2013.
14. NCERT Norms and Standers for Elementary Teacher Education
Programme are available on http:/www.ncte-india.org/../NormsE-
2009.pdf ….retrieved, April, 2013.
15. Name of Colleges offering PTT course in India may available on http:/
/www.studyguideindia.com …retrieved, May, 2013.
16. Recruitment rules and Academic Qualifications for appointment to the
various posts of DIETs and PTTIs in West Bengal is available on http:/
/wbxpress.com/recruitment-rules ....retrieved, May, 2012.
17. Information about Primary Teacher Training College of West Bengal is
available on http://browse.feedreader.com/c/Kolkata_Bengal
...retrieved, May,2013.
18. Report of the Joint Review Mission on Teacher Education of West Bengal
is available on http://www.teindia.nic.in ….retrieved, June, 2013.
19. Steps taken by the Govt. of India for improvement of primary teacher
education may available on http://planningcommission.nic.in
…retrieved, June, 2013.
Community Empowerment :
Role of ODL Institutions in India
Dr. Manoranjan Goswami,

Associate professor of Bengali,
School of Humanities, NSOU
Email ID:mgwbnsou@gmail.com
The term ‘empowerment’ is a term often used but rarely well-defined

from the local to the United Nations(UN) bodies and the World Bank
that it has become one of the most ubiquitous and the most maligned
word. Though it has become a popular buzzword over the last decade
and a half, there has been little informed discussion on the term ‘em-
powerment’. Empowerment started to be used in scientific literature
at the end of the 1970s, related to the women’s movement, liberation
movements in former colonies, different kinds of self- help organiza-
tions, social activism, social mobilizing, protest movements, etc.
There is a close relationship between literacy, power and empower-

ment. Education is important for everyone, but it is especially signifi-
cant for women. This is true not only because education is an entry
point to other opportunities, but also because the educational achieve-
ments of women can have ripple effects within the family and across
generations. Development is a process of social change, not merely a
set of policies and programmes instituted for some specific results but
the result of society’s capacity to organize human energies and pro-
ductive resources in order to meet the challenges and opportunities
that life presents society with all the times.
Education is one of the most important “Fundamental Right” of the

citizens of a nation. It is a dialogue between the past, present and the
future. It is an important investment in human capital essential to
economic growth. There is widespread belief that economic strength
is the basis of social, political and psychological power in society.
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
Therefore, community empowerment is a key to success of a nation
like India. Here ODL institution can play a vital role for community
empowerment. It is not at all a modern idea for the Indians. Since the
Nalanda Mahavihara era we were acquainted with the idea of community
empowerment. The Hibbert Journal characterize the Nalanda education
as “an experiment in liberty of teaching”. The journal further says :
“ The secret of union lies in the common life, a common moral ideal,
the conception of the service of man as realized in the person of
Gautama who chose the homeless life for the welfare of men, that he
might become a Buddha, and lift off from the world the veils of
ignorance and ….Someday perhaps the great universities of the west
may deem these voices of the dim and distant past yet worth attention.
They are more than mere curiosities of literature. They are the witness
of the East to the abiding principles that the first condition of the
quest of Truth is Liberty.”
The term “Vihara” originally meant a monastery always to be owned

and managed by the Buddhist Sangha, that is, it possessed two essential
qualities or values: avissajjiya (never to be given away) and avebhangiya
(indivisible). They were originally constructed for individual use
(puggalika) and for use of the entire community of Buddhist monks
(sanghikam). When the Buddhist monks assumed the dual role of
spiritual teachers and academic professors for “the good and welfare
of the many”, Viharas evolved into great colleges for religious and
secular education. The term Vihara now took on the additional meaning
of ‘taking away,” that is, removing ignorance and purifying and
enlightening humanity through the teaching of Nalanda’s acharyas. So
we can say the enlightening of humanity is community empowerment.
Empowerment has many dimensions. In India ODL institutions has a
stake of around 40 lac learners. They are coming from the various
corner of the country. We can easily define some community within
the ODL learners like men, women, different age group of community,
rural community, urban community, first generations learner community,
working group community, married women community, mother’s
community, Dalit community, etc. ODL institutions will be suitable
for all these communities. The ODL institution can ensure that they
are taking an empowering approach and contributing to community
empowerment. Real community empowerment is the result of putting
community development values into action.
These are values of:
Learning: Recognising the skills, knowledge and expertise that people

contribute, building on these and what has gone before
Equality: challenging discrimination and oppressive practices within

organisations, institutions and communities Participation: facilitating
democratic involvement by people in the issues which affect their lives
based on full citizenship, autonomy and shared power, skills, knowledge
and experience Co-operation: working together to identify and
implement action, encouraging networking and connections between
communities and organisations Social justice: enabling people to claim
their human rights, meet their needs and have greater control over the
decision-making processes which affect their lives When thinking about
community empowerment we draw on decades of theory and practice
concerned with developing and understanding community
development. “Community development is about building active and
sustainable communities based on social justice and mutual respect…
it is about changing power structures to remove the barriers that prevent
people from participating in the issues that affect their lives”
Dimensions of Community Empowerment Community empowerment
has five dimensions: Confident …working in ways which increase
people’s skills, knowledge and confidence, and instil in them a belief
that they can make a difference Inclusive …working in ways which
recognise that discrimination exists, promote equality of opportunity
and good relations between groups and challenge inequality and
exclusion Organised …working in ways which bring people together
around common issues and concerns in organisations and groups that
are open, democratic and accountable Co-operative …working in ways
which build positive relationships across groups, identify common
messages, develop and maintain links to national bodies and promote
partnership working Influential … working in ways which encourage
and equip communities to take part and influence decisions, services
and activities These five dimensions provide a framework for planning
work which is empowering for communities, however ‘community’ is
identified and whichever area of work is being planned. They can also
be used as a framework for identifying indicators and evaluating the
work, helping us to make judgements about whether the processes and
outcomes are leading to community empowerment. They offer a broad
and comprehensive definition of community empowerment, and can
act as a basis for developing collectively understood indicators.
ODL institutions of India have an important role for community

development. India, the largest democracy of the world having 127
core populations cannot upgrade from developing to developed country
without community empowerment. And the community empowerment
cannot possible without higher education.
References
1. Draft Report of Working Group on Higher Education,11th

Five Year Plan Government of Indian Planning Commission,
New Delhi,107-7
2. UGC Annual Report 1999-2000, pp.viii; ix and UGC Schemes
(ed. D.N. Swami) pp.999 to 1011
3. Bookman, A., & Morgen, S. (Eds.). (1984). Women and the Poli-
tics of Empowerment. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.
4. Kreisberg, S. (1992). Transforming Power : Domination,
Empowerment, and Education. Albany, NY: State University of
New York Press.
5. Munter. Judith. (2002) Linking Community and Classroom
in Higher Education: Service-Learning and Student
Empowerment, Journal Of Nonprofit & Public Sector Marketing
VOL. 10, No. 2.
sdfsfsd
Gender
sdfsfsd
Women’s Writing and Politics in Colonial Bengal:
Some Leading Muslim Women
Dr. Aparajita Dhar
Assistant Professor
Dept Of History, The University Of Burdwan
Email ID: dhar_aparajita@rediffmail.com
aparajita.dhar@gmail.com
Abstract
There is neither a singular, nor a pure or continuous lineage of the complex beginnings of
women’s political awareness and rethinking gender in India. By the end of the nineteenth
century, some rebels had forged an alternative lifestyle for themselves: Pandita Ramabai,
Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain, Rukhmabai and others. By the turn of the century, such
fragmentary achievements had multiplied enough to turn into networks and associations
among educated and professional women. In the midst of complicated political scenario and
conflicts of Hindu- Muslim revivalist ideologies, Muslim women’s participation in the
nationalist struggle is significant. The National Movement articulated the political
consciousness of Muslim women. Once this process was under way, issues of gender naturally
appealed to the politicized women albeit it was not possible to break the socially constructed
barriers and develop radical potentialities. Nevertheless, Muslim women’s involvement in the
nationalist movement bears testimony to the dynamic character of women in the changing
Muslim society. 33
Keywords: Political consciousness, national movement, muslim women,

women’s writings, novel, franchise movement, women’s associations.
It is an intricate and delicate exercise to trace the shifting and complex

beginnings of women’s political awareness and rethinking gender in
India. In any case, there is neither a singular, nor a pure or continuous
lineage. By the late nineteenth century, women writers had vaulted over
the public-private divide to a large extent. Educational reforms, the
growth of vernacular prose, and the new print culture, enabled them
to redescribe the domestic sphere in a radically critical voice. Even
though they remained segregated within the domestic domain, their
words entered the public sphere of print, enabling them to participate
in the wide ranging debates on new marriage laws and female education.
By the end of the century, some rebels had forged an alternative lifestyle
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
for themselves: Pandita Ramabai, Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain,
Rukhmabai and others. By the turn of the century, such fragmentary
achievements had multiplied enough to turn into networks and
associations among educated and professional women. 1
By 1900 purdah clubs were being set up throughout India to cater to
the needs of Muslim women. They provided a forum for Muslim
women to meet and discuss common issues. It was for the first time
that women were brought together who were otherwise confined to
their own families. This led to an exchange of ideas, co-operation with
similar groups, and eventually, a resolve to widen the base of their
organizations and encourage each other to greater participation in social
and educational issues.2
As Gail Minault points out, that Muslim reformers eloquently criticized
the effects of purdah and its extreme form—seclusion—as practiced
in India, but found it problematic to write about doing away with the
custom altogether. For these reformers, women could be educated and
progressive and still maintain purdah and all the respectability that veiling
implied. Therefore, when Bengali Muslim reformers formed
associations like Muslim Suhrid Sammelani in 1882 and tried to arrest the
religious and cultural decline of their community, they promoted zenana
education instead of school education which entitled respectable women
to be tutored in the privacy of their homes.3
However, by the time Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain’s novel Padmarag was
published, women’s organizations formed by women had already begun
to appear in India. Bharat Stree Mahamandal, the Women’s India
Association and the All India Women’s Conference were women’s
organizations set up by women. The Anjuman-i- Khawatin-I Islam (All
India Muslim Ladies’ Conference) was set up in February 1914, and in
1916, Rokeya founded the Calcutta branch of the AKI.4
In the formative days of this association, Rokeya faced much derision
when she canvassed from door to door to mobilize people in favour
of her project. No one could conceive of Muslim women leaving their
homes and coming out to attend the meetings of an association. Many
women, used to staying at home, would have liked to respond, but
courage failed them in the face of the strong familial antagonism. Rokeya
encouraged such women to come out on the plea of visiting relations,
and then go and attend meetings.5
During its early years, the AKI contributed to a sense of solidarity and
community among Muslim women from different regions of India.
There were references in its resolutions to Indian womanhood as a
whole, but the specific measures the organization espoused had to do
with Muslim education and social reform. Its resolution against
polygamy stirred up great emotion, but effected no change. Its
controversy over purdah reflected the changing climate of opinion
concerning veiling. The AKI probably contributed to a growing sense
of solidarity among its members, but whether that implied political
separatism is questionable.6
Rokeya devoted considerable time to the Anjuman.7 In 1919, the
Calcutta Anjuman hosted the all- India meeting of the AKI. Tayyiba
Begum Khediv Jung came from Hyderabad to preside. Rokeya’s local
committee had arranged a venue for the meeting in Ripon Street, but
the purdah arrangements were deemed inadequate by the Aligarh-
Hyderabad based delegates and the venue had to be shifted. The incident
revealed Rokeya’s lack of success in getting along with the more
dominant Aligarh group. So her efforts at organizing women remained
confined to Bengal. Her Anjuman, known as the Nikhil Banga Muslim
Mahila Samity, was a Bengal-based organization, with little links with
other parts of India.8
In 1922, Nari Tirtha, an ashram founded by Dr Luftar Rahman in
Calcutta, did a lot for the welfare and uplift of destitute women. Rokeya
was elected President of the Executive Committee of this asylum. On
the other hand Muslim women felt relieved when the Bangiya Mussalman
Mahila Samity was founded in 1925 for the all-round development of
the Muslim women. A few years later the young members of the Muslim
Sahitya Samaj (1926) had founded Anti Purdah League to encourage
women to come out of purdah.9
On 19th February, 1931, in a meeting of Bengal Women’s Education
Conference held at Calcutta, Rokeya opined:
We should by all means broaden the outlook of our girls and teach them to modernize
themselves. Yet they should be made to realize that the domestic duties entrusted to them
cover a task on which the welfare of the country depends. They should not fall behind
their illeterate sisters in splendid endurance, heroism and discipline…..WE should
teach them that the art of happiness lies just in discipline, that service should be their
watchword, even though that service may not be more than a determination not to add by
a transient sigh to the sum total of the world’s happiness.10
When women’s franchise movement in India began as early as 1917,
Sarojini Naidu led a delegation to the Montagu-Chelmsford Mission.
Several prominent Muslim women braved the possible opposition of
their conservative co-religionists to take a strong stand in support of
female franchise. Rokeya, a suffragist, participated in the suffrage
movement. But unlike the Brahmo women, she could not count on
many of her relatives to support her advanced ideas. Her prominent
nephew, the Hon’ble Nawab Bahadur AL- Hadji Sir A.K. Ghuznavi,
who was elected to the Bengal Legislative Council, opposed female
franchise. Leaders of the Bangiya Nari Samaj requested and received
expressions of support from another prominent Lady Begum
Muwayidzada. Both the latter and Rokeya were not able to organize a
vigorous campaign among Muslim legislators. They also made futile
attempts to convert Hindu Legislators, who were known to be socially
conservative to the cause. 11
Although women leaders of suffrage movement were anxious to recruit
women from all groups, the leading activists were still Brahmos. Efforts
were made to get Muslim women, whose participation in 1921 however,
was largely limited to writing letters and statements in support of
franchise. They hesitated to take a more active role. In 1923 Muslim
women participated in the delegation to Lord Lytton, and in 1925,
Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain, played an important role in the meeting of
Bangiya Nari Samaj. Nevertheless, there was no evidence of a co-
ordinated and effective campaign to change Muslim attitude on the
question of women’s suffrage by this time. 12
Encouraged by the victory of female franchise in the Calcutta Municipal
election in 1923, a woman delegation led by Kamini Roy and two Muslim
women, Begum Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain and Begum Sultan
Muwayidzada, met the Viceroy, Lord Lytton, to seek support for their
cause. Support also came from a number of women’s societies in the
district towns of Dacca, Mymensingh and Chittagong. In 1925, the
Bengal Legislature approved a limited female suffrage and in 1926
Bengali women exercised this right for the first time.13
As Bharati Ray opines that Rokeya was not a political activist in the
nationalist movement. To her, the politics of gender demanded greater
attention than the politics of colonialism. To her, the battle against
gender subjection was more crucial than that against colonial subjection;
the former was much older and deep rooted than the latter, although
the latter appeared to be the key issue before her contemporaries. To
eradicate the former was her life’s ambition, and she fought her battle
through her literary works. Her writings constituted her action, and in
that sense she was a political activist. 14
Rokeya also played no active role in the Swadeshi movement or the
latter day freedom movement. The nationalism that developed during
the Swadeshi movement had strong religious overtones. The Hindu
concept of motherland as Mother Goddess was popularized, as the
movement was spearheaded by the Hindu middle class, and therefore
this failed to appeal to the Muslim community. 15
Rokeya, however, was not swayed by the burgeoning Hindu Muslim
tensions in the political arena that was being artificially whipped up
among the two communities at that time. 16
In 1907, when the Congress split amidst discord, Rokeya wrote
Muktiphal( The Fruit Of Freedom). The crux of the story being that
freedom was being delayed because of differences of opinion among
brothers. It was the womenfolk who could serve the motherland
without quarrelling among themselves and could thus bring her
freedom. Again she penned a poem entitled Nirupama Bir( A Peerless
Hero), composed on the occasion of the death of Kanailal, a
revolutionary during the Swadeshi period. Rokeya emphatizing with
the revolutionary sentiments about Kanai said in her poem that the
whole of Bengal owed a debt to Kanai and his name would be forever
remembered in India. Rokeya’s sympathy with the cause of nationalism
continued unabetted. In a piece entitled Baligarta, which was published
in Masik Mohammadi in 1928, Rokeya ridiculed orthodoxy, which in
her view was nothing but an aberration from genuine Islamic principles.
She also penned one interesting satirical piece entitled Appeal published
in 1922 written against the backdrop of the non-cooperation
movement.17
Thus Rokeya wrote but went no further and did not participate in
active politics, except that in the stuggle for votes for women. Her
politics was primarily a politics of gender and her revolt was against
that of gender injustice and in favour of gender equality.18 Her
contemporary biographer Shamsunnahar opined, from the very
beginning until the last, Rokeya had one politics—nari jagaran or the
awakening of women. Motahar Hossain Sufi, a latter- day biographer
agrees, ‘She was the first person to light the torch to set Bengali Muslim
women on their path to emancipation’. On the other hand, Maleka
Begum, an author- activist of Bangladesh, confirms, Rokeya Sakhawat
Hosssain is hailed as the trailblazer in the cause of the awakening of
Muslim women, because no one before her had shaken up the
community so powerfully as she did with her movement, challenging
the exploitation of, and the discrimination against, women.19
Rokeya breathed her last in 1932, but her vision for a better world for
women continued through the work of her protégés, such as Sufia
Kamal, poet and social worker, and Shamsunnahar Mahmud, her
student and biographer.20
Sufia was born in 1911 in an educated family. Her uncles were well
known scholars who were however not interested in women’s education.
Sufia had not only seen the Saugat Age of the 1930s, but had a role in
it as well. She lived long and her twin pursuits—literature and social
service—continued till almost the very end.21
Along with continuing her writing, Sufia also followed Rokeya’s call to
serve society by joining Anjuman-e Khawatin-e Islam. For four years Sufia
worked under Rokeya’s supervision with the many young Hindu and
Muslim women who joined Anjuman. Sufia recollects:
I met Shamsunnahar Mahmud while working for Anjuman-E-Khawatin –e-Islam.
Many Hindu and Muslim girls worked there. We, the Muslim women, visited the
slums wearing a burqa. Begum Rokeya would say organizing meetings among a few
women was not enough, women needed to work in the slums. I, too, had worked in the
slums of Calcutta. She led us towards this path. That was the first time I witnessed the
sufferings of people living in a slum. They lived in such terrible conditions! Often men
did not allow us to enter the slums. They wanted to turn us out. There were many Urdu-
speaking people in Calcutta’s slums. They would say, ’They are Hindus, they are Bengalis.’
It was disgusting. We tried educating the slum women. We taught them certain vocational
skills like stitching, pottery and handicraft. I was with Anjuman-e-Khawatin-e-Islam
for a long time. After Partition in 1947, I came to Dhaka.22
What is most striking about Sufia’s involvement with Anjuman is how
she worked alongside Hindu and Muslim women to begin this process
of educating other women. These women overcame many class and
religious boundaries in a greater cause for service. What is ironic is that
the very slum dwellers whom these Anjuman women served were well
aware of the communal tensions. As Rokeya recalled that the Urdu-
speaking slum dwellers would disparage the Anjuman women for
serving Hindu Bengalis, a sentiment which Sufia found abhorrent. For
her, service to the needy was without class and religion, and in this, she
was truly Rokeya’s disciple.23 Sufia was a woman who had a vision to
improve the society in which she lived in, and she was not afraid to
speak out against extremist religion, or in favour of Bengali nationalist
movement.24
Although Sufia recognized that writing alone could not achieve change
without being associated with action, her writings nonetheless, leave a
legacy that is part of the revolution that Begum Rokeya called for. In
addition to writing in Saugat, Sufia also later began editor of
Begummagazine, the special women’s edition of Saugat that began in
the 1940s and continued to write poems and stories, such as “the
Winner”.25
Apart from Sufia Kamal, Shamsunnahar Mahmud was another Bengali
Muslim women writer, who embodied the woman that Rokeya
envisioned when she spoke of educated women in society. 26
Shamsunnahar Mahmud was an active member of the All India
Women’s Conference in the 1930s and co-edited the journal Bulbul
with her elder brother Habibullah Bahar. She wrote on ‘Women’s
Political Rights’ after literate women or wives of propertied men had
obtained voting rights with the passage of the Government of India
Act of 1935. Her contention was that in the matter of seat allocation
for women, the Bengal Council had been given short shrift and she
urged for more representation of women from Bengal. As a result of
her representation representation before the Indian Delimitation
Committee in Calcutta, along with other strong women leaders, a few
seats were reserved for women in the Legislative Assembly.27
Shamsunnahar also represented Muslim women from Bengal in the
International Women’s Conference held in Calcutta in 1936 under the
aegis of International Council of Women. Delegates from Britain,
Belgium, Denmark, Greece, China, and many other countries assembled
to discuss the major issues affecting women of their day, and
Shamsunnahar was an articulate speaker for the plight, yet the slow
progress that Bengali Muslim women were making in terms of
educational achievement. On a more local level, Shamsunnahar was
associated with Begum, the art and literary magazine that Sufia ran,
and served as President of Begum Club, the first cultural oriented
institution, meant for women in East Pakistan. Her social involvement
in women’s clubs emphasized how women’s spaces were a powerful
tool through which social and legislative change could occur. 28
On the other hand, Hasina Murshed was elected to the Bengal
Legislative Council in the 1937 elections and played a key role in the
founding of Lady Brabourne College in Calcutta in 1939. Actively
involved in politics, she argued in her article ‘Women and the Legislature’
that there are some defined areas where women can easily claim to be
specialists and great achievers and the opinions and recommendations
of elected representatives like herself should be acceptable to all
regarding mother and child welfare, health andnutrition, running of
voluntary organizations and the like. Achhia Majid, one of the first
generation graduates among Bengali Muslims in an essay on ‘Education’
wrote that if Muslim women were to be trained for participation in
politics and social reform, they would have to acquire some additional
skills beyond prescribed syllabi; such as joining Girl Guide camps,
learning nursing skills or organizing art exhibitions, whereby they acquire
suitable experience to join political and social service organizations.
What Hasina Murshed and Achhia Majid were advocating in 1933,
was essentially the same as what Sarojini Naidu had proposed in 1917
while asking members of the Indian National Congress to consider
demanding franchise for Indian women on equal terms as men.29
Begum Rokeya, Sufia Kamal, and Shamsunnahar Mahmud were all
Bengali Muslim writers, who realized that change could happen only
from within the society. Though they criticized extreme religious
injunctions of seclusion (abarodh) that prevented women from pursuing
their education, these women, nonetheless, lived within the religious
dictates of their society. Fazilatunnessa, however, was an epitome of
an independent minded woman, who expressly did not follow religious
dictates of society to pursue her education and to live her life. Though
she was criticized for her unorthodox lifestyle, she still remained an
example of how far women could pursue her education—as she received
her postgraduate degree from London in Mathematics in 1937 and
became a teacher of Math in Bethune College, Calcutta.30
While critical of the religious extremism within her society,
Fazilatunnessa, however, was a firm nationalist, who affirmed her
Bengali identity through writing. The subject of her essays was exactly
what would be expected of an open minded, newly educated woman
like her—the need for education among Muslim women, the importance
of nurturing Bengali as a language and so on. In her essay entitled The
Need For Education Among Muslim Women she strongly argued that ‘Muslim
children must clearly understand their motherland is not Arabia, Persia,
Turkey or Egypt…..they are Indians. Nationalism is not founded upon
a common religion, but upon sharing a common homeland’. The writing
was acerbic but, considering the times, they were being written in, not
surprising.31
It may be pointed out in this connection that amidst ideas of Pan
Islamism that were prevalent in the 1920s, Fazilatunnessa countered
this trend by affirming a cultural nationality over a religious transnational
identity. Her decidedly nationalistic argument was part of the syncretist
vs separatist argument that was first being articulated in the political
discourse of the time. The separitists believed that Islam could be the
uniting factor that could justify the creation of a separate entity that
would later culminate into Pakistan. The syncretists, such as
Fazilatunnessa affirmed the idea of a united Indian identity that could
overcome religious differences. This argument between the syncretists
and separatists would continue, and Fazilatunnessa’s writings on
nationalism, as well as freedom and society were precursors of ideas
that would come into the foreground in the later decades of the 20th
century. 32
Conclusion
In the midst of complicated political scenario and conflicts of Hindu-
Muslim revivalist ideologies, Muslim women’s participation in the
nationalist struggle is significant. The presence of women in politics,
of course did not alter significantly the lives of the majority of the
female population. Women politicians, however, made it acceptable
for women to be involved in activities outside the threshold of the
home. Although their male counterparts tried to enforce the rigid purdah
rules, Muslim women were able to change the traditional concept that
a woman’s primary role was of a wife and mother. The National
Movement articulated the political consciousness of Muslim women.
Once this process was under way, issues of gender naturally appealed
to the politicized women albeit it was not possible to break the socially
constructed barriers and develop radical potentialities. Nevertheless,
Muslim women’s involvement in the nationalist movement bears
testimony to the dynamic character of women in the changing Muslim
society. 33
References
1. Sarkar Tanika; Political Women: An Overview of Modern Indian

Developments in Bharati Ray ed Women of India: Colonial and Post-
Colonial Periods; New Delhi; 2005; p. 545
2. Lateef Shahida; Muslim Women in India Political And Private Realities:
1890s-1980s; New Delhi; 1990; p. 81
3. Dutta Gupta Sarmishtha; Identities and Histories Women’s Writing and
Politics in Bengal; Kolkata; 2010; p. 72
4. Ray Bharati; A Voice of Protest: The Writings of Rokeya Sakhawat
Hossain (1880-1932)in Ray Bharati ed Women of India: Colonial and
Post-Colonial Periods; New Delhi; 2005; p. 444
5. Ibid; pp. 444
6. Minault Gail; Secluded Scholars Women’s Education and Muslim Social
Reform in Colonial India; New Delhi;1998; p. 297
7. Ray; op.cit; p. 445
8. Ibid; p. 445
9. Hossain Anowar; Muslim Women’s Struggle for Freedom in Colonial Bengal
(1873-1940); Kolkata 2003; p.168
10. Ibid; pp. 169-170
11. Ibid; p. 186
12. Ibid; p. 187
13. Ibid; p. 187
14. Ray Bharati; Early Feminists of Colonial India; Kolkata 2001; p. 24
15. Ibid; p. 24
16. Ray; op.cit; p. 446
17. Ray; Early Feminists of Colonial India; op.cit; p. 25
18. Ray; op.cit; p. 446
19. Ibid; p. 448
20. Binte- Farid Irteza; Women of Agency: The Penned Thoughts Of Bengali
Muslim Women Writers of The Late 19th and Early 20th Century; 2013;
p. 64
21. Akhtar Shaheen and Bhowmik Moushumi ed; Women in Concert
An Anthology of Bengali Muslim Women’s Writings, 1904- 1938; Kolkata;
1998; p. 342
22. Ibid; p. 345-346.
23. Binte- Farid Irteza; op.cit; p. 67
24. Ibid; p. 69
25. Ibid; p. 70
26. Ibid; p. 73
27. Dutta Gupta ; op.cit; p. 84
28. Binte – Farid Irteza; op.cit; p. 76
29. Dutta Gupta; op.cit; pp. 84-85
30. Binte- Farid; op.cit; pp. 80
31. Akhtar @ Bhowmik; op.cit; pp. 208-209
32. Binte- Farid; op.cit; pp. 84-85.
33. Hossain; op.cit; pp. 234-235.
Dilemma of Gender Inequality in
Female Literacy in Sundarban
Dr. Biraj Kanti Mondal

Assistant Professor of Geography
Email ID: birajmondal.kolkata@gmail.com
Abstract
The pace of gender, culture and politics change in West Bengal has accelerated in the 20th
century. The dilemma of gender inequality in West Bengal has revealed as a new dimension
because of the globalization trends. The deprived status of women is a created phenomenon
and is allied with the socio-economic symphony of the society. The gender inequality is the
various forms of violence systematically meted out against women. Increasing female literacy
rate can enhance the levels of development of any region and able to change such exposed
scenario. But the irony lies in the fact that, women are virtually debarred from decision
making and preventable diseases and unequal access to health care still affect women and
girls, especially those in rural sector, and Sundarban is no exception. The gender inequality
in literacy of the region hindrances it’s development as it is lowering their involvement in
financially feasible work. Henceforth, an attempt has been made to depict the block level
figures of female literacy and associated phenomena emphasizing the gender inequality in
Sundarban.
Key words
Gender inequality, women, literacy, work participation rate, development
Introduction
The West Bengal has failed to organize a movement for development
and upliftment of women as an entire class despite various political,
social, economic and cultural movements. In the various region of the
state, most women are frequently portrayed as among the most
demoralized and bulks of them are stuck in both poverty and patriarchy.
Women’s mobility is constrained and their access to education and
information hindered. The ground level scenario of female literacy is
not very appreciable in Sundarban.The Indian Sundarban is spread
over 19 blocks of West Bengal covering 4493.60 sq km. are with almost
4.3 million people. Most of the blocks of Sundarban are highly
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vulnerable, henceforth, are not equally enlightening the society and
strengthening the bottom of development. The hitting of severe
cyclone, breakage of embankment, loss of mangroves as well as massive
illiteracy etc. are able to make the Sundarban region backward and
vulnerable physically, biologically and socially. It often turned the
inhabitant’s life hazardous and cause several damages to the entire
Sundarban region and thus this slow poisoning risk made us think
about its past history and hopes and doubts about its future. Moreover,
huge population pressure, rapid growth and their increasing economic
demands, the Sundarban forest area has been victimised by different
ways as an aftermath.
Study Area and its Background

The present study was concentrated on the female literacy profile of
Sundarban which is the most backward and perhaps one of the most
deprived and poor region of West Bengal. The region contains 120
islands of which only 54 islands are inhabited by almost 4.3 million
populations in about 4493.6 sq. km. area out of total 19 developmental
blocks. The Sundarban of India covers an area of 9630 sq. km. (covering
parts of North and South 24 Parganas of West Bengal). There are a
total of 19 blocks (six blocks from North 24 Parganas and thirteen
blocks from South 24 Parganas) present in the Sundarban.
Objectives
To find out the gender inequality in literacy in Sundarban region.
To observed minutely the variations of female of literacy of the region.
To measure the literacy gaps at the block level in Sundarban.
To understand the associated circumstances of gender inequality in
the region.
Methodology
The present study was conducted with the help of primary and
secondary data. Education related data was collected from Census
Report, Provisional Population Totals, District Census Handbook,
Human Development Report, District Statistical Handbook of South
and North 24 Parganas of 2001 and 2011 data. Moreover, the ground
truth was verified through the field visit during the collection of primary
data in Joynagar-I, Mathurapur-I & II, blocks of Sundarban.
Gender Progress at Diverse Levels
The problem of gender inequality and discrimination is interlinked
with the differential rates of literacy of a particular locality, access to
primary and basic education, health and nutrition indicators. Economic
exclusion appears as one of the most significant problems for women
in the state, which tends to have spill-over effects in other aspects of
life. It is observed from the table is that the districts having low HDI
also tend to have low GDI. The districts related to Sundarban have
worse ranking in term of GDI than HDI indicating especially acute
gender discrimination. The very low “income Index” component of
the GDI essentially reflect, the low workforce participation of women,
which in turn suggests a combination of greater restrictions on women’s
economic agency as well as social look of recognition of women’s
unpaid work. Development of education is the most important sector
among the GDI and always cited as a priority area in policy making
process and the investment of resources. Though, development is seen
as an attempt to raise the quality of life of all the people but, gender
gap in the segment signifies its slow advancement or underdevelopment.
Table 1: - Gender Development Indices by District
District Health Income Education GDI Rank

Index Index Index
North 24 Parganas 0.721 0.219 0.752 0.564 6
South 24 Parganas 0.705 0.192 0.666 0.521 8
Kolkata 0.824 0.320 0.783 0.642 1
West Bengal 0.697 0.270 0.681 0.549 -
Source: West Bengal Human Development Report, 2004
Breathing Scenario of Literacy in Sundarban

The overall development of Sundarban is largely dependent on its
education, since there is positive relation exists among them. Education
can generate more employment opportunity to the inhabitants. Not
only employment opportunity, but also better mental improvement
will also occur due to education. In Sundarban, children are often bound
to leave education at a very low age and join their parents for income
related activities. Moreover, marriage of girls at a very low age also
occurs due to lack of proper education. There are so many superstitions
present in every sphere of life of Sundarban and these can be removed
only by better education. The educational scenario of Sundarban is
not far ahead than other backward areas of West Bengal. As the
concentration of poor people is very high in each and every blocks of
Sundarban, educational status of the area is not so good. The well
connected blocks of Sundarban reflects somehow better situation than
the overall block picture so far educational level is concern.
Female Literacy
Level of educational development of any region is best understood by
the female literacy. Female literacy of the region not only reflects the
standard in the education sector but also the overall development of the
region. Female literacy rate is not so good in the Sundarban blocks (fig.
1). All the blocks of Sundarban are thus divided into five classes, like:
Table2: Female literacy rate of Sundarban :
Ranges Nature and Blocks No. of Per cent

degree blocks to total
> 60.0 Very High Sagar, Namkhana, 3 15.79
Patharpratima
55.1 – 60.0 High Kakdwip, Gosaba, 3 15.79
Hingalganj
50.1 – 55.0 Moderate Mathurapur-I and II, 5 26.32
Joynagar -I, Haroa,
Hasnabad
45.1 – 50.0 Low Canning–I, Minakhan, 5 26.32
Joynagar –II,
Sandeshkhali –I and II
< 45.0 Very Low Kultali, Basanti,
Canning –II 3 15.79
Source: Computed and tabulated by the author
Concentration of Female Literacy Rate, 2001
Fig. 1, Data Source: District Statistical Handbook, 2006
Highest female literacy was found in Sagar, Namkhana and

Patharpratima block, whereas the lowest was observed in Kultali, Basanti
and Canning-II block. Female literacy was high in Kakdwip, Gosaba
and Hingalganj block and low in Canning –I, Minakhan, Joynagar –II,
Sandeshkhali –I and II block. Remaining five blocks belong to the
moderate category. The trend of female literacy of Sundarban is quite
low. It is to be noted that the blocks of south and western Sundarban
are in better condition so far the female literacy is concerned.
Gender Gap in Male Female Literacy

The proportion of male-female literacy of all the 19 blocks of
Sundarban was judged to observe its variability. The results show that
males are more literate than the female in all the respective blocks of
Sundarban.Sagar,Namkhana, Patharpratima,Kakdwip and Hingalganj
blocks have recorded quite high percentage and Kultali, Basanti,Canning
–II blocks have low male and female literacy than the other
corresponding blocks. The disparity in the male-female literacy creates
literacy gaps which affect the developmental scenario of Sundarban.
Proportion of Male Female Literacy, 2001
Disparity in Male - Female literacy

Male-female disparity index is done by Sopher’s Disparity Index Method
to measure the level of inequality or disparity. Male-female disparity of
literacy rate has been calculated for all the 19 blocks of Sundarban on
the basis of percentage of literacy of male and female according to
2001 census data. The index value ranges from 0.18 (occupied by
Hasnabad block) to maximum 0.32 (occupied by Kultali block). The
calculated disparity value can be arranged in ranges like:
Table 3 : The Male Female Literacy Disparity:
> 0.29 Moderately Kultali 1 5.26
High
0.26 – 0.29 High Basanti, Canning –I 6 31.58
and II, Joynagar –II,
Sandeshkhali –I
and II
0.23 – 0.26 Moderate Gosaba, Joynagar -I, 5 26.32
Mathurapur-I and II,
Minakhan
0.20 – 0.23 Low Kakdwip, 3 15.79
Patharpratima,
Hingalganj
< 0.20 Very Low Namkhana, Sagar,
Haroa, Hasnabad 4 21.05
Source : Computed and tabulated by the author
Disparity in Male-Female Literacy, 2001

Literacy Gap:
The male-female literacy gap can be defined as the difference between
the two in terms of literacy ratio. The male-female literacy gap helps to
understand the disparity in the educational sector (fig 4). It also reflects
the socio-economic background of the region and the constraints of
the improvement in the sector. All the blocks are grouped in five
categories of male-female literacy gaps, like:
Table4: Male-Female Literacy Gaps of Sundarban Blocks:

> 0.29 Moderately Kultali 1 5.26
High
17.1 - 20.0 Very Low Haroa, 2 10.53
Hasnabad
20.1 - 23.0 Low Kakdwip, 4 21.05
Namkhana, Sagar,
Minakhan
23.1– 26.0 Moderate Gosaba, Basanti, 11 57.89
Joynagar-I,
Mathurapur-I and
II, Patharpratima,
Canning-I and II,
Hingalganj,
Sandeshkhali –
I and II
26.1– 29.0 High Joynagar –II 1 5.26
29.1– 32.0 Moderately Kultali 1 5.26
High
Source: Computed and tabulated by the author
Male-Female Literacy Gap, 2001
The map of gender gap depicts (fig. 5) the literacy profile and its
dilemma in all the 19 blocks of Sundarban. Most of the blocks belong
to very low, low to moderate category. It signifies that most of the
women of the area are neglected for proper education, particularly in
case of higher education.
Fig. 6,Data Source: District Statistical Handbook, 2006

The scenario remains same since so many years, which has a strong
negative impact on the development of society. The gender gap is higher
in case of Kultali, Joynagar-II, Mathurapur-II, Hingalganj,
Patharpratima block (fig. 6).
A greater proportion of the inhabitants of Sundarban blocks are just
primarily educated. Higher education in these remotely located areas is
like a mess to them. Moreover, it is important to note that the proportion
of illiterate is much less among the youngest population (10-14 years
or <18 years) implying that children of the surveyed household have
now better access to school education compared to their parents (fig.
7). The progress in educational attainment overtime is also evident
from the results that a few percentages of males aged 50 and above
could complete their school education in comparison to the low aged
members.
Fig. 7, Data source: Primary Survey, 2011
Children who do not go to school are the children of the families

living in conditions of poverty, socio-cultural marginalization,
physiographic isolation, families suffering from racial bias, families
fighting with disease and disability and so on. Their exclusion from
education is not a matter of their choice but that of a forced compulsion.
Recently due to mid-day meal and other government programmes
associated with education, the gender gap in literacy was lessening
athwart the age groups.
Conclusion
The literacy sketch of West Bengal and its diverse parts is not at
satisfactory level after so many years of emphasis on education since
Independence of India. Therefore, it may be conclude that large
variations are observed in Sundarbanand hundreds of children are
excluded from basic access to education. The regional differentiation
in terms of literacy profile, gender gap in literacy rate etc. was observed
in the blocks and inequality in the inter-block and intra-block level was
also at alarming situation. The male-female, rural-urban literacy gap is
a matter of concern in the developing countries like West Bengal and
utmost essential in a most backward and deprived region like Sundarban.
The Central and State Government has implemented so many
programmes to raise the literacy status for the development of
educational profile of the State. The fruits of development planning
first come to urban areas, but still there are high gender gap exist in
education sector which is the basic and most important behind each
and every development initiatives. The block level literacy scenario
depicts the poor nature of the literacy status of Sundarban and the
State also.The Sundarban region is asserted as one of the most backward
and undeveloped region of the country as well as of the state in terms
of literacy and economy. As education is both the cause and effect of
underdevelopment, thus it is necessary to reduce the gender gap and
bring all under the umbrella of education. The government should be
very careful and conscious to raise the literacy rate through some well-
planned and well-maintained plan in the near future.
REFERENCES
1. Ahooja, P., Krishna (1993). Gender Distance among countries –
Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.-XXVIII, No. 7.
2. Annual Report (1997-98, 1998-99, 1999-00, 2000-01, 2002-2003,
2004). Department of School Education, West Bengal- A Census
View, Directorate of Census Operation
3. Chatterjee, Biswajit and Dilip Kumar Ghosh (2001). In Search of a
District Development Index, State Institute of Panchayats and Rural
development, Kalyani, West Bengal.
4. District Statistical Handbook (2006). Bureau of Applied Economics
& Statistics, Government of West Bengal
5. Education for All by 2015 (2007). Will we make it?, Published by the
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization,
Place de Fontenoy, Paris, France
6. Hirway, Indira and Darshini, Mahadevia (1996). Critique of Gender
Development Index: Towards an Alternative, Economic and Political
Weekly, Vol.-XXXI, No. 43.
7. Listen, G.K. (1996). Development, Devolution and Democracy: Village
discourse in West Bengal, Sage Publications, New Delhi.
8. Mukhopadhyay, Asim (1994). Girl Child in three Indian States,
Economic and Political Weekly, June 4, 1379-82.
9. Rana Kumar, Samantak Das with Amrita Sengupta and Abdur
Rafique (2003). State of Primary Education in West Bengal,
Economic and Political Weekly, May 31.
10. Statistical Abstract (2002). Bureau of Applied Economics & Statistics,
Government of West Bengal
11. Vaid Divya (2004). Gender Inequality in Educational Transitions’,
Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XXXIX, No. 35
12. Varshney Hemant K. (2002). Inter State Gender Disparity in
Literacy Rates: A Look at Census Data, Journal of Educational
Planning and Administration, Vol.XVI No.4: 537-49.
13. West Bengal Human Development Report (2004). Development and
Planning Department. Govt. of West Bengal.
Ensuring Empowerment for Rural Women addressing
Domestic Violence
Kasturi Sinha Ghosh

Assistant Professor in Social Work, NSOU
Email ID: kasturisghosh@gmail.com
Introduction
“You can tell the condition of a nation by looking at the status of its
women”-Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru
Nehru, believed that much of the Nation’s development depends on
the women’s development.Women in India are considered as Devi in
one hand and on the other hand they are considered as individuals
who are weak, powerless and whose destiny are supposed to be
controlled by the men of the society. Alas! women of India are subjected
to violence which may be physical, verbal, psychological and emotional.
This violence against women in itself is a major reason for their
subjugation and denial of rights as human being. Once the very basic
right of a woman who is a human being at first is violated, the issue of
woman’s empowerment remains a challenging task to achieve.
The rural women in particular are oppressed even more.They are
deprived of facilities for proper education, there is a lack of economic
independence,scope for legal assistance is very little, political or socio-
cultural support is also very meager.They suffer because they do not
protest against the injustice done to them and thus they become easy
prey to violence. The violence infringes women’s fundamental human
rights and many a time affects their human capabilities which undermine
their ability to participate in the public sphere like social, economic and
political domain. Besides, it affects not only the women who are
subjected to violence but also their children and the families
To address the problem of violence and also prescribe a strategy for
empowerment we need to understand the concept of violence. The
Phenomenon of violence against woman is not new to our Indian
society. Violence which is committed against woman within the four
walls and in a very private area is termed as the Domestic Violence or
Intimate Partner Violence. Almost every day we hear stories about bride
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burning, wife battering along with other physical, mental and
psychological abuse, inflicted on woman. The saga of violence against
woman starts even before she is born particularly in a patriarchal society
like ours. The female foetus which grows inside the mother’s womb is
killed because it lacked a “Y” chromosome, and the mother of the
baby who is forced to abort the child even though experiences a
tremendous emotional and mental set back, has no one to render any
psychological support to her.
The story doesn’t end here. Even if the baby girl is born she is unable
to survive any longer as she undergoes infanticide as the family wanted
a boy instead. However, if at all the girl child is lucky enough to survive
she is subjected to adverse situations which may include malnutrition,
poor health and lack of immunization facilities, child abuse, lack of
education, trafficiking and child marriage. The post marriage scenario
is even more tormenting for her. Adjusting herself with an unfamiliar
environment, soon after her marriageis a big challenge. The actual
problem begins if she fails to meet the expectation of the family in
which she is married to. These expectations are generally related to
dowry, accepting the norms and cultural pattern of the family without
raising any question, taking no independent decision and last but not
the least become the mother of a boy. In case of inability of the women
to meet such expectations, she is often subjected to physical and
emotional harassments, forced to repetitive pregnancies, marital rape,
which may even extend to forced suicide or even murder. It is even
more shocking to see that women in most of the cases are equally
responsible in perpetuation of violence against women themselves!
From the very beginning of her life she is schooled and socialized to
be submissive, obedient and is discouraged to ask question. She is taught
that she has no rights but only duties to perform. Our society does not
acknowledge the fact that a women is also entitled to lead a life with
dignity, self respect and enjoy all the basic rights that are meant for all
human beings living in this world. The Universal Declaration of Human
Rights which was adoptedin 1948, clearly acknowledged equal
entitlement for women and men without any kind of discrimination.
Ever since this declaration was passed, several conferences and summits
were organized throughout the world from time to time to understand
and investigate the reason behind women’s subordination and their
deprivation of the basic human rights. Through these conferences the
academicians, experts and developmental professionals have also taken
efforts to recommend ways to ensure that women are no more subjected
to any kind of violence and exploitation. In the world conference of
Human Rights held in Vienna, 1993, the agenda on Women’s Human
Right was particularly taken up to address the worldwide growing trend
of violence against women, it accepted that the rights of women and
girls are “an inalienable, integral and indivisible part of universal human
rights.”
In our Indian societies women are worshiped in the form of Durga,
Kali,Saraswati and Luxmi in order to be blessed with Wealth, Power
and Wisdom but on the contrary Indian women are subjected to
domestic violence if they possess power ,wealth and wisdom. During
Durga Puja or Kali Puja Pandals are so lavishly decorated publicly,
particularly in West Bengal and eastern India for celebrating the
occasion. People on one hand show their devotion and respect for
women publicly but perhaps on the other hand a woman is physically
or emotionally abused every day in her own place and within her
familywhich is a private sphere. Domestic violence cannot be a private
affair, as it causes harm to the dignity and self respect of women who
is a human being after all. Most of the cases of domestic violence go
unreported, because it is considered to be a private affair and it may be
solved without making it public. Domestic violence not only victimizes
the women who undergo such violence but it has an adverse affect on
the mental health and well being of the children who witness such
inhumane activities at home. Thus domestic violence cannot be a private
affair as it disrupts the whole family and each and every member of
the family areaffected. A person who suffers or witnesses violence at
home often finds it difficult to adjust with the social environment
outside the family. A woman has every right to question the power
structure which is actually causing her subordination and protest against
this injustice done to her in a public forum. Thus if we really desire to
Empower the women folk of our nation we should address the problem
of Domestic Violence. If a woman’s right is violated within her own
family, and she is unable to make her choice and take decision within
the domestic sphere,she can never independently act in a public domain.
Understanding the nature of Domestic Violence
Till today several studies have been conducted throughout the world
to know the exact reasons behind the cause of Domestic Violence.
Many psychologists and sociologists have tried to explain that due to
lack of control over anger or inability to cope up with the situation or
due to low self esteem and cognition power the incidence of violence
occurs. We are however more interested to see how and in what ways
such violence takes a shape when it is committed within a private sphere.
The feminist’s ideology often views that Domestic Violence occurs
when men exert power over their women partners. The phenomena of
Domestic Violence rampantly prevail, where the society sanctions and
approves the exhibition of power and aggressive behavior of men while
women in such societies are schooled to be submissive, non-reactive
and nonviolent.
According to a study conducted by WHO in collaboration with the
London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine and South African
Medical Research Council, around 30% women are victims of sexual
violence by their spouse and 38% were reported to be murdered and
40% suffered from grave injuries, which were permanent in nature.
The study also showed that most of the women who experienced
domestic violence developed depression, or became addicted to drug
or alcoholism, went for abortions or became victims of Sexually
Transmitted Diseases and in many cases suicidal tendencies may also
be observed.
Domestic Violence is usually committed by men who enjoy supreme
power in the family, like husbands, boyfriends, fathers, fathers-in-law,
stepfathers, brothers, uncles, sons, or other relatives. It is however very
shocking to know that in most cases the victims of domestic violence
never complains or talks about such violence in public.(Daga et al.,
1999)
Violence against women within the four walls of home is a very
common practice but women do not discuss about it publicly to save
their own family from embarrassment and thus the incidence of
domestic violence goes unreported in most of the cases. In this manner
the process of violence in domestic sphere continues to occur without
any protest in Indian communities. Domestic Violence against in India
ranges from long hours of labour within or outside the domestic sphere,
denial of food and rest, neglect of ailments, verbal and physical abuse
or simply ignoring their existence in the family.
In India several studies have been carried out to find out and analyze
the reason for domestic violence. In an article on Sati Sudesh Vaid had
tried to draw our attention to the fact that sometimes violence against
women is done openly in public and it becomes a religious affair and
a matter of honour when the women who lost her husband is burnt
forcefully against her will along with the funeral pyre of her dead
husband.
Madhu Kishwar, an eminent feminist is of the view that inability to
bring enough dowry is a major cause for using violence against
them.Kishwar further said that “Dowry payments in themselves do
not transform girls into burdens but rather dowry makes daughters
burden-some, only because daughters are unwanted to begin with”
(Kishwar 1986). Most of the Indian families who save money for paying
as capitation fees for higher education for their boys consider it as
their duty towards their child but saving the same amount for daughter’s
marriage is regarded to be a burden. This also seriously affects the
girl’s mental condition, when she sees her parents finding it difficult to
accumulate money for her wedding. The parents in most of the Indian
communities do not even find it necessary to educate their daughter,
so that she may become self-reliant and live with dignity in future. This
kind of discrimination is also a form of violence that a girl often has to
face even when she stays with her own parents. In a study taken up by
Ranjana Kumari (1989) in New Delhi, to know the fate of dowry victims
with 150 respondents, revealed that one-fourth of the women
respondents were murdered or forced to commit suicide and about
61.3% were driven out of their in-law’s house after a long period of
harassment.
Another interesting angle on domestic violence which was discussed
by Flavia Agnes (1988) was that it is often believed that women of
educated society do get beaten up and the victims are generally women
who are illiterate, innocent and fragile belonging to working class. But
Agnes from her keen observation opined that husbands who seem to
be very caring, loving and educated are actually more aggressive and
violent with their wives at home. Further Sahelian organization based
in Delhi carried out a study which revealed that the nature of wife
abuse differs from one class to another. In the slum areas the whole
neighbor witness the kind of torture a wife undergoes in the hand of
their husbands, but in an educated middle class family the oppression
is carried out in a sophisticated and extremely private way.
According to Murthy the number of family members, type of marriage
age and nature of the family members has a direct effect on Domestic
Violence (Murthy 2004). Barnett and Hamberger (1997) in their study
tried to highlight that individual with low education, socialization and
responsibility tend to be more anger prone and aggressive towards
their spouse. While in another interesting study Staus and Martin (1980)
depicted that sons of violent parents or men who are born and bought
up with strong patriarchal values try to promote traditional gender roles
and tends to be abusive towards their partners. Gerstein (2002) who
carried out a study in Uttar Pradesh came to the conclusion that low
education and poverty further augments the cases of violence in a
family. In a very interesting study conducted by Harihar Sahoo and
Manas Ranjan Pradhan(2007) we may see, that higher the age at marriage
leads to lower the proportion of women to be abused and women who
have been married for less than five years are less likely to have been
beaten than women who are married for long time. The prevalence of
violence also varies by caste of women.
According to the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) report for
the year 2011 some statistics on the domestic violence against women
revealed that the percentage of domestic violence against women in
the has grown from 3.8% in 2007 to 4.3% in 2011.The report further
provided the records of a total number of 7,803, 11,718 and 9,431
cases of domestic violence cases under Domestic Violence Act 2005
were registered during year 2009, 2010 & 2011 respectively.
All India Figures for status of cases under

Domestic Violence Act, 2005
Year Cases Cases Cases Persons Persons Persons

registered charge convicted arrested charge convicted
sheeted
2009 7803 1641 236 641 695 9
2010 11718 4330 415 182 323 5
2011 9431 4499 17 695 713 3
Source: MHA, Lok Sabha Unstarred Question No. 283, 26th February,
2013
From the above table it is quite evident that the trend of domestic
violence is increasing day by day. Though we have so many constitutional
provisions and other social legislatives still we are unable to completely
free our society fromviolence. Any act of Violence means denial of
Human Right cannot be allowed any more.An initiative called “Bell
Bajao” (Ring the bell) was taken up in India in 2013-14 to call men and
young boys and make a promise to end domestic violence in our society.
Though the campaign has stopped but the story of violence still
continues.
Nature of Violence against Women in Rural Societies
Violence is becoming a serious problem in all the societies of India. It
occurs in many ways, and we may get evidence of violence in many
places including at work, in the home, in the streets and in the
community at large as well. The issue of domestic violence against
women has even emerged as an important social problem in rural India.
Women of urban societies in India get enough facilities for developing
themselves in comparison to the rural women. The status of rural
Indian women, have invited concerns from all the sphere particularly
health care providers to law enforcement authorities including ecologists
as well. Violence against rural women is even more severe as the women
of the rural belt, lack literacy and awareness. Even if they are subjected
to any kind of violence, they do not protest, as for them it is still
accepted as part of normal behavior and thus the cases of violence
against women in rural societies gounreported.
Denial of education, health facilities,nutrition immunization and
employment along with physical and verbal abuse are all form of
heinous crime against women, but unfortunately since the rural Indian
women are ignorant they fail to realise that their basic human rights are
being violated.
Let us glance at some survey reports conducted by Government of
India in recent times to get an actual picture of the women living in the
rural areas of India.
Female Literacy in India (%)
Year Rural Urban Overall

1961* 10.10 40.50 15.35
1971* 15.50 48.80 21.97
1981** 21.70 56.30 29.76
1991 30.62 64.05 39.29
2001 46.58 72.99 54.16
2011 58.75 79.92 65.46
Source: GOI, www.censusindia.net, as on Jan, 2012.
Education Levels of Rural Females (%)
Synod Year Not Literate Middle Secondary

literate & up & above
to primary
1 2009-10 46.7 31.8 11.1 10.3
2 2004-05 55.0 29.3 8.9 6.7
3 1999-2000 61.5 26.0 7.5 5.0
4 1993-94 67.9 23.0 5.6 3.4
Source: GOI, NSSO, Employment & Unemployment Situation in India

July 2009 – June 2010.
Work Participation Rates of Women (%)
Year Total Rural

1981 19.7 23.1
1991 22.3 26.8
2001 25.7 31.0
Source: GOI, Census of India 2001
If we intend to build a stronger India then empowering rural women is
very necessary. Woman of rural India, lack the privilege of going to
school. Due to the lack of opportunity to acquire education she fails
to equip herself with a skill that would help her earn a living. The life
world of rural women is mostly restricted within the private sphere.
Women of rural India have no rights over their own bodies. The
reproductive and the sexual health of the rural women demands lot of
attention. They are unaware of their health rights and face severe health
problems. They first feed their large family,and are the last ones to eat
and sometime they even sacrifice their meal.
Women of rural and tribal areas largely depend upon environment for
food, fodder, fuel herb and water and other natural resources. According
to Haider, 1995, “The depletion of natural resources by environmental
degradation has a significant effect on the daily life of a women and
the well being of her family. Given the responsibility for being principal
resource managers, women are expected to achieve miracles against all
odds”. Thus the degradation of environment has a negative effect on
the livelihood opportunities, health and time availability patterns of
the rural women. Ahmad and Irshad opined that scarcity of fuel makes
boil water an unaffordable luxury and leaves women with choice of
either cooking less or changing traditional diet which in turn affects
the health of the family. Less cooked food and untreated water causes
Gastro intestinal diseases. Thus degradation of environment also proves
to be detrimental for the rural women.
Rural women still are not participating in political sphere as they should
have inspite of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment. Most of their
opinions and needs remains unheard as they have very less political
representations.
Role of Government for Empowerment of Rural Women
We need a more professional attitude and urge, along with a much
stronger judicial system to curtail Domestic Violence from our society.
However, we cannot do much unless and until the women who are
subjected to such violence realize what they are undergoing and become
courageous to raise their voice against it and unless and until the women
of our societies are not empowered and take their own decision this
may not happen.
The way to make any community development programme successful
is to raise the level of community participation. Once we may ensure
the active participation of individuals, then we may also assure
empowerment of that community. Thus to empower women we have
to make them a part of the development programs which are meant
for them. Ministry of Rural Development, Government of India has
been implementing various poverty alleviation and rural development
programs with special components for women. Some of these schemes,
having women's component, include the Mahatma Gandhi National
Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), National Rural
Livelihood Mission (Aajeevika) and the Indira Awaas Yojana (IAY).
All these Schemes under the Ministry of Rural Development, specifically
emphasis on women of rural areas.
Another programme is the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana
(PMGSY), which is chalked out keeping in mind to improve the
conditions of village roads and connectivity, for the enhancement of
the opportunities for the girl children to have better opportunity to
avail educational facilities. In addition to this, good roads will help the
women to get better health facilities and easily the local markets, thereby
increasing productivity. Goodroads will help them to come in contact
with the public life and exchange their thoughts with the people of
other communities and this will further improve their knowledge and
they might even get better ideas to their work.
Review of some of the already existing schemes of Government

of India under Ministr y of Rural Development for the
empowerment of Rural Women.
Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA)-
MGNREGA guarantee 100 days of employment to the adult members
of any rural household who are willing to do unskilled manual work.
This Act gives special priority to women in such a way that at least one
third of the beneficiaries shall be women who have registered under
the Act.
During the year 2012-13 (up to 27th Dec. 2012) total employment of
134.76 crore persons were reported to have been generated. The
employment generated for women were reported as 71.88 crore persons,
which is 53.34% of total employment generated under this Programme.
(Annual Report of Ministry of Rural Development GOI 2012-13)
The Act aims to identify widowed women, deserted women and
destitute women who belong to below poverty level, and provides work
to them. The Pregnant and lactating mothers are given lesser work and
the job area is near their houses. About 50% 0f the supervisors in the
worksites are women.
Facilities such as creches, drinking water, shade etc are provided through
convergence with Women and Child Development Schemes like ICDS.
National Rural Livelihood Mission (NRLM)-
The NRLM, plays a significant role in the social, economical and political
empowerment of the women of the rural societies. Its primary focus
is on the women headed households, single women, women victim of
trafficking, women with disability and other such categories of women
belonging to the vulnerable segment. The NRLM promotes SHGs with
exclusive women membership. It has a long term objective. The SHGs
under NRLM plays an active role in taking up social issues affecting
their members - issues of domestic violence, alcoholism, girl child
marriages, etc. This is one of the remarkable instance for self help
movement in India.
The NRLM works to facilitate women to assert their rights for their
economic independence,and for accessing resources, and also addressing
powerlessness and exclusion, and thus enhancing the rate of women’s
participation in developmental process. Another important aspect of
NRLM is the Mahila Kisan Sashaktikaran Pariyojana (MKSP) which
aims at supporting women farmers. MKSP aims to recognize the
economic activities of women farmers and helps in reducing their
drudgery.
The Indira Awaas Yojana (IAY):

The IAY, aims to construct houses for the people Below the Poverty
Line (BPL) in rural areas. The Scheme, has special provisions for widows
and unmarried women. The IAY houses are to be allotted in the name
of women members of the household or, jointly with their husbands.
The total number of Dwelling Units sanctioned during the period 2012-
13 (upto 22nd November, 2012) was 2215637 out of which 1329550
(60%) houses were sanctioned in the name of women and 561962
(25.36%) houses were sanctioned jointly in the name of husband and
wife. (Annual Report of Ministry of Rural Development GOI 2012-
13)
Conclusion
The phenomena of Domestic Violence have a drastic effect on the
overall development of women, making them mentally weak. It retards
their decision making capabilities and also restricts their ability to
become socio economically empowered. Generally, Women’s
empowerment is believed to be a process of treating the women with
same status with that of men in the society. However, we must
acknowledge the fact that, women particularly of rural Indian societies
undergo a particular kind of socialization pattern, due to which they
develop a personality trait which is very unique to them. Their needs,
desires and perspectives are completely different from the men. So it
would not be justified to say that if a women have to be empowered
then they must have same qualities as men have to be at par with them.
Thus we may now start celebrating the “difference instead of “equality”
to give due respect to the women of our society. Women in rural societies
of India have enormous indigenous skills which may be harnessed for
enhancement of their capabilities and help them to become self reliant
and live with dignity .There may be plenty of schemes and programmes
for women particularly living in rural areas, but to make them truly
effective and ensuring Human Rights, we have to plan a much more
realistic strategies .We must have a multi-disciplinary approach where
academicians, policy makers, law makers Social workers, legal personnel
may join hands to help the women become vocal about their needs
and participate in the development programs which are particularly
framed for them. Initiatives must be taken by the women to plan
programs for themselves. Participation of women representatives are
needed in political sphere to highlight issues related to rural women.
Formation of Self- help groups and cooperative societies can be
effective for raising economic status of rural women.The Panchayat
must develop strategies which are more inclusive in nature. The Open
Distance learning of education may also be a very instrument for
promoting education amongst the rural women. We need awareness
generation programs to impart basic information on legal matters, health
issues or on promotion of economic participation of women of the
rural belt. Men may be a part of these awareness programs to get desired
result.
We need a much greater awareness about the social, economical,
educational, legal and political rights for the rural women and help
them to become capable enough to take their own decisions and raise
their voice against any injustice done to them. Violence in any form
must be questioned for ensuring Empowerment of Women of rural
India and in the long run Women of the entire nation.
Reference
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Society: A Reader, ed. Rehana Ghadially. New Delhi: Sage Publication 151-166
Daga, A S., S. Jejeebhoy and S. Rajgopal. (1999). Domestic Violence against
Women: An Investigation of Hospital Causality Records, Mumbai’. Journal of
Family Welfare, 45 (1): 1-11.
Gerstein, L. (2000.) In India, Poverty and Lack of Education are Associated
with Men’s Physical and Sexual abuse of their Wives. International Family Planning
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Hamberger, L. K; J.M. Lore; D. Bonge and D.F. Tolin. (1997). An Empirical
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Haider, Raana (1995), A perspective in Development: Gender Focus, Dhaka: University
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Manushi p. 34
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Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
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Has the Reduction in Gender Gap in Literacy increased
the Female Work Participation Rate of West Bengal?
- the Census 2011 Scenario
Maniparna SyamRoy
Assistant Professor of Economics
Asutosh College, Kolkata
Email ID: maniparnasr@gmail.com
Abstract
Gender equality and empowerment of women has always featured as an important goal in
all social agenda. Providing women and girls with equal access to education and their
representation in labour market and political and economic decision making will make
economies more sustainable and benefit societies and humanity at large. In this paper we will
try to look into the gender gap in literacy across the state of West Bengal and how much of
the women folk are gainfully employed in the productive activities of the state. That is, this
paper tries to find whether there is any one to one correspondence between increase in literacy
and increase in work participation of female members of the society. It was found that
though there has been a significant improvement with respect to literacy and in reducing the
gender–gap in literacy, it has not impacted meaningfully in work participation area where
the situation is quite grave with respect to work participation ratio. Most of the districts
have witnessed a fall in work participation rate and even where there is slight improvement,
it has taken place in the category of marginal workers rather than in the category of main
workers.
Keywords
Literacy, work-participation rate, gender-gap, child sex-ratio
1. Introduction
From Millennium development goals (MDG) to Sustainable
Development Goals, promotion of gender equality and empowerment
of women has always been focused as an important objective. Gender
equality is a fundamental human right and is a necessary foundation
for a peaceful, prosperous and sustainable world. The world has achieved
progress towards gender equality and women’s empowerment under
MDGs but women and girls still continue to face discrimination and
violence. And therefore, it has featured as an important goal of SDGs.
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
The Constitution of India has granted men and women equal
rights,butgender disparity still remains.Education of women is an
essential prerequisite to ending gender bias along with income earning
capabilities of women.The deficit in education in general along with
inability to influence family income in particular makes discrimination
even worse in the developing world. Girls' education also means
comprehensive mindset change in a society. As women get the
opportunity to go to school and obtain higher-level jobs, they gain
corresponding higher status in their communities. This status translates
into the power to influence their families and societies. Equal
participation in decision-making and a balanced involvement of both
men and women at all levels of implementation will ensure that women
and men take equal responsibility as partners of social and economic
developmentfor today’s and future generations.
2. Female Population of West Bengal

The Female population of West Bengal stands as per Census, 2011 at
44,467,088 as against the male population of 46,809,027 with a sex
ratio of 950. Incidentally, the percentage of Female to Total population
of India has declined from its position of 48.61% of 1951to 48.52 %
in 2011. In absolute number, the Female population of India has reached
58,74,47,730 in 2011 from its 1951 base of 175,559628. In absolute
figure, the male population of the country in 2011 is higher over female
population by 35,674,113.
Two important indicators to understand the gender balance of any
area are the sex ratio and the child sex ratio. If we consider the sex
ratio, we find historically, West Bengal had a relatively lower sex ratio; it
has since been improving in each of the censuses since 1951 as shown
at Table1. However, there are considerable gaps between Sex Ratio
and Child Sex Ratio of West Bengal as would be evident from
Table1.Child sex ratio is a pure indicator of the status of women because
it is not vitiated by sex-selective migration trends. In absence of bias
against girl children on count of female infanticide and foeticide, the
CSR would normally tilt in favour of girls since they are endowed as
stronger sex by nature. This indeed was true of West Bengal till 1971
when its CSR was 1019 in 1971. However, it started declining since
then and reached at 956 in 2011.The CSR of West Bengal declined in
2011 by 4 points over 2001, by 11 points over 1991. This trend is
alarming. The declining trend of CSR has posed serious concern to
the demographic imbalance that has set in at this early age-group in
West Bengal. Such imbalance would take some time to set in its natural
correction process. The deficit in child sex ratio reveal the prevalence
of the practice of female infanticide, and sex-selective abortion as well
as female child neglect influenced by culture of the preferential sex
composition of children. In this context, the female age-specific death
rates (ASDR) for the age groups 0-4 years and 5-9 years are very
important. In West Bengal, for example, mortality rates for boys and
girls in the first group were 18.1 and 18.7 respectively and in the second
age group, 1.7 and 2.1 respectively in 1994, pointing to the neglect/
deprivation faced by the girl child .
Table 1: Sex Ratio and Child Sex Ratio of West Bengal since 1951
to 2011
Census Year 1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 2011

Sex Ratio 865 878 891 911 917 934 950
Child Sex Ratio 982 1008 1019 961 967 960 956
Sources: Census publications and GoI websites in SyamRoy, Bedprakas,

2013,Changing West Bengal through Census Lens, Lambert Academic
Publishing
Given the gender profile of the state, it is quite evident that the girl
children are faced with discrimination right from their birth. Literacy
or educating the women folk is a useful tool which can help in
establishing the right of women as equal partners in the society restoring
the much needed gender balance.
In this paper we will try to look into the gender gap in literacy across
the state and how much of the women folk are gainfully employed in
the productive activities of the state. That is, this paper will try to take
an overview on the question that whether increase in literacy will have
a increase in work participation of female members of the society?
3.Literacy rate in West Bengal
The literacy rate of West Bengal at 76.3 percent in 2011 is marginally
higher by 3.3 percentage point over the national average of 73.0. It is
also marginally higher for Males at 81.7 percent than the national average
of 80.9. Similarly, Female literacy at 70.5 percentage point in West Bengal
is also 5.66 percentage point higher than the national average of Females
literacy at 65.6 percent. It is, however, lower than the literacy rates of
the states of Kerala (94.2%), Mizoram (90.7%) ,Tripura(81.0%) and
Tamil Nadu (82.4%). The following table gives a better overview of
the literacy rates over the decades.
Table 2-Literacy Rate of West Bengal since 1951
Census Literacy Male Female Gender Gap

Year Rate Literacy Literacy in Literacy
Rate Rate Rate
1951 24.95 34.65 13.18 21.47
1961 34.46 46.57 20.27 26.30
1971 38.86 49.57 26.56 23.01
1981 46.32 57.04 34.43 22.61
1991 57.70 67.81 46.56 21.25
2001 68.64 77.02 59.61 17.41
2011 76.3 81.7 70.5 11.2
Sources: Census of India,2001 and Census of India,paper-1 of 2011 ,West

Bengal series 20 and PCA West Bengal, 2011 in SyamRoy, Bedprakas,
2013,Changing West Bengal through Census Lens, Lambert Academic
Publishing
It is evident from the above table that the gender gap in literacy has
reduced over the years which can be a reason of satisfaction and
confidence that at least women’s education in our state is being
addressed. But we need to look forward and bring down the gap to 0
when we can claim that men and women are receiving education as
equal partners of the society.
We attempt to explore the most crucial question whetherin the context
of increase in female literacy and reduction in gender gap, are the female
members of our society being equally represented in the labour force
participation as its male counterpart? Despite significant progress in
literacy rates, labour market representation is still a cause of concern
across the world as gender equality seems to have stalled in this area.
Female labour force participation has remained lower than male
participation, women account for most unpaid work, and when women
are employed in paid work, they are overrepresented in the informal
sector.
4. Overview of Female Work Participation rate in West Bengal

The term used in census documents regarding the labour force
participation is Work Participation Rate which is defined as the
percentage of total workers (main and marginal) to total population.
The following table is being used to illustrate the picture of work
participation for male and female for the state of West Bengal over the
two time points 2001 and 2011.
Table 3: District wise work participation rate male and female

2001 and 2011
Districts Work Work Work Work

participation participation participation participation
rate male rate female rate male rate female
2011 2011 2001 2001
Darjeeling 51.2 22.4 48.5 21.4
Jalpaiguri* 55 22.3 52.3 23.5
Cooch Behar 58.2 20.7 54.9 22.2
Malda 53 23.3 52.6 28.3
Dakshin Dinajpur 58.3 24.8 55.6 25.1
Uttar Dinajpur 51.6 19 51.9 23.8
Bardhaman 57.8 16.5 53.5 16
Bakura 57.2 23.6 56.8 32
Birbhum 57.5 17.6 54.3 19.7
Purulia 53.5 31.3 52.3 36.2
Hoogly 60.9 16.2 56.5 16.2
Purba Medinipur 57.6 16 53.7 18.7
Paschim Medinipur 58.4 25.9 55.2 26.3
Kolkata 59.9 17.9 58.1 12.8
Howrah 59.9 13.7 55.9 9.2
North 24 Parganas 57.5 12.8 53.9 11.3
South 24 Parganas 56.5 15.2 51.8 11.8
Nadia 58.6 11.5 55 14.1
Murshidabad 54.7 17.4 51.1 16.4
West Bengal 57.1 18.1 54 18.3
Source: PCA,West Bengal,2011
*The figure of Jalpaiguri also covers data of the newly constituted Alipurduar
district .
6. Work participation and literacy gender-gap comparison

A graphical representation with gender gap over the two time points
and the work participation rate male and female is given below which
has given an interesting observation that there has been a decline in the
gender gap in literacy in 2011 compared to 2001 but the work
participation rate has gone down for females for most of the districts
where as for males the work participation rate has registered an
increasing trend. West Bengal in overall terms also has a positive increase
in work participation rate with respect to males whereas for female, it
is negative.
Figure1: Relation between gender-gap in literacy and work participation rate

As evident from the above graphical presentation that most of the
districts registered a fall in the work participation rate. The districts of
Jalpaiguri (including Alipurduar district), Coochbehar, Malda, Dakshin
Dinajpur, Uttar Dinajpur, Bakura, Birbhum, Purulia, Purba Medinipore
and Paschim Medinipore, Nadia have all registered a fall in the work
participation rate. Only few districts of Darjeeling, Bardhaman, Kolkata,
Howrah, South 24 Parganas, North 24 Parganas and Murshidabad had
experienced a positive growth in the work participation rate. In case of
Hoogly, there has been no change in the work participation rate over
the two time points.
But the most interesting part is the table displayed below which shows
that gender gap in literacy is less in 2011 as compared to 2001 but the
gender gap in work participation rate has increased in 2011 over 2001.
Therefore what we can say is literacy doesnot have any significant impact
on reducing gender gap.
Table 4: Gender gap in literacy and Work Participation rate(wpr)
Districts Gender Gender Gender Gender

gap in gap in gap in gap in
literacy literacy literacy literacy
2011 2001 2011 2001
Darjeeling 12.3 17.2 28.8 27.1
Jalpaiguri 13.7 20.62 32.7 28.8
Cooch Behar 12.2 19.81 37.5 32.7
Malda 9.2 17.5 29.7 24.3
Uttar Dinajpur 13.3 21.97 32.6 28.1
Bardhaman 12.8 17.6 41.3 37.5
Bakura 19.99 27.33 33.6 24.8
Birbhum 12.8 19.34 39.9 34.6
Purulia 27.4 37.22 22.2 16.1
Hoogly 10.6 15.4 44.7 40.3
Purba Medinipur 10.9 18.4 41.6 35
Kolkata 4.2 6.5 42 45.3
Howrah 17.6 13.1 46.2 46.7
North 24 Parganas 7.3 12.2 44.7 42.6
South 24 Parganas 11.9 20.2 41.3 40
Nadia 7.1 12.7 47.1 40.9
Murshidabad 6.8 13.1 37.3 34.7
West Bengal 11.2 17.41 39 35.7
A more detailed probing with respect to the literacy rate confirms that
female literacy both with respect to rural and urban areas have gone up
as given in the following table:
Table 5: District wise Female and Male literacy with rural and
urban areas -2001 and 2011
Districts 2001 Female 2011 Female 2001 Male 2011 Male

Total rural urban total rural urban Total rural urban total rural urban
Darjeeling 62.9 55.4 78.5 73.3 66.6 83.5 80.1 76.1 87.7 85.6 81.8 91.4
Jalpaiguri* 52.2 47.2 74.1 66.2 61.8 77.8 72.8 69.9 85.5 79.9 77.3 86.8
Cooch Behar 56.1 53.6 79.8 68.5 66.5 85 75.9 74.4 90.4 80.7 79.4 91.6
Malda 41.3 38.4 73.8 57 54.3 74 58.8 56.6 84.4 66.2 64.2 78.9
Dakshin Dinajpur 54.3 50.3 78.5 67 63.8 85.5 72.4 70 87.8 78.4 76.1 91.8
Uttar Dinajpur 36.5 30.8 74.8 52.2 48.7 76.3 58.5 54.2 85.5 65.5 62.8 83.9
Bardhaman 61 56.1 69.3 69.6 65.6 75.3 78.6 75 84.5 82.4 79.1 87.3
Bakura 49.4 47.6 71.9 60.1 58.3 78.5 76.8 75.8 88.1 80 79.1 90.1
Birbhum 51.6 49.7 70.2 64.1 62.3 76 70.9 69.5 84.7 76.9 75.6 86
Purulia 36.5 33.2 64.9 50.5 48.1 67.1 73.7 72.4 85 77.9 76.8 84.6
Hoogly 67.2 62.1 77.5 76.4 72.1 83.1 82.6 79.7 87.8 87 84.8 90.5
Purba Medinipur 70.7 70.2 76.3 81.4 81 84 89.1 89 90.5 92.3 92.2 92.9
Paschim Medinipur 59.1 56.8 75.7 70.5 68.9 81.3 81.3 80.2 88.7 85.3 84.5 90.4
Kolkata 77.3 77.3 84.1 84.1 83.8 83.8 88.3 88.3
Howrah 70.1 64.5 75.8 79.4 75 82 83.2 80.7 85.5 87 84.7 88.2
North 24 Parganas 71.7 61 80.4 80.3 72.6 85.8 83.9 76.7 89.6 87.6 81.9 91.8
South 24 Parganas 59 56.1 73.7 71.4 68.9 78.4 79.2 77.9 85.4 83.3 82.1 86.8
Nadia 59.6 55 75.7 71 66.7 81.6 72.3 68.2 87.2 78.8 74.8 88.9
Murshidabad 47.6 45.7 60.7 63.1 62 67.3 60.7 58.5 75.7 69.9 68.4 76.2
West Bengal 59.6 53.2 75.7 70.5 65.5 81 77 73.1 86.1 81.7 78.4 88.4

*The figure of Jalpaiguri also covers data of the newly constituted
Alipurduar district
The table 4 above gives a clear picture of literacy with respect to rural
and urban areas in the districts of West Bengal from where we can see
that female literacy has increased in all districts. Though for male, urban
literacy has gone down for the districts of Malda, Uttar Dinajpur and
Purulia but the work participation rate of male has not gone down but
went up in those districts. Thus literacy cannot be a reason for low
work participation for females.
The second important part is that among those districts who have
experienced an increase in the work participation rate in the year 2011
over 2001, most of the districtshad a positive increase in marginal
workers rather than main workers. Main worker is defined as a person
who has worked for 6 months or more during the last one year,
otherwise he/she is marginal worker. The composition of main and
marginal female workers of the districts over the two time points 2001
and 2011 is given below:
Table 6: Female Work Participation Rate(WPR) – Main Workers

and Marginal Workers 2001 and 2011
Districts WPR WPR WPR WRP

main main marginal marginal
workers workers workers workers
female female female female
2011 2001 2011 2001
Darjeeling 66.9 71.9 33.1 28.1
Jalpaiguri* 54.9 53.9 45.1 46.1
Cooch Behar 48.3 42.7 51.7 57.3
Malda 44.1 46.9 55.9 53.1
Uttar Dinajpur 49.1 46.4 50.9 53.6
Bardhaman 53.1 57.7 46.9 48.1
Bakura 37.1 37.1 62.9 62.9
Birbhum 42.1 41.1 57.9 58.9
Purulia 26.8 33.1 73.2 66.9
Hoogly 57.2 53.3 42.8 44.8
Purba Medinipur 32.2 30.5 67.8 69.6
Kolkata 73.6 88.4 26.4 11.6
Howrah 59.6 62 40.4 37.9
North 24 Parganas 67.8 65.9 32.2 34.1
South 24 Parganas 41.9 42.3 58.1 57.7
Nadia 66.1 60.7 33.9 39.4
Murshidabad 59.5 63 40.5 37
West Bengal 49.9 49.7 50.1 50.3

*The figure of Jalpaiguri also covers data of the newly constituted Alipurduar
district
From Table-6 given above what we find is that among those districts
which registered positive increase in female work participation rate,such
as the districts of Darjeeling, Kolkata, Howrah, South 24 Parganas
and Murshidabad witnessed also an increase in marginal workers over
the main workers. Bardhaman surprisingly had a fall with respect to
both types of workers. It is only the districts of Hoogly and North 24
Parganas where female main work participation is more.
So it is now important to find out the reasons behind the fall work
participation rate of females. One reason may be the fall in agricultural
contribution to the economy. A larger part of women labour force in
the rural areas is employed in the agricultural sector. The downslide in
agriculture has its counter effect on the female work force participation.
This component of downsliding work participation will be examined
with reference to data as mentioned at Table-7. The indication of
transformational changes of the West Bengal economy could possibly
be hidden in it.
In Table-7, the disaggregated position of women participation in four
segments ,namely cultivators, agricultural labourers, household workers
and other workers have been captured. These segments portray the
relative importance of women participation and its decadal change
indicates the shifting pattern of its importance. It thus appears that in
aggregate , out of 100 women participation in West Bengal in
2011,cultivators occupy 7.7%,agricultural labourers 34%,household
industry workers 16.8% and Other workers 41.5% as against
14.1%,32.2% ,17.7% and36.1% respectively in 2001. In other words,
women participation rate for the cultivators and household industry
workers have declined over the decade while for agriculture labours
and other workers it has increased.
Table 7: Female Work Participation Rate – Cultivators,

Agricultural Labour, Household Workers and Other Workers and
percentage to Total Workers 2001 and 2011
WPR WPR WPR WPR WPR WPR WPR WPR
cultivators cultivators Agricultural Household Household Household other other
female female labourers labourers Industry Industry workers workers
2011 2001 female female workers workers female female
2011 2001 female female 2011 2001
2011 2001
Darjeeling 10.5 18.2 12.6 13.4 2.9 3.6 74.0 64.8

Jalpaiguri* 7.7 17.3 30.6 25.7 3.0 3.1 58.8 53.9
Cooch Behar 22.0 31.5 47.6 43.0 7.5 8.0 22.9 17.6
Malda 6.4 7.7 30.2 31.0 35.6 36.8 27.7 24.5
Dakshin Dinajpur 12.4 16.2 53.3 50.2 9.8 9.6 24.5 24.0
Uttar Dinajpur 11.6 20.4 49.4 51.4 9.2 8.5 29.8 19.6
Bardhaman 3.7 6.2 44.1 43.8 9.7 12.1 42.5 38.5
Bankura 7.9 21.7 63.2 48.7 7.6 9.7 21.4 19.9
Birbhum 5.6 10.4 49.8 47.1 13.6 16.0 31.0 26.5
Purulia 14.6 27.1 56.3 52.0 10.8 10.1 18.3 10.8
Hoogly 4.6 9.5 38.1 36.3 10.3 12.5 47.0 41.7
Purba Medinipur 12.5 24.0 40.2 25.8 15.7 16.0 31.6 34.2
Paschim Medinipur 11.4 18.7 57.3 47.9 11.2 16.9 20.1 16.5
Kolkata 2.1 1.0 0.9 0.4 5.4 4.4 91.6 94.2
Howrah 2.9 3.4 6.6 8.0 30.7 26.7 59.8 61.9
North 24 Parganas 3.4 4.5 14.3 12.2 11.9 14.0 70.4 69.4
South 24 Parganas 8.8 16.4 24.9 25.9 17.6 13.9 48.7 43.8
Nadia 4.1 9.4 14.8 11.1 28.6 30.8 52.5 48.7
Murshidabad 2.9 4.0 10.3 9.2 57.7 63.0 29.1 23.9
West Bengal 7.7 14.1 34.0 32.2 16.8 17.7 41.5 36.1

*The figure of Jalpaiguri also covers data of the newly constituted
Alipurduar district
Thus agriculture may not be the only reason for the sliding down of
WPR for females. It is true that there has been a fall in cultivators but
agricultural labourers have improved .A second reason could be what
some economists argue as to the U shaped relation between education
and women participation in labour force. Illiterate women seek to be a
part of the working class in order to get hold of the basic minimum
necessity for survival. Women with mediocre level of education do not
very often participate in the productive activity. As education level
improves, women become self conscious and want to participate in
the economic activity as equal partners of the society. A third reason
could be the presence of the informal sectors and there is limited scope
as to the availability of the data with respect to this sector. But these
factors have not been examined here and may be a part of future
research.
The West Bengal economy, just like any other economy, undergoes a
silent process of generational changes. Intersectoral architecture of
the day joins in reversing its privileged position, in time cycle, in giving
rise to new transformational equation and relation. The cascading effect
of this transformational change is reflected in the spread, composition
and nature of its sector and the related employment generation portfolio
including its work participation. The census data is definitely a great
indicator to assist in unfolding the contextual position and in unearthing
the real story beneath. However, this calls for further study and research
on all variables connected with the universe of work participation and
its gender empowerment.
References
Mukhopadhyay, Pallav, 2007, Problem of Gender Inequality and Expansion of
Education of Women in West Bengal
Press Notes on Poverty Estimates, 2011-12, 2013, Government of India,
Planning Commission
Selected Socio Economic Statistics India, 2011, Government of India, Ministry
of Statistics and Programme Implementation, Central Statistical Organization,
Social Statistical Division, R K Puram
SyamRoy, Bedprakas, 2013, Changing West Bengal through Census Lens, Lambert
Academic Publishing
Warth, Lisa and Koparanova, Malinka “Empowering Women for Sustainable
Development” UNECE Discussion paper, 2012
Websites
http://ncw.nic.in/pdfReports/
REPORT_of_Expert_Committee_GENDER_and_EDUCATION.pdf
http://qz.com/176658/india-has-the-lowest-workforce-participation-rate-of-
women-among-the-brics/
https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/sdn/2013/sdn1310.pdf
www.censusindia.gov.in
http://www.ihdindia.org/pdf/status-of-women-in-bihar-exploring-
transformation-in-work-and-gender-relations.pdf
http://ncw.nic.in/pdfReports/Gender_Profile_West_Bengal.pdf
http://www.econ.ku.dk/dalgaard/Studsem/Projects/Gender_Inequality.pdf
(The websites are accessed during 25th October, 2014 to 10th November
2014)
20th Century Bengal: Women, Bodies and Dress
Pallavi Sen Gupta

Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science
Serampore College
Email ID: pallavi.senguptaray@gmail.com
Abstract
The paper aims to make an overview of the relationship between women’s bodies
and dress in 20th century Bengal, as a part of its cultural history. It tries to draw
attention to the sartorial tensions that the women in Bengal have been suffering
from; between ethnicity and tradition on one hand and modernity on the other.
Starting with the colonial interpretation of the clothing practices in early 20th century
Bengal, it accounts for the slow changes that were brought in the dressing styles of
the Bengali women under the cultural influence of the Europeans. Gandhiji
subsequently appeared in the scene of Indian culture with his new ideas of Indianness
and tradition which probably had its greatest impact in Bengal. Under the impact
of ‘Swadeshi’ and ‘khadi’ the dressing and clothing patterns of the women underwent
great changes. The underlying tension between traditional dress and modern dress
and its impact on women’s bodies draws a cultural link between early half of the
decade with the last half, where one witnesses the onslaught of globalization.
However a closer study of clothing practices of the Bengali women under the
influence of British culture, Gandhi’s call for Swadeshi and globalization across
the decade, unleashes a process of homogenization and objectification of women’s
identities. This point of link accounts for the present cross culture dress and hybrid
clothes for women. Thus the traditional Bengali garment saree, with its modern
designer versions, has a strong cultural presence among the women of Bengal
today.
Key words
Dress, culture, ethnic, modern, globalization, hybrid, saree
In the iconography of late 19th century and early 20th century India, the
two most enduring representations of Indian women are of ‘naked’
low caste and tribal women and of graceful sari -clad women carrying
water pots on their heads while returning from village wells. Colonel
Dalton in his Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal (1872) used a photograph
of two women in the Chotanagpur forests of the Juang hills, wearing
scanty or no dress. In Dalton’s words, “The Juangs are not so far
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
advanced……They made their first appearance at night and danced by
torch light; it was a wild weird-like sight.” 1 They were wearing aprons
made of fig leaves and their torso bearing necklaces made of glass
beads and brass. Their attire expressed their genuine concern that
women’s dress should be cheap and simple and that fashions should
never change. However this simple rationale of the simply clothed
women was soon subject to change as a part of a political strategy by
the British administration. A sympathetic British political agent took
the responsibility of changing the fashion of the ‘naked women’. An
open air ‘darbar’ with a tent and bonfire was organized in the hills. One
by one the tribal women entered the tent, dressed themselves in
Manchester sarees provided at the agent’s expense, came out and threw
their original ethnic wear into the bonfire.2 This way ended a primitive
and barbaric cultural practice of Juang women and the simultaneous
success of an official British programme of making these women
civilized and modern. The girls were marked with vermilion to celebrate
their entry in the civilized society and the men promised not to allow
the women to resume their primitive dress. Finally there was the
abolition of their sartorial identity altogether. British administration
assumed that it knew best how the ‘wild timid creatures’ should be
dressed and therefore influenced them to submit their native clothing.
By 1920s not a single Juang woman was reported to wear their
indigenous wear. However the paradox is that administration did not
take the initiative to photograph a saree-clad Juang woman, the way
they had photographed and preserved the one of the semi-naked
women. Thus the women were caught and preserved forever in their
primitive nakedness fulfilling the ‘readers’ expectations of ‘wild timid
creatures.’
This leads us to a common dilemma in the literature of Indian dress –
the interpretation of the outsider as against the justification of the
insider. The two mutually contrasting versions can well be reflected
through the sartorial campaign of the Swadeshi and associated khadi
in the subsequent period. The British males in their various accounts
have admired the unfettered Indian women whom they saw on the
streets, or on the paths and in the fields of Bengal.3 Unlike the European
counterparts, the women folk of Bengal of all statuses did not wear
undergarments that confined or restricted their breasts, stomachs or
hips. Their modest behavior centered on the face and head, covering
the rest of the body. If upper class women stepped out of their homes
they would be covered from head to toe in a wrapper or wear sarees in
such a way as to obscure their face completely. By 20th century the men
in Calcutta had imitated the western style of dressing, but not their
female counterparts. The women of Bengal were restricted to wearing
sarees only. The Europeans appealed them to be more decently attired
in a ‘stouter fabric’ replacing their ‘flimsy loose saree.’4 Some Bengali
ladies of respectable Hindu families, under the European influence,
began to wear corsets over their bodies.
Thus two streams of thought prevailed regarding Hindu women’s dress
in 20th century Bengal. One developed out of the aesthetic and moral
concern of the Europeans and westernized Bengalis which was
influenced by the arts and craft movement in Great Britain. It called
for modernization and westernization of the attire of Bengali women.
The other stream developed out of the critique of the British
government’s economic policies leading to the continued
impoverishment of India. It took the form of Gandhi’s call for swadeshi
and khadi, which had a stronghold over the Bengali Hindu community
in the first half of 20th century.
C.A. Bayly reveals the power of cloth during the period, where it was
inscribed with new meanings by Gandhi and became a key visual symbol
of freedom struggle against British rule.5 Susan Bean refers to khadi as
the “fabric of Indian independence.”6 Khadi was used as a symbol of
protest against British colonialism, morality, values and sexuality. Thus
the spinning of ‘charkha’ and khadi constructs women as entities to be
worshipped from far, gazed upon by the sons of the soil. Feminist
historians are of the opinion that attempts at redressing the women in
khadi had a distinct relationship to the Hindu mother and wife, to a
sartorial morality and to a depreciation of sexuality.7 Women were
particularly singled out with their clothing coming under special scrutiny.
Weaving swadeshi cloth prevented women from indulging in fashion,
gossip, fun and enabled the productive use of time, solved the problem
of unemployment and increased household savings. To woo women
away from fashionable desires, organized attempts were made to tutor
them in swadeshi. Plain, unadorned and simple dress was claimed by
the nationalists to bring contentment of body, peace of heart,
enhancement of natural beauty and a nationalist ethos. By means of
controlling women’s body, nationalist politics controlled their morality,
private space and lives. Women’s bodies became a metaphor for an
inviolate chaste space and the last refuge of freedom. Women’s clothing
became representative of traditional culture and national identity. The
reformers and nationalists attempted to organize the wardrobe of Hindu
women, re-working on the right clothes, make-up and accessories for
them. The popularity of khadi as women’s cloth was significantly
experienced in Bengal. Pictures and paintings of early 20th century
Bengali middle class women bear ample testimonies of use of khadi.
A number of songs and poems were composed during this period
highlighting the symbiotic relationship between women’s body, clothes,
and nationalism. One of them runs, “Mayer dewa mota kapor, mathaye
tule ne re bhai; din dukhini ma je toder, er beshi aar shaddho nai” (pay
respect to the thick khadi cloth presented to you by the mother, as she
is poor and in a sorrowful state who cannot afford more than that)
Women’s clothing was a cultural message and a weapon against the
evils of the west. Hindu nationalists thus had to introduce changes
and new norms of dress by making them longer and thicker. The
hemlines of clothes started dropping with the growing vigor of the
swadeshi movement. These clothes were termed as ‘indigenous’ and
‘traditional’. The message of moralism and nationalism advocated
through khadi was actually an attempt to abolish fashion itself.8
The swadeshi campaign progressed not only on the need to maintain
Indian morality and virtue, but it had a subtle element of coercion in
its programmes and activities. Threats of social sanctions, public ridicule,
and ostracism were the commonly used methods to make Hindu women
accept khadi as their clothing. Especially the Hindu upper caste middle
class women in Bengal were the objects of condemnation as they were
the largest users of European dress and fashions. They were condemned
for being susceptible to new fashions and tight clothes leaving their
bodies exposed. Women who were curious about fashion were
considered ‘unethical’ and ‘improper’. Khadi created a virtual line of
demarcation between the ‘bad wife’ and the ‘good mother’.
The pertinent question at this juncture is, “Were the Bengali Hindu
women merely at the receiving end of Gandhi’s call for khadi?” The
former were not just passive victims or unrestricted agents of the khadi
movement. They negotiated the meaning of swadeshi fashion
throughout their clothing practices. Bengali women did not prefer white
garment(color of khadi) as it was associated with widowhood. Some
chose to embroider, fix borders, dye or tailor their khadis to beautify
them. Wearing of blouses, Manchester silk, Parsi style of draping saris
were the prevalent fashion among Bengali women. Many of them
continued to pay attention to their bodily adornments, upholding their
feminity through sartorial styles. While several others by upholding the
spirit of khadi, represented their ideas of nationalism, anti-colonialism,
sacrifice and asexual identities. Thus the two trends of female clothing
represented the complex interplay of nationalism, gender and dress,
which in turn shaped the identities of Bengali women of 20th century.
The swadeshi sartorial campaign and its associated dilemma help to
draw a link between the sartorial choices of early 20th century Bengali
women with those of late 20 th century. The dichotomies of
empowerment vs oppression and resistance vs submission characterize
the clothing practices of Bengali women now and then. This dilemma
and the resulting identity of the modern Bengali woman reminds us
of Michel Foucault’s ides of how bodies are dressed and managed
through self-discipline and surveillance i.e. a “general panoptic lens”.9
The disciplinary gaze of the panoptic may act in either of the two ways
– it may be internalized by the woman and become a part of her self
appraisal, or it may be directed upon herslf to gain a sense of self-
empowerment or reveal an indifference to the power of the gaze. The
process of self-empowerment is well depicted in a poster held by young
girls in the Anti-Rape protests in Delhi, which ran, “You Raped Her
Because Her Clothes Provoked You? I Should Break Your Face Because
Your Stupidity Provokes Me!” Another read, ”Meri Skirt Se Oonchi
Meri Awaz.” (My voice is higher than my skirt)10
The above posters and statements speak for the tensions between post
colonial nationalist thought on one hand, and the forces of globalization
on the other. On one side is the popular logic that the woman is the
honor of the nation, which is particularly played out on the image of
the woman’s body garbed by what she wears. On the other side is the
invisible grasp and stronghold of the global market that works through
the philosophy of cultural hegemony. It tries to build a hegemonic
culture where the women’s bodies and the ways they are dressed are
commodified. The juxtaposition of the forces of nationalization and
globalization with their philosophies on women’s bodies and dress
appears “contrasting in their messages.”11 However both work towards
an objectification, homogenization and oneness of culture with no
space for conflict and differences. The nationalists seek to suppress
the sexuality of women by draping them in concealing and traditional
outfits. To them any discourse on sexuality is foreign and goes against
Indian culture. The agents of globalization seek to establish a “carefully
marked western sexuality” and sexy attires keeping in mind the Indian
notion of womanhood.12
Since the onset of globalization in Bengal in the late 20th century, the
tension that the women have been suffering from is the choice between
‘western’ dress and ‘ethnic’ wear. However Appadurai comes to the
conclusion that the global flows create a form of cultural chaos that
accounts for uneasy overlaps in clothing styles.13 This accounts for the
ethnic and customary Bengali dress (saree) subject to fashionable
changes resulting in hybrid dress forces. The western style of clothing
is constantly in some form of relationship with the Bengali dress saree,
resulting in a hybrid or bio-cultural clothing. The interweaving between
modern fashion and traditional dress are complex. Emma Tarlo
discusses some instances in the 1980s when Indian women chose to
wear extravagant versions of Indian clothing as a form of “ethnic chic”,
with little relationship to the actual traditional clothing.14 This accounts
for the opening of several boutiques in Kolkata and other cities of
Bengal, selling ‘designer ethnic’ sarees at exorbitant high prices. It has
become a status seeking practice so that some elite urban women can
differentiate themselves from the mass of jeans wearers. An explosion
of fashion houses started up since the 1990s in response to growing
middle class of educated Bengali women interested in designer clothes
that re-interpreted traditional dress and celebrated their cultural roots.
Thus the Bengali women were able to wear modifications of ‘ethnic’
Bengali dress produced by fashion designers. The saree, a garment
with a very ancient tradition has been given a new lease of life in versions
made of modern fabrics and colours. Sarees are made in every quality;
from the everyday purchase at a side walk stall to showrooms in
shopping malls. Older style sarees are re-modeled into new retro items
for sale. The new saree is sold as fashion and promoted as an advantage
for a modern Bengali woman. As Nag shows in her study of modern
Bengali sarees, by the 1990s, women were being enticed to buy the new
saree by advertising copy that paradoxically did so by using the nostalgic
imagery of its past and traditional notions of feminity.15
So the relationship between modern dress and customary or ethnic
clothing, at any point of time in history, is an intricate mixture of
customs, obedience, defiance, social pressure and taboos, political
engagements, advertisements and market. It’s too intricate a weave to
untie completely. Therefore choice of what to wear is never unlimited.
Selection is made from a variety of social, economic and cultural varieties
of goods, depending on the interest and identity of the wearer.
References
1. Colonel Dalton, Descriptive Ethnology Of Bengal (1872) cited in Tarlo
Emma, Clothing Matters: Dress and Identity In India, C.Hurst and Co
Publishers, 1996, p. xvii
2. Tarlo Emma, Clothing Matters: Dress and Identity in India, C.Hurst and Co.
Publishers, 1996, p. xix
3. Cohn Bernard, Cloth, Clothes and Colonialism: India in the Nineteenth
Century in Annette B. Weiner and Jane Schneider ed., Cloth and Human
Experience, Smithsonian Institute Press, Washington, 1989
4. ibid
5. Bayly Christopher, The Origins of Swadeshi: Cloth and Indian Society,
1700-1930 in Arjun Appadurai ed.,The Social Life of Things: Commodities in
Cultural Perspective, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1986, pp. 285-
322
6. Bean Susan, Gandhi and Khadi:The Fabric of Indian Independence in
Anette B. Weiner and Jane Schneider ed., Cloth and Human Experience,
Smithsonian Institute Press, Washington, 1989, pp. 355-376
7. Gupta Charu, ‘Fashioning Swadeshi’: Clothing Women in Colonial North
India in Economic and Political Weekly, October 20,2012, vol xlvii, no.42,
pp. 77
8. ibid, p. 78
9. Bandopadhyay Sarbani and Lahiri Shoma, Dressing the Feminine Body,
in Economic and Political Weekly, November 17, 2012,vol xlvii, no.46, pp.
20-24
10. The Anti-Rape Movement – The Political Visionof ‘Nari Mukti/ Sabki
Mukti’, December 15, 2013, https://kafila.org/
11. Gandopadhyay Monalisa, Impact on Hindu Hindutva Meets Globalisation: The
Urban Media Women, Florida International University, FIU Electronic
Theses and Dissertations, 14.07.2010
12. ibid
13. A. Appadurai, Modernity At Large: Cultural Dimensions Of Globalisation
(1996) cited in Maynard Margaret, Dress and Globalization, Manchester
University Press, Manchester, New York, 2004, p. 6
14. Tarlo Emma, Clothing Matters: Dress and Identity in India, C.Hurst and Co
Publishers,1996, p. 315
15. D.Nag, Fashion, Gender, and the Bengali Middle Class (1991) cited in
Maynard Margaret, Dress and Globalisation, Manchester University Press,
Manchester, New York, 2004, p. 81
A Perspective on Gender, Culture and Politics: the
Women Flower Vendors of Purba Medinipur District
Labani Dey
Research Scholar, Dept. of Sociology,
Vidyasagar University, West Bengal, India,
Email ID: labanidey@yahoo.com
Abstract
In the recent years, several attempts had been made to investigate the conceptual and material
bases of women’s historic exclusion from the formal arena of culture and politics. Various
Strategies are also adopted around the world to promote political participation/representation;
identify internal and external conditions and factors that facilitate or hinder the creation of
an enabling environment for women. In this backdrop, the present paper tries to analyze the
cultural underpinning and political participation of women related to flower vending business
in Purba Medinipur district of West Bengal. In the development context, women’s political
participation at the community and national levels will be reviewed for nuanced understanding
of the nature of women’s share in development processes and outcomes. On the other hand,
the underpinning cultural is also refered to as a backbone of social development in a civilization.
From our study, we found that there is gender discrimination in terms of politics and culture
with reference to flower vendors in Purba Medinipur district of West Bengal.
1. Introduction:
In the expressions of Great Poet Kazi Nazrul Islam,
“Whatever great or benevolent achievements
That are in this world
Half of that was by women
The other half by man”.
Women’s historic exclusion from political structures and processes is
the result of multiple structural, functional and personal factors that
vary in different social contexts across countries.
It is, therefore, imperative to critically review these constructs and
decode the gendered nature of democracy as well as Development,
which poses limitations on women’s effective political participation.
The elements of enabling environment for women’s participation in
politics and development cannot be discussed and identified without
putting the current development and political paradigms under scrutiny.
By the 1920s, after almost a century of uncontested rule, the version
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
of party politics had lost centrality and relevance even for male politics.
Like women before them, many men from business, the middle class,
and the strongest sectors of the working class had found more adequate
organizational tools in professional, trade-union, and interest
associations, ad-hoc leagues and single-issue movements, and more
direct relationships with the new welfare and administrative state. They
were thus able to bypass parties and the electoral market and to create
new political identities and social loyalties. In this context, even the
exercise of the right to vote ceased to be the fundamental "duty of
man," the constitutive element of manhood that it had been in the
previous century's political culture. From 1904 on, the decline in male
electoral participation perfectly paralleled the growing successes of the
woman suffrage movement. The explosion of the non-vote in the 1920s,
after the Nineteenth Amendment was enacted, gave rise to complaints
about women's want of Political Socialization, but the critical turning
point had taken place much earlier, and it concerned men.
Perhaps what kept women away from the polls was less their "lagging
behind" than their lack of identification with a representative machinery
that had been historically constructed and perceived as exclusively male
and that was losing legitimacy even among its own natural audience.
Another contextual issue in women’s political participation relates to
the nature of politics in general and the liberal democracy in particular.
Democracy has historically served men better than women. Women
have been kept outside the public domain of politics.
As mentioned above, one of the functions of a women’s wing is to
work on policy development within the party. Political parties must
ensure that their policies and priorities respond to the needs of women
and men, not only in terms of gender specific policy reforms, but also
ensuring that gender is mainstreamed into all the policies of the party.
This may be achieved through a policy committee that addresses gender
mainstreaming and signs off on all policies for compliance, or through
the provision of capacity building for party members.
In the interconnected world of today, external factors such as
globalization, international trade and economic polices impact the
development policies of the nation-states. Therefore, the creation of
enabling environment for women’s participation in politics and in
development cannot be viewed only within the boundaries of a country.
It must be linked with global factors. Thus, the responsibility to create
supportive environment for gender equality and advancement of
women as shared responsibility falls equally on the national and
international communities.
Interlocking layer of gender inequalities are rooted in the power structures
at the national and international levels. Development and the globalization
policies have led to increased poverty, exclusion and marginalization.
Structural forces must be challenged and transformed by linking them
with the rights of people. Without changing socio-cultural, political and
economic structural barriers at the national and international levels, the
goal of gender equality or women’s equal participation in politics and
development will remain impossible to attain.
Another important element in the enabling environment relates to the
nature of democracy and the level of democratization in society. The
participative and decentralized form of governance creates greater space
for citizens to participate in governance processes and structures. It also
creates space for greater interaction between the state and the society.
A strong women’s movement and civil society is another condition of
enabling environment that can influence the direction of politics and
development in favor of women.
In recent years, there has been a growing realization that development
goals cannot be realized unless gender inequalities are removed and
women are empowered to choose and decide about their own welfare,
the welfare of their families, and the communities in which they live. In
recent years, there has been a growing realization that development goals
cannot be realized unless gender inequalities are removed and women
are empowered to choose and decide about their own welfare, the welfare
of their families, and the communities in which they live. Though there
is a dearth in studies, some attempts are made to review those which are
based on the flower vending business as a source of empowerment of
the women as well as for creating the environment Gender equality.
Triple roles of women in productive, reproductive and community
management spheres must inform the efforts for creating supportive
environment for women’s political participation. Provision of childcare
and care work is vital to enabling women to participate in the
development processes.
Gender equality is considered an important issue for the United Nations
Development Program (UNDP) because gender inequality is an obstacle
to progress, a roadblock on the path of human development (UNDP,
2002, p.6). Gender equality can be achieved by providing visibility and
support to women’s contributions in the design, implementation,
monitoring and evaluation of policies and programs for the equal benefit
of men and women (Economic and Social Council, 1997).
Now, according to the ILO (2002), women take part in the informal
sector mainly as vendors because the activity is in most cases the only
option open to them to earn an income, while assuming the tasks related
to their reproductive roles. This is because the informal sector blends
very well with women’s domestic reproductive roles due to its flexibility,
low cost of entry and has low skill requirements (Cheng, 2005; Dang,
2002; Cohen et al., 2000).
In this regards, flower vending turns as an important source of income
for the women where the spatial conditions are in favour of floriculture.
Though there exists gender earnings differentials in which women
usually receive lower wage/income than man in the same occupation,
and this is true across all occupations.However there is a little research
on gender difference in work performance and empowerment issues,
and this is true across all occupation.
1.1. Objectives of our study

In this regard, the major objectives of our study are:
i) To assess the differential in cultural underpinning across gender
related to flower vending business in Purba Medinipur district of
West Bengal.
ii) To examine the nature of political participation across gender
related to flower vending business in Purba Medinipur.
Now the study is organized as follows: Section-2 depicts the
methodological part of our study. Section-3 analyzes the results
and discussion part. Lastly, in Section-4, we draw the conclusion
and also suggest some policies regarding the arena.
2. Methodology
The present study based on primary survey collected from several flower
market of Purba Medinipur District. Now, to assess cultural status and
political participation of flower vendor, cross sectional sampling survey
method is used through scheduled questionnaire. In drawing of samples,
the simple random sampling without replacement technique has been
used in our study. A simple random sample from finite population is a
sample selected such that each possible sample combination has equal
probability of being chosen. It is also called unrestricted random
sampling. Now, in simple random sampling without replacement
technique the population elements can enter the sample only once i.e.,
the units once selected is not returned to the population before the
next draw. In this backdrop, 200 women as well as 200 men flower
vendors are surveyed through our scheduled questionnaire in the flower
markets. In our study, gender disparities in terms of culture and politics
is analysed through three major dimensions, viz., political participation,
numbers of representative across gender in political parties and lastly,
participation in cultural activities like organization of festivals or
promoting community development etc.
3. Results & Discussion

In India numerous steps have been undertaken to provide constitutional
safeguards and institutional framework for activities for women welfare.
The development of women has been the central focus in development
planning since Independence. There have been various shifts in policy
approaches during the last 40 years from the concept of ‘welfare’ in
the 70s to ‘development’ in the ’80s, and now to ‘empowerment’ in the
’90s and afterwards. Now the emphasis is on the inclusion of women
in decision making and their participation at the policy formulation
levels.
The Government of India has declared the year 2001 as year for the
Empowerment of Women, but the struggle to reach this stage has
been long and arduous. The concern for women’s political equality in
India first emerged as a political issue during the national movement in
which women were active participants. As early as 1917, Indian women
raised the issue of representation in politics, which at a time meant a
demand for universal adult franchise. By 1929 women had the right to
vote on the basis of wifehood, property and education. Under the
Government of India Act, 1935, all women over 21 could vote provided
they fulfilled the conditions of property and education. Post-
Independence, women continued to play a significant role in less
conventional political activities such as environmental movement, anti-
alcohol agitation, peace movement and even revolutionary activities,
which equally affect power relationships as they have the capacity to
influence the state. Yet, politics proved to be a very inhospitable terrain
for women and continues to be the male bastion into which the entry
of women is severely restricted. Women continue to remain invisible
and marginalised in decision making bodies, leading to lack of a feminist
perspective in political decision making. It was only with the setting up
of the Committee on the Status of Women in India (CSWI) in
September, 1971 that the demand for greater representation of women
in political institutions in India was taken up in a systematic way. Earlier
the focus of the growing women’s movement had been on improving
women’s socio-economic position. The CSWI Report “Towards
Equality” (1974) reveals that political parties have “tended to see the
women voters and citizens as appendages of the males.........”. It also
refers to the ‘tokenism’ involved in having a few women’s rights on
account of their dependent and minority status. Recognising the
‘tokenism’ inherent in associating women representative through
election, co-option or nomination in local bodies, the report suggests
a more meaningful role of women in the structure of local
administration.
From our study, we found that, only 33 per cent of women flower
vendors of Purba Medinipur are more or less directly participate in
politics whereas the larger parts of them have a lacuna or feels
discouraging to take part in politics. On the other hand, 89 percent
male flower vendors take part in politics willingly. In our survey, we
found that the male flower vendor enjoys more power in selling their
flowers or to hold a market place through this kind of political
participation. This kind of participation helps them psychologically
stronger than women in terms of power execution. Likewise, the
percentage of female representative in the political parties is only 7.58
per cent whereas it is 22.47 per cent for the male counterpart. Therefore,
this scenario is typical. There are only a few instances of women holding
portfolios of Gramsabha or in Panchayat.
Again, when we look into the participation in cultural activities like
organization of festivals or promoting community development etc.,
we found that the cultural activities are also male dominated. Around
91 per-cent male flower vendors are positively nodded their head when
we ask them do they willingly take part in the cultural activities?.On the
other hand, considering the women flower vendors, we found that
only 30 per cent women take part in cultural activities. Again in this 30
per cent of women around 33.33 per cent women told us that the can
only take part in the cultural activities when they are in a female group.
Therefore, we may say that though now-a-days our government and
several national and international agencies sought to stop gender
discrimination but there is a still deep rooted problem in the grassroots
level in our society in terms of culture and politics.
4. Summary and Conclusion

Major findings from our study can be presented as follows:
i) There is clear gender discrimination in terms of political
participation for the women flower venders of Purba Medinipur
district.
ii) Representation of women flower vendor in political party as well
as in gramsabha and in panchayat is in very much poor state when
compared to its male counterpart in Purba Medinipur district of
West bengal.
iii) Participation rate in cultural activities is also very lower for the
women flower vendors in the area of our study.
From the analysis, we may say that society still have to do a lot for
enabling or crating the right environment for women to forward
them as an important part of social agent to banished the gender
discrimination in terms of cultural and political obligations.
In this regard some major policies which may be recommended are as
follows:
i) Clear guidelines for modalities and implementation of affirmative
measures that lead to empowering women and creating their ability
to critically engage with the state and the society for a social change
and gender equality should be developed.
ii) Research, documentation and dissemination of successful
experiences in the world is needed to promote women’s participation
in politics and development.
iii) The Govt. should play its role to humanize globalization processes
by advocating legislation that addresses imperfection of the market.
iv) The Govt. should develop a system that works towards narrowing
the gender gap in education, health and employment.
Caste, Gender, Education: Bagdi Women of Bengal -
A Historical Study
Milan Roy
Ph. D Research Scholar
Department of History, University of Kalyani
Email Id: milanroy33@gmail.com
Abstract
From the very primitive age, the Bagdi women had to lead their lives through neglegencies at
each and every step unlike the women of higher Class. Though these oppressed and neglected
women were victimised by the higher class, they have not been lost from the society. Extreme
poverty and wretchedness made them engage in various professions. The unequal distribution
of labour among various sexes is a very important characteristic of this male dominated
society. The Bagdi are grouped in non-Aryan Community and are out of the four Caste
System of the Hindu Religion. But in course of time, they came into contact with the Aryan
and found their way into the lower Caste of Hinduism. Many of the Bagdi Women live by
fishing. Besides, wood collection, fishing net making, vegetable-collection and their sale ect.
are also the means of their occupation. Despite these remarkable contributions of the Bagdi
Women in the field of cultivation and cultivation based industry, they are socially neglected.
In 2001, the literacy rate of the Bagdi community was 47.7% of which 60.4% are male
and 34.8% are female. That is why, we should try our hands to improve and rejuvenate their
lives instead of treating them a mere trifling being.
Key words
Bagdi, Poverty, Feminization, Community, Literacy Rate, Development
In spite of the unprecedented development of science that man has

ever had, he has become unable to extricate himself from the mentality
of his wild fierceness. And for that very reason female are oppressed
and neglected even today. The women are compared to the sudras and
animals in the ancient holy books including the Vedas and Purans.1
Especially the women of the Scheduled Caste and backward classes
have had to live in negligence at every step from very beginning of the
civilization. They were brought one hundred times back in comparison
to the women of the upper classes. It is extreme poverty which forced
them to get into several professions. In spite of these negligence,
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
oppression and drastic class distinction, they have not lost themselves.
Their effortless and incessant struggle against various preventive powers
of the society had fuelled their existence in the society. They are earning
on that struggle for existence even today.
The Bagdi were one of the primitive native groups of people who
inhabited in the eastern India before the Aryan settlement.2 As they
spring from Austric group, they are called proto-Australoid. The
successors of this group are known as the most primitive and native
group of Bengal.3 The Bagdi, a lower-most ancient community is known
as a warrior race. The Bagdi are what we know today, the most primitive
Bengali race. They fall in the same category as the bauri and Bhuinyas.4
According to census of 1872 and 1881 Sadgopes are in majority, the
Bagdi got majority towards the 1901.5 The educated society of that
time was quietly indifferent to the various problems faced by bagdi
women. The bottomless pride and conceit of the bureaucratic Aryans
of the India had lost the so called lower caste society aside and there
depriving it of all the amenities enjoyed by the Aryans. This tradition is
still alive. The caste system develops a kind of discrepancy among the
higher caste holders at all India level and as a consequence of which
various races sometimes assign their ranks and status according to the
caste system of that particular society at large, not according to the
criteria of the local race system.6 “Kalkkrishna Harswanga harswabahu,
mahahanu hraswapani nimnasagra raktaksho tamramudhaza”—the
hymes from the ‘Bhagawat Purana’ proves that there was a tendency
of minoriating and underestimating the people of lower caste-
community.7 Dispersion of that antique poison like verity of race from
the minds of higher caste people has not been possible. The people of
upper class always cherish some kind of malice in their minds as a
result of which they don’t hesitate to call the people of lower class by
the ‘Pahariya’, ‘Buno’, ‘Jangli’, ‘Asur’, ‘Rakshas’ etc. Though oppressed a
lot by the upper classes, they never raised any movement against them.
It is because of the primitive caste system of Hinduism called
‘Varnashram’ to which they adhered to very much.8
In the eighteenth century, widow marriage was strictly restricted among
the people of higher classes like Brahmin, Kshatriya, Baishya etc, but
to the Bagdi community, Widow Marriage was always welcome. This
kind of marriage was called ‘Sanga’ which was also in run among other
lower caste of India. Towards the early 19th century though the trends
of widow marriage in the various lower communities, was gradually
getting down by the influence of advancing modern culture, in the
case of the Bagdi and Dom community it was in to full rum.9 The
upper castes, however would consider this custom as the sign of the
Bagdis’ social decay. Manu criticised this widow marriage system by
labelling it as “a custom of wild animals” to the Hindus, this widow
marriage was legal though not as estimable and majestic as normal
system of marriage. They considered it as ‘self-assigned pact’.10 And
that is why, the custom of the ‘Gayahalud’ during this marriage abolished.
In Bengal this type of marriage was called “Sagai” while in northern
India; it was called “Nika”. Then the great mass of uneducated working
classes, with rather vague notions as to the scriptures, but strong in
their reverence for Brahmans, and keen to appreciate points of social
precedence.11
Though neglected and oppressed, the Bagdi women were not out of
use because they accompanied their males in the struggle for honour
and existence. Extreme poverty, lack of personal or family land and
after all the lack of substitute job, forced them socio-economically
back dated Bagdi women, to resort the job of temporary contractual
labour in order to save themselves. They say—“If we do not work
who will provide us fooding and lodging? If we seek help to the riches,
they broom us out of gate, so it is better to live by our own hands than
to extend them for alms”. They also say—“we all are akin to God; so,
why should we be regarded as mean impure and untouchable? If we
would have been impure, we would not worship the God, rather those
who treat us impure, are themselves impure”.12 The Bagdi women,
basically do two sorts of work. Firstly, they do the house hold work.
Beside collecting of fuel-wood and fodder, their farming, fishing,
fishing-net making, shovling etc. are also enlisted to how they earn.
They even do the work of cultivating like paddy planting, reaping etc.
with their male partners.13 During the busy season the males do have
any work while the females have not rest from work because they are
very expert and industrious. It is their assiduousness that never let
them free from work. Some of the Bagdi women earn by the selling of
fishes. Rising very early, they walk out to fish with their males or
themselves clad in shares worn tightly and shortly, the Bagdi women
of Sundarban with their kids go out to catch fish, crabs and baby prawn.
In this work they are more efficient than males. They are to even face
the dangers of crocodiles, snake, tiger and sharks while doing this work.
Women of about age level 60 are hardly seen in this area due to their
bone-breaking labour, which they do to live.14 Besides, they collect
various kind of vegetable from farmers and they sell it to the nearby
city market. These vegetable seller Bagdi women are found mostly in
the districts of Nadia, South and North 24 Parganas.15 As they are
untouchable by race, their washed cloths are re-washed with Gangetic
water by the women of upper classes before they wear it.16 It is however
a far question that these Bagdi women are allowed to in the worship-
room of the upper classes, they are not even allowed to their rooms in
the house of upper classes.
In this male dominate social system, distributions of labour on the
basis of sexes is very remarkable.17 The trend of unequal distributions
of work between male and female is going on from the very tender of
human civilization. And owing to this inequality, the women are more
and more neglected and oppressed, the sign of which is, as we notice,
reflected to our ancient Indian books and Hymens.18 The male stream
response to this position has varied. The class is a coherent and
important area of study in its own right and the class theory does not
need to concern itself with questions of gender.19 The bulkiness of
this inequality is in increasing process. The dangerous and unreasonable
crave for male children fuelled to the increasing fire of negligence on
the female children. The evidence of this kind of negligence is mostly
found in the northern part of India. And the percentage of the labour,
women’s of the rural area working in the corn field and in the industry
related to cultivation, is 89%. According to a survey in one hector
cornfield a pair of bull works 106 hours, a male labour works 1212
hours, while a female labour works 3485 hours per year.20 Lately, male
labours tend to do works which have no connection with cultivation
because they aim at earning greater. And for this reason, they are going
to work under various contractors leaving their conventional based
families are lead and conducted by women, this called “Feminization
of Women”. They labour a lot but are paid very less and thus they are
gradually forced to embrace death caused by several fatal diseases. They
are to remain contented with matnutrituos megre meal and sometimes
with fasting.21 Beside these simple, commonplace and uneducated Bagdi
women are duped by improper estimation of wages. It has been seen
that they received 25.7% of their earnings. For the women it is better
to choose several household small industries for earning than to resort
to unorganized industries because in household small industries they
can well maintain their family side by side it.22 Out of the total Dalit
population in India, 23% (18,452,555) people live in West Bengal and
the total number of Bagdi worker is 778,889 (male 636238 and female
142,651). Of the female Worker maximum are from scheduled caste,
tribe and other backward classes. Though the Bagdi women have tried
a lot to make distinction of them in the midst of the male, these very
efforts of them have gone in vain. Despite several restrictions and
prohibitions, the Bagdi women never want their successors be inherited
to this negligence. But they fail frequently by the ruthless nature.
SL Bagdi, Total Rural Urban

Duley Workers
1. Total Workers
Total 1,111,539 1046,720 64,819

Male 779,012 729,509 49,503
Female 332,527 317,211 15,316
2. Main Workers
Total 778,889 725,598 53,291

Male 636,238 593,890 42,348
Female 142,651 131,708 10,943
3. Marginal Workers
Total 332,650 321,122 11,528
Male 142,774 135,619 7,155
Female 189,876 185,503 4,373
State Primary Census for Individual Scheduled caste 2001.
The student of these lower caste are forced to sit separately in the
classrooms even now a days in the districts of Midnapure, Birbhum
and Purulia23 while at Jhargram in the in the Midnapur district teacher
order their lower caste student to bring their personal mat from home.24
If a student of lower caste is unable to make out a topic, the concerned
teacher never guide him. But as in the district of Birbhum and Bankura
the majority of upper caste people are comparatively less, the intensity
of tyranny to the lower caste people is also less. But the upper classes
always try to find chances of satiating their ambition of lower caste
oppression.25 This very matter is reflected in the novels of Tarashankar
Bondopadhyay such as-–“Hansuli Banker Upokatha”, “Ganadevata”,
“Panchagram” etc. At Rohini, people of Dom, Hanri etc. castes are to
wear bells while going out, so that the people of upper-class can be
cautious of their coming. It was mandatory for the upper classes people
including Brahmins to have a sacred bath in case they come into touch
with a lower caste people by chance. Besides, if they even come into
visual contact with these lower people willingly, it was an ominous
event for them. These higher class people even don’t drink water from
lower class people and also the barbers deny shaving them.26 Beside
while passing by a Brahmin’s house, they are to put their shoes off.
Drinking of water from tube wells and wells in strictly prohibited. They
can only use the tube-wells and wells made by Government. Sometimes
when they become unable to bring water from distant places, they are
to satiate their thirst from dirty pond and river water. Naturally, the
outbreak of arsenic and other water-conveyed diseases because very
easy for their locality. The people of these bagdi communities have no
right to participate in any festival organized by upper classes whether it
is indoor or outdoor. Sometimes, though they are allowed to in any
festival or feast, they are ordered to have their meals with the rest items
left by the people of upper classes.
In today’s third world, the condition of these marginal women is worse
than even domestic animals. The women race has been used in several
times in several revolutions, against revolutions, protesting agitations
etc, yet they have not been given any recognition in society. The
condition of the lower class women is worse than those of upper class.
They have no recognized place in the in the history, and culture of the
upper class as well as in their own classes. They are neglected, oppressed
and exploited. They have no right to opine in the family, only have
right to do duty and work till their last breath. Actually, in each and
every sphere of the society, women fall in the same machine of
exploitation, oppression and negligence.27 The formation of Self-Help
Groups at the grass root level among the Bagdi Caste helped them to
alleviate poverty. In the present study it is observed that 93.6% of the
groups had regular savings. (2006)28
In 1996, there were merely 9.9% of female officers in Indian
Administrative Service (I.A.S) and in India Police Service (I.P.S) there
percentage was more less (2.2%), though there is a little increase of
this percentage in recent years and some kind of change is also found
in the outlook of the upper class towards the lower.29 For instance, this
year (2014), however, the first four I.C.S rankers are female. This has
created a new hope to the females. But one thing is there which can’t
be denied that the women of the marginal or lower-caste like Bagdi are
still very far from this hope of being an I.A.S, I.P.S officer. Actually,
they are kept disappeared from the education map of India. And the
hope of higher education for them is like “building castle in the air”.
Even today’s modern India, about 12 crore and 50 lakh children of the
age between 5 to 14 years don’t go to primary school.
Gender Gap In Literacy
Year 1961 1971 1981 1991 1961-71 1971-81 1981-91 1961-91
Rural 12.06 23.05 25.76 40.13 10.99 2.71 14.37 29.07

Areas
Urban 36.14 52.55 42.95 55.67 16.41 -9.04 12.72 19.53

Area
All Area 13.75 24.33 27.27 41.57 10.63 2.94 14.30 27.87
(Rural+
Urban)
Note:30
If Bagdi women go out to work, the remaining female teenagers of

that family are to take the hurdle of hard work. Basically, these female
teenagers are to do the work of looking after their younger brothers
and sisters, fuel-wood collecting, foddering their domestic animals and
after all cooking. They are sometimes seen to join their mothers who
are to go outside to work. Lately, the Bagdi girls are seen to do the
work of sewing and go to other unorganized sectors for various types
of job. Their earned money comes in help to the study of their younger
brothers and sisters.31 And for this very reason; they fail to go to the
distant schools. Though sometimes they got admitted to school, they
fail to carry it on because of their huge engagement in family work.
According to a survey made in 1984, if 60% of rural marginal girl are
admitted in school, it is however, seen 5 years later that the percentage
decreased to only 16%. For boys, the decreased percentage is 35%.32
And the Bagdi girls face the troubles in their homes at first while trying
to continue their own education. The main cause of this hindrance is
that the males of these families think that their dominance over females
will be hampered if they allow them to take education. In 2001 the
literacy rates of bagdi caste is 47.7% (male 60.4% and female 34.8) and
the gender gap in literacy of Bagdi Caste is 25.5%. The percentage in
age group 5-14 years has been attending is very low. As regarded the
level of above matriculation the Bagdi caste recorded 4.9% of their
literates.33
SL.No Name of Scheduled Caste Literacy Male Female
Rate(Total)
1. All Scheduled Caste 59.0 70.5 46.9
2. Sunri (Excluding Saha) 82.5 92.7 71.4
3. Pod 72.1 83.5 59.9
4. Namasudra 71.9 80.6 62.8
5. Bagdi 47.7 60.4 34.8
6. Bauri 37.5 51.8 27.7
Sources : Office of the Rigister General, India
Extreme poverty, tendency of intoxication and after all the lack of

modern and advanced thought are mainly the cause of distressfulness,
and backwardness of these Bagdi women. Actually the males have given
several opportunities in our society so that they become economically
and socially self-dependent, while on the other hand females deprived
of such opportunities. As a consequence of it they are left thousands
of miles back by the males regarding advancement, education etc.
Generally the women of lower castes suffer more than those of the
upper classes. Even now, the half of the total women in India is illiterate.
It is because we frequently forget the gospel truth that the base of the
development of every modern country is its female resource. Therefore,
the more we seek advancement of our society, the more we feel the
necessity of utilization of our women resource.
The women at present are trying to tear out of the shackles of
negligence and being trifles. In the male dominated society, even the
woman of the upper class also becomes victims of distinction and
inequality. A kind of democratic thought is seen to develop in the
minds of these women. It is because their decisions are prioritized
during their conducting of family by self earning.34 Though there has
been a lot of changes happened in the socio-economic condition of
free India, no variation is, however found in the thoughts of male
domination as well as in the family tradition. And the Bagdis are carrying
this consuetude most predominantly. The women of various lower
and marginal castes including the Bagdis are persistently trying their
hands to relive themselves from this incessant and arduous life. So, on
entire and full-fledged development should be made to happen to these
marginal women instead of judging them by numbers, treating then as
triffles. If we can do this, the proper improvement will be possible to
take place to their distressful lives. Therefore, the activities of these
women in their effort to development, should be pervaded to all other
backward classes so that there creates a possibility of encouraging and
stimulus environment. Of course it is a matter of hope that recently
the advancement is set on now, yet it is in initial position and hence it
should be fuelled.
References
1) Bandyopadhyay, Kalyani, (2000). Nari Shrani O Barna, Manuscript India,
Hawra, p. 19.
2) Risley, H.H, (1881). The Tribes and Caste of Bengal, Vol-I, Reprint,Firma
K.L. Calcutta, p. 37.
3) Majumder, R.C, (1352). Bangladesher Itihas, Part-I, General Pinters and
Publishers Ltd., CaLcutta, Pp. 9-10.
4) Dalton, E.T, (1872). Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, Calcutta, Office of the
Superintendent of Gov. Printing, p. 327.
5) Census of India, 1901, Vol 6 A, Part 2, Pp- 26-27.
6) Basu, Yogesh Chandra, (1416). Medinipurer Itihas, Vol, I and II, 1st edition,
Sadesh, Kolkata, Pp. 66,110.
7) Ghosh, Subodh, (1355). Bharoter Adibashi, Indian Asociated Publishing
pvt. Ltd, Calcutta, p. 3.
8) Cohn, Bernard S., (1998). An Anthropologist among the Historians and other
Essays, London, Oxford University Press, p. 556.
9) Risley, H.H, (1881).The Tribes and Caste ofBengal,Vol,-I, Reprint,Firma K.L.
Calcutta, P. lxxxiv.
10) Wise, James, (2002). The Races, Castes, and Trades of Eastern Bengal’ (‘Purbo
Bangar Bivinno Jati, Barno O Peshar Biboran’ Translated by Fajlul Korim,
Dakha, p. 28.
11) Risley, H.H, (1915). The People of India, Calcutta, & Simla, Thcker & Co.,
p.185.
12) Field Work, Sabita Dule, age 38, Nadia, Singha Danga, Date-13.04.2015
13) Roy, Bharati, (1999). From Independence towards Freedom: Indian Women since
Nineteen Forty Seven’, Oxford University Press, p. 58.
14) Ray, Ranjan, Chakraborty, Indranil and Bhattacharyya, Nandini, (2002).
“A Study Among Some ‘Meendharas’ Of Sunderbans”, West Bengal in
Anthropology: Trends and Applications: Anthropologist Special Issue No. 1:83-89,
p. 2.
15) Field Work, Duley Para, Near Krishnagar, Nadia, Date-15.04.2015.
16) Srinivas, M.N, (1970). Caste in Modern India and Other Essays, Asia Publishing
House, Bombay, p. 77.
17) Sarma, Jyotirmoyee, (1963). ‘A Village In West Bengal’, Indian Village, Ed.
by M.N Srinivas, Asia Publishing House, Bombay, pp. 191,193.
18) Abbott, Pamela and Sapsford, Roger, (1987). Women and Social Class,
Tavistock Publications, London, P. 7.
19) Sen, Amatrya, (1418 in Beng) Jibonjatra O Arthonite, Ananda Publishers,
Kolkata, p. 173.
20) Padmanavan, B.S., (2001). ‘Krishikhatra Mahilader Khamotayon’, Yojona,
Janyury, p. 33.
21) Khatun, Amena and Mohiuddin, Helai (2006). Gender Dimensions Occupational
Helth Hazards, Center for Applied Social Studies, Dhaka, pp. 55, 56.
22) Ghosh, Saswati, (2003). ‘Mayader Kaj: Khamotar Anoyo Nam?’in Bengali
Yojona, March, p. 9.
23) The Statesman, 11 Nov. 2001.
24) Gupta, Anis, (1997). ‘The Outcasts’, Sunday, 2-8 Nov. pp. 48-50.
25) Sen, Suchibrata, (2006). ‘Birbhumer Atit o Bartoman Samajchitra:
sangkhipta Samiksha’, Paschimbanga, Birbhum Jela Sankha, Kolkata, Tathya
O Sanskriti Bivag, Feburary, p. 111.
26) Dasgupta, Satadal, (1993). Caste Kinship and Community, University Press,
Hyderabad, p. 72
27) Maji, Biplab, (Year not Mention). Ecofeminism Naribaad O Tritio Duniar
Prantik Nari in Bengali, Anjali Publisirsh, Kolkata, p. 74.
28) Murty, N. Sreerama, (2011). ‘Empowerment of Women Self Groups in
Bhimavaram Town’,Women empowerment Issues and Challenges, Ed. by D Pulla
Rao, The Associated Publishers, Delhi, p. 69.
29) Xaxa, Virginius (2007). ‘Women and Gender in the Study of Tribe in
India’,Women and Social Reform in modern India, ed. by Sumit Sarkar and
Tanika Sarkar, Permanent Black, New Delhi, pp. 172-73.
30) Proceedings of the National Seminar on Gender Statistics and Data Gaps, Central
Statistical Organisation, Ministry of Statistics and Programme
Implementation, Government of India, Goa, 2004, pp.149-51.
31) Bennett, Arnold, (1923). Our Women, Cassell and Company Ltd, London,
p. 142.
32) Joyantee,C. (2001). ‘Sikshar Madhoma Mayader Khamatadan’, Yojona,
August, p. 11.
33) West Bengal Data Highlights: Scheduled Caste, Census of India 2001.
34) Das, Amal, (2013). Bharat Itihase Nimnobargar Nari Shromik Eder Sankat O
Sangram in Bengali, Progotishil Prokashak, Calcutta, p. 31.
Zenanas in the gaze of Katherine Mayo in
20th Century Bengal
Moumita Datta
Lecturer ,Vidyasagar College
moumita001@gmail.com
Email ID: moumita0967@yahoo.co.in
Abstract
This is an article dedicated to the peoples of India and Bengal particularly, but the realistic
account which it gives of Indian and Bengal life was written certainly with little consideration
for the susceptibilities of the Indian people and Bengalis. One gains the impression that the
author's first impressions of India and Bengal must have been gained from some of the
travellers from the orient who visit India and Bengal from time to time. At any rate, Katherine
May was distinctly disappointed with India and Bengal. She was disappointed particularly
with the condition of the women the visited the native women in their homes and in the
hospitals and was especially inquisitive about such matters like child marriage, child birth
etc. She had little or no sense for the sanctities of family life and for tradition and ritual that
made all the stupid practices of family life sacred and inviolable. In her practical western
way she concerned hereby about material things like health, physical pain etc. This article
therefore is not a travellers or a white women's tale; neither is it quite what its author would
like to have made it, an example of sociological research. It probably doesn't do India and
Bengal "Justice" which no imperial account does, but it still give us a glimpse of the imperial
outlook towards the native women.
Key words
Imperial, white women, femininity, masculine, purdah, mother, Hindus.
Zenanas in the gaze of Katherine Mayo in 20th Century Bengal

The white women were ambiguously placed within the imperial design.
Though their position was quite unenviable at home, their new found
status in the colony vested them with certain powers, not only over the
colonized women, but also over the men. Though barren to exercise
direct and formal powers, white women experienced the privileges and
problems of imperialism in ways different from their men. Though
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
barred to exercise direct & formal powers, white women experienced
the privileges and problems of imperialism in ways different from their
men. They were neither an executive part of the empire nor enjoyed
the direct profits that Europe & her men did. But nonetheless they
had their own moments of racial pride and prejudice and exercised
certain authority over the colonized women and men, authority which
had trickled down from imperial masculinity.
The geographical, tangible space that the colony created, not only helped
the empire in dumping her cheap machine made goods, but abo relieved
her of surplus population. Men and women flocked into the colonies
in search of better life and brighter prospects, specially in the time of
industrial revolution in England. But not all women were accompanying
their husband or brother like Fanny parks and Emily Eden for wrong
reasons. They came in India with enormous curiosity and a critical eye
for the oriental ways of life and living. From 1860 onward, white women
started coming in great numbers as resident wives in India. More than
their own initiative, the imperial rulers thought settlement of white
woman in the colony would help to further "The imperial identity".
Also it was thought that white women would help the rulers to maintain
their aloofness towards towards native women and these curb interracial
mixing, which became very necessary in the post 1857 era. The influx
of white women in the Indian society, gave rise to some complicated
and variegated racial and cultural relations that moulded the impression
of the white women towards their native counterparts.
The native women presented herself to the white women in many
forms. Indrani Sen's 'Memsahibs writing: colonial narratives on Indian
women' upholds this view. According to the author, the white women
of the colonial India wrote extensively regarding themselves. These
women, during their years of residence in the county, were prolife
writers, they maintained journals and diaries, wrote novels, penned their
memories. They wrote their biographers, came from various strata of
society. Some of them were wives of the colonial administrators while
others were "barrack wives" .The white women left behind many
memoirs, letters and autobiographies, which have been examined by
recent researchers.1
During the nineteenth and twentieth century, theories of race were
being propagated both by science and by press. Science of racism came
into form based on the old concept of the great chain of being even
before Darwin came out with his 'Origin of species' in 1859. Racial
stereotyping gained momentum stressing the unequal nature of
evolution of creations and hence their unequal and arrested
development. In much of the literature of the day, the Irish, Negroes,
Indians etc. were held to be inferior, an example of lower evolutionary
forms. Cartoons portrayed them as demonic with ape-like features.
They were attributed with character qualities like poetic, light hearted,
imaginative, highly emotional, playful, passionate, sensual and
sentimental – characteristics the Victorians associated with children
and women. Thus these races were "immature" and required guidance
by the more highly evolved species than themselves the English – an
irrefutable reason Britain concocted while making its colony. The
colony's emotion was contrasted with the English "reason", colony's
femininity with English "Masculine virtues", colony's poetic attributes
with the English "pragmatism". There arguments conveniently
supported British rule over the colonies. While ruling the lesser mortals
was justified, reasons had to be found out to perpetuate the rule. The
Indians were termed an effeminate race and in 1850s Fanny Parks
remarked " women have more influence over men in India than in any
other country". The native menfolk were under the tyranny of the
purdah women and hence unable to rule the country. Maud Diver in the
early 20th Century described India as " a women country …. aloof, yet
alluring, like one of her own purdah princesses " Such gendered
construction fuelled the racial and hierarchical relation between the
colonized and the colonizes thus furthering the subordination and
exploitation of the colony. White women (mainly middle class), inspite
of being victims of sexism in their own country, could not identify the
exploitation of the native women or their helplessness. Instead, their
visions were fogged by imperial superiority when they dealt with native
women who were not only burdened with the imbalances of their
relations with their own men and society but also the brutal arrangement
of hierarchical rules and restrictions that structured their new relation
with imperial men and women.2
The colony became a "fantastic magic lantern of the mind onto which
Europe projected its forbidden sexual desires and fears." The colony
served dual purposes. First, it satiated the instincts and desires and
whatever were forbidden at home. Second it served a cathartic purpose
by inspiring awe, horror and fear. It provided a fantasy relaxation and
pleasure to the paranoid rulers to pretend that it was the "other" which
is dark, pervert and low and they were there to put things right. The
white female gaze too sought its satiation either by being appreciative
and almost all the time trying to be correctional. Whatever it was, the
colony completely occupied the mind of the female colonizer; her
mirror of missing dreams and anticipated night mares.3
Katherine Mayo has an important contribution in this regard. Katherine
mayo" 'Mother India' published in 1927 may have been the most
explosive bit of American Journalism to make its mark on the history
of British imperialism, Indian nationalism and inter–war feminism.
Based an her expose of some of the horrific conditions under which
women in India and Bengal lived in the early twentieth century like
poor sanitation, unsafe childbirth, rampant illiteracy and malnutrition.
She says, "The whole pyramid of the hindu's woes, material and spiritual
– poverty, sickness, ignorance, political minority, melancholy,
ineffectiveness, not forgetting that subconscious conviction of
inferiority which he for ever bares and advertises by his gnawing and
imaginative alertness for social affronts- rests upon a rock-bottom
physical base. This base, is simply, his manner of getting into the world
and his sex-life thence forward."4
She further says, "In the great orthodox Hindu majority, the girl looks
for motherhood nine months after reaching puberty – or anywhere
between the ages of fourteen and eight. The latter age is extreme,
although in some sections not exceptional; the former is well above
the average. Because of her years and upbringing and because countless
generations behind her have been bred even as she, she is frail of body.
She is also completely unlettered, her stock of knowledge comprising
only the ritual of worship of the household idols, the rites of placation
of the wrath of deities and evil spirits, and the detailed ceremony of
the service of her husband, who is ritualistically her personal god."
"As to the hand, he may be a child scarcely older than herself or he
may be a widower of fifty, when first he requires of her his conjugal
rites. In any case, whether from immaturity or from exhaustion, he has
small vitality to transmit"- she says. She further says, "the little mother
goes rough a destructive pregnancy, ending in a confinement whose
peculiar torture, will not be imagined unless in detail explained. The
infant that survives the birth strain– a feeble creature at best, bankrupt
in bone – stuff and vitality, often venereally poisoned, always
predisposed to any malady that may be afloat – must look to his child
mother for care. Ignorant of the laws of hygiene , guided only by the
most primitive superstitions, she has no helpers in her task other then
the older women of the household, whose knowledge , despite their
years, is little greater than hers. Because of her place in the social system,
child bearing and matters of procreation are the woman's own interest
in life, her one subject of conversation, be her caste high or low.
Therefore, the child growing up in the home learns from earliest grasp
of word & act, to dwell upon sex relations."5
This book is primarily a tremendous frontal attack upon the whole
social system of India and Bengal in all its aspects, and by implication
one of the most powerful defences of the British raj that has even
been written. In a sense it contains nothing that is really new. All who
know anything of Indian are aware, of course, of the prime evils of
Hinduism, of the horrors of the child marriage system, of the
universality of sexual vice in its most extravagant forms, of the
monstrously absurd brutalities of the caste system, of the filthy personal
habits of even the most highly educated classes – which, like the
degradation of hindu women, are unequalled even amongst the most
primitive. African or Australian savages – of the universal cruelty to
animals, and of the equally universal prevalence of laziness,
untruthfulness, cowardice and personal corruption which in the code
of 'Mother India' are not recognized as faults at all. But these evils
have never before, within living memory at any rate, been described
for English readers as faithfully and as ruthlessly as miss Mayo describes
them. The reason for this is not far to seek English officials and even
missionaries have never cared to write quite frankly about India, because
of the possibly disastrous repercussions of such frankness upon their
own work out there. They have not sought to paint the Hindu as he is,
simply because it was with the Hindu that they were seeking to establish
friendly relations and also perhaps because one or two efforts in this
direction, made by early missionaries, produced some extremely
embarrassing results.6
Miss Mayo, however, as an American – naturally inclined to be critical
of the British raj – had no such qualms. She tells without reticence
what she has seen and the picture she draws is so appalling that no
civilized reader could fail to hope that its horrors are exaggerated. But
they are not. The documented narrative is completely convincing, so
convincing that it is hard to think of any adequate answer even to the
statement made to Miss Mayo by one of the most eminent of European
International Public Health Authorities: "It is a question of adaptation
and of the evolution of a sub-grade of existence on which they (the
Hindus) now survive. The British are to blame for the world threat
which they now constitute (as a breading ground for disease). If the
British had not protected them the virile races of the North would
have wiped them out."7
Under the British peace the population of India has increased by fifty
millions in about fifty years, and it is the more degenerate sections of
the population, of course, which have increased most prolifically.8
Miss Mayo's plain description of the evils of child marriage is likely to
come as a revelation even to those who are already aware of the more
obviously vicious features of the system.9 She cites curt hospital reports
little girls of five legally torn to bits by husbands of fifty, and much
more often than not unaffected with venereal disease even before they
have reached their very early age of puberty.10 But many of them are
injured in ways which in Europe would be regarded as instances of
extreme sexual perversity. But amongst the hindus all that was quite
normal. The system is defended even by the most highly educated
classes. Gandhiji depreciates European interference with practices
sanctioned by ancient Hindu tradition. Rabindranath Tagore expresses
the same view.11
In short the Hindu view on this point is universal even amongst those
who understand the standards of the west. These girl babies can never
be saved by Indian public opinion since even the Gandhis and the
Tagores regard any form of restrictive legislation as a tyrannous
interference, on the part of an essentially alien and irreligious authority,
with the traditional principles of their ancient faith. Under aged girls
were forced into the institution of marriage, lest the foundations of
Hinduism be shaken. The small boys are taught to indulge their sexual
appetites three times a day, and so they become old men at an age
when European youth are seeking Olympic honours. All this Miss Mayo
regards as the fundamental damnation of India and Bengal. She is bit
partial in her opinion, she says compared to Hindus, Muslims are
comparatively free from this sub-human vices.12
By carefully reconstructing the "Mother India" controversy through
research conduted in Britain, U.S.A and India, historian Mrinalini Sinha
argues that the publication of this book by Mayo was a transformative
moment once the book entered public circulation, it was appropriated,
challenged and criticized by Indian nationalist and social reformers.
Sinha calls the controversy a "disruptive and enabling event", that
produced a realignment of different political strategies for these involved
in world wide interwar disputes about self government, agonistic
liberalism and women's right.13
At first glance, the primary historical narrative of the book appears
modest.14 The interwar years bracket the main development detailed in
the book, with a particular focus on the publication of 'Mother India'
in the summer of 1927 and the passage of the child marriage Act in
October 1929.15 Sinha describes the ups and downs of political party
conferences negotiations between different constituencies, legislative
debates and so on, particularly in the later half of the book when the
Indian women and social reformers responded to the charges directed
at them by Mayo.16
Yet underlying the rigorous archival research in this monograph are
several important theoretical and methodological innovations. Building
on the concept of an "imperial social formation" which she developed
in her book (Sinha: Colonial Masculinity, Manchester,1995). She calls the
'Mother India' controversy based on the tensions between anti-imperial
liberals and pre-imperial conservatives, between feminist who disagreed
about whether colonial involvement could improve women's lives,
between American and British publics who debated how to understand
Mayo's charges and between American and British leaders who made a
peculiar alliance as a new American imperial social formation emerged
after the World War I.17
One of the most innovative arguments in this book is about the
changing relationship between the "social" sphere and those that are
characterized as "political". Splitting the two spheres as Partha Chatterjee
has argued for colonial India, allowed the agents of the colonial state
to construct the rule of colonial difference in which India as well as
Bengal could never bridge the gap between its own cultural difference
and a modern universal polity that included democracy and civil society,
in Partha Chatterjee's formulations, this split legitimized British colonial
governance. Sinha uses this argument to show that the thrust of Mayo's
position was that the social ills of Indian society precluded India and
Bengal from becoming a political entity. The separation between the
social and the political spheres allowed Mayo to demand that the colonial
state carry on ruling India and Bengal, as Indians and Bengalis in
particular didn't have the ability to rule themselves.18
Indian nationalist opponents quickly seized on Mayo's arguments to
question why the colonial state had done so little to improve the
condition of Indian and Bengali women and had resisted social reform.
By making the social life of Indians a political issue, Indian nationalist,
social reformers and women's groups were able to puncture the conceit
of Mayo's book and create a new logic in which women's right were
seen to be the object of a reform minded state. Thus issues that had
been kept within the 'inner' and 'spiritual' domain of community in the
late nineteenth century, with the consent of Indian nationalist patriarchy
were brought into the 'outer' domain of colonial governmentality.
Questions involving how Hindu and high caste communities dealt with
marriage, inheritance and child sexuality broke into the realism of
state politics as a rights based discourse emerged in the late 1920s’.
Indian feminists emerged this new universal language of rights to forge
a collective political and legal subjectivity as women and argued that
they ought to he offered legislative protections by the state rather than
be left to the regulations of caste & religious communities. Through
their opposition to Mayo's claims and their support for the 'Sarda
Act', the organized Indian women's movement demonstrated their
collective agency and used a political strategy to improve the social
status of women in India as well as Bengal, thereby breaking down the
separation between the political and social boundaries that had long
existed between nationalist and colonial patriarchy.
This is an extremely crafted and rightly argued book about the
importance of situating events historically, examining the process of
contingency and following the different reception of a single event in
a range of geographical, cultural and political domains. A dense historical
narrative substantiates ambitious and innovative theoretical claims and
that will make this book an important model of scholarship for years
to come.
References
1. 'Mother India', Thirty years after Mother India by Katherine Mayo review
by A.M. Rosenthal, Foreign Affairs, Vol -35 (4), July 1957, pp. 620 -630.
Memsahibs Writing : Colonial Narratives on IndianWomen, Indrani Sen, Orient
longman, 2008.
2. 'Mother India' by Katherine Mayo, Mrinalini Sinha, review by Sarah
Hodges, International Journal of Hindu Studies, vol – 9 (1/3) Jan 2005, pp.
162-164.
3. 'Mother India': selections from the controversial 1927 text by Katherine
Mayo, Mrinalini Sinha review by Geraldine Forbes, The Journal of Asian
Studies, vol – 61, (1), Feb 2002, pp. 297 -299.
4. 'Mother India' by Katherine Mayo, review F.G. pratt, Journal of the Royal
Institute of International Affairs, Vol 6(6) Nov 1927, pp. 397-398.
5. 'Mother India' by Katherine Mayo, review George Matthew Dutcher,
Political science Quarterly, vol 43 (1), March 1928, pp. 122-127.
6. 'Mother India' by Katherine Mayo, review – Pitman B. Potter, The South
Western Political and Social Science Quarterly, vol. 8 (2) sep 1927, pp. 207-208.
7. 'Mother India' by Katherine Mayo, review by Robert E. Park, American
Journal of Sociology, vol. 33 (4), Jan 1928, pp 660-661.
8. 'The face of mother India' by Mayo review T.C. W. Geography, vol. 21 (3)
Sep 1936, p. 246.
9. 'Specter of Mother India: The global reconstructing of an empire' by
Mrinalini Sinha,review Durba Ghosh , Journal of British Studies, vol. 46 (3)
July 2007, pp. 726-728.
10. 'Race against Memory' :Katherine Mayo, Jabez Sunderland & Indian
Independence – Paul Tod, American studies, vol. 44 (1/2), New voices in
American shidies, spring /summer, 2003, pp. 35-57.
11. 'Refashioning :Mother India, Feminism & nationalism in late colonial India'
– Mrinalini Sinha, Feminist Studies, Vol 26(3), Points of Departure, India &
the South Asian Diaspora,autumn 2000, pp. 623-644.
12. 'Specters of Mother India : The Global reconstructing of an empire' by
M. Sinha review Sarah Ansari, The International History Review, vol 29 (4),
Dec 2007, pp. 892-894.
13. 'Miss Mayo recalled', Howard B. Gotlieb, The Yale University Library Gazette,
vol 33(3) Jan 1959, pp. 119-125.
14. 'World Menace, National reproduction and public health' in Katherine
Mayo's 'Mother India', Asha Nadkarni, American Quarterly, vol. 60 (3) Nation
and migration, Past & Future, Sep 2008, pp. 805 -827, the John Hapkins.
University press.
15. Mother India by Katherine Mayo, London, Jonathan cape, 30 Bedford sq.
Bombay & Calcutta allied publishers, Indian edition 1945, copyright 1927.
16. 'Slaves of the God' by Katherine Mayo, Jonathan cape, 30 Bedford square,
London, 1929.
17. Colonial Masculinity, Mrinalini Sinha, Manchester 1995.
18. The Nation and its Fragments :Colonial and Post Colonial Histories, Partha
Chatterjee, Princeton University Press, 1993.
Nabanna Revisited: Women at the Interface of
Politics and Culture
Nabanita Mitra
Assistant Professor
Department of History, Women’s Christian College
Email ID: atinaban@gmail.com
Abstract
The decade of the 1940s was tumultuous years in the history of the Indian nation. A series
of socio-economic cum political upheavals drove irreparable wedges in its body politic. The
man-made Bengal Famine of 1943 was one such untoward eventuality that caused acute
impoverishment and countless starvation-deaths. The Communist Party of India (CPI)
sought to sensitize the masses against the prevailing inequities, through various performing
arts. Theatre proved to be an appropriate rallying point for intellectuals, both leftists and
otherwise, to realize such an objective. In fact, the CPI-led Indian People’s Theatre Association
(IPTA) of 1943 began showcasing powerful plays of protest and resistance. The creative
minds manning the Bengal IPTA Chapter proved particularly successful in highlighting the
travails and tribulations of the suffering humanity, through immortal plays like Nabanna,
(i.e. New Harvest). Set in the backdrop of the Quit India Movement and the Famine, it
immortalized the genre of protest theatre, even while it marked the emergence of acclaimed
thespians like Tripti Mitra and Sobha Sen in the vanguard of theatre activism. By challenging
patriarchal stereotypesas well as established forms of cultural hegemony, they sought to
emancipate and empower the despondent multitude through their convincing and realistic
portrayals.
Key words
1940s, Bengal Famine, CPI, IPTA, Nabanna, Tripti Mitra, Shobha Sen.
“Performance can be fuelled by rage in a way a painting or sculpture

cannot.”
---- Judy Chicago (Gardner, 2016).
Today when well-orchestrated diabolic outbursts of intolerance,
mindless vigilantism and balkanization seems to be eating into the vitals
of our secular-democratic legacy and pluralist cultural ethos, it has
become all the more critical to recall and refashion ideas, institutions
and movements that had once nurtured and nourished the same. The
Indian People’s Theatre Association (henceforth the IPTA) that came
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
up in 1943, was one such movement that was committed to the cause
of generating mass awareness in the most trying of situations even
while it sought to make the performing arts the expression and rallying
point “of the people’s struggle for freedom, economic justice and a
democratic culture.”
The decade of the 1940s proved to be tumultuous years for India, as it
impacted her socio-economic cum politico-ideological fronts like never
before. The ongoing World War II, especially the Nazi invasion of the
USSR, British repression in the wake of the August Movement of
1942, the cyclone at Midnapore followed by the devastating Bengal
famine of 1943, the Japanese threat, et al exacerbated matters.
The ongoing crisis notwithstanding, the 1940s also witnessed
remarkable feats in the realm of artistic creativity and cultural activism.
It witnessed the emergence of a crop of immensely talented individuals,
bent on reforming and redressing society. In fact, their anti-fascist
leanings and socialist proclivities drew the artistes into the cultural
movement. Besides, the thought of enriching and popularizing their
art-forms also proved to be equally compelling.
The ongoing tumult did not leave the lives of Bengal’s womenfolk
unscathed. Their response to the new set of challenges was indeed
striking, triggering off an almost new self-perception in the Bengali
middle class. In fact the dynamics of the Bengali women’s struggle for
empowerment needs to be located in the field of cultural expression.
Theatre, in fact, no longer remained taboo for them. Instead, they took
to the medium both as a means of creative self-expression as well as a
source of additional income, (Bagchi, 1990) thereby challenging
established notions of patriarchy in the process.
This paper seeks to locate the specific role played by a few women
theatre activists of Bengal, whose socialist commitments and nationalist
aspirations induced them to channelise their particular art-form in the
greater cause of raising mass awareness about the injustice and atrocities
around. I have sought to review the most critically - acclaimed IPTA
play Nabanna, in order to drive home my point.
Gross colonial apathy in the face of escalating mortality rates in the
wake of the Famine, the veritable gagging of the print media and the
imprisonment of mainstream political leadership, created a political
void. Rising up to the occasion as the only viable party around, the CPI
began sensitizing the people against the Fascist menace by whipping
up a ‘people’s war’ hysteria. It sought to set up of a cultural front to
carry on a full-fledged anti-Fascist propaganda besides mobilizing funds
for relief work. In fact the Anti-Fascist Writers and Artists’ League,
followed by the All-India Progressive Writers Association of 1936 and
finally the IPTA came up with this very objective in mind.
P.C Joshi, the ‘softliner’ General Secretary of the CPI, took a personal
interest in the organization of the IPTA by pioneering imaginative
ways of utilizing folk media and other cultural forms. The IPTA soon
became an umbrella organization of the Leftist artistes who began
voicing their common concerns by creating radical, populist art. In
trying to portray slices of life’s harsh reality, the IPTA was undoubtedly
ushering in a cultural revolution of sorts, taking to heart its shibboleth
of: “People’s theatre stars the people.” (Deshpande, 2015).
The All India Peoples’ Theatre Conference, held in Mumbai in 1943,
aimed at sensitizing people about their rights and duties. Besides, it
also helped IPTA set up committees across India, affecting other
disciplines like music, films, literature, dance, painting, sculpture, and
photography as well. Recalling his eventful days at Bombay, noted
Parliamentarian, Hirendranath Mukerjee asserted that it nurtured in
them a true communist spirit, sealing thereby a magical romance
between the prevailing politics and their corresponding cultural
responses. (Mukerjee, 1974).
Besides being the CPI’s cultural wing, the IPTA also served as a
nationalist undertaking, indoctrinating the laity in communist ways of
thinking. The cultural history of the IPTA thus needs to be placed
within the larger context of the progressive nationalist politics of
Bengal. In fact, the IPTA enabled the progressive section of the Bengali
intelligentsia to negotiate with the hitherto unknown domain of popular
politics for the first time, even while it tried to reform and reconstitute
the domain of cultural construction of Bengaliness. The left-turn of
the Bengali imagined nationhood emerged as a product of a cultural
imagination for a Bengali nation. The condition after partition actually
served as a matrix to construct this milieu, which in due course became
the bastion of Leftist politics.
IPTA’s Bengal Chapter, comparable in acclaim to the one in Lahore,
had stalwarts drawn from all walks of cultural life like Bijon
Bhattacharya, Sambhu Mitra, Digindrachandra Bandopadhya, Tulsi
Lahiri, Sukanta Bhattacharya, Tripti Mitra, Sobha Sen and Manikuntala
Sen amongst many others, who made the Gananatya tradition one of
its kind in India. The fact that the IPTA came to be fitted with a central
squad helped it to raise funds for a starving Bengal through its
countrywide tours.
The Bengal famine seemed to provide the rationale to depict the human
tragedy through dramatic form. While the devastating cyclone that hit
Midnapore and 24 Parganas in 1942, had taken a huge toll on men’s
lives, (Mitra, A, 1400 B.S.) the terrible summer and autumn of 1943,
witnessed lakhs (mostly women and children) thronging Calcutta, in
search of food and shelter, only to waste away and starve to death on
its streets, begging for rice gruel. Almost three million perished owing
to starvation and epidemics alike. Bengal’s small-peasant economy
suffered a shattering blow with agricultural labourers being the worse
off. (Sarkar, 1983).
It was against such a bleak backdrop that the play Nabanna, needs to
be located. Conceptualized by the young and idealist journalist, Bijon
Bhattacharya, the play was indeed a milestone of sorts. Bhattacharya’s
sensitive mind would often recoil in horror at the suffering of the
starving lot around him. In fact, the image of poor, starving peasants
joyously recalling the fragrance of the new rice harvest the year before,
forms the kernelof the play. Directed jointly by Bhattacharya who taught
the performers the art of acting and dialogue delivery and Sombhu
Mitra, who looked after props, music, lights and other technical
details(Sen, S. 1993), it also portrayed the monumental indifference of
the colonial rulers and the indigenous elite alike, towards the plight of
the dying millions.
Nabanna also brought upon the Indian stage completely new
protagonists in the form of starving Bengal peasants. According to
Malini Bhattacharya, the artists “were performing in front of people
who were already participants of the political struggle of which the
cultural struggle was a part….But it was still a great achievement to
give dramatic form to what was emerging as a new political reality.
Historically it was emerging as a process introducing the changing
domain of performativity vis-a-vis the popular-folk art, even while
exercising a long pending task of initiating a genre of progressive cultural
activism.”
The play also marked a moral reaction against the decadent formalism
of the age, thus bringing to life the struggle and aspirations of the
downtrodden. Rooted in the soil, the play used the language of the
people even while reflecting the reality and the spirit of the age. Loose
and episodic in form, it nonetheless attained an epic grace, even while
offering spectators an intensely realistic yet sombre comment on the
exploitative and iniquitous society we live in. Being a remarkably
authentic and humane social document, Nabanna undoubtedly helped
in stirring the sluggish conscience of the people. (Roy, 1990).
The four-month long grueling rehearsals enabled the entire cast and
crew of Nabanna to transform themselves into one big family, earnestly
determined to display their sense of duty and responsibility to the nation
and its people, through their dramatic performance. (Sen, S.1993). Based
on the life of a poor peasant family of Aminpur, Nabanna starred the
likes of Gangapada Basu, Charuprakash Ghosh, Niranjan Sen, Gopal
Haldar and Sudhi Pradhan, among others, who all stood out for their
individual performances and collective efforts alike. In fact their
achievements even came to be lauded by Sisir Kumar Bhaduri, whose
obsession for dramatic perfection was indeed proverbial. (Mukerjee,
1974).
Nabanna ran to packed houses at Shrirangam. A report of March 1945
read: “ Never before in Calcutta has a play been produced before such
vast congregations, which brings together perhaps the country’s most
talented dramatic team under the joint direction of Bijon Bhattacharya
and Sambhu Mitra….(They) have become so popular that the Calcutta
public (almost 7000 odd) keeps on coming to see them in increasing
numbers every time.” (Roy, 1990). According to Debabrata Biswas,
“the viewers alone would testify to the fact how Bijon wove magic
through this play,” adding that, “a play of such stature was even beyond
his contemplation.”(Biswas,1385 B.S.). Corroborating this further,
Manikuntala Sen, too opined that ‘not only has the play benefitted the
laity in the countryside, it has also helped replace dramatic unrealism
and triteness.’ (Sen, M. 1982).
The IPTA never quite remained a mere satellite organization of the
CPI alone. As Sudhi Pradhan has rightly pointed out, “The IPTA was
the only organization engaged in serious creative activity which attracted
ambitious artists with hardly any knowledge of Marxism and People’s
art.” (Pradhan,1989), wherein populist sentiments merged with
folkistart, creating thereby a larger national identity even while forging
international solidarity.
The Indian theatrescape also proved to be an ideal ground to challenge
patriarchal stereotypes. The dramatic medium, along with other
performing arts, which had once been taboo for women belonging to
respectable families, now began drawing their spontaneous participation,
so much so that quite a few of them such as Tripti Mitra and Sobha
Sen, even began winning accolades for themselves, thanks to their
remarkable acting prowess.
The empowerment of women through the political culture of the years
around Independence was in fact realized in Tripti Mitra.As Professor
Dhruba Gupta rightly points out, “There are artists with whose lives
the culture of a particular period gets so intimately linked that they
become symbols of that cultural life in its wider connotation. In the
field of acting, Tripti Mitra was such a personality who became a culture
symbol of the decades of the forties and fifties.” (Bagchi, 1990). A
legendary actress in her own right, Mitra who had already made a mark
for herself in Jabanbandi, acted in Nabanna in the role of Binodini.
(Sen, S. 1993). In fact, Mitra would recall that each time she went on
stage, the image of a starving young woman, who does not even hesitate
to push aside her own children in order to drink hungrily the rice gruel
thrown away by someone and having done so, recoil in horror at her
own action and embrace her children crying, would keep haunting her.
In fact, this immensely talented thespian did not even need to ‘act,’
everything just came naturally to her, so telling was the psychological
effect of the famine on all those around. (Deshpande, 2015).
Another equally powerful actor in the IPTA, Sobha Sen, debuted in
Nabanna in the lead female role of Radhika. It was with much
trepidation that Sen, a rank newcomer, enacted the difficult role of a
poor peasant woman, the destruction of whose home and hearth forces
her to migrate to an uncaring city where she loses herailing son on its
streets. While the troubled times transforms the once affectionate
Radhika into a nagging and harsh woman, yet ironically, her strong
survival instinct enables her to bounce back despite the severest of
adversities. In fact,the protagonist’s suffering and mental trauma needed
to be portrayed with considerable empathy and finesse, an arduous
task, which the born artiste in Sen could easily manage. She even
considered herself fortunate to be able to enact this layered role. Blessed
with a rich voice, she was first trained in rendering her lines after the
typical Jessore fashion, under the caring guidance of Bijon Bhattacharya.
Another illustrious comrade of theirs was Manikuntala Sen, who was
persuaded into acting in Nabanna in the brief role of the aged
Panchanani, loosely based on the life of the fearless octogenarian leader,
Matangini Hazra. Enamoured as she was by this patriot’s life, Sen was
more than keen to do justice to the role. In fact, as the grey-haired,
tattered, bent and toothless Panchanani, Sen would make her appearance
in the very first scene where she would reproachfully rue the acute
dearth of adequate clothing on the womenfolk, something that was
soon to have heart-rending consequences. The very next scene too
would feature Sen as the defiant leader, hoisting the national flag, even
as she led the rally, only to accept gallant martyrdom. (Sen, M. 1982).
Besides the well-known trio, Nabanna also starred other actresses like
Kalyani Mukherji (Kumarmangalam), Bibha Sen and Lalita Biswas.
The IPTA-activists thus sought to portray drama as an authentic mirror
image of life, even while they tried to ‘live’ rather than ‘act’ before their
spectators. In order to make naturalism in theatre a reality, conscientious
playwrights and committed thespians alike strove to redress social
incongruities even while lending their voice to the angst and dilemma
of the suffering humanity. Yet instead of portraying their characters as
hapless victims of their circumstances, they sought to focus on their
eventual triumphs.
The IPTA however ceased to sustain the momentum it had unleashed
and was almost wound up prematurely by 1948, owing to internal
schisms within the CPI as well as by its built-in metropolitan bias.
Nonetheless, its erstwhile members still held on with the hope of
providing a greater stimulus for the cause of the theatre movement in
India. Moreover, besides reinstating the genre of ‘political theatre,’ IPTA
has indeed become an icon of resistance and sacrifice in the face of
oppression and injustice, with Nabanna bearing a brilliant testimonial
to the remarkable creativity and socialist commitment of the first
pilgrims of the Gananatya Andolan.
References
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Bengal: Karuna Prakashani, p. 56-57.
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http://www.livemint.com/Leisure/7eZEnTvzxIhQFo1Mt6sGHI/Why-
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debate [August 9, 2016].
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1947, Kolkata, West Bengal: Dey’s Publishing, pp. 135 , 177.
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Kolkata, West Bengal: Papyrus, pp. 1 – 46.
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Delhi, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp. 285-292.
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Bakhrahat, South 24 Parganas: Seribaan. p.22.
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Book House, pp. 7 - 13 & 241 - 258.
Role of Women in Bengal in the Pre-Independence Era
Mili Mishra
Assistant Professor In Education
Women’S Christian College, Kolkata.
Email ID: Misramili@Gmail.Com
ABSTRACT
Women of Bengal played a pivotal role in the pre-independence period as they formed the
crux of the social reform movement and then in the freedom movement which shaped the
women’s movement in India. This paper aims to analyse the role played by women in Bengal
in the twentieth century pre-independence period and the efforts made by them to fight for
their position in society. This paper deals with the significance of the role played by women
in the freedom movement in Bengal. It tries to analyse the socio-political implications of the
entry of women in the public sphere. It tries to study the impact of women’s participation in
the public sphere on the regional historiography. There is a clear link between women’s
participation in the freedom struggles and women’s education. British colonialism affected the
women’s lives and beliefs socioeconomically. The participation of women in the freedom
movement laid the groundwork for the women’s movement. The two movements seem to be
entangled with one another.
Key Words
Social reform, emancipation, sati, purdah, polygamy, liberalism,
feminism
Introduction
The region of Bengal had been witnessing the silent and dignified
suffering of women since time immemorial. A historical research into
the 19th and 20th century Bengal gives us a vivid picture of the status
of women in the society in that period. The fight against oppression
of the women got intensified during the social reform movement. The
participation of women in the freedom movement was a step towards
the validation of women power and women empowerment. Bengal
has played an important role in the history of the Indian subcontinent.
Western models of education came to India through Kolkata. Kolkata
has played a pioneering role in the development of the modern
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
education in India. The 19th and 20th Century Bengal was a nerve centre
with hosts of socio-cultural and religious reform movements due to
its association with secular liberal western education. The 19th Century
women found themselves totally suppressed and subjugated by the
male patriarchical ideologies and attitudes of those times.
The Bengal renaissance was a cultural, social, intellectual and artistic
movement in Bengal region of the Indian Subcontinent during the
period of the British rule, from the nineteenth century to the early
twentieth century. Bengal witnessed an intellectual awakening during
this period which questioned the existing orthodoxies particularly with
respect to women, sati, child marriages, dowry system, the caste system
and religion.
A look into the history of colonial rule in Bengal tells us that the British
took control of the region from the late 18th century. Kolkata (or
Calcutta) served as the capital of British controlled territories in India.
The early and prolonged exposure to British administration resulted in
the expansion of Western Education, culminating in the development
of science, institutional education and social reforms in the region.
This was the period of the Bengal Renaissance.
Among the social evils prevalent in Bengal was sati, the ritual of dying
on the funeral pyre of the husband. According to the Hindu society ,
sati was considered a better option than living as a widow as the plight
of widows in Hindu society was even worse. Another social evil that
crippled the rights of women was child marriage. It was a norm to get
girls married at the age of 8-10. They were not allowed access to
education and were trained in housework instead. Child marriage led
to a host of problems like increased birth rate, poor health of women
due to repeated child bearing and high mortality rate of women and
children. Other social evils included polygamy, purdah, absence of
education among women.
There was an urgent need for social and religious reform which got
accentuated by the contact of the Western culture and Education.
Social Reform Movement in Bengal
The impact of Western ideas gave birth to a new awakening, the Bengal
Renaissance. The central figure of this cultural awakening was Raja
Rammohan Roy. He organised a movement against the inhuman custom
of sati and helped William Bentinck to pass a law banning the practice
(1829). This was the first successful social movement aimed at
emancipation of women. He started a movement called Brahmo Samaj
which took active participation in social emancipation including the
abolition of sati, the caste system, child marriage, dowry and the
betterment of the status of women in society.
Swami Vivekananda was another great religious reformer who founded
the Ramakrishna Mission (1897). He spoke at length against the social
evils prevalent in Bengal and supported the cause of women’s
emancipation.
Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar was another great social reformer who
sought to improve the condition of widows by legalizing widow
remarriages. He was also against the prevalent system of polygamy.
Educated men and women began to be involved in various social reform
movements in order to bring about social change and consolidate the
status of women in the society. The most important of all the
programmes of these movements was the reform for raising the women
issues. The movement got started with the Brahmo Samaj. Hence the
social and religious movements in nineteenth century Bengal was
initiated by men who worked towards improving the status of women
in society.
Empowered women from Bengal who pioneered the women’s
movement
The first generation of English educated empowered women became
pioneers of the women’s movement in the pre-independence period.
Swarnakumari Devi, sister of Rabindranath Tagore had abandoned
purdah and together with her husband edited the Bengali journal,
Bharati, having thus achieved the name of being the first Indian woman
editor. She began “Sakhi Samiti” to infuse among Indian women an
active and enlightened interest in country’s welfare. In the Thirty-third
session of the Indian National Congress in 1918, she presented the
resolution supporting the right to vote for women (Geraldine Forbes).
She told her audience that women had as much right to chart their own
destinies as men for this was the age of human rights, justice, freedom
and self-determination.
Bengal also has the credit of producing the first women graduates
from the University of Calcutta. In the process, they became the first
women graduates of the British empire. Kadambini went on to become
the first female physician trained in the western system of medicine in
South Asia.
Begum Rokeya was a Bengali writer, thinker, educationist, social activist,
advocate of women’s right. She was a pioneer feminist of Bengal who
wrote novels, poems, short stories, science fiction, satires and essays.
In her writings she advocated that both men and women should be
treated equally as rational beings and the lack of education is the main
reason of women’s lagging behind. Her major works include
Abarodhbasini, a spirited attack on the extreme forms of purdah that
endangered women’s lives and thoughts. According to her, education
of women is the foremost requisite of women’s liberation. She
established the first school aimed primarily at Bengali Muslim girls in
Kolkata. In 1916, she founded the Muslim Women’s Association, an
organization that fought for women’s education and employment.
Participation of women in the Swadeshi Movement (1905-1911)
During 1900, Bengal had become the nerve centre for Indian
Nationalism. To weaken it, Lord Curzon, the then Viceroy of India,
proposed partition of Bengal.
The Swadeshi movement started with the partition of Bengal in 1905
and continued upto 1911. It was the most successful of the pre-
Gandhian movements.The Swadeshi movement saw the women’s entry
into the freedom movement.
Gandhiji appealed to the women to weave clothes by introducing the
use of the spinning wheel and increase among the people, the desire
for Swadeshi clothes. This movement also involved the boycott of
British products. The Swadeshi movement saw women’s entry into the
movement and the skilful tactics of several women leaders contributed
to increase the participation of women in public life. Pamphlets written
in Bengali were widely distributed among women calling them to
participate in the ritual of Rakhi Bandhan and Aradhan and the boycott
of foreign goods.
Women became actively involved with the Swadeshi struggle protest
meetings held all over Bengal and some of them were exclusively
women’s gatherings. For instance, about 500 women met at Jenokand
village in the district of Murshidabad to protest against the government’s
decision to partition Bengal and to urge the need for using indigenous
goods.
The women of Bengal thus promoted the cause of freedom. Kumudini
Mitter, daughter of Kristo Mitter, a renowned national was very active
during this period. She launched an organization which circulated
revolutionary leaflets and literature. She preached the cause of the
extremists through Suprabhat, a Bengali magazine and propagated the
cult of revolution.
Women of Bengal and Gandhiji’s Non –Cooperation movement
With regard to the participation of women in Bengal in the Non-
cooperation movement of Gandhiji, Bharati Ray refers to three distinct
features which are as follows:
First the identification of the freedom struggle with deshpuja and the
invocation of Shakti continued, making women’s entry into politics
smooth.
Second, Gandhi infused self-confidence into women when he asserted
that women were morally better suited than men for the non-violent
struggle. This helped to ease the stigma of their inferiority vis-à-vis
men.
Third and the most significant one is the politicization of women with
leadership qualities during this period such as Basanti Devi and
Hemaprabha Majumdar. These women leaders had access to the general
body of women and helped to promote women’s political and social
awareness. In Bengal, Basanti Devi played a key role in women’s
demonstrations. She became the President of the Bengal Provincial
Congress during 1921-22 and presided over its session in Chittagong
in 1922. Thus, a Bengali woman, perhaps for the first time, came to
occupy a prominent position in the political leadership of the country.
Participation of Women in the Freedom Movement
An analysis of the nature of women’s involvement in this movement
shows that western liberalism raised the awareness about the status of
women in the society. The social reform movements in Bengal gave
the much needed impetus to the education and emancipation of women.
It is a known fact that the women were subjected to oppression and
were a marginalised section of the society. In such a scenario the
participation of women in the freedom struggle was itself their biggest
contribution towards consolidating their status in the society.
The first phase of the Bengal revolutionary movement(1902-15) was
generally marked by an absence of women’s participation even though
the ideological foundation of the movement was embodied in the image
of a mother Goddess as found in the celebrated Bande Mataram
composed in 1881 by novelist Bankim Chandra Chatterjee. (Sandip
Bandhopadhyay, 1991)
In its nascent form, the revolutionary movement received active support
from Sarala Devi, Rabindranath’s niece. Her mother, Swarnakumari,
was the first woman delegate to a Congress session and was the editor
of the Bengali monthly Bharati. Sarala was also the editor for a while.
Her interest in the revolutionary politics is revealed in a quote from
her memoir Jivaner Jharapata. What pained her most was the humiliation
of Indians at the hand of Britishers and urged the youth to counter
the insult with their own hands. Sarala Devi has the distinction of
being the founder of the first women’s organization in India, the Bharat
Stree Mahamandal (1910). She supported the demand for women’s
franchise which was a significant step in the movement for women’s
rights. In the Thirty-third session of the Indian National Congress in
1918, she presented the resolution supporting the right to vote for
women (Geraldine Forbes). She told her audience that women had as
much right to chart their own destinies as men for this was the age of
human rights, justice, freedom and self-determination. Unfortunately,
the British government denied the grant of the franchise to vote to
women saying that it was premature and that the social customs would
impede its implementations.
Nanibala Devi, widowed in her early life, dared to communicate
information to a political prisoner by meeting him in jail posing as his
wife in 1915. She later sheltered some young activists connected with
the celebrated German Plot mooted by Jyotindranath Mukherjee (Bagha
Jatin). She was finally arrested and was subjected to inhuman torture in
jail. (Sandip Bandhopadhyay,1991)
Another revolutionary worth mentioning is Dukaribala Devi, a
housewife from rural Bengal. She was imprisoned on charges of keeping
arms in her custody. Her political experience, writes her son, helped
her get rid of of all caste prejudices. She, being a Brahmin, faced a lot
of public criticism for allowing untouchables to enter her kitchen.
The Bengal revolutionary movement also saw participation of women
who were discarded by the society as “fallen”. One such incident
happened in 1907 when the police mercilessly attacked a group of
Swadeshi volunteers in a north Calcutta street, prostitutes retaliated by
throwing stones at the police from rooftops. (Sandip
Bandhopadhyay,1991)
Kalyani Das was a part of the Bengal Volunteer Corps organised by
Subhas Chandra Bose during the 1928-29 Congress session. She was
arrested during the Civil Disobedience Movement.
Latika Ghosh, educated at Oxford, started the Mahila Rashtriya
Sangha((MRS) in Chittagong in 1928. The aim of the organisation was
to fight for freedom through the mobilisation of women through
political work and primarily resist the Simon Commission.
It is interesting to find how women of Bengal played a role in the
freedom movement. At a time when the women were restricted by the
purdah, there were bravehearts like Kalpana Dutta, Pritilata Waddedar,
Matangini Hazra to name a few who actively participated in the Indian
Freedom struggle. History stands witness to the fact that among the
revolutionaries who fought brave battles against the might of the British
empire and contributed to India’s freedom struggle were women from
Bengal where the tide of freedom struggle was very strong.
Women’s participation increased in the second phase of the movement
in the 1920s as large scale women participated in the Non Cooperation
(1921) and Civil Disobedience Movement (1930)
According to the government records, the highest point of India’s
armed struggle for independence was the Chittagong Uprising (1930).
The uprising began with 64 young men and women under the leadership
of Surya Sen. Kalpana Dutta was an active participant who actively
took part in the activities of the revolutionaries, be it bomb making or
attacking the symbols of British power.
It is a notable fact that women did not take part in any revolutionary
actions until the beginning of the 1930s. Historical records depict that
in 1931, two Kumilla girls, Shanti Ghosh and Suniti Choudhury, flatly
asked Subhas Chandra Bose to engage women in action. After initial
reluctance, they were given the green signal and Shanti and Suniti made
history by killing Magistrate Stevens in 1931. This incident was followed
by Bina Das’ abortive attempt on Governor Jackson (1932).
Among the women revolutionary in Bengal, a special mention must be
made of Pritilata Waddedar, a school teacher by profession. Mentored
by Surya Sen, she successfully conducted a raid on a European club
and then committed suicide (1932).
As mentioned earlier another revolutionary braveheart from Bengal
was Bina Das who was an active member of the semi-revolutionary
organisation for women in Bengal- Chhatri Sangha. She made an
unsuccessful attempt to assassinate Stanley Jackson, the then Governor
of Bengal and was imprisoned (1932).
A special mention needs to be made of Matangini Hazra, an Indian
revolutionary who participated in the freedom struggle until she was
shot dead by the British police in front of the Tamluk Police Station in
1942 during the Quit India Movement. As she was repeatedly shot, she
kept chanting Vande Mataram. Bearing the brunt of the societal norms
prevalent in that period, she was married early and became a widow at
the age of eighteen. She had never received formal education as she
was the daughter of a poor peasant. She became actively interested in
the independence movement as a Gandhian. She was affectionately
known as Gandhiburi.
But the fact remains that though women came out in large numbers to
participate in mass political actions at all critical points during the history
of the freedom struggle, generally they went back to their roles of
mothers and homemakers after each such mass upsurge. Only a small
section of comparatively well-to-do women stayed on in public life.
Conclusion
The reconstruction of the pre-independence events in Bengal highlights
the status of women in Bengal and the role played by the social
reformers in uplifting the status of women in the society. The influence
of western liberalism infused awareness about the status of women in
the society. The Bengal Renaissance of the 19th century and early 20th
century was brought about after the British introduced the Western
education and ideas. With the social reform movement in full steam,
women’s emancipation from the orthodoxies and women’s education
became a reality. However, the education of women was confined to
the elitist class majorly. Nevertheless, the educated women made the
effort to spread awareness among the womenfolk regarding their rights.
A major turning point in the women’s movement was the participation
of women in the national freedom movement starting with the Swadeshi
movement. The large scale participation of women of Bengal in the
Indian independence movement set the ball rolling for feminist
movement in India.
The history of women’s movement (feminism) in Bengal can be divided
into three phases: The first phase, beginning in the nineteenth century,
initiated when the Indian social reformers influenced by the western
liberal democratic values initiated the fight against atrocities inflicted
on women.
The second phase was from 1915 to Indian independence, when
Gandhiji incorporated women’s movement into the Quit India
movement and independent women’s organization began to emerge.
The third phase encompasses the post-independence period which is
marked by the issue of gender equality. This phase is an interesting
avenue of research whose implications can be extended to the present
day scenario.
References
1. Forbes, Geraldine. (1999). Women in Modern India[Online]. Available:
https://books.google.co.in/books[August10,2016]
2. Taneja, Anup. (2005). Gandhi, Women, and the National Movement, 1920-47
[ O n l i n e ] . Ava i l a b l e : h t t p s : / / b o o k s. g o o g l e . c o. i n /
books?id=JT_qqzH3fsIC&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs-ge-
summary_r&cad=0 [August 09, 2016]
3. Kasturi, Leela and Mazumdar, Vina (1999). Women and Indian Nationalism
[Online].Available cwds.ac.in>OCPaper>Women and Indian
Nationalism[August06, 2016]
4. Bandhopadhyay, Sandip.(1991). Women in Bengal Revolutionary Movement(1902-
1935)[Online.Available:www.manushi-india.org>pdfs_issues[August 05,
2016]
5. Sarkar, Tanika. (1984). Politics and Women in Bengal- the conditions and
meaning of participation
Available: The Indian Economic and Social History Review. 21:91-101
Ier.sagepub.com/content/21/1/91.full.pdf[August 04, 2016]
6. Borthwick, Meredith, (2015). The Changing Role of Women in Bengal,1849-
1905[Online] Available:https://books.google.co.in>books[August 03,
2016]
Revolutionizing the Gender Roles in the
Early Twentieth Century Bengal:
A Critical Evaluation of Begum Rokeya’s Life and Works
Sarwar Ahmed
Assistant Professorof English
Kaliganj Govt. College, Nadia
Email:ahmedsarwar007@gmail.com
Abstract
Begum Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain was a Bengali Muslim writer, thinker, educationist,
social reformerof the early twentieth century Bengal. Her writings represent various aspects
of the position of Muslim and Bangali women of the time. Rokeya hailed from a society
where girls were usually denied their formal education. Getting inspired by her husband,
Begum Rokeya had raised her voice against the gender politics prevalent in the Muslim
Bangali society. Significantly, her text Sultana’s Dream questions the privileged position of
men and politics of power in the society. She also exposed the glaring inequalities present
between sexes not only among the Muslims but also among other communities. Rokeya’s
writings are celebrated even today for her radical and revolutionary thoughts regarding the
education for women, the liberty of female mind, etc. Above all, she remains a motivational
figure for later generation of Muslim Bangali girls and every woman. In my paper, I will
analyse Rokeya’s anticipation of better Bangali society and culture with the respectable
position of women in the society and its relevance today.
Keywords
Rokeya, Bengal, Gender, Muslim, Girls, Education
Begum Rokeya questioned the construction of gender of the early

twentieth century Bengal and India. Rokeya more specifically addressed
the burning issues existing in the then Muslim society. Her literary
works are concerned with the problems of contemporary society and
culture of Bengal.
According to Begum Rokeya, women are lagging behind due to their
lack of education. It was the existing social and cultural pattern of the
time which confined women to the domestic sphere. Rokeya taught
the Bangali women how to get back their identity equal to men in the
society. Generally, a woman was never given any space to release her
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
emotions and feelings in the first half of the twentieth century. Rokeya’s
life and works taught the Bangali women how to struggle against the
oddities of life. In this regard, Rokeya went a long way to meet the
needs of quality education for women.
If we study Begum Rokeya’s life story, we come to know about various
unknown aspects of the contemporary society. Her life may inspire
every woman to fight against the difficult moments of life. It should
be kept in mind that Rokeya came out of the traditional framework of
the society especially designed for a Bangali woman. In her time, a
Muslim woman was supposed to maintain ‘purdah’ and never formally
educated. In fact, she modified the traditional concept of ‘Bongonaree’
(i.e. ‘Bangali woman’) and redefined the role of women in the society.
She championed every kind politics prevalent in her society. Family
plays the major role in conditioning the status of woman. Her family
members including her father never supported female education except
the traditional knowledge of the Quran. It is to be mentioned that Rokeya
got her elementary education at her home. Significantly, her elder brother
helped her to gain knowledge in western thoughts. Being enlightened
with the western ideas, she imparted her knowledge effectively with
others.
In both her actions and her writings, Begum Rokeya was affected by
the conservative principles of society, but she continued her struggle.
In this regard, Rokeya asserted: What we want is neither alms nor gift of
favour. It is our inborn right. Our claim is not a more than Islam gave women
1,300 years ago. In her literary works, Begum Rokeya focused time and
again on the evils of purdah, child marriages, polygamy and divorce, all
of which left hundreds of powerless women in poverty and pain. Thus,
as a social critic, her writings demonstrate several negative aspects of
contemporary society.
In Sultana’s Dream (written in English in 1905), Begum Rokeya
represented a world where women’s latent talents and knowledge were
capable of mastery over nature without the help of men. And in
Aborodhbashini (Captive Women) she showcases several cases of women
oppressed by purdah in Muslim society of the early twentieth century.
Thus her works unmask the social anomalies of her time. Four years
after the publication of “Sultana’s Dream”, Rokeya’s husband—
Sakhawat Husayn died unexpectedly on 3 May, 1909 in Calcutta. Before
his death, Syed Sakhawat Husayn left 10,000 rupees for the promotion
of female education in the Muslim community. According to her
husband’s wish, on 1 October, 1909, Begum Rokeya started a part-
time, elementary school for Muslim girls at Bhagalpur with only five
students. Named after her husband, Sakhawat Memorial Girls’ School
was doing well until family problems forced Rokeya to leave Bhagalpur
and settle permanently in Calcutta a year later where she restarted the
school.
In the opening decades of the twentieth century, we can observe the
massive impact of various associations such as Young Bengal, Brahmo
Samaj upon the education of women. Nevertheless, Radhakanta Deb,
one of the influential members of Brahmo Samaj of the time, could
not support female education at schools, but at home. It was Rokeya
who had changed the traditional concept about female education.
Begum Rokeya is generally regarded as a powerful female figure in the
field of female education in Bengal in the first half of the twentieth
century. Her writings and thoughts changed the contemporary notions
associated with Bangali woman of the time. Multiple other female
writers of time such as Swarnakumari Debi wrote for rights of women
of the time. However, Rokeya is the single Muslim figure of the time
who fought for the rights of Muslim women and Bangali women as
well. Hence Begum Rokeya remains an influential figure even today.
Rokeya influenced the contemporary ideas by means of her literary
works.
Today Begum Rokeya is known for her selfless contribution to the
female education of India. She overcame all the oddities to empower
women in the early twentieth century. Above all, Rokeya is the pioneer
of women’s liberation movement in undivided India. To analyse the
modernity of Rokeya’s thought processing, one may draw a comparison
between the feminist movements in Europe in 1920s and the movement
initiated by Begum Rokeya in Bengal. Rokeya dreamt of educational
institutions which can reach out to large number of girls of the nation.
Well-known and respected as a social reformer, thinker, writer and
feminist, Begum Rokeya died in Calcutta in 1932.
The legendary woman scholar Begum Rokeya pioneered and promoted
female education in the Indian subcontinent. Today we have Begum
Rokeya University in Rangpur in the north east zone of Bangladesh to
commemorate her selfless contribution to female education. Such
educational institutions prove her immense popularity till date. Rokeya
struggled for compulsory education for girls, gender equality and hence
remains alive in heart of thousands of women in India and Bangladesh.
References
1. Averroe (2007). Faith and Reason in Islam: Averroe’s Exposition of Religious
Arguments. Trans. Ibrahim Y. Najjar. Intro. Majid Fakhry. 1st South Asian ed.
India: Oneworld Oxford.
2. Hossain Rubaiyat (2005, July 19). Begum Rokeya:The Pioneer Feminist of
Bangladesh. Available: https://rubaiyat-hossain.com/2011/05/26/begum-
rokeya-the-pioneer-feminist-of-bangladesh/[August 14, 2016].
3. Kulkarni B, Anand, Ashok G. Chaskar (2015). An Introduction to Literary
Theory and Criticism. Hyderabad: Orient BlackSwan.
4. Maitra, Bhabesh (2005). Life of Begum Rokeya. Kolkata: Granthatirtha.
5. Salam, Upashana (2015, December 12). Rokeya’s unrealised Dream. Available:
http://www.thedailystar.net/in-focus/rokeyas-unrealised-dream-185908
[August 14, 2016].
6. The Holy Quran. Trans. Abdullah Yusuf Ali (2009). India: Goodword.
7. Turner, Colin (2007). Islam: The Basics. India: Routledge.
8. Wadud, Amina (2007). Inside the Gender Jihad: Women’s Reform in Islam. 1st
South Asian ed. India: One world Oxford.
Mapping Historical Perspectives of
Women in the 20th Century Bengal
Shreyasi Ghosh
Guest Faculty, Department of Women’s Studies,
Bethune College
Department of Political Science,
Sarojini Naidu College for Women
Email ID: forshreyasi@gmail.com
Abstract
The twentieth century Bengal indeed occupies an interesting position in the history, culture
and politics of India as the Indian society is multitudinous society with caste, religion,
ethnicity and gender which has some of the important dimensions influencing politics and the
development of the society. The Bengali society in this sense has witnessed long-term
transformation in the 19th and 20th centuries as a result of the introduction of colonial rule.
As a result of this transformative process, the women questions had emerged in 19th century
India as distinctly articulated discourse. The most interesting point is that it was a public
discourse where in 20th century Bengal, the women penetrated in the male dominated public
life more strongly. The presence of the women was felt not only in the political sphere of
nationalism, but also in the wider arena of left politics and most interestingly, the women
also appeared as a strong social force beyond the circle of the organized politics. It was in the
subaltern politics of resistance, the women played the most critical role in radicalizing the
protest movement and in this sense this paper attempts to map historical perspectives of
Women in the 20th century keeping a close view on the overall developments in the nation as
well.
Keywords
Historical Perspectives, Women’s Movement, Indian Society, Education,
Gender, Patriarchy and Bengal.
The twentieth century Bengal indeed occupies an interesting position

in the history, culture and politics of India as the Indian society is
multitudinous society with caste, religion, ethnicity and gender which
has some of the important dimensions influencing politics and the
development of the society. The Bengali society in this sense has
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
witnessed long-term transformation in the 19th and 20th centuries as a
result of the introduction of colonial rule. As a result of this
transformative process, the women questions had emerged in 19th
century India as distinctly articulated discourse. The most interesting
point is that it was a public discourse where in 20th century Bengal, the
women penetrated in the male dominated public life more strongly.
The presence of the women was felt not only in the political sphere of
nationalism, but also in the wider arena of left politics and most
interestingly, the women also appeared as a strong social force beyond
the circle of the organized politics. It was in the subaltern politics of
resistance, the women played most critical role in radicalizing the protest
movement.
The twentieth century in Bengal, India, has been a period of turmoil,
in the political, social and cultural spheres. Common people were the
worst affected as they had to undergo a complete overhauling of their
value system, of traditions and beliefs nourished and nurtured over
years, over generations. The unrest was caused, to a very large extent,
by the fact that the British colonizers were on their way out. India
finally attained independence in August 1947 and started struggling to
get used to the new robe of independence which would fit snugly only
with time. The transition from a colonized situation to one of
independence resulted in dilemmas, confusions and fragmented notions.
The British had undoubtedly exploited and harmed India in many ways,
but they had also left in their wake some positive notions and had
successfully prodded and nudged the complacent Indian people to
ponder over their life, their philosophy.
According to Sekhar Sil, the middle class in Bengal is such a segment
of society which has been able to exert its pervasive influence on almost
all aspects of Bengali existence: sociocultural life; art and literature as
well as politics and economics. As the middle class is culturally different
from the rest of the Bengali society, the middle class women too bear
this distinctive cultural legacy. The social construction of the image of
middle class woman as Bhadramahila is basically a product of the middle
class value matrix. Indeed, we frequently use the term ‘Bhadramahila’
without delving deep into its significance. In social vocabulary, the
notion of Bhadramahila rests on certain cultural as well as ideological
markers of a particular image of femininity. Etymologically the term
‘Bhadramahila’ refers to a female counterpart of middle class Bhadralok.
Furthermore, Indira Chowdhury writes in Rethinking Motherhood,
Reclaiming a Politics: It is significant that Ashapurna in telling the story
of three generations of women sees the 19th century as the original
moment for the formation of women as subjects of their own
discourses. But it is also important to remember that it is precisely her
location in the 20th century and in the post-independent Indian state
that compels her to frame the problem in ways that challenge colonial,
reformist and nationalist notions of maternity.1
Sen in this regard argues that gender has been a key issue in the history
of the nation since the beginning of British colonial rule over India.
Gender, and the term “women” has been used to both front and
confront issues of equality in the society. The colonial rulers used
gender, and what they considered as brutal and barbaric patriarchal
practices towards women, as a justification for the rule forced on India.
Thus, the gender issue has been the basis of women’s movements in
India mobilizing against violence and discrimination, and for improved
living conditions and their human rights, amongst others. The term
“amongst others” can actually highlight the challenges and the
contestations the women’s movements have faced, and still “are deeply
cleaved”.2 The women’s movements have, throughout the whole period
of colonial and post colonial rule, not been one movement, but several
movements.
Historically women’s movement in India took off in the 1920s, building
on the 19th century social reform movement. The women’s movement
progressed during the period of high nationalism and the freedom
struggle, both of which shaped its contours. Among the many
achievements of the movement, the most significant were the
constitutional guarantees of equal rights for women and universal adult
suffrage in independent India. However, these guarantees did little to
bring about social and material change in the lives of most Indian
women. A new Women’s movement, articulated to mass and popular
politics, emerged in the 1970s. Despite the longstanding and vigorous
women’s movement, patriarchy remains deeply entrenched in India,
influencing the structure of its political and social institutions and
determining the opportunities open to women and men.
The negotiation and conflict between patriarchy and the women’s
movement are central to the constitution of the nation-state. The term
Indian women’s movement is highly contested. The appellation of
“Indian,” when used for the women’s movement implies a political
and cultural singularity that obscures the movement’s diversity,
differences, and conflicts. The problem is not simply one of disunities
but rather has to do with intractable conflicts involving the word
“women” that derive from the central position of gender in postcolonial
Indian culture and politics. Indeed, processes of gender— the
construction of identities, roles, and relations based on sexual
differences— played a key role in the historical formation of the Indian
nation state. But gender cannot be separated from other, conflicting
political identities, all of which play a crucial role in the life of the
nation.
The early seeds for raising the issue of gender in India came with the
colonial rule where the British rule embarked on a “civilizing mission”
on a society viewed as barbaric in its treatment of women. Women’s
status was considered especially low whist men was considered as
exceptionally violent towards women.3 Through English education
Indian men from the upper casts was exposed to a “modern” view on
women’s rights. From this educated elite the Social Reform Movement
emerged to address the wrongdoings of the patriarchal order. The
movement achieved changing some of the easily observable atrocities
practiced against women like abolishing sati and providing widows the
right to remarry, but the focus was more on changing the negative
elements of the old traditions rather than introducing rights equal to
that of men. The abolishment of sati has been highlighted as an
important achievement, which undeniable is right, but the frequency
was limited even before abolishment; documented cases of sati from
1813 to 1828 is round 8000, averaging about 500 per year.4
As we have already considered the role of the nation in understanding
gender and vice versa. In that story India’s colonial past is also critical.
The colonial period is considered a watershed in gender relations. During
that period modernity was set in motion through colonial and indigenous
initiative. Modernity was accompanied by capitalism, which under
colonialism transformed agriculture, commerce, and manufacturing. In
addition, the 19th century saw the emergence of anti-colonial nationalism,
and in the early 20th century the contours of the nation-state evolved.
These two political legacies led to the formation of the independent
Indian state. Together these social, economic, and political trends defined
and structured gender relations in contemporary India.
In the colonial period such demands were constrained by the women’s
movement’s alliance with the nationalist movement, which challenged
the colonial state’s intervention in Indian social relations. For a few
decades after independence, female leaders, drawn mostly from the
urban elite, believed in the fiction of the state’s neutrality and assumed
the goodwill of the male nationalist leadership. The critique of the
state came from leftist women— intellectuals and participants in mass
movements— who placed an equally disproportionate emphasis on
solutions emanating from the state and its agents as perpetrators of
violence. There was less theorizing and strategizing on the family and
violence in the private domain.
The socio-religious reform movement amongst Bengali Muslims
centered on the amelioration of women, which was directly related to
wider socio-economic development. It was in the sphere of education
that Bengal’s contact with Western ideas, thought and culture bore the
richest fruit in the early colonial period.5 Throughout the nineteenth
century, the growth and expansion of modern education, however,
resulted in a Janus-headed reaction in Bengal.6 On the one hand, the
Bengali Hindu community viewed the introduction of the new English
education as a stimulus to their progress, while on the other; the Bengali
Muslim community was reluctant to take advantage of it.7
While mapping the colonial period of Bengal, we need to focus on the
role of the state and the indigenous male elite in determining tropes of
modernity for Indian women and particularly in Bengal.8 This period
has been viewed by historians as one in which a New Patriarchy was
fashioned to meet the exigencies of colonial rule and the desire for
modern progress. But soon “New Women” began to speak on their
own behalf for a future different from that charted for them, and often
against both the new and old patriarchy.8 These women are the focus
of the second section, which examines the development of the women’s
movement in the colonial period.9 It also traces the shifts in the
movement through independence and the disenchantment with
nationalism. The second part of the paper focuses on the contemporary
period and outlines the controversy over the Uniform Civil Code and
the reservation for women of seats for women in legislative bodies.
The discussion covers the origins of these debates, the different
positions within the women’s movement, and the political implications
of each.10
The 1920s and 1930s witnessed the peak of the so-called first feminist
movement. This was the period when women began to organize and
mobilize on issues of social reform and civil and political rights. It was
a phase of remarkable unity, albeit one achieved at the cost of major
social and ideological exclusions. The focus of the movement dissipated
in the 1940s: the urgency of the nationalist struggle overrode the
priorities of the feminist agenda, and the variety and range of activities
in which women began to participate shattered unity.11 As with many
other political forces in India, widening and inclusion inevitably
undermined the claim of a few to represent the many. The second
feminist movement inherited many of the legacies of these
developments. Issues of family law “nationalized” both the first and
second feminist movements. But while child marriage legislation unified
the women’s movement in the 1930s, the second feminist movement’s
unity foundered on marriage law reform in the 1980s.12
After independence, female activists were marginalized because they
avoided the political arena for behind-the-scenes activities. At the same
time, the ideas that replaced social feminism had nothing to offer activist
women— none of them even had an agenda against patriarchy. Thus
women’s concerns and ideas were not incorporated into the various
struggles they joined, either against the Raj or for social and economic
justice before and after independence. The second wave of feminism
emerged in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Women’s organizations set
up at this time did not make a bid for hegemony. These were
autonomous groups, joined not through the structure of formal
association but through informal networking, local leaderships, an
emerging feminist press, and an intensification of multi-voiced
exchanges. This panoply according to Katzenstein is of organizations
that represented women from all classes, castes, communities, and
locales defined by, if anything, a common commitment and a language
that is more leftist than liberal— a situation not very different from
that in most European feminist movements. This movement can make
no singular claim to represent all Indian women, but it has, collectively,
a national profile and presence. The various all-India campaigns
launched by women engendered a cultural radicalism in which a broad
range of issues and a multiplicity of voices could be articulated. This is
an Indian women’s movement with a difference.
The fissures within the women’s movement sit uneasily with the move
by the state to reserve seats for women in the legislature. Women,
properly speaking, no longer exist as a constituency. Perhaps that is
why the move to reserve seats came from the government rather than
from the women’s movement. And yet, while many feminists have
written against reservation in the popular media, effective opposition
to the bill has come from male parliamentarians and on the demand of
separate representation (sub-reservation) for OBC and minority women.
The debates over personal laws and reservation of seats for women,
the latter more clearly than the former, represent competing claims to
speak for women.13 But communities (of caste, community, or ethnicity)
are inescapably gendered in their occupation and location even as they
assert their presence within and against the nation.
The nation-state and the discourse of citizenship, on the contrary, allow
women to figure as unmarked subjects and to invoke their rights and
entitlements.14 The women’s movement alone can expose the “gender
markings” of the woman in the process of invoking her rights and
entitlements, and building an emancipatory politics on that basis. Thus
there is an urgent need to redefine feminist political agency— to allow
for the possibility of secular political collectives to which women can
belong not by ascription, but by voluntary participation. In other words,
to rebuild the fragmented constituency of women.14 But the solution
may not lie in a revitalized national women’s movement, particularly in
the current context of economic fragility and political instability. There
are already the contours of a women’s movement, actual or potential,
in the impressive networking capacities of autonomous groups and
the mobilizing potential of left-led women’s groups.
We need to recognize the importance of women’s associations at the
local and regional levels without retreating into the irreducibly local.
Scholars claim that the colonial period had thrown up a middle class
where in a male dominated world, the woman’s position as a servile
homemaker seemed to befixed for all time.15 Exceptions were there
when women emancipated by the Brahmo Samaj and other reformist
movements such as Kadambini Ganguly(1861–1923) and others have
broken the shackles. But such examples were few and far between.
Even Rabindranath Tagore (1861–1941) in Dena Paona and Saratchandra
Chattopadhyay (1876–1938) in Arakshaniya could rarely show a way
out for the rebellious suffering souls. The latter suffer insilence.16 It
was no use looking at countries outside India. In Imperial Britain it
there was the suffragette movement, specifically conducted by
womenlike Sylvia Pankhurst (1882–1960). But the reverberations of
such movements hardly reached the cloistered middle class Bengali
household.17 More significant was the freedom movement at home,
encompassing women as well. In the mind of the rebellious women,
the two were inextricably intertwined as we find in the unfolding of
Ashapurna Devi’s narrative.
Women in Indian politics always have had to balance between being a
non-sexual equal to men, whilst still remaining a feminine female icon
drawing on Hindu-religious lines. Only a few women have managed
this delicate balance act, while most women have been excluded from
the political arena.18 The majority of the women who have managed to
negotiate their way into elected bodies have for a long period only
been left with the political dealings connected to the personal sphere.
The process has gone through different stages, but has often returned
to similar arguments for and against women’s rights, women’s role in
the political game and the political assignments that has been regarded
belonging to the feminine sphere. The women’s movement has been,
and still is divided along the lines of class, caste and religion, as well as
economic status and education.
References:
1. Chowdhury,Indira, Rethinking Motherhood, Reclaiming a Politics: A
Reading of Ashapurna Debi's "Pratham Pratisruti", Economic and Political
Weekly, Vol. 33, No. 44 (Oct. 31 - Nov. 6, 1998), pp. WS47-WS52.
2. Sen, Samita, Women and Labour in Late Colonial India: The Bengal Jute Industry
(Cambridge Studies in Indian History and Society), 2006.
3. Ibid.
4. Narasimhan, Raji, The Sky Changes, Delhi: B R. Publishing Corporation,
1991, p. 128.
5. De,S. K., Bengali Literature in the Nineteenth Century, 1820-1825, Calcutta:
University of Calcutta Press, 1919, p. 37.
6. Lateef S., Whither the Indian Women's Movement?, Economic and Political
Weekly, 12(47), 1948-1951, 1977.
7. Kumar, Radha, The History of Doing: An Illustrated Account of Movements for
Women’s Rights and Feminism in India 1800-1990, Kali for Women, New Delhi,
1993.
8. Kumar R., Contemporary Indian Feminism, Feminist Review, 33, pp.20-29,
1989.
9. Shah G., Social Movements in India: A Review of Literature, Sage Publications,
New Delhi, 1990.
10. Jivaner Jharpata, p. 189.
11. J.C. Ker, Political Trouble in India, pp.30-36.
12. Hemchandra Kanungo, Banglaya Biplab Prachesta, p. 24.
13. Trailokyanath Chakravarty, Jele Trish Batsar, p 52.
14. Kamala Dasgupta, Swadhinta Sangrame Banglar Nari, pp.36-40.
15. Sourendra Kumar Chakravarty, BanglareMeya Dukaribala, pp. 60-61, 73-
74.
16. Bupendranath Datta, Bharater DwitiyaS adhinatar Sangram, p. 186.
17. Ray R. and Korteweg, A.C, Women’s Movement in the Third World:
Identity, Mobilization, and Autonomy, Annual Review of Sociology, 12, 47-71
(1999)
18. Tandon N., Feminism: A Paradigm Shift, Atlantic Publishers and Distributors
(P) Ltd., New Delhi(2008)
“Women as Special Subjects of Study”- Tracing the Root
of Feminist Consciousness and Politicization of Indian
women in the Contributory Role of Women Freedom
Fighters of Bengal
Smt. Shampa Dutta

Acharya B.N. Seal College, Cooch Behar
Email ID: duttashampa2007@rediffmail.com
Abstract
When a baby is born, the first thing people want to know is whether it is a boy or a girl. This
biological aspect of sex consists of the physical differences between men and women initially,
which eventually leads to men and women differing not only physically but in their access to
privilege, prestige and power.
This makes ‘gender’ a significant variable not only in Biological Science, or Social Science
researches but also in Philosophy and Literature. It is a global scenario that women have
been considered as second rate citizen throughout. This discrimination and differential treatment
has brought about many behavioral changes in this 50% of population and this needs to be
studied. Infact without an efficient understanding of women behavior, all policies, laws,
recommendations relating to them will be of little meaning. Thus the paper begins with a
short note on understanding of women behavior.
Gradually any discussion on women as a subject of study is perhaps incomplete without
referring to the issue of feminist consciousness. As a matter of fact it is this force which has
transformed women into a self conscious social category. Historically growth of this awareness
and consequent politicization of Indian women has taken place in two distinct phases: one
in the pre-independence era and the other in post-independence period.
The paper focuses on the political involvement of Indian women with the nationalist movement
in India and herein the role of the women with a spark in them particularly in Bengal,
deserves a special mention.
Towards the end of the paper, issues of education as a tool of emancipation of women and
empowerment as a means and end in itself are also highlighted.
Key words
Behavior, Gender, Education, Empowerment
Behavior is the index of human character. Infact to know and

understand an individual, one needs to understand his/her behavior.
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
However there are lot many determinants on which behavior depends,
these may be intrinsic or extrinsic which not only create behavior but
also help in its expression. It is because of this, that behavior is always
considered to be goal oriented. Ample research evidences show that
there are individual differences in respect to behavioral indices among
people even though there may be some group similarities as well.
Gender an important variable may see group similarities and
dissimilarities of behavior patterns, for since the civilization male and
women are known by their particular behavior characteristics, but
keeping the fast mixing groups in mind, it was hypothesized that there
may be overlapping behavioral patterns. Although this hypothesis seems
to be untrue because of strong and deep rooted male dominance in
societies almost everywhere. Infact this male dominance and their ruling
for centuries together have brought out indelible impacts on the
behavioral properties of the women fraternity. This may be described
as discrimination to this half population of the world.
Authors are sorry to remind that even in a country like U.S.A voting
right to the female was given much later to the males. Though in India
the situation was a bit better, but only the granting of voting right does
not solve the problem, rather the condition of women in India are
much more pitiable, deplorable and pinching. Though whatever is being
said or written may not be true about all women, everywhere and at all
times, but it definitely is a matter of concern. Indeed attitudes,
misconceptions, stereotypes about the girl child even today increased
the gravity of this gender-ratio problem. The birth of a daughter
generally throughout India was less auspicious event than the birth of
a son. Needless to say the desire to have a male child had made the
parents forget that even to deliver him, one needs her.
If we look at the identity and position of women in India in the past
and in present times, we find that in Vedic society women held a much
revered position than their modern version had in later centuries.
Though in ancient Vedic age the society was at its formative stage,
women were never looked upon as mere object of lust. The Rig Veda
testifies that the wife participated in the sacrificial offerings of her
husband. Intellectually too the women of this age were advanced.
Though female education was not compulsory, girls were allowed to
acquire knowledge on literature and various fine arts. In politics however
women were not allowed to meddle in, yet their opinion often carried
weightage.
With the passage of time more particularly under the Muslim rule,
both Hindu and Muslim women lost all their liberal activities and almost
became property of their male masters. The 18th century with its
intellectual stagnation manifested decay of knowledge and learning and
coupled with social degradation, worsened the condition of Indian
women. At the beginning of the 19th century, Indian women existed
in a deplorable state of ignorance, illiteracy, superstition and physical
seclusion. It is well known that the movement for improvement of
women’s condition was started in the 19th century and that too by men
and it was due to them that Sati was abolished, widow remarriage was
permitted and female education introduced. However these movements
for social emancipation had to travel long way to reach the desired
goal. In fact the objective of these reform movements were not to
attack the prevalent patriarchal system in any way or to challenge the
power and position enjoyed by men, nor even to make women equal
partners of men in the social and economic relations outside the family,
but to improve their position within the patriarchal framework and to
make them capable of fulfilling their roles as wives and mothers within
the family. In fact the paradigm of model woman was imported from
Victorian England with tradition of Indian women added to it.
With the beginning of the 20th Century, on one hand Mahila Samitis
came to be founded particularly in Bengal by Saroj Nalini Dutta (1913)
and Sarala Devi Chaudhurani (1910)to assert women’s independent
identity. On the other hand women’s associations such as Women
IndianAssociation (1917), All India Women’s Conference (1927) came
to be founded in Madras.
But it was the Swadeshi movement, and the Congress, more under the
leadership of Mahatma Gandhi which inducted Indian women into
politics.
In the context of Bengali women’s participation in the Gandhian
movement, three distinct characteristics were worth mentioning. First
the identification of the freedom struggle with “Deshpuja”and the
invocation of ‘shakti’continued, making women’s entry into the realm
of politics, smooth.
“The women of India should have as much share in winning swaraj as
men. Probably in this peaceful struggle women can outdistance man
by many a mile. We know that she is anyway superior to man in her
religious devotion. Silent and dignified suffering is the badge of her
sex. And now that the government has dragged the women into the
line of fire, I hope that the women all over India will take up the
challenge and organize themselves”. It was in words such as these, that
Mahatma Gandhi appealed to the women folk of India to enter the
struggle for India’s freedom. His assertion that women were morally
suited than men for the non-violent struggle, removed the stigma of
their inferiority vis-à-vis men and this became the second characteristic.
Third during the period under survey, Bengal produced political captains
of national stature like C. R. Das , Bipin Chandra Pal as well as politicized
women with leadership qualities such as Basanti Debi, Hemaprobha
Mazumdar . These women leaders had access to the general body of
women and helped in promoting the social and political awareness
among them. In fact during C.R. Das’ imprisonment, Basanti Debi
became the President of the Bengal Provincial Congress (1921-22)
and presided over its session in Chittagong. This brought a Bengali
woman into the frontline of leadership. Like Kasturba Gandhi in
Gujarat she gave priority to Gandhi’s economic doctrine of reviving
the village economy and cottage industries. Basanti Debi’s close political
associate, her sister-in-law Urmila Debi took active part in the anti-
colonial struggle and chose to dedicate herself primarily to the setting
of Nari Karma Mandir (Temple for Women’s work,1921) in order to
popularize spinning and weaving among women. Hemaprobha
Mazumdar, one of the five founder members of C.R. Das led Swaraj
party, organized Mahila Karmi Sansad (Forum for women
workers,1922)to give vocational training to women and preach
nationalism. In fact when Sarojini Naidu became the Congress President
in 1926, Hemaprobha proved to be her most valued colleague. These
two women along with Kamaladebi Chattyopadhyay became the focal
points of contract between the leaders of freedom struggle and those
of women’s movement. Indeed the entry of women like Naidu,
Jyotirmoyee Ganguly, Hemaprobha Mazumdar into active politics ,in
the words of Lakshmi Menon, herself a freedom fighter “was not only
a great asset to the Congress but also real inspiration to the hesitant
womanhood of India”. Nor did the mofussil women lag behind. In
Midnapur,the Union Board Boycott was successful due to women’s
cooperation. In Dacca Ashalata Sen established the Gandaria Mahila
Samiti with a view to spreading the message of non-cooperation of
Gandhiji to the local women. Although the noncooperation movement
was all on a sudden called off by Gandhi after Chauri Chaura incident,
women’s political interests in Bengal did not subside. While in the
swadeshi era women could provide only indirect help to the biplobis,
during 1920’s they came out more openly. In 1927 the Mahila Rashtriya
Sangha (National Organization of Women) was established to propagate
the ideas of Subhas Chandra Bose. Prabhabati Bose,mother of Subhas
Chandra Bose was the President while Latika Ghosh was the Secretary
and Arubala Sengupta, the Assistant Secretary of the Sangha.
During the 1920’s even the women students began to evolve their own
organizational network. Dipali Sangha of Dacca deserves a special
mention of making an organized movementin Eastern Bengal, now
Bangladesh. Chhatri Sangha of Calcutta was started in 1928, Bina Das,
Kalpana Dutta , Kamala Dasgupta, all major actors in the armed
movement in1930’s were its members. The historical significance of
these student bodies lies in the creation of a female youth power bloc
at par with their male counterparts. In a nutshell by the end of 1920’s
and the beginning of 1930’s Bengali women or at least a good number
of them had become socially and politically conscious as “women”
and “political actors”.
At this juncture the questions that strike one are: how far were these
politicized women aware of the gender differentiation enforced upon
them by the country’s traditional framework? While their involvement
in national movement may not have stemmed from a desire to transform
society ,was their involvement enough to widen their horizon and create
a new thought process?
It has often been argued that women’s political participation in Bengal
was merely an extension of their domestic responsibilities. Since
patriotism was subsumed within religion, women’s’ politicization fitted
into the traditional cultural matrix.
Nevertheless the tremendous changes in women’s perceptions during
this period cannot be overlooked. They did step out of the barrier of
household works into male preserve of politics and power. The age
old notion of women’s total inferiority to men began to be slowly
eroded.
Though due to lack of statistical and archival data ,it is not always
possible to prove a direct co-relation between political participation of
women against anti-colonial rule and their consciousness about issues
of gender justice, still the contributions of well known women such as
Leela Roy , Hemaprobha Mazumdar , Kumudini Mitra, Urmila Debi
initiated women’s organizations to support and train abandoned women
and those who had left their homes, revealing their recognition of the
need for altering women’s life situations. In fact the organizations
provided platform for women and generated a belief that the
responsibility of regenerating women belonged to women themselves.
This comprehension is the genesis of bonding among women and of
the emergence of feminism in an embryonic form.
Thus the firs stirrings of political consciousness among women were
largely articulated through the activities of women freedom fighters
of Bengal. Though it was not possible for the feminist consciousness
to transcend all the societal barriers, a determined start was made in
the period under review. In fact active involvement of these women in
the nationalist movement helped to bring about a remarkable shift in
women’s perspective towards life, their view about the world, self image
and ambitions. Above all, it refashioned women’s personality.
Involvement in freedom struggle taught them the basics of agitational
politics and the breaking of the carapace of traditional domestic life
had widened their horizon. Beyond this however the growth of feminist
consciousness was sluggish. It whetted their appetite, it did not satisfy
them. Much was achieved but many things were left undone. Women’s
movement particularly those in Bengal in the pre-independence era
possessed a dual identity. It was primarily, not only a part of the
nationalist movement but also had a degree of autonomy on matters
such as claim for equal status, rights and power at par with men.
With the attainment of independence however a structure of modern
stage was more or less constructed. It incorporated a sweeping political
agenda based on democratic, egalitarian, secular, socialist principles.
The Constitution of an Independent India outlined secular concept
of citizenship and a guarantee of basic human rights, besides
discrimination on grounds of sex and caste was also prohibited. The
decades of 1980’s and 1990’s have witnessed increasing political
participation and political activism among women. Specifically four
global issues have politicized women ensuring personal security and
safety against violence, reproductive rights and child care, equalizing
access to public and market resources for empowerment and remaking
the political and legal rules of the game.
On this very question of empowerment unnecessary conflicts are being
aroused by the so called reformers. In fact many are of the view, these
selected men and women are not serious to resolve the crisis of
empowerment. The dictionary meaning of empowerment is to give
power and authority and the ideology behind empowerment is for
human existence and development with its roots in social actions.
Empowerment is associated with community interests to serve the
objective of increasing the power and influence of oppressed groups
to enhance the participation of all citizens in nation building. The
question of women empowerment is not the transfer of power from
men to women nor it is a threat to man’s power or a clash of power
between two genders rather the noble objective of women
empowerment is making efforts to bridge the gap between the speed
of two so that one is not ahead of another and they walk, talk, work,
think or act together in one direction to achieve optimal productivity.
Importances of women’s issues are clear for Declaration of Year 2001
as Year of Women Empowerment. Constitutional articles (14 and15),
amendments (74th), announcements, reformatory declarations though
are positive steps in this direction, have not yielded desirable results.
Indeed without proper and adequate understanding of women behavior,
all policies, privileges, laws, recommendations cannot be meaningful.
Again if we look at the behavior and nature of problems being faced
by girls/women it is probably because of the disoriented attitude
towards this gender and perhaps the master key to solve these problems
lies in imparting the right kind of education which may act as a backbone
of entire movement of women’s empowerment. Education will boost
up their self confidence, self efficacy, self esteem, self concept, and
self worth and clear their mental bloc. But the realization of this
aspiration would ultimately depend upon the intention and power of
women to effect such change. Thus empowerment of women becomes
both means and an end in itself. Women should be more conscious
and aware of their own rights, duties, privileges, welfare schemes and
be involved in political activities, for it is politics which becomes a
discourse by which people determine who they are, and who they shall
become in future. In this way only can the women of today pay a
genuine tribute to the women revolutionaries of yesteryears who by
means of their self courage and self belief freed the motherland of
shackles.
References
1. Azad Rajiv, Gender Discrimination ,2014– An Indian Perspective, Atlantic
Publishers & Distributors(P)Ltd,
2. Chatterjee Rakhahari(ed.)2004, Politics in India- The State Society
Interface, South Asian Publishers , New Delhi,
3. Jha Uma Shankar,Pujari Premlata(ed.),1996, Indian Women Today-
Tradition, Modernity & Challenge –Volume:1, Kanishka Publishers &
Distributors, New Delhi.
4. Sharma Nov Rattan, Sharma Sshma, Yadava Amrita(ed.),2007,
Understanding Women Behaviour, Global Vision Publishing House .
5. Zanden Vander W. James, Sociology, 1996 - The Core, McGrawHill,
Inc. The Ohio State University.
Re-reading a Kaleidoscopic Presentation of
Women in Naxalbari: Role Conflicts,
Marginalization and Gender Discrimination
Sreetanwi Chakraborty
Assistant Professor
Amity Institute of English Studies and Research
Amity University, Kolkata
Email ID: sreesup@gmail.com
Abstract
The Naxalbari Movement has been one of the most momentous events in the history of
Bengal. It has been criticized and praised by notable social thinkers, historians, cultural
feminists and the ordinary people alike. However, when compared to the large-scale
participation and contribution of the male toward the progress and the development of the
movement, there has not been any remarkable inclusion of the women who participated in
this movement in the year 1972. The whole point is to locate the position of the women in the
larger gamut of this movement in Bengal, and to point out about the impact of the cultural
and social conflicts that they had to undergo. At the same time, these women were to cross the
thresholds of dominant patriarchy to accelerate their participation in the movement. The
matter of dichotomy that exists till today is that, whether or not the woman question in the
Naxalbari movement was dealt with more objectivity. At the same time, this paper also
focuses on the specific thoughts and the streams of consciousness that enabled women to
question and examine the whole methodology and the structure of the movement, with a
combined effort of collective consciousness mingled with individual female initiatives.
Key words
Naxalbari Movement, Naxalites, 20 th century Bengal, Naxalite
women,Tribal movement, Naxalbari, Marginalization of women.
The Naxalite Movement or the Naxalbari Movement has been one of

the most eponymous historical events when we discuss the socio-
politico-economic scenario of Bengal in the late 1960s and in the early
1970s. There have been numerous memoirs, historical biographies,
documents, videographic presentations, cinemas, critical notes and
books on the causes, upsurge and on the outcome of the movement in
Bengal, Orissa, Bombay, Kerala and elsewhere. However, when we go
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
through these documents, memoirs and historical accounts, we find
that the role, function, and status of women who participated in the
Naxalite Movement have always been undermined: they have often
been erased from the chronicles of history, and more often than not,
their contributions have been considered to be secondary, even tertiary,
when it comes to an appraisal of the popular participants of the
movement. The participation and the involvement of the women were
not sudden and sporadic, however, but as Alka Kurian points out in
her essay titled Class, Caste and Social Exclusion, it is mainly economic
and social oppression that draws women to wage a struggle against
disruptive social and political forces within the community, and this
can also be applied to the emergence and progress of the Naxalite
Movement. She further points out how more than seven women lost
their lives in a protestant rally that opposed the policy of the feudal
landlords into deceiving the local farmers and peasants of their
livelihood. At the same time, it would also be appropriate to discuss
the aftermath of the movement, with special reference to the women
participants and their memoirs, reminiscences and their appraisal and
criticism of the movement. There is much ambivalence as to the position
of the women in both the educated and among the tribal classes, as far
as the progress of the movement is concerned. There is also a staggering
sense of indeterminacy where the constant friction between the ‘master’
and the ‘slave’ could not result in any form of reconciliation, and hence,
future class struggles were also inevitable.
There have been multiple stories, myths, and reports associated with
the Naxalbari Movement that was initiated in the year 1967. The
predominant settlers and dwellers in Naxalbari constituted the semi-
tribal people, and this area was located in the Himalayan foothills, just
at the intersecting point of India’s border with Nepal.
More than just being a peasant rebellion, as it has sometimes been
pointed out to undermine the impact of the movement, it can very
well be referred to as multi-dimensional and kaleidoscopic
representations of human subjugation, a protest for a better life force
for the tillers, and at the same time, a clarion call to resist the
marginalization created by the feudal lords who belonged to the
sheltered and advantaged parts of the society. When coming to the
woman question, there are three important aspects that require
examination, with reference to the flow and the impact of the
movement. One is the ‘role’ of the women, the second is their
‘contribution’, and how far it accelerated the progress of the movement,
and the third is the ‘evaluation’ of the contribution that women had as
part of this land-right movement. There were women who hailed from
different sections, strata, and social backgrounds, and we have among
them both the literate middle-class intelligentsia, as well as the tribal
women, the later being defamed with terms like ‘savages’ or ‘uncouth’
for a long time. For the women, it was a conglomeration of the ideas
and the ideals about resistance and independence that were preserved
and disseminated by the male hierarchy, but the movement also had a
separate ideology for them; they viewed it not just as a tussle, and
afterwards a rebellion of the ‘good’ against the ‘evil’, but as a more
objective yet complicated version of what can be the true essence of
humanity in general, and how mass exploitation led to fierce revolts,
and eventually attempting the overthrow of an existing social hierarchy.
For those women who were politically sound, literate and those who
belonged to the middle class and the upper middle class sections of
the society, it was not just any revolt of the land-tillers and the peasants
against the jotedaars (comprising mostly the opulent tribal landowners)
and the zamindars, but it was about uprooting an entire socio-politico-
economic system that had been sustained for long through generations.
For the educated women of Bengal, or in Calcutta, it was also a dual
conflict, where they had to negotiate between the boundaries- for
instance, at the first level, they were the daughters, the wives or the
mothers of a Bengali household, destined to carry on with all those
domestic duties that were socially prescribed for them, and at the second
level, they were active participants in all the activities that shaped the
progress of the Naxalite movement. Somewhere this ‘role playing’ also
led to major forms of dichotomy in the mind of the women. They
started to undermine their own potential at both the domestic and the
social level, and a constant guilt-consciousness marked their existence
in the social sphere. To quote Krishna Bandyopadhyay whose name is
counted in the first ranks when it comes to assessing women’s
contribution in the Naxalite Movement:
“There was no directive as to what we should be doing. We were
functioning as couriers, but we wanted to play an active part in the
movement. Our male counterparts were doing such a variety of things.
We were suffering from a great sense of ignominy. Then we took the
decision, ourselves, on an ‘action’ in a school. Only then would the
‘enemy’ identify us as its enemy.”
In this direction, it is very important to identify certain basic questions
that are related to the ideas of ‘ignominy’, about which the Naxalite
participant points out, and why was this feeling of ignominy so
dominant among the women? Was it about the position of the male
counterparts who occupied the central position in the struggle, while
the women were relegated to the margins, or was it an even greater
ambition to project themselves as more capable than their male
counterparts? Was the essence of masculinism attached with this whole
idea of resistance against a torturous hierarchy, or was it an intentional
stance to underestimate the overall contribution of the women towards
a politics of empowerment? As we can see from Krishna
Bandyopadhyay’s recollection, there were a ‘variety of things’ that were
done by her male counterparts, somehow pointing out to the drudgery
and the sense of futility that encompassed the lives of the women who
participated in the Naxalbari Movement. So there were dual forms of
negotiation that these women had to undertake: for the first
instance,they had to accept their role-playing as the ‘couriers’ in the
movement, and secondly, they had the directives to release the peasants
from a system of an active capitalist society. Here, also, there were two
essential objectives: one, to release the peasants after overthrowing the
dominant landlords, and two, to recreate a more interconnected living
pattern for the peasant women, where they could be entitled to major
forms of educational and social advancements. So, in a way, the role of
the women in the Naxalite Movement was more complicated, diversified
and thought-provoking when compared to that of their male
counterparts.
In his celebrated book Resistance, Revolt and Gender Justice in Egypt: Gender,
Culture and Politics in the Middle East, author Maris Tadros specifically
points out to the discourse on the ideology of the gender, and how the
concept and question of women actually shape, modify and crystallize
any movement, and creates specific political blocks within any dominant
movement. It does not matter, he argues, whether a person adheres to
the tenets of a dominant Leftist, Liberal or Revolutionary ideology,
but what matters is that, all the political actions are imbibed into an
active patriarchal social fabric, and they are generated with this same
patriarchal values, most frequently undermining the principles and
ideology of revolt nurtured by the women. When we come to discuss
the Naxalbari movement, we find that whether in case of funding or
collective action, or even in forms of technical resistance, the women
had to rely heavily on their male counterparts, and they had to play a
subsidiary role only to alleviate the pains and nurse the injuries that the
males suffered, as has also been pointed out by Krishna Bandyopadhyay,
when she says that:
“We were asked to offer shelter to revolutionaries, give them tea, and carry
letters and documents from one place to another. And we had one more
responsibility. This was to undergo training as nurses, so that we could
tend to our injured male comrades and nurse them back to health. Thanks
to our care, the party could regain its comrades because the police would
not usually suspect a woman.”
There were also questions of political awareness and activism that were
part of the woman’s consciousness, much alike to that of her male
counterparts, and she was, in no way, less capable of handling the
thoughts and repercussions related to the concepts of revolt, alienation,
derangement and overthrow of the landlords. The women not just
participated in the movement, but they also had their own sets of
ideology and they wondered whether it was really feasible and possible
to have a classless society free from oppression and discrimination one
day. But their contributions, role playing, and varied activities did not
receive much acclamation in the newspapers, in the historical
documents, and also in the great trajectory of Bengal resistance and
revolutions. There were different sections of women who carried on
with the movement in Delhi, Bombay, and Kerala, and there was this
common ideology that marked their struggle for independence. Women
played distinct and varied roles in the movement. They were not just
nurses, but they were combatants as well, and played well-defined roles
as couriers, as teachers, as organizers, as altruists and also as visionaries,
but these multi-faceted roles have never received much recognition
when compared to the male activists of the movement. At the same
time, it is also to be remembered that the movement was aimed not
just at the male peasants, but also to the female agricultural workers,
and their response to the overthrow of an overriding and regressive
portion of the landlords.
When we come to discuss the constraints faced by women as part of
the Naxalbari movement, we also find out how there were several forms
of this constraint in the form of social and marital pressure, domestic
obligations, medical and health-related pressures as well as the
hindrances that women faced while working in unhygienic and
unsanitary conditions in different parts of Bengal. Moreover, these
troubles were common not just to the educated middle-class women,
but these were also evident in the case of all those tribal women who
participated in the Naxal Movement. On the one hand, there was
constant pressure inflicted on the women by the government leaders
and bureaucrats who wanted to suppress the movement with brutal
atrocities, and on the other hand, there was the pressure of expectation
from all those peasant women, female workers and land holders who
wanted to end this state of abyss and live in an independent land with
more social, political and economic advantages for them. From being
a movement for socially, politically and economically deprived sections
of the society, the movement gradually aimed to get more conspicuous
and to ring an alarm in the mind of the government. In this case,
therefore, the role of women and the pressure that they had was much
more, as their victory, their spatial expansion and their future position
in the Bengali society also depended on the success or on the failure of
the movement. Along with this, for the tribal women, or for the women
living at the social boundaries, there was also an urge to end the long
era of sexual subjugation, domination by the men-folk, and to reclaim
their matriarchal benefits related to land, property and social position.
For this also, they could communicate better with the women Naxalites,
and this created a more potent goal to achieve for the women
participants in the movement. The women activists faced several
hurdles, as has been aptly pointed out by Deepa S. Reddy in her book
titled Religious Identity and Political Destiny: Hindutva in the Culture of
Ethnicism. Although the women who organized political revolts in
schools, college campuses and in the larger global sphere, were familiar
with the works of Karl Marx, Lenin, and about writers who wrote
about global peasant movements, they were quite unsure about how to
organize themselves as separate groups and channelize mass women
movements, thereby creating a genuine and unique political identity of
their own. They were slaves to the men who were, in turn, slaves to a
regressive economic policy existing in the society. For them, somehow,
the whole ideal associated with class revolution overlapped with the
idea of women participation in popular movements, and this can also
be seen as a hurdle to the women who participated in the Naxalbari
Movement.
It is also very important to find out how there was a distinct category
that was created among those women who belonged to the tribal and
the peasant groups, and those who belonged to the urban middle classes.
While the former group was more directly involved indirect combats
and armed militancy with the suppressive forces of the state
government, the latter emphasized more on the cultural part, publishing
newspapers, pamphlets and making the village women understand the
implication of the movement in general. Along with the men, a large
number of women were also imprisoned, and they had to be the hapless
victims of the cruel state apparatus, the police, the detective department
and the bureaucrats, who pressurized them more to know about the
shelters and the probable plans of movement of their male Naxal
comrades. Many of them were either physically disabled, some died
inside the prison, and some more were killed in police encounters.
Some women activists were even shot dead while they were pregnant,
although there has not been much discussion about their role and the
end of their life’s journey in the annals of Bengal’s history. All the
functional approaches to the movement were thus, pivoted around the
violence carried on by the male Naxalites, but their rather nonchalant
attitude towards their female comrades needs to be studied and re-
examined, as far as the large gamut of this movement is to be considered.
The tribal women who fought in this movement were no less significant,
as they also suffered from malnutrition, food deficiency and also from
the regular physical violence that took a toll on their daily lives. While
the male tribal combatants waged a fierce struggle against the landlords
and the landholders, the tribal women also supported the grand cause
of the movement, by indulging in armed militancy with bows, arrows,
and with local weapons. Their specific area of dwelling and their history
of struggle have definitely been obliterated to a large extent, when we
deal with the movement as an attempt to subvert the hegemonic state
ideology. While the Santhal rebellion continued to grow, there were
more clusters of family members who joined the Naxalite movement.
There were husbands, wives, children, uncles, aunts and many other
family members who contributed to the progress of the movement.
At the same time, the Naxalite rebellion also gave the tribal men a
platform to establish themselves at the forefront of the movement,
while still undermining the role of women in the movement. So, whether
we deal with the educated women with a higher level of political
consciousness, or with the marginalized tribal women fighting for the
source of their survival, we notice gender discrimination in both these
cases.
Conclusion :
In her celebrated book Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of
Identity, Judith Butler has thus argued that there is no coherent or
consistent creation of gender when we look at it from different historical
perspectives because gender ‘intersects with racial, class, ethnic, sexual
and regional modalities of discursively constituted identities.’ So it
becomes quite difficult to choose and segregate the term gender from
the larger spaces of interconnected political and cultural interactions
which produce and maintain the concept of gender. In case of the
Naxalite Movement also, it has been given a gendered variety and flavour,
especially when it comes to the appreciation and the criticism of the
movement. It was a binary form of existence for the women, who
wanted almost a second independence from the clutches of the
capitalists and they dreamt for a society with equality and equal
opportunity for the women. More than just being an armed rebellion
against the disruptive political forces, it was also a clarion call to establish
their own identities as a dominant and recognizable political force in
the country. Right from the national movement in India, to the revolt
of 1857, and even to the anti-partition movement and the tribal uprisings
in India, women had always tried to resist two different types of
colonization, one that made them mere subjects under the governance
of a prevailing patriarchal society, and another which made them fight
actively against the dualities and deceptions that were present in the
state leaders, police force, and in the privileged sections of the society
in general. In fact, troubles were also rampant in their own ranks and
files, when one of the women Naxalites complained of a pathetic
instance of sexual harassment by one of her co-workers, as recollected
by Krishna Bandyopadhyay. So evidently, this also calls into question
the location of the woman’s body into the larger dynamics of revolution.
From this point perhaps, there is yet another need for understanding
the ambiguities related to female sexuality, political asexuality and the
subversion of the stereotypical female identity in politics. This is an
endless debate, but it is ultimately true that there has been a constant
and conspicuous form of marginalization and undervaluation of
women’s role and understanding of the Naxalite Movement in Bengal.
On the one hand, we celebrate motherhood and feminist involvement
in the history of modern Bengal but at the same time, we tend to be
quite negligent about the contribution of women in this much-discussed
political movement.
References:
Dash, P.S. (2006). Naxal Movement and State Power: With Special Reference of Orissa.
Delhi: Sarup & Sons.
Reddy, D. S. (2006). Religious Identity and Political Destiny: Hindutva in the Culture
of Ethnicism. UK: Rowman Altamira.
Chakraborty, B. (2014). Communism in India: Events, Processes and Ideologies. USA:
Oxford University Press.
Butler, J. (2011). Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. London:
Routledge.
Bandyopadhyay, K. (2008, April 5). Naxalbari Politics: A Feminist Narrative.
Available: Economic & Political Weekly. 43.52-59
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Economic and Political Weekly. 37.22-23
http://www.jstor.org/stable/4412182 [August 7, 2016].
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+Revolt,+and+Gender+Justice+in+Egypt-
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Bengal, 1970-2000: The Challenge Ahead. [Online]. Available:
https://books.google.co.in/books/about/
The_Changing_Status_of_Women_in_West_Ben.html?id=bx6xQgAACAAJ&redir_esc=y
[August 2, 2016].
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&printsec=frontcover&dq=Narratives+of+Gendered+Dissent+in+South+
Asian+Cinemas&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUK
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[August 1, 2016].
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America, USA: Oxford University Press.
Speaking Truth to Power through One’s Body:
Politics of Protest of Subaltern Women in
Mahasweta Devi’s Short Stories ‘Dhouli’ and ‘Draupadi’
Sumallya Mukhopadhyay
Oral Historian in 1947 Partition Archive,
University of California, Berkeley
Email ID:mukhopadhyay.sumallya@gmail.com
Abstract
In this society of ours where women are systematically silenced by the dominant structures of
patriarchy, it is imperative to design a narrative that occupies a space outside the established
binary of Oppressor-Oppressed/ Self-Other/ Masculine-Feminine. This Third Space--
the theoretical term used by Homi K. Bhabha-- does not negate, instead negotiates its way to
speak truth to those in Power. This paper traces the position of women during the 20th
century social movements of nationalism against the British Raj to demonstrate how the
nature of subjugation and subordination of upper-class bhadramahilas is different from
those belonging to the lower section of the society, namely the subaltern class. A subaltern
woman is doubly oppressed--first for being a woman; second, because she is a subaltern.
Taking two subaltern women of Mahasweta Devi’s short stories- ‘Dhouli’ and ‘Dopdi’-
this paper argues that when silenced by the doctrines of patriarchy, the subaltern women
articulate their resistance through their body thereby creating a ‘third space’ for themselves
which cannot be appropriated and defined by the structures of patriarchy. These voices,
which can be read as critique of authoritarianism, employ strategies to counter the dynamics
of oppression and impede the discursive politics of patriarchy.
Key words
Body, Oppression, Patriarchy, Resistance, Space, Subaltern, Woman
An erudite postcolonial critic, Partha Chatterjee in The Nation and Its

Fragment deliberates on how, during the early years of the 20th century,
the rise in the waves of Indian nationalism against the English colonial
masters separated the domain of culture into two spaces-- the material
and the spiritual. (Chatterjee, 1993) With Western education and
knowledge entrenching its root in the Indian society, the presence of
Western civilization and its strict order was most powerfully felt in the
material space. The hegemonic structures of the colonial powers were
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
strengthened by their advanced knowledge and understanding of science
and technology and their rational forms of economic organization and
modern methods of statecraft. To impose their dominance and to
subjugate the non-European population in Indian subcontinent, the
English administratorsin India armed themselves with their superior
technique of organizing material life. To project the nationalistic
aspiration of the Indian population, the Indian nationalists believed
that the need of the hour was to reform the traditional culture of the
people. The reformation was directed towards the material space, leaving
the spiritual space sacrosanct because a common critical consensus
among the Indian nationalists was that the spiritual domain of the
mind marked our superiority over the colonial masters. For, after all, it
is our spiritual being that reflects our true self. It followed that as long
as Indians could retain their spiritual distinctiveness, they could adhere
to the path of ‘selective appropriation’ (Chatterjee, 1997) of Western
modernity, making compromises and adjustments as demanded by the
requirements of a modern material world.
If one applies this material-spiritual distinction to day-to-day living,
the social spaces get divided into two spheres, namely ‘ghar and bahir’,
(Chatterjee, 1997), the home and the world. The world is the external
domain under the material. Home is our inner spiritual self, one that
moulds and nurtures our identity. The tortuous road of the world,
where pursuit for material gain is the driving force, is typically the domain
of the man. The profanity of the material world should not affect the
home, and this is represented by the woman who is handed the
responsibility to nourish and cultivate the nature of our innate
spirituality. (Appendix A)
At the same time, rise in education among women led to the emergence
of the narrative of bhadramahila (respectable woman) as opposed to
one becoming a memsahib (a married or upper-class English woman).
During the days of nationalist movements, education for Indian women
was a means by which Indian women could establish their superiority
over their Western counterparts. Interestingly, the spiritual space that
is synonymous to home was the key site where this conflict between
the bhadramahila and memsahib took place. Meredith Borthwick cites the
writing of one Kundamala Devi who expressed her opinion while
elaborating the role of a bhadramahila in 1870:
“If you have acquired real knowledge, then give no place in your heart to
memsahib-like behaviour. That is not becoming in a Bengali house-wife.
See how an educated woman can do housework thoughtfully and
systematically in a way unknown to ignorant, uneducated woman. And see
if God had not appointed us to this place in the home, how unhappy a
place the world would be.” (Borthwick, 1984)
The emergence of this ‘new’ sophisticated and educated woman marked
a new phase in Indian social history. This woman conferred upon herself
a new social responsibility of maintaining the sanctity of the household
in the face of foreign invasion. Education inculcated in her the typically
middle class, ‘bourgeois’, so to speak, virtues of discipline and
orderliness at home. It is interesting to note that the practical skills of
literacy that accounted for the hygiene and sanctity of the household
was restricted to the women of the upper class and middle class. Those
belonging to the lower strata of the society were deprived of education.
They are the ‘ignorant, uneducated’ women whose reference is
unmistakable in Kundamala Devi’s aforementioned writing. As a matter
of fact, the bourgeois-nationalist elites did little to empower those who
hail from the margins of the societal structure. The dominant classes
of the Indian society appropriated the voices of those belonging in
the realm of the subaltern, and, for the subalterns, change of power in
1947 meant only a transformation in leadership from the dominant
English class to the dominant Indian class. Before 1947 the bourgeois-
nationalist could blame the colonial masters for the subordination and
domination of every section of the Indian society. After Independence,
the bourgeois-nationalist had to blame themselves and the elitism that
they practised in their politics. One subscribes to Ranajit Guha’s
observation that “the historiography of Indian nationalism has for a
long time been dominated by elitism--colonialist elitism and bourgeois-
nationalist elitism.”(Guha, 1982)
The birth of a sovereign nation-state was pregnant with possibilities
that would bring to life the dreams of an egalitarian society which was
absent during the British Raj. In the succeeding decades after the
Independence, the official agencies and institutions failed to deliver
the future that was envisioned during the years of nationalist struggle.
While educated upper class and middle class women questioned the
systemically drawn boundaries of the domesticity that restricted their
movement in the material world (Appendix B), the subaltern class
emerged as an autonomous body which practised politics of its own.
It is to be borne in mind that even the subaltern societies are gendered.
The subaltern men, though discriminated and humiliated in the society,
have their own community ethos that is directed against the women.
(Appendix C) Hence a subaltern woman is doubly oppressed-- first,
for being a woman; second, because she is a subaltern.
Read in the light of these observations, one seeks to explore the ways
and means in which the subaltern women express dissent and interrogate
the power structure of patriarchy that dictates their being. In contrast
to the bhadramahilas of the upper class elite society, the subaltern women,
who are ‘coarse, vulgar, loud’ (Chatterjee, 1997), are situated at the
margins of the society. Hence, they readily question the very margins
which define their identity. Their identity is not linear or monolithic. It
is a wide expanse of physical and psychological space that is
heterogeneous in nature. This is the ‘Third Space’ (Bhabha, 1994) where
the subaltern women use their bodies and their sexuality to counter
discursive politics that is practised by patriarchy. It is in this Third Space
that women through the performativity of their body (Appendix D)
stands in defiance and undermines the gendered norms of the society;
instead through deference and difference negotiate a space for their
being where their identity is created. This identity cannot be defined
and essentialized by the dominant ideology. This identity is split,
decentred, unstable and resistant. (Appendix E) This identity plays out
politics at the moment and hence, situates itself outside the established
binary of Oppressor-Oppressed/Self-Other/Masculine-Feminine.
The narrative of Mahasweta Devi’s short story Dhouli focuses onwomen
bodies, their sexuality and gender identities which are spaces (Appendix
F) where patriarchal notions of normality are contested and
constructed. These spaces, which are hegemonized and exploited by
the dominant ideology of patriarchy, are located at the crossroads of
class and caste, modernity and tradition, feudalism and capitalism. The
geopolitical location of Taharr, the locale of Dhouli, is one of these
crossroads where sexual exploitation of a dusad woman by men of
upper class is considered to be a natural phenomenon. Here, land,
female body and money (zar, joru, zameen) is one and the same thing.
For the upper class men believe that one can substitute the other.
Women conforming to these dictating norms are patronised while those
who nurture different opinion and express dissent are subjected to
inter class/caste torture. This becomes explicitly clear from the
respective stories of Jhalo and Dhouli. While Kundan’s relationship
with Jhalo is in compliance with the pragmatics of the social
conventions, Dhouli’s romantic development with Misrilal destabilizes
and disturbs the scheme of things in the society. Since Jhalo offers no
resistance and makes her body readily available without any protest,
one understands that it is through her that upper caste virility and
authority reigns supreme. Misrilal, on the other hand, is in love with
Dhouli, but he is not man enough to establish his claim over Dhouli’s
body. Misrilalcomes from a Brahmin family and his familial and societal
background impedes his romantic excursion. By failing to live upto his
promises of love made to a woman, Misrilal, in a way, puts into crisis
the manly honour that is associated with the power dynamics in the
patriarchal framework. Hence Misrilal’s temporary banishment from
Taharr not only serves to discipline an errant man who cannot
channelize his feelings; it is also a correctional measure dictated by the
patriarchal norms to reinstate the lost honour. The balance of power
that was lost owing to Misrilal’s relationship with Dhouli is regained
when Dhouli is forced to abide by the status quo or face eviction from
the village.
It is interesting to note that Mahasweta Devi builds the initial narrative
of Misrilal-Dhouli relationship through interplay of gazes: “Dhouli
had never as much as raised her eye to look at him...One afternoon, as
she was bathing in the waterfall...Misrilal tossed a leafy twig at her. He
didn’t laugh or make obscene comments. He simply said, “I’m madly
in love with you. Why won’t you even look at me?” ” (Devi, pp.5-6)
The point to reckon with is that gaze or, to be precise, male gaze reduces
the female body into a sensual spectacle. Dhouli is apprehensive of
Misrilal’s gaze and his demeanour. His upper class Brahmin status
coupled with Dhouli’s widowhood makes her cautious in the beginning.
After all, the normative defines that the body of a widow is inauspicious.
Her participation in everyday gatherings and ceremonies is restricted.
But Misrilal’s persistent declaration of love for Dhouli makes her
vulnerable to the masculinist gaze and she ultimately submits to his
feelings. At the same time, a sense of triumph rings in hermind: “She,
Dhouli, a dusad girl had driven a Brahmin’s son crazy.” (Devi, p.8)
Misrilal, the Brahmin’s son, demonstrates his modernistic voice when
he proclaims, “I don’t care about things like caste and untouchability.”
(Devi, p.12) Nonetheless, Misrilal is soon tamed by the dominant order,
and to rectify the wrong done by him, the punishment is forced on
Dhouli’s body. She is denied food and Taharr offers her no shelter.
The fact that Dhouli, a dusad girl, got a Brahmin to love her incurs the
wrath of her community. The suppression of her love affair by the
upper class is met with simultaneous rejection by her own people. In a
gendered society, Dhouli becomes a victim of her own sexuality: “It’s
always the fault of a woman. For not considering a Brahmin’s honour,
she’s even more to blame.” (Devi, p.13)
By her refusal to leave Taharr, Dhouli challenges the space occupied
by the hegemonic patriarchal ideology of her own community as well
as the upper class. Instead of dying, she projectsher exploited body to
occupy a space that poses resistance and devalues the dominant
patriarchal discourse: “I tried to kill myself. But then I thought why
should I? You can get married, run a shop, see movies with your wife
and I have to kill myself ? Why? Why? Why?” (Devi, p.31) To carve out
a space for herself in the society, Dhouli opens her body before the
public and economic domain. She embraces prostitution and exposes
the underlying hypocrisy and sexism of the societal norms: “Dhouli
cannot practice prostitution in this village...Such sinful activities cannot
continue at the heart of this village.” (Devi, p.31) By inviting her first
customer, she shames the very society which shamed her body. To
restore her femininity and her identity, she arms herself with her body;
the resultant sexual commodification of her body empowers her. Since
her act of falling in love is declared shameful, she shamelessly exhibits
her sexuality, occupying a space in the society where she becomes a
master of her own existence -- an existence which challenges the grand
narrative of patriarchy.
If in her story Dhouli Mahasweta Devi projects the body of a woman
in the face of socio-economic onslaught, her story Draupadi locates
the woman’s body in the domain of politics and problematizes the
narrative further by hinting at its mythological context. In fact, the
choice of the name of the protagonist of the story does not seem
fortuitous. In Mahabharata, Draupadi, who is husbanded by five
Pandavas, not only sets an exceptional example of polyandry but also
impresses as a fiercely individual woman of immense courage and
strength. Mahasweta Devi’s Dopdi Mejhen, married to Dulna Mejhen
in the monogamous system, becomes an anti-archetypal of Draupadi
in Mahabharata by being a subject of multiple rape in the army camp in
steady defiance of which she stands out as fiery, awe-inspiring
embodiment of protest against State Power. In the epic there is a
disgraceful attempt to denude Draupadi in full public gaze in the royal
court but for the invisible aid of Lord Krishna who infinitely clothes
her in the mythic sari. Mahasweta Devi rewrites the epic episode and
places it in the historical context of the Naxalite Movement in 1970s
Bengal. In the story, Dopdi, after being raped in the army camp, insists
on remaining naked and does what Draupadi in Mahabharata could
not do. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak rightly observes in her introduction
to the English translation of the text: “Dopdi is (as heroic as) Draupadi.
She is also what Draupadi...could not be. Dopdi is at once a palimpsest
and a contradiction.”
Tellingly, the story begins in a style of a warrant notice:
“Dopdi Mejhen, age twenty-seven, husband Dulna Mejhen
(deceased)...information whether dead or alive and/or assistance in arrest,
one hundred rupees.” (Devi, 19)
By naming a tribal woman Draupadi, Mahasweta Devi encroaches on
and, in a way, tarnishes the mainstream values of the elite class who
revere the text of Mahabharata. One understands why it is imperative
to hunt Dopdi down. For when she is captured by the army men, the
sanctity of the official spaces as well as the space occupied by the
mainstream values will be preserved. Dulna and her wife Dopdi are
the faces of violent resistance directed against the state machinery during
the Naxalite uprising. The poverty stricken tribal people-- tribals or
adivasis --joined the movement to occupy the wells and lands of the
rich feudal lords. They strike at the heart of the wicked moneylenders
(Mahajan) and stay in the shadows of the forest. Their movement is
led by gentleman-revolutionaries who give voice to the likes of Dulna
and Dopdi. Dulna and Dopdi, ‘the dancing and ululating couple’, also
act as messengers who provide information of feudal lords to Arijit
and his band of gentleman-revolutionaries. The multi-layered textuality
of Draupadi demonstrates that Dulna, Dopdi and their band of people
inhabit a problematic space which is caught between the sympathetic
politics of appropriation (articulated through the voice of Arijit) and
the rigorously stern politics of appropriation embodied bythe army
officer Senanayak and the feudal lords. As a result of which Dopdi and
Dulna’s spaces are steeped in ‘Neanderthal darkness’ (Devi, p.20) that
is created at the cost of their family and community life.
Even after Dulna is murdered, Dopdi remains true to her husband.
She carries on with the movement because she cannot betray her
husband or the movement for which he sacrificed his life. Perhaps this
is why she decides that she will not divulge a single secret after she is
apprehended. Being a tribeswoman (or a tribal woman) and a Naxalite,
Dopdi vis-a-vis the patriarchal state bears the brunt of triple deviance.
Senanayak orders her army men to ‘make her’: “Then a billion moons
pass. A billion lunar year.” (Devi, p.24) On waking up, she senses that
her ‘vagina is bleeding.’ With her bruised breasts, thigh and public hair
matted with dry blood, Dopdi refuses to wear anything. Outrageously
she faces Senanayak and interrogates him, “You can strip me but how
can you clothe me again. Are you a man?” She spits a bloody gob on
the white shirt of Senanayak and pushes him with his mangled breast.
For the first time in his life, Senanayak stands ‘terribly afraid’ before
Dopdi, an unarmed prisoner. As her ravaged vagina voices the insult
of her womanhood, Dopdi, who so far has had been on the receiving
end of the male authoritative voice, now speaks through her body. Her
politics of the moment reverses the subject-object equation, so much
so that she becomes her own subject, undaunted in the face of
institutional exploitation. (Appendix G) Like Dhouli, Dopdi attains
empowerment through her body, occupying a space of resistance which
the dominant ideology fails to appropriate and define.
Conclusion
In both these short stories, the subaltern speaks, and speaks vehemently
against the socio-economic, socio-sexual domination.There is an
unmistakable pattern of the domination-subordination relationship that
targets the body of the woman. Practice dictates that man maintain his
social hierarchy over woman by relentlessly attacking a woman’s body
and this is naturalized by the ideology of patriarchy. Subaltern/gender
dehumanization is contested and challenged when the woman’s body
that has been timelessly exploited, functions as a site of resistance.
Concerned with the subaltern woman’s articulation of resistance,
Mahasweta Devi rams the point home that sexuality and sexual relations
fail to remain private. In fact, private and public spaces are enmeshed
and interlocked in the narrative of Dhouli and Dopdi, and an alternative
spatial configuration opens up through the advocacy of the personal
struggle that these women are engaged in. In these narratives the
personal is political and this problematizes the binary bifurcation of
spaces; hence a space is created where the silenced women speak
through their body, and their compelling voices pose a powerful
challenge to the patriarchal codes which otherwise mark, label and dictate
the identity of the woman. While speaking truth to power, the body of
the women opens up a new thematic-ideological framework in
Mahasweta Devi literature.
References
1. Bhabha, Homi K. (1994). The Commitment to Theory. The Location of Culture.
(pp. 19-39). London and New York: Routledge.
2. Bhowal, Sanatan. (2016). The Subaltern Speaks: Truth and Ethics in Mahasweta
Devi’s Fiction on Tribals. Telangana: Orient Blackswan.
3. Borthwick, Meredith. (1984). The Changing Role of Women in Bengal, 1849-
1905. (pp. 64). Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
4. Chakrabarty, Dipesh. (1997). Postcoloniality and the Artifice of History:
Who Speaks for “Indian” Pasts?. In Ranajit Guha (Ed.) A Subaltern Studies
Reader 1986-1995. (pp.263-294). Delhi: Oxford University Press.
5. Chatterjee, Partha. (1986). Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World. London:
Zed Books.
6. Chatterjee, Partha. (1993). The Nation and Its Fragment: Colonial and Postcolonial
Histories. (14-18). Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
7. Chatterjee, Partha. (1997). The Nation and Its Women. In Ranajit Guha
(Ed.) A Subaltern Studies Reader 1986-1995. (pp. 240-262). Delhi: Oxford
University Press.
8. Devi, Mahasweta. (2002). “Dhouli,” Outcast, trans. Sarmistha Dutta Gupta.
Calcutta, West Bengal: Seagull.
9. Devi, Mahasweta. (1997). “Draupadi,” Breast Stories, trans. Gayatri
Chakravorty Spivak. Calcutta, West Bengal: Seagull.
10. Guha, Ranajit (Ed.) (1982). Subaltern Studies I. Delhi: Oxford University
Press, pp. 1
11. Mazumdar, Vina. (1979). Symbols of Power: Women in the Changing Society I.
New Delhi: Allied Publishers.
12. Sarkar, Sumit. (1985). A Critique of Colonial India. Calcutta, West Bengal:
Papyrus.
Appendices
A. With coercive authority and subtle force of persuasion, the

new patriarchy reinforced by nationalism directed the woman
the ‘honourable’ job of maintaining the household (the typical
‘Angel of the House’ image). Strategically the woman got
confined within the four walls. One understands that the
adulation of woman as goddess or nation stems from the
development of a dominant middle-class culture coeval with
the era of nationalism.
B. After Independence was achieved and voting rights were granted
to women, upper class and middle class women questioned the
framework that kept them in charge of the household sanctity.
With no foreign invasion to protect the household from, women
sought liberation from the constraints of domesticity and
wanted to venture out in the material world. In a way, this de-
mand was met quite favourably by the new patriarchy, argues
Partha Chatterjee when he states that there is relative absence
of gender discrimination in middle class occupation in India in
comparison to the demands of women’s working right in capi-
talist West. (Partha Chatterjee, The Nation and Its Women, pp.
257)
C. The community ethos of those belonging to the lower sections

of the society is depicted when Dhouli is rejected by her own
people. Tortured by the upper class doctrines, instead of being
sympathetic to Dhouli’s miserable plight, her own community
abandons her.
D. Postmodern theories of gender argue that gender is not a fixed

or stable category. Like a text, gender is a performance, that is,
roles are played out and validated within specific social and
cultural contexts, but this is open to contestations and
negotiations. Subaltern women through their body performance
or performativity of their body contest the notions of gender
associated with their subject-position. Through their
performance they occupy the ‘third space’ that challenges the
dictums of patriarchy.
E. Through the performativity of the body an identity is created

that is fluid in nature and it is contingent on one’s subject-
position. This fluidity makes the identity unstable, decentred,
split and resistant. It is this fluidity that obstructs appropria-
tion of the identity by the dominant patriarchal structure.
F. It has been convincingly demonstrated by scholars that space,
as one of the vital principles of socio-political organizations, is
not a neutral entity. It is invariably a construct of the visible
and invisible socio-political configurations of its time. Space
constitutes and reflects the ideological investment of the
dominant discourse. Consequently, gender as a space is
constructed, contested and negotiated by the dominant ideology.
G. In the State Apparatus the police and the army are established
institutions. The body politic hands power and authority to the
police and the army. To highlight the abuse of power by the
police and the army, the term institutional exploitation is used.
A Human Rights Approach to Gendercide and
Daughter Abuse
Titi Mukherjee
Post Graduate Student of Masters in Rural
Development and Management, University of Kalyani
Email ID: titimukherjee251992@gmail.com
Abstract
Human Rights are those minimum rights which are compulsorily obtainable by every individual
as he/she is the member of the society. But it has been found that each and every rights are
being violated in one or other way. These violation of human rights seems to play a sinister
role by percolating into the very fabric of the society and thereupon have become involved to
oust. Rarely a day goes by without a child being subjected to abuse and violations. Thousands
of children in the world face daily violations. Much of the violence against children, including
physical violence, psychological violence, discrimination, neglect and maltreatment remains
hidden and is often socially approved. Although the consequences may vary according to the
nature and severity of the violence inflicted, the short and long-term repercussions for children
are very often grave and damaging. The physical, emotional and psychological scars of
violence can have severe implications for a child development, health and ability to learn.
There are several problem of child abuse in every developing country like India, in general,
and girl child abuse in particular. Today’s girls are tomorrow’s women. The differential
treatment of girls and boys can hardly be separated from the preferential treatment of man
and women in our society. Being born and growing up as a girl child in a developing country
is almost like a curse due to contempt and ignominy treatment received from the family. The
issue of discrimination against the girl child has remained an unsolved issue in the society
and a major concern in the academic discourse.The discrimination is seen everywhere in
terms of distribution of food, nutrition, clothing, household chores, learning and education
facilities (e.g. low school enrolment and high dropouts), employment, medicine, care and
affection, freedom and mobility, leisure, sexual harassment, fertility and reproductive functions.
Growing as a female child in the society itself is full of constraints and complexities. The
status of girl child has become a breeding wide spread concern in almost every corners of the
world and has emerged as the fundamental question of Human Resource Development.
Gendercide and daughter abuse, the infringement of human rights has disguised and ungodly
sequel within the very veins of the society and as time comes, the brackets will let loose
germinating the seeds of cancer, eventually becoming an uphill predicament. Therefore, at
best, be it nipped at the buds beforehand.
The present paper limelight’s some example of the customs and offences like Female foeticide,
female infanticide, girl child marriage, girl child labour, girl child trafficking, girl child
prostitution that intensify the discrimination of a girl child and woman and how Human
Rights approach to gendercide and daughter abuse provide equal protection to all the victims.
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
Key words
Human Rights, Girl Child, Discrimination, Daughter Abuse
Introduction
A social issue, which can also be termed as a social problem, social
conflict or social illness, refers to something that influences a group or
a section of a society which inflicts injurious consequences that can
only be handled collectively. Our society is plagued with several generic
types of social issues like, drug abuse, alcoholism, terrorism,
unemployment, crime, corruption and so on. Amongst these, problem
of daughter abuse has emerged as one of the important problems in
the social history.
The society is structured in a hierarchical relationship based on caste,
class, religion, ethnic communities, race and gender so on. Amongst all
these problems gender discrimination has become a breeding wide
spread concern in every corners of the nation. The unequal treatment
of girls in society contributes towards hierarchies that exists all levels.
It starts right at the time of conception, where the chance of being
born is taken away from a many which has led to a female-male ratio
of approximately 0.93 in India. Gender discrimination is a wide area
of study in the world history. So, firstly the basic concept of ‘sex’ and
‘gender’ has to be cleared out. “Sex” refers to the biological and
physiological characteristics that define men and women. It is defined
as the anatomical and physiological characteristics that signify the
biological maleness and femaleness of an individual, whereas “Gender”
refers to the socially constructed roles, behaviours, activities and
attributes that a given society considers appropriate for men and women.
There are mainly two sexes in our society-male and female and they
have been stereotyped in terms of their different tasks, privileges and
the role patterns which are assigned to them which often leads to gender
discrimination.
Gender Discrimination
Discrimination faced by a person because of their gender can be termed
as ‘Gender Discrimination’. The unequal treatment of girls in society
leads to the problem of gender discrimination in our society. The means
of biases can be based on physical, economic, cultural, psychological
etc. factors. These differences are not natural but they are socially
constructed in a patriarchal society which legitimizes these practices
and makes them acceptable; also who deviate from them are subjected
to tremendous social pressure to confirm. The negative treatment met
by an individual or a section or group of the society is something that
may also lead to deprivation of their basic rights.
If we try to identify the differences between the girls and the boys,
some of the following lines can be heard: Girls are more sensitive and
emotional- more likely to get upset, scared, more likely to cry. They are
also sensitive in another sense- they are more aware of their people’s
feelings and more caring towards others. They may extend this to an
ability to take care of others- in other words, to look after or empathise
with people. She plays different roles in the society but the role of a
daughter, sister, and wife are the important ones. They are devalued as
human beings from the day they are born; from very early childhood
girls are made conscious of the fact that unlike their brothers, who are
assets of the family, they are liabilities. In the process of socialization,
girls are made to understand from the childhood that once married,
they should learn how to adjust with their husbands and other members
of the family. In many societies, girls are taught the two virtues – patience
and sacrifice, the ideal motherhood in patriarchal society. They also
learn to accept their inferior status in the society. For instance, as girls
grow up they perceive the preferential treatment given to their brothers,
fathers and other male members of the family and they are also taught
the getting less of everything and not complaining about it; the ideal
behaviour pattern for good women.
Sex ratio is merely a microscopic view of the number of both genders.
However, it is a statistical measure which is calculated for the entire
population and it clearly indicates the wide spread disparity which
hinders the growth of the country’s development in political, economic
and emotional spheres. Worldwide, the ratio of girls to boys is 1000
for every 1,005. In India, there are only 914 girls for every 1000 boys,
and often far fewer. A 2009 study by the global anti-poverty agency,
Action Aid and the International Development Research Centre, for
example “found that the gender gap in some parts of the Indian state
of Punjab had increased to 300 girls per 1000 boys – a scenario worse
than that revealed in the 2011 census. Action Aid carried out the survey
in five states and in all states it found that the proportion of girls to
boys had fallen further.” (The National, “Female foeticide countries in
India as new law falters,” May 20, 2010).
Below, (Table 1) is given the overall sex ratio in India from 1901 Census
till 2011 Census to get a clear picture of the female population per
1000 males.
TABLE 1: OVERALL SEX RATIO IN INDIA: 1901-2011
Census Year Sex Ratio

1901 972
1911 964
1921 955
1931 950
1941 945
1951 946
1961 941
1971 930
1981 934
1991 927
2001 933
2011 940
From Table 1 it is seen that the number of girls per 1000 boys is declining
with each passing decade from the year 1901 till 2011.But the fact is
according to 1991 Census the number plummeted to an all-time low
927 girls for 1000 boys which became little better according to 2011
Census.
Statistics that are available from the census 2001 records after
independence, the sex ratio has fallen from 946 to 940 in 2011. The
statistics is worse for the child sex ratio (defined as the ratio of girls to
boys in the 0-4 year’s category) which has declined even more from
976 in 1961 to 964 in1971 and 927 in 2001.
Traditional literature has been cantered round the cultural and economic
factors that underlie this strange phenomenon. It has been pointed
out that masculine bias in the population has become a reason of this
declining sex ratio. Lower age of marriage and the structure of the
family have been found to influence gender discrimination and hence
proportion of female population in the country.
There are some other reasons which is responsible for the declining
sex ratio in our country. High levels of female infanticide, sex selective
abortion and other corrective methods have been a major reason behind
the prevailing imbalances in the sex ratio. The general social preference
for son has also been cited as an important reason behind growing
masculine population in Indian societies. Besides, economic growth
has a large influence on the growing bias against women. The relative
negligence of child care has also given rise in the gender discrimination.
Most importantly, old-age security is also an important motive for the
preference of male children in our nation.
Source: http://iipsenvis.nic.in/Database/Population_4073.aspx
The discrimination is seen everywhere in terms of distribution of food,
nutrition, clothing, household chores, learning and education facilities
(e.g. low school enrolment and high dropouts), employment, medicine,
care and affection, freedom and mobility, leisure, sexual harassment,
fertility and reproductive functions. Growing as a female child in the
society itself is full of constraints and complexities.
Socialisation is a very important process in the upbringing of a child
and in this process family, school, and media play important roles as
agents of socialisation. The parents at home and teachers at schools
and colleges often promote the boys with the characteristics of
leadership and competitiveness and the girls as generous,
accommodating and feminine. In a patriarchal society girls are expected
to be modest, submissive and dutiful to their families. Even many
cultures do not permit equality between men and women. Girl children
are always unwanted in the society at large where they are surrounded
by different attitudes. They are always faced with sheer negligence,
exploitation and oppression from all strata of the society. In fact, the
status of girl child constitutes an important problem in every corners
of the developing countries and has emerged as the fundamental
question of Human Resource Development (HRD).
A Familiar Picture
Everywhere in the world, girls face discrimination. Discrimination
against the girl child starts the moment she enters into her mother’s
womb. The child is expose to gender differences since birth and recent
times even before birth in the form of sex- determination tests which
leads to foeticide and female infanticide. The home, which is supposed
to be the most secure place for girls, is where they are most exposed to
violence. If a girl child opens her eyes in any way, she is killed after her
birth by different cruel methods in some parts of the country. Thus
the very important “right to life “is denied to girl child. They often
receive less food than boys do, have less access to schooling and in
many countries, work long hours even when only 5 or 6 years old are.
Eighty million girls aged 6 to 11 do not even go to school. In societies
where a male is regarded as more valuable in the family, girls often are
denied to “the right to name and nationality”.
By being married off early or forced to stay at home and help in
domestic chores, girls are often denied the “right to education and all
the advantages that go with it”, “right to associate freely” and “right
accompanying unjustified deprivation of liberty”.
War, extreme poverty and other deprivations further endanger girl’s
life as they may be raped and forced to work in extremely dangerous
situations and environments as sex slaves, highly exploited domestic
workers or bonded workers in factories and farms. All these make a
strong case for the extra protection and support from the international
community to ensure that girl’s rights are realised and protected.
Some Vital Statistics

◆ Of the more than 110 million children not in school, approximately
60 per cent are girls.
◆ By age 18, girls have received an average of 4.4 years le4ss education
than boys.
◆ Worldwide of the more than 130 million primary school age children
not enrolled in school, nearly 60% are girls.
◆ In some countries of sub- Saharan Africa, adolescent girls have
HIV rates up to five times higher than adolescent boys.
◆ Pregnancies and child-birth related health problems take the lives
of nearly 146,000 teenage girls each year.
◆ In sub -Saharan Africa, a woman faces a 1 in 13 chance of dying in
childbirth. In Western Europe, the risk in 1 in 3,200.
◆ At least one in three girls and women worldwide has been beaten or
sexually abused in her life time.
◆ An estimated 450 million adult women in developing countries are
stunted, a direct result of malnutrition in early life.
◆ Two million girls and women are subjected to female genital
mutilation every year.
The Tragic Facts

According to Burgess (1979) child abuse refers to “any child who
receives non-accidental physical and psychological injury as a result of
acts and omissions on the part of his parents or guardians or
employers…” Rarely a day goes by without a child being subjected to
abuse and violations. Thousands of children in the world face daily
violations. Much of the violence against children, including physical
violence, psychological violence, discrimination, neglect and
maltreatment remains hidden and is often socially approved. Although
the consequences may vary according to the nature and severity of the
violence inflicted, the short and long-term repercussions for children
are very often grave and damaging. The physical, emotional and
psychological scars of violence can have severe implications for a child
development, health and ability to learn. There are several problem of
child abuse in every developing country like India, in general, and girl
child abuse in particular.
Female foeticide, female infanticide, girl child marriage, girl child labour,
girl child trafficking, girl child prostitution, are some of the few examples
that intensify the discrimination of women. These issues are discussed
below.
Pre Natal Sex Determination and Female Foeticide
Discrimination against the girl child starts the moment she enters into
her mother’s womb. The child is exposed to gender differences since
birth and in recent times even before birth, in the form of sex-
determination tests leading to foeticide. There are several risks of the
girl child. Before birth there is a probability of aborting her knowing
her sex by using the modern medical termination of pregnancy by
amniocentesis and female foeticide. And after birth she is exploited by
the family members by using her labour and depriving her from the
basic rights like education, health, nutrition and sexually harassing.
Female foeticide is the selecting abortion of the girl child in the womb
itself. It is done by modern medical means after the detection of the
child’s gender and it is done deliberately by the mother. This is usually
done under the familial pressure from the husbands and the in-laws or
even the women’s parents. According to the 2006 UNICEF study “State
of the World’s Children,” in India, 7000 girls a day are aborted just
because they are female. In looking at abortion trends of female
foetuses, a study in a Bombay hospital found that 96% of female babies
were aborted, compared with only a small percentage of male babies.
The Lancent study finds, “in 80 percent of India’s districts, a higher
proportion of boys are born every year than a decade ago as a result of
the growing availability of foetal sex-testing services”.
To protect the girl child from such odds several states of India have
taken various measures like Pre Natal Diagnostic Techniques
(Regulations and Preventions of Misuse) Act, 1994 amendment 2003.
It is an act to provide for the regulation of the use of pre natal diagnostic
techniques for the purpose of detecting genetic or metabolic disorders
or chromosomal abnormalities or certain congenial malfunction or sex
linked disorder and for the prevention of misuse of such techniques
for the purpose of pre natal sex determination leading to the female
foeticides and for matters collected there with and incidental there too.
Though this act written consent of pregnant woman in necessary to
conduct the pre natal diagnostic and no person conducting pre natal
diagnostic procedure is entitled to communicate about the sex of foetus
by words signs or any other means to the pregnant women concern or
her any relative. Punishment of cancellation or suspension of the
registration of the Clinique or the concerned personnel’s 3-5 years of
imprisonment and fine of 50,000 onwards. In addition the government
also introduced the Cradle Scheme in 1993 to take care of the
abandoned female child.
Female Infanticide
While selective –sex abortion is by far the more popular option, girls in
the developing countries like India is are yet at risk of being disposed
of by their families after birth. Another alarming problem with regard
to girl child is the practice of female infanticide. It is done with the
belief that the sacrifice of a girl child would result to the birth of a boy
child and would avoid subsequent birth of girls in a family. In the 2007
book, Disappearing Daughters: The Tragedy of Female Foeticide, investigate
reporter, Gita Aravamudan, claims that thousands of girls are killed
annually in Kerala alone. Another study has found that in Bihar state,
midwives are routinely asked to do away with new born girls.
The babies are killed in the following methods:
◆ Lacing their feed with pesticides
◆ Forcing grains of poppy seed or rice husk down their throats
◆ Stuffing their mouths with black salt or urea
◆ Starving them to death
◆ Suffocating them with a wet towel or bag of sand
◆ No or fewer months of breast feeding
◆ Rubbing poison on the mother’s breast, so that baby girl is poisoned
as she nurses.
◆ Leaving the baby to die in the fields.
◆ Burying the child alive.
Though there is a law namely, Female Infanticide Prohibition Act, 1870
in India against such practice for more than a century ago but still it is
being practiced in various parts of India.
Girl Child Marriage
Child Marriage has been traditionally prevalent in the developing
countries like India and continues to this date. Discrimination against
the girls begins even before their birth and continues as they grow.
According to the law, a girl cannot be married until she has reached the
age of 18 at least. But the girl is taken as a burden on the family.
Sometimes the marriages are settled even before the birth of the child.
In South India, marriages between cousins is common as they believe
that a girl is secured as she has been married within the clan. Parents
also believe that it is easy for the child –bride to new environment as
well as it is easy for others to mould the child to suit their family
environment. Some believe that they marry girls at an early age so as to
avoid the risk of their unmarried daughters getting pregnant. This shows
that the reasons for child marriages are so baseless. Basically, the
phenomenon of child marriage is linked to poverty, illiteracy, dowry,
landless and other social evils.
The impact of child marriage is widowhood, inadequate socialisation,
education deprivation, and lack of independence to select the life
partner, lack of economic independence, low health/nutritional levels
as a result of early or frequent pregnancies in an unprepared
psychological state of a young bride. Around 40% child marriage occur
in India. A study conducted by “Family Planning Foundation” showed
that the mortality rates were higher among babies born to women under
18. Another study showed that around 56% girls from poorer families
are married underage and became mothers.
In India, The Child Marriage (Restraint) Act, 1929 has been amended
in 1949 where the age of marriage of girls has been raised to 15 years
from 14 years. Further this act was amended in 1979 where the age of
marriage of girls has been raised to 18 years from 15 years. The Hindu
Marriage Act of 1955 also proposes the same age for marriage for
girls. But any marriage violating the age limit was not specified as invalid
or void. It should be noted here that the act is applicable for all
communities in India.
Girl Child Labour
Child labour is one of the extreme form of child abuse, whether
physical, emotional or sexual abuse. Child workers are exploited, exposed
to hazardous working conditions and are forced to forego education
to shoulder their responsibilities towards their families.
There is little documentation on girl child labour, which can also be
seen as an evidence of the invisibility of her labour though it contributes
so widely to the family, community and the society at large.
Worldwide domestic and household work is very often not seen as
work as such. Also, if a girl helps her mother in the household, it is in
most parts unrecognized because home-based work is seen as an
unskilled nature with low status. Their lack of educational or vocational
training, due to the preference given to boys, blocks their ability to
move upward. Because she lacks education, she has less possibility on
the labour market and is only relegated to low-paid and unskilled jobs.
This vicious cycle is hard to break because the exploited young girl
becomes the exploited adult woman who often does not see her work
as an economic activity but as under-valued.
In India though there is the Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation)
Act, 1986 and several changes have been made in the same act, but to
no avail.
Girl Child Trafficking and Prostitution

Prostitution has been in existence from the immemorial though its
institution has never been recognised by the society. It is being
considered as the oldest profession in the world. Prostitution has been
defined as promiscuous intercourse for hire whether in money or in
kind.
There are three important constituents of prostitution: illict and
promiscuous sexual intercourse, mercenary basis whether in cash or
kind and lack of affection or personal interest between prostitute and
customer. There are several reasons behind female prostitution like
poverty, destitution, death of parents or husbands, ill treatment or
neglect by parents, husbands or relatives, kidnapping, deception, bad
influence, sexual urge, illegitimate pregnancy, mental dispositions like
ignorance, desire for easy life, low moral values etc.
Human trafficking has been identified as third largest source of profit
for organized crime following arms and then drug, generating billions
of dollars annually with very little investment. It is ironic that in a
century that started with re-affirmation of the commonality of values
based on human rights and fundamental freedoms, such abuses still go
unchecked.
The concept of Human Trafficking refers to the criminal practice of
exploiting human beings by treating them like commodities for the
profit. Even after being trafficked, victims are subjected to long-term
exploitation. The UN Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish
Trafficking in Persons, especially, Women and Children 2000 gives first
internationally recognized definition of trafficking. According to this
definition trafficking involves –movement of persons – recruitment,
transportation, transfer, harboring or receipt of a person.
Trafficking must have an element of force, threat or coercion, or an
element of deceit or fraud (which vitiates any voluntary movement by
the victim). This also includes abuse of power by a person who has the
position of authority or control over the victim. The vulnerable position
of the victim, whether a child or a woman, is clearly brought out in
such situations. A guardian may force a child into marriage or may
perform a fraudulent marriage of his ward. He may dedicate a girl
child to a deity for prostitution.
Human Trafficking is a trade, commonly for the purpose of sexual
slavery, free labor or commercial sexual exploitation for the traffickers
or the others or for extracting organs and tissues including surrogacy
and removal. It is a lucrative business that has only become more
rewarding for traffickers with the advent of globalization. It is referred
to as “Modern Day Slavery” and this term portrays the crime exactly
as it should. Over 30 million people across the world are victims of
human trafficking and the majority of these cases go unheard of. India
is no exception. Despite the progress achieved, the country has not
made sufficient progress in wither its prevention or protection efforts
to address trafficking and cases of modern slavery resulting from it.
The idea that being forced into labor and sex only happens to people
who deliberately put themselves into situation is a common
misconception. It can happen to anyone, people get trafficked,
kidnapped, and bribed into this horrible crime industry every day.
So, the infringement of human rights has disguised and ungodly sequel
within the very veins of the society and as time comes, the brackets
will let loose germinating the seeds of cancer, eventually becoming an
uphill predicament. Therefore, at best, be it nipped at the buds
beforehand.
A Human Rights-Based Approach to Girl Child Protection

Attaining equality between women and men and eliminating all forms
of discrimination against women and girl child are fundamental human
rights and United Nations values. Women around the world nevertheless
regularly suffer violations of their human rights throughout their lives,
and realizing women’s human rights has not always been a priority.
Achieving equality between women and men requires a comprehensive
understanding of the ways in which women experience discrimination
and are denied equality so as to develop appropriate strategies to
eliminate such discrimination.
The United Nations has a long history of addressing women’s human
rights and much progress has been made in securing women’s rights
across the world in recent decades. However, important gaps remain
and women’s realities are constantly changing, with new manifestations
of discrimination against them regularly emerging. Some groups of
women face additional forms of discrimination based on their age,
ethnicity, nationality, religion, health status, marital status, education,
disability and socioeconomic status, among other grounds. These
intersecting forms of discrimination must be taken into account when
developing measures and responses to combat discrimination against
women.
The link between human rights and development is of recent origin.
Rights-based approaches are aimed toward enforcing accountability in
the development process by identifying claim-holders and
corresponding duty-bearers. These approaches examine the positive
obligations imposed upon duty bearers and the entitlements of claim-
holders. Such approaches also seek development of strong laws, policies,
institutions and administrative practices and call for the adoption of
benchmarks for measuring progress and accountability. Rights-based
1 approaches require a high degree of participation from all peoples,
including women and children. Human rights and sustainable human
development are interdependent and mutually reinforcing. For example,
human rights are enhanced when gender equity or poverty reduction
programmes empower people to claim their rights. The links between
human rights and development are clearly present in the people centred,
rights-based approach to development, poverty eradication, human
rights mainstreaming, good governance and globalization.
The Convention on the Rights of the Child ( CRC), adopted in 1989

and by now ratified by most countries of the world, provides an agenda
foe action in identifying persisting forms of inequality and
discrimination against girls, abolishing practices and traditions
detrimental to the fulfilment of their rights and defining and effective
strategy to promote and protect those rights. But implementation is
paramount to ensuring positive change.
Other than the CRC (Convention on the Rights of the Child), The
Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination against
Women (CEDAW) ratified by 163 countries, is the most extensive and
widely ratified international agreement promoting the rights of girls
and women.
CEDAW, while drawing on existing international human rights treaties,
is a separate and distinct convention addressing the rights of women.
It clarifies the negative consequences of discrimination and seeks full
equality between men and women regardless of marital status, in all
fields of political, economic social and cultural life. States that have
ratified CEDAW must take concrete steps, such as enacting laws,
establishing women’s rights commissions and creating conditions to
ensure that the human rights of girls and women are realised. Their
progress is monitored by the UN Committee on the Elimination of
Discrimination against women.
How This Convention Does Protect Rights?

The two conventions clearly states that the wellbeing and rights of the
girls and those of their mothers are inextricably related. If a girl is
brought up in a nurturing environment and her rights to education,
health, nutrition, protection are met, her life as a woman will be greatly
improved. At the same time, a girl’s life and upbringing will be
determined by how the mother is living and whether her rights are
respected. If a mother, who was lucky enough to survive the birth of
her children, has no education, labours long hours, is denied the right
to own property and control resources, she will be condemned to a life
of poverty making it difficult for her to provide a better life for her
child. Thus the importance of beginning early to find out the loop
holes of gender inequality. By intervening early when perceptions and
attitudes are being formed, the cycle of gender discrimination can be
broken before it has a chance to be internalised as the norm.
The Core Principles Defining Girls Rights

The rights of girls apply equally to all children. Four main core Principles
are defined by the CRC are:
◆ Regardless of the background of the child, the parent or the legal
guardian, children must not suffer discrimination.
◆ Children have a right to life and maximum survival and development
in all aspects of their lives.
◆ The best interests of the child must be a primary consideration in
all decisions or actions that affect the child or children as a group.
◆ Children have the right to have their views heard and be taken
seriously in all matters affecting their lives.
Refining these principles further, countries at the International
Conference on Population and Development in Cairo in 1994 agreed
to:
◆ Eliminate all forms of discrimination against the girl child and the
root causes of son preference which results in harmful and unethical
practices regarding female infanticide and sex selection before birth.
◆ Increase public awareness of the value of the girl child and at the
same time strengthen the self-image, self-esteem status of the girl
child.
◆ Improve the welfare of the girl child, especially in regard to health,
nutrition and education.
A Progress in Securing Girls Rights

By the end of 1999, nine African countries and seven industrialised
countries had passes laws banning female genital mutilation. Many other
countries had in place education and public awareness programmes.
Since 1990, primary school enrolment in developing countries has
increased by 50 million children, half of them girls.
◆ The African Girls Education Initiative, an international campaign,

assists 4,200 schools and literacy centres in more than 20 countries.
◆ In Yemen, the Government has declared education free for girls in
rural areas and has trained some 2,000 women teachers.
In addition to the population conference, many international
conferences have been held during which countries have reported on
what they have done to combat the discriminatory practices against
girls and women, establishing new declarations and objectives. Some
of the conferences include:
◆ The World Summit for Children(1990)
◆ The World Conference on Human Rights (1993)
◆ The Fourth World Conference on Women (1995)
◆ The World Conference on Human Settlements (1996)
◆ The Beijing +5 Women 2000 Conference (2000)
Success Stories From Around the World

UNICEF is undertaking many successful programmes in developing
countries to assure the girls enjoy their rights.
◆ In Zimbabwe, older girls mentor younger girls help them with math
and science during holidays. In Nepal community centres are
reducing childcare responsibilities for older girls enabling them to
attend school. In Egypt, community schools and improved teachers
training have had positive results for girls: increased enrolment rates
(from 30% to 70% in the Northern provinces), higher attendance,
and improved performance on national exams.
◆ In Thailand, the Youth Care Development Programme (YCDP),
provides skill training and job opportunities for girls who are at the
risk of being sexually exploited. Nepalese carpet factories were 50%
of the workers are esteemed to be children are common sites of
sexual exploitation by employers as well as recruitment centres for
Indian brothels. UNICEF sponsors programs to prevent the spread
of HIV/AIDS among 8000 child sex workers in Calcutta.
◆ In a village outside Dakar, Senegal, the practice of female genital
mutilation (FGM), or female circumcision, was banned due, in part,
to an innovative literacy campaign focused on women’s right to
health. This programme, bolstered by the passage of national
legislation banning FGM, has empowered women, garnered support
from the community, and resulted in the establishment of similar
programmes in 60 other villages.
◆ Nutrition supporters in Bangladesh are working in over 1000
community centres to promote improved caring practices for women
and children, with special attention given to girls.
Other agencies also provide programmes protecting the child from
violence and armed conflict.
◆ A programme entitled Child Connect utilises the latest
telecommunications technology to reunite the lost children caught
in conflict or natural disaster situations with their parents. The
project initiated by the International Rescue Committee uses a shared
database available to all agencies in the field who can post data and
photographs pertaining to lost children as well as search requests
from parents. Searches that once took months can now be completed
in hours.
◆ A new disaster response programme, which will provide and
maintain mobile and satellite telephone service as well as microwave
links for humanitarian relief workers. This will greatly improve and
quicken humanitarian responses to the many unpredictable disasters
we face today.
◆ In July 2000, leaders of the eight most powerful nations (Group of
8 or G-8) announced a universal feeding programme. The school
lunch programme will be an incentive for parents to make sure that
all children, including girls attend.
Conclusion
Today’s girl child is tomorrow’s women. If tomorrow’s women is to
become an equal partner with man in bringing about social change and
development to continue the generation, this is the time to accord the
girl child with her share of human dignity and opportunity. Despite
the remarkable progress in efforts to enables girls to fully enjoy their
rights, there is a still a great deal of work to be done in order to achieve
the objectives. There are many resolved issues of discrimination,
inequality, neglect, exploitation and violence against girls and women.
Part of the problem is the extreme poverty in many societies which
undermines the good intentions of many poor countries to implement
policies that would redress the discrimination and inequality that effects
girls and women. Besides, nothing has as great impact on children and
especially girls as a quality education. Despite the progress made over
the previous decades, fewer girls than boys enrol in school, and once
enrolled, girls do not succeed in their studies as well as boys. More
needs to be done to break the cycle of poverty. Special efforts should
be made for more enrolment of the girls to school and to find out
ways to chek drop outs and to retain them at school. On the other
hand, HIV/AIDS, the gravest challenge, which human being face at
the moment, complicates the problem as girls are at even greater danger
than boys the same age of being infected. It is therefore the most
important issue to redefine the sex role in the society and the societies
therefore redouble efforts to address the social and cultural practices
that still prevent girls and women fully enjoying their rights. For bringing
the two sexes at per both the family and the government should take
active role to ameliorate the conditions of the girl child by giving them
the basic rights to equality and justice as well as education and health.
References
◆ http://www.childlineindia.org.in/child-labour-india.htm
◆ http://iipsenvis.nic.in/Database/Population_4073.aspx
◆ Embassy of India, Addis Ababa Ethiopia, Places and Spaces: Proceedings
of an Indio-Ethiopian Symposium on Women’s Issues, May13.
◆ International Herald TRIBUNE, “More Foetuses Aborted in India,
UNICEF says, December12, 2006.
◆ Gender and Development: “Fighting female infanticide by working
with midwives: an Indian study”, vol.4, no 2 1996.
◆ Problems of Girl Child in India by Punyarupa Bhaduri.
◆ http://www.wikigender.org/wiki/girl-child-labourers-in-india-an-
invisible-issue Papyrus.
Traditional Social Stigma against the Hijras
Dr. DebalinaDebnath
Assistant Professor
Department of Folklore
University of Kalyani,
Ayantika Chakraborty
Student, M.A., Department of Folklore,
University of Kalyani
Email ID : ddebnathku@gmail.com
Abstract
The intention of this paper will be underpinning the struggle of ‘Hijra’ community against
the colonial oppression in 19th and 20th century. Hijras who can be called unique because of
their biological and psychological attributes have played a crucial role in building up resistance
against the British colonizer but hardly got any honor as patriots. The paper will examine
the initial approach of the British Government against the community and the
misinterpretation of their biological as well as sexual orientation. The British Government
enacted Criminal Tribe Act 1871 in North India and then extended it to Bengal presidency
in 1876. Implication of this acthampered freedom and existenceof Hijras in society as they
were accounted as Criminal tribe. Through this paper it will be stated that how the Hijra
community went through a fully fledged evolution in their professional and residential sphere
to sustain their existence and how they landed in their contemporary vulnerable condition due
to British criminalization of the group. As this paper is partially based on history of the
community vivid literary textual references will be used as primary source of data and
uncontrolled observation and interview will be taken as Secondary data.
Key words
British Colonialism, Bengal Presidency, Resistance, Criminal Tribe Act,
Profession Evolution
Introduction
The Eunuchs or Third Genders who are called Hijra or Kinnar in
India form a community secluded from the main stream society based
on their biological and psychological attributes. Now, here comes the
question that why are Eunuchs called as Hijra in India? In general, “a
man who has been castrated, especially (in the past) one employed to
guard the women’s living areas at an oriental court were called Eunuchs”
The word Eunuch have been in subsistence since the 9th Century BCE.
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
The word was derived from the Greek, and the meaning of the word is
“keeper of the bed” because castrated men were popular as guards of
royal harems at that time. It is believed to have started in China where,
at the termination of the Ming dynasty, there were about 70,000 eunuchs
in the palace of the Ming’s and many thousands more waiting to fill
vacancies in the royal quarters. Even in antique India Eunuchs used to
serve the same purpose. But what is terribly strange is the meaning of
the word ‘Hijra’ does not resemble enough with the meaning of eunuch.
Hijra is derived from an Urdu word ‘Hijar’ which stands for “Someone
who has come out from his /her own tribe or clan but the scenario is
quite different from the said terms in case of contemporary India. The
concept of Hijras changed drastically in India. Here, not just one with
genital disorder like who are born with ambiguous genitals are called
Hijra but also the castrated males are considered as Hijra. India still
does not approve homosexuality. So the males who have sexual
attraction towards the same sex get humiliated in society. To avoid this
humiliation and family pressure to marry a female, many of the males
willingly join the community following a castration ceremony. What
makes them significantly more unique is their adopted feminine attire,
make up and behavior.
BRITISH APPROACH TOWARDS THE COMMUNITY

British society is typically Kyriarchal natured in 21st century but it was
not same in previous two centuries. Patriarchy prevailed and dominated
the British society extensively in 19th century and partially in 20th. So
being the dominant ruler the reflection of their patriarchy came upon
the Indian patriarchal society more prominently. As per British culture,
masculinity came alongside with patriarchy. Masculinity was also
fundamental of British ideologies of rule in India, in which British
males were regarded as the ideal figure of masculinity. If we consider
the British context then the physical appearance, treating women as
possession but equally capable, engaging one’s self into violent games
or in any kind of activity which demands strenuous physical labor proves
the masculinity. The ruler with such ideas of masculinity granted hijras
as themockery of masculinity. The British Government always assumed
colonized Indian men as effeminate. In the presence of the hijras they
thought the Indian men as well as their own men would get demoralized
and catch up the attributes of Hijras.Not just that British Rulers
suspected the Hijra to infect British and native men with moral disease
but also with sexual disease extensively.
As I mentioned previously, the Hijras were either born hermaphrodites
or men with acute homosexual orientation who joins the community
following an emasculation process. But the British Rulers repudiated
the existence of born hermaphrodites and promoted that all the Hijras
are actually homosexual men who follow the emasculation to attain
the pleasure of their sexual contortion. Christianity does not approve
homosexuality as it hinders the reproduction. Thus the whole Christian
British clan believed that the entire Hijra community who are
homosexual as per them is committing sin and can encourage others
to march their path.
Another prominent belief prevailed in Pre-Independent India among
the natives. The natives used to believe extensively that the Hijras abduct
school going boys and forcibly castrate them to increase their
population. This idea later on got inflicted in rulers.
The hijras were enjoying protection and privileges from the princely
states. They used to get land to cultivate and live on ruler’s aid. As they
leave no heir on death, the land used to get occupied by other hijras. To
protection of ownership of land was crucial for Government as they
had to cultivate Indigo for export.
Considering all the above mentioned causes The British Colonial
Government enacted Criminal Tribe Act 1871 in North India and then
extended it to Bengal presidency in 1876. The Second part of this act
stated the Eunuchs as the criminals and demanded their registration
with Government and control on them. This means that the eunuchs
were liable to register their name with the local Police station initially.
According to this act Eunuchs are defined as “all persons of the male
sex who admit themselves or on medical inspection clearly appear, to
be impotent”. The NWP&O government told that any hijra who will
be seen in public places wearing female outfits and is engaged in any
kind of presentation of performing art will be considered as suspicious.
The Hijra who will be counted as suspicious has to register with the
Government because this suspicious status denotes that they can be
associated with abduction, sodomy or castration. Through this the
British Government wanted to make the whole community obsolete.
The Government mentioned that if anybody found to be guilty he or
she will get 2years of imprisonment and fine.
RESISTENCE
It is instinctive that oppressed will build resistance against brutal
oppressor, same happened between the Hijras and British. In spite of
being criminalized, having their existence at stake and even their civil
seized, they protested in their own way by using the crevices of the law.
They had absolute hard times struggling for their existence but the
fate and strategy helped them to win the struggle for the fittest. As
their public performance was banned by the Government and the cross
dressing was adjudged as obscene, Hijras began collecting alms in the
public areas. Mandatory to mention, begging or collecting alms was
never illegal in India. Eunuchs avoided performing in public areas but
simply begged for survival. Indians including Bengalis believe that Hijras
are highly auspicious as a glimpse of them can bring fertility, prosperity
and progress. So based on this belief, people used to give them alms
spontaneously. If denied then the hijras use abusive words and cursed
the denier. Curse of Eunuchs are envisaged as inauspicious because a
belief prevails that both their blessings and curses come true. The fear
driven natives always want to avoid this situation and hardly ever deny
alms to Hijras.
The Hijras started performing inside the households of the natives on
childbirth and marriage to avoid the British vigilance. This is typically a
new trend began at the colonial period because previously Hijras used
to perform at the yard or even at the outside of the house.
They picked up their communal mythologies derived from Hindu myths
of androgynes and emasculates for retelling as oral narrative. They
retold the myth mentioned in the VirataParva of Mahabharata where
Arjuna assumes an identity of a eunuch and performs rituals during
weddings and childbirths that are now performed by hijras and also
used to teach song and dance. They narrated the Ramayana myth where
the Eunuchs showed utmost loyalty towards Rama by waiting for him
for 14 long years. The myth of Bahuchara mata whom they call their
Patron Goddess was one of the most popular and wasincluded in a
colonial mythology. In this myth Hijras told a tale about a prince named
Jetho who was born impotent. The goddess appeared in his dream and
asked him to emasculate and take up feminine dressing and thus the
whole community follows the process. To evoke the authenticity of
this myth they began regular worshipping of the deity and visiting her
shrine. Myth of Aravan from Mahabharata and the marriage ceremony
of all the eunuchs with this deity in a temple in Tamil Nadu also worked
as source to legitimize hijra gender identity against the British approach
to enforce gender dualism.
To avoid registration they began to mobilize themselves leaving their
permanent residence. Hijras from different British ruled states started
fleeing to neighboring princely states as they found themselves
comparatively safer under a native ruler. The same happened with
Bengali Hijras after 1876. Many Bengali eunuchs fled to Ramgadi and
Rampur of present Uttar Pradesh.
The law and resistances drastically affected their socio-economic status
as well as brought a cap-a-pie change in their professional condition
which are still prevailing in this 21st century.
PREVAILING BALEFUL EFFECT OF CTA 1871

In India the concept of Hijra is antique but their socio-economic status,
significance in culture and society was entirely different from what they
are now. The presence of Hijra can be witnessed in one of the most
antique literary piece of India, Kamasutra by Vatsyayana written in 3rd
century CE. The term used in Kamasutra “the third nature” or “Tritiya
Prakriti” refers to a man who desires other men. The homosexuals
were treated with justified respect in this book.
Even if we go through Mahabharata we will witness that Eunuchs
used to teach song and dance in king’s court. The valorous Arjuna
took up eunuch-hood as work. Few versions of Ramayana states that
Rama grants hijras the boon to confer blessings on people during
auspicious inaugural occasions like childbirth and weddings. This boon
is the origin of badhai in which hijras sing, dance, and give blessings.
When the Mughals invaded India, they ruled approximately the whole
Northern India and partially the southern. They ruled India from 1526
to 1857 AD. At this era, hijras enjoyed a vital role in Mughal courts.
They achieved significantly important positions as Political advisors,
Administrators, Generals. And the cause behind their appointment was
that they were bestowed with wit, they were trustworthy and fiercely
loyal and had entrance to all spaces and section of the people. They
also acted as the guards of harem, being intersexual they were allowed
to interact with the women of the court as well as they had enough
strength to stop any intruder. On the other hand, as they had free
access to the outer court which Muslim women were devoid of, they
used to work as messenger between the inner and the outer court.
Hijras in the Mughal period secured an esteemed position in religious
institutions like Mecca and Medina as guards. Even till these days the
hijras state their position in society at the Mughal’s time. They want the
time to reverse back again to enjoy the position once more.
Later on, in the period of British colonialism,the British colonized
India in the 18th Century and introduced a new law. Section 26 of The
Criminal Tribes Act 1871 (Act XXVII) classified all Hijras as criminals
along with few other tribes like Lodha, Shabar, thugees, saints etc. This
pre-partition history instigated the vulnerable condition of the
contemporary hijras.
As we discussed earlier this made the hijras take up inferior jobs like
begging, cursing and stripping on denial, retelling myths, performing
stealthily inside the domestic household, mobilizing themselves like
criminals and even the fled hijras took up prostitution for livelihood.
In the Post-Independence era,the previous Act was annuled in 1952
but its legacy continues and many local state laws patterned the
prejudicial attitudes against certain tribes, including Hijras. Since that
time the hijras are treated as a secluded community and has opted for
begging in public places and public transports, prostitution is much
common now and along with these they perform at wedding and child
birth. Through their survival strategies they acquired the legitimacy to
wear feminine appareal and make up and have no prohibition to perform
in public places but their socio-economic status never geared up. They
spontaneously picked the inferior professions to elevate their financial
condition which lead them towards more darkness. They have
successfully established their gender identity in the country but most
of them are still depreviate of proper academic education.
Even if we talk about the Indian Government made laws, recently the
Karnataka Police Act was amended in 2012 to “provide for registration
and surveillance of Hijras who are indulged in kidnapping of children,
unnatural offences and offences of this nature” (Section 36A), which
is quite similar to the Criminal Tribes Act,1871, According to Section
36A, Karnataka Police Act, 1964, Power to regulate eunuchs, the
Government follows few processes like noting down the names and
addresses of the eunuchs residing in the area if they are suspected to
abduct and emasculate boys or of committing unnatural offences or
any other offences or abetting the commission of such offences.
CONCLUSION
In spite of leading a cumbersome life they are loathed by all. Even
after going through a lot of evolution hijras are holding a tradition of
India which hardly any other country has. Their culture attracts many
scholars, not only natives but foreigners too. Their culture obviously
plays an important role as the strangest identity of the sub-continent.
Exception exists everywhere. Same is with the condition of Hijras in
India. From last 3-4 years, the approach towards them is altering. A
prominent number of them are now holding creamy positions in society.
Indians are showing interest to bring them up to better strata of society.
NGOs have been formed wishing their betterment. But the Section 26
of Criminal Tribe Act1871 left them in such a vulnerable condition
that it took almost a century to come back to the main stream of the
society. The community demands praise for their win against the British
blasphemes. It was surely arduous for small community to stand against
a grave power like British Government but winning the struggle of
existence against British ‘die out’ strategy and cementing their cultural
significance in last two centuries established a brighter and higher
position for them in nation.
REFERENCES
1. Chettiar,A., (2009) “The status of hijras in civil society: a study of the hijras in
greater Mumbai,” Ph.D. Dissertation, College of Social Work Nirmala
Niketan, Mumbai,
2. Khan D., (2009) “Transgender says hubby has been abducted by his
family,” Mumbai Mirror, Mumbai, p. 4, February 25,
3. Mazumdar Ajay; Basu Niloy(1997)” Bharater Hijrah Samaj” Dip Prokashon,
Calcutta
4. Michelraj M., Historical Evolution of Transgender Community in India,
Asian Review of Social Sciences, Vol.4 No.1, The Research Publication
5. Nanda.S., (1990). Neither Man nor Woman: The Hijras of India, California:
Wadsworth Publishing Company,
6. Nanda. S.,(1996). “Hijra.” Encyclopedia of World Cultures. [Online].
Available: http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1G2-3458000491.html
7. Nanda. Serena (1999) “The Hijras of India: Cultural and Individual Dimensions
of an Institutionalized third Gender Role”
8. Reddy, G, With Respect to Sex: Negotiating Hijra Identity In South India (Worlds
of Desire: The Chicago Series on Sexuality, Gender, & Culture), University
of Chicago Press
9. SenI. (2005), Human Rights of Minority and Women’s, (Transgender Human
Rights), Delhi: Isha Books,vol. 2, pp. 4-41.
10. Sharma, S.K., Hijras The Labelled Deviants, Gyan Publishing House
11. Sharma,Preeti, Historical Background and Legal Status of Third Gender
in Indian society, IJRESS, Vol.ED -2 (12)
Gender and Autobiography: Relocating the
Bengali ‘other’ in Left Politics
Dr. Barnana Guha Thakurta (Banerjee)

Assistant Professor in Political Science
School of Social Sciences
Email ID:gtbarnana@yahoo.co.in
One of the most significant contributions that feminist scholarship

has made to academia over the past two decades concerns autobiography
and biography. Theoretically, practically and creatively, life writing as it
is mostly called now, have been reshaped to a great extent. In the realm
of social science this has taken the form of giving more space to the
personal, and what is described by sociologists as the study of intimate
life. So documentation of more number of women’s lives and writing
the history of the previously silent was encouraged by feminism across
the disciplines.
The present paper seeks to analyse some of the autobiographies written
by women members of the Communist Party in West Bengal. The
autobiography is selected as a means since through it both their personal
narratives as well as their political life could be best manifested. Again,
when women political activists are studied mostly in the backdrop of
any movement or their participation in political process, endeavour
here is being made to view them from a different perspective.This is
important since much of their role studied so far, was determined mostly
by the official discourse where the activist tends to speak more as a
member of any political organization and hence, may not reflect their
true selves. It is obvious when they represent a political organization
there exists certain political obligation to which they are bound to. But
when we look them through their autobiographies several small
incidents of their lives unfurls the different shades of their personalities
along with the inner relation which they shared with the organization.
Here lies the significance of an autobiography. For convenience the
paper has been divided into two sections, the first section essentially
highlighting on the underlying meaning of autobiography, reading
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
strategy and the reasons for gaining its prominence in gender studies;
the second section exclusively dealing with an in-depth study of the
autobiographies of the women communist members in West Bengal.
Section-I
Reading and analysing autobiographies seems to be a difficult task since
it demands an involvement with the author, her conditions of life and
the political situations to which she is placed into. Such an involvement
sometimes turned out to be problematic in the sense that occasionally
there arises a tendency on part of the researcher to be swayed away by
author’s own rationality and her judgements towards life and situation.
This ceases to do justice to the research and unable to bring out the
critical aspects. Again simply reading an autobiography without having
an understanding of the authorial intention, her psychological
conditions and analysing without considering the political context would
also tend to limit the purview of the understanding of the text. What
is therefore desirable is to develop a critical intimacy with the author as
well as the text.
Reading an autobiography would essentially begin with an understanding
of what an autobiography is and how far it is different from other
fictional writings. If we refer to Oxford Advanced Learner then the
meaning of autobiography is distinctly carved out as, ‘the story of a
person’s life written by that person.’ So in a way it is writing about the
‘self ’ –the self which the author wants to reveal. While an autobiography
draws on “real life” and “real events”, in the end it is not always an
objective of pure version of the life being told. An autobiographer
offers a carefully selected and highly constructed version of her life- a
story about who they are. That story is always motivated. So it helps to
make sense of what they have experienced, argue for the relevance of
their life story as a lesson for some larger public god, testify to the
discovery of self-knowledge as a result of the experiences they have
had and above all help to define themselves in their own terms free
from limiting social definitions. All these aspects of autobiography are
subjective and interpretative. Autobiography is not really about the facts
and events related; it is about how the writer chooses to interpret and
make sense of these events. As readers we are drawn to the tensions
and drama of that struggle to make meaning and to find self-knowledge.
As critics we are interested in analysing how the writer uses the story
telling to explore question about meaning, the self and the social and
political forces that affect the self. We are also interested in how language
and narrative give us meaning and give us a sense of self.
It must be noted that what the autobiographer expresses is, of course,
from what she experiences from within a feeling of her own
consciousness and the lessons which appear before her from others
surrounding her. So in a way it is more than the portrayal of her ‘self ’,
of her ‘time’ but also unfurls a new horizon of history. James Olney,
however, argue that if autobiography is in one sense history then one
can turn that around and say that history is also autobiography and in
a double sense. The makers of history or those, through whom history
is made, could find in their autobiographies the destiny of their time
achieved in action and speech; and the writers of history organise the
events of which they write according to and out of their own private
necessities and the state of their own selves. Today as it is well known
and acknowledged by every one that history is not an objective collection
of facts but one, historian point of view on the facts, a point of view
that takes as a sum of what she has experienced and understands, reveals
to us by the historian. This imply that while going through the
autobiography of the women political activist one has not only to take
note of the arguments mentioned in the autobiographies but also to
refer to other available literatures, relating to the compulsion or
willingness to justify or explaining that self. This turns out more crucial
when the study is restricted to the left political activists. The reason lies
in the actual function of the left political organization and in the present
case, the Communist Party of India where a rigid structure of
organization could be noticed. It is difficult for them to narrate their
life stories without considering the repurcations it might generate within
the party if in cases of adverse ones.
The most fruitful approach to the subject of autobiography is to
consider it neither as a formal nor as a historical matter which would
separate it from the writers’ life and her personality, but rather to see it
in relation to the vital impulse to order that has always caused man to
create and that in the end determines both the nature and the form of
what he creates. The act of autobiography as creation and as recreation,
constitute a bringing to consciousness of the nature of one’s own
existence, transforming the mere fact of existence into a realized quality
and a possible meaning. In a certain sense autobiography is both
definitions of the self at a moment and in a place.
It must be noted that an autobiographer undertakes a dual role. She is
the source of the subject matter and the source of the structure to be
found in her text. It is generally assumed that the information and the
events reported in connection with autobiography are purported by
the autobiographer to believe in what she asserts. The reader may expect
to accept these reports as true and is also free to check up on them or
may even discredit them entirely.
At this point of our discussion it is worthwhile to question what
generated a general interest and growing research on the
autobiographical studies over the last few years. The reasons for this
new interest are many. In the social sciences the present discussion of
the limits of the ‘grand narrative’ of theory has made it inevitable that
an interest in a smaller scale should emerge. Equally, the disenchantment
with meta-theory which is a feature of postmodernism has given the
particular, rather than the general, a new space in theoretical speculation.
In fact, autobiography as a self-representational practice that is
complexly situated within cultures, and autobiography studies, as an
increasingly transdisciplinary critical practice, have incorporated
postmodernist techniques and critiques with a variety of results.
Premising the ideas on the meaning and general understanding of
autobiographical studies as discussed in the present section, the
subsequent section will focus on a detailed analysis of the three
autobiographies of women communist members taken up for the
purpose. The women members are not selected randomly but for a
definite reason- the reason to recover and reinvent the voices of women
members who were engaged in different mass organizations of the
Communist Party of India in Bengal. These three are Sediner Katha
written by Manikuntala Sen, Jiboner Taane Shilper Taane by Reba Roy
Chowdhury and Dhaka Theke Kolkata by Nibedita Nag.
Section-II
Autobiographical studies of women members of communist party
cannot simply proceed without the reference of Sediner Katha. Published
essentially in the year 1982 Sediner Katha stands out to be different from
all others both in its narrative style and also from the courage as
expressed by the author time and again in retaining her autonomous
position vis a vis her organization. As a contrast the autobiography of
Reba Roy Chowdhury brings a different flair through her portrayal of
experiences in assimilation of culture with that of politics. Being a
well-known member of the cultural front and her lifelong experiences
in the radical organization has helped her to view life differently. No
adverse situation seems to dampen her spirits of struggle even if it
happens to be a struggle against a perennial disease in her personal life.
Dhaka Theke Kolkata is a comparatively much simpler narration both in
terms of literary and politically. As one of the two women party
members who were assigned by the organization to work at the then
East Bengal. Her account depicts her personal struggle along with her
political existence at a time when the organization had to work
underground due to state repression.
These autobiographies help us to view the relations of the women
communist and their organization from three different perspectives.
If Manikuntala Sen’s autobiography essentially brings out the issue of
contradictions in identity and gender in a manifest form, the
autobiography of Reba Roy Chowdhury unfurls the various
complications existing with politics and culture. Nibedita Nag’s account,
however, is more mainstream highlighting on least contradictions
thereby retaining a sort of compatibility with the party organization to
a great extent.
Now a more pertinent question at this point of discussion is essentially
to ponder on the reason to select autobiographies amongst many others
form of women’s writing. This is mainly because more autonomous
and independent voice is expected to be traced more in a personal
account of the communist party than their other sources like pamphlets,
organizational documents of the official discourse.
At the very outset it is worthwhile to note that there are certain problems
in studying the history of the communist party or any of its mass
organization. The problem lies in the fact that most of the internal
policy of the communist party is not placed before the public. The
analyst thus has to depend on official party literatures which most of
the time instead of communicating seems to conceal the actual motive
of that policy. This kind of political culture is so deeply rooted amongst
the members that even sometimes books, articles, journals published
by any of them actually reflects the official party line. Such an account
sometimes blurred the real history of that epoch. For instance, the
reason behind the emergence of MARS has been cited differently by
its members, available literatures and party documents. Kanak
Mukherjee for instance while narrating the history of the creation of
the MARS, in her book entitled Nari Mukti Andolon O Amra, has
suggested that it was mainly due to the conscious effort of Muzzaffar
Ahmed which oriented the policy of the communist party towards the
women’s issue and MARS is nothing but an offshoot of such an
initiative. In her prolonged introduction the way she portrayed how
the policy formulation takes place from party leadership through
ordinary members to the masses seems to us as an exact replica of the
Stalinist model of party, mass organization and masses. Contrary to
this view, many women communists members have however suggested
how P.C.Joshi has encouraged for the creation of such mass
organization.
Viewing the official bulletin of the party Janayuddhya we find the need
for a separate independent organization for women was voiced by Dr.
Gangadhar Adhikari (member of the then Central Committee). Today
it is difficult to analyze the real reason behind the formation of MARS
or party’s decision regarding it. But if we take into account the views
of Manikuntala Sen or Renu Chakravarty then in no way we can say
that either the Samiti or the mass movement as the direct outcome of
the party decision. In fact from the account ofManikuntala it seems
that MARS when formed at the residence of Mrs. Ela Reid (the first
secretary of the Samiti), few members were present. In that, to some
extent informal meeting the objective of the Samiti was also drawn. So
the decision seemed to actually move from grassroots’ to its upper
level thereby citing an exact opposite stand of the version provided by
Kanak Mukherjee. So here it can be said that Kanak Mukherjee’s book
which was published much later (2005), compared to Chakravarty and
Sen had actually internalized the official dictum of the party.
Manikuntala Sen has however written about a working committee of
MARS in which Ela Reid was nominated as the General Secretary and
Manikuntala as the Assistant Secretary. So this thus implies why and
how autobiography has been effective means of study apart from the
official documents of the party.
In fact from the early forties it was gradually realized by the party
leadership that there was an ardent need to rebuild the party organization
so that it could ensure a secure foothold among the masses. With this
objective in mind the party leadership started emphasizing upon the
formation of mass organization. Significantly what is worth noticing
is that the party had been very reluctant of the women’s organization
and perhaps its existence and functioning was not taken seriously at
least in the few initial years after its formation. That is why in The
Memorandum on “Communist Policy and Plan of Work” dated the
23rd of April 1942, mention of other mass organizations except for
the women could be traced. It goes like, “We put forward this policy in
the legal mass organizations in which we work. We succeeded in the
All India Students Federation (A.I.S.F.) and the All India Kisan Sabha
(A.I.K.S.) executives but failed to convince the majority in the All India
Congress Committee (A.I.C.C.) at Wardha and in the All India Trade
Union Congress (A.I.T.U.C.) at Cawnpore”.
Now within this broad banner of Mahila Atmaraksa Samiti the women
members used to play their role. Exception in this regard was Reba
Roy Chowdhury who was a member of the cultural front. However,
there were no hard and rigid boundaries of the mass organization of
the communist party. Different political programmes were accompanied
by the cultural programme as well. In fact, cultural programmes helped
to penetrate among the masses. It has been found in the autobiography
of Manikuntala Sen that how difficult was in those years to gather the
women from their household chores and discuss with them the different
policies of the party. In fact, it was difficult to involve women at the
initial stage in hard core political programme. It was therefore becoming
essential to involve them gradually through social and relief work. Other
means like organizing ‘baithaks’ (informal closed door meetings) and
‘prabhat pheri’ (morning music group) were practiced to bring women
into a political milieu. These baithaks proved very effective in making
women conscious about the adverse situation they are placed into,
mobilizing them and devoting them to campaign against it. It helped
them to realize the utmost need to put pressure upon government so
that many lives in jeopardy could be saved. The significant role of
these baithaks could be traced particularly during the famines when
the MARS members felt the urgency to make the people conscious of
the dire distress of the people and at the same time to pressurize the
government to save lives placed in jeopardy by the profiteers, black
marketers and the inefficient bureaucracy of the British government.
Autobiographies of the three women members are studied not solely
to search for their political role alone. Like any other autobiographies
three of them started from their childhood days, their family, and their
involvement with the communist party. What is interesting to note
here is that their familial background suggests them belonging to middle
class families. In the fifties and sixties, the acceptance of the communist
party amongst the middle class families in Bengal was on a rise. There
were one and sometimes more than one of their family members were
found to be involved in radical politics that inspired them to join the
organization.
Sometimes the opinion of the autobiographers could be traced on
issues of gender and how party responded to it. They are found in a
very subtle way and never in a manifest form. For instance, if one
notes the principles through which the Communist Parties work at the
organizational level helps to give birth to such faiths. The strong party
hierarchy with decision flowing from top to bottom talks more of
centralism and less of democracy. Being nurtured in such political
environment, for long, gradually destroys one’s own individuality since
the party’s priority over the decision in almost all cases happened to be
binding even if it goes against the individual decision. No wonder, in
doing so the discipline within the party is retained but at the cost its
members turning subservient to the official dictum of the organization.
In her memoirs Manikuntala Sen touches over the issue in a very gentle
and mild way. Once being tuned to such a system of functioning the
member carries out the command of the organization but expresses
her incapability to judge the decision with her individual rationality. It
creates double jeopardy for the communist women of Bengal. Double
since born women they were unable to free themselves entirely from
the clutches of social norms, taboos and customs which to a large
extent control and restrict their lives thereby disabling them to take
decisions. Even their independent judgment to join the communist
party or to some extent their effort in breaking the social norms like in
those years avoiding arranged marriages, lavish wedding, dowry, etc.
marked their actions as radical. Yet the party by appearing as an extended
family to them also gradually manages to establish its patriarchal
prejudices upon them. So their journey seems to be from one set up of
arrangements to another in which instead of the head of the family (in
most cases the senior adult male member) the party leadership take the
decision on their behalf. Hence, such organizational decision on their
behalf seeks to control all spheres of their life including their personal
affair.
Another incident is worth to note from Sediner Katha. For instance, at
around 1954-55 there was an absence of any talk about birth control
or family planning. There was hardly any discussion or advertisement
on this matter. But women used to complain about the difficulty in
managing several children and also their health being affected severely
by it. What made the situation worse was that even the communists
were not ready to accept it as a problem rather they regarded it as an
offshoot of the Malthus Theory and were unacceptable to them. Even
the party disapproves contraception or family planning. At this juncture
MARS organized the Provincial Mother’s Conference in which children
were given a priority. In the conference several demands were placed
like providing maternity allowance to pregnant working women, opening
maternity centres in large numbers for women, opening crèches for
children of working mothers and the like. Along with these charters
of demands, well known women doctors gave speeches on child rearing
and maternity welfare.After hearing what had taken place in the
conference and specially the speeches one of the party members
commented, ‘This could have been called a birth control conference
instead of a mother’s conference’. The party was not satisfied with the
role played by the members of MARS but the women communists did
not have any choice but to respond to the pressures of real life. The
mention of this incident from this perspective could not have been
found in either the official discourse or from those documents of the
organization where though the mention of the event could be traced
but the attitude of the party could not have been located. This is
interesting and perhaps the significance of the autobiography lies herein.
Again, their role in the cultural field was also merely carrying out the
instructions of the director but hardly directing or bringing out a
production on their own. So it seems that the communist party did not
take their women members into confidence and entrust onto them
with responsibilities which happens to be of paramount important to
the organization.
What is also worth noticing is that none of the women members seems
to be hardly critical of their organization. They were perhaps not very
certain whether it was a right thing to do so since the organization
meant so much for them. Nibedita Nag for instance, had a premature
delivery when she had to abscond in different parts of East Bengal
when the party was operating underground. Consequently, her first
girl child had to suffer and could not lead a normal life. When asked if
she had any grievances against the party for such hasty decision she
disagreed entirely and never to held her organization responsible for it.
Autobiography can also turn out to be a confessional document seems

revealing with Sediner Katha. Manikuntala Sen’s account at the end seems
to be justification for her decision to depart from the party. Apart
from the vivid description of political activities since her childhood
her emotional attachment with the party and also her sufferings to
leave her fellow comrades at the very end of the narration leaves an
impression upon the readers. One may draw the thin line of differences
in the genre developed in autobiographical studies in terms of gender
or from that of culture. But what perhaps becomes more appealing is
the emotional content which could be traced in more or less three of
the taken accounts.

1. Sen, Manikuntala, 1982, Sediner Katha, Nabapatra Prakashan, Kolkata.
2. Sen, Manikuntala, 2010, Manikuntala Sen Janajagarane Narijagarane Janma
Satabarshe Rachona Sangraha, Thema, Kolkata.
3. Nag, Nibedita, 2008, Dhaka Theke Kolkata, Alochona Chakra, Calcutta.
4. Roychowdhury, Reba, 1999, Jeebaner Taney Shilper Taney, Thema, Kolkata.
5. Singh, Moni, 1988, Life is a Struggle, People’s Publishing House, New Delhi.
6. Roy, M.N. 1984, Memoirs, Ajanta Publications, Delhi.
7. Omvedt, Gail, 2004, ‘Women’s Movement: Some Ideological Debates’, in
Chaudhuri, Maitreyee, ed. Feminism in India, Kali for Women and Women
Unlimited, New Delhi.
8. Overstreet, G.D. and Windmiller, M. 1960, Communism in India, The
Perennial Press, Bombay.
9. Munshi, Vidya, 2005, In Retrospect, Manisha Publication, Kolkata.
CULTURE
sfdsddfsfsdf
Contextualising Culture of Science in
the Psyche of the People in Twentieth Century Bengal
Dr. Sabyasachi Chatterjee

Associate Professor
Department of History,
Email ID: sabya4@gmail.com
Abstract
This paper tries to contextualize the culture of science in the psyche of the Bengalee people in
the time specificity of the twentieth century. Here, the arguments have been developed in two
ways. At first, it tries to place science in popular culture that means it has tried to investigate
the popular perception of science among Bengalee literates. Secondly, it tries to analyse the
culture of popular science in twentieth century Bengal. For that purpose, this paper tries to
survey the writings of the leading science communicators of Bengal. This analytical survey
has tried to focus on the nature of popular science as reflected in Bangla popular science
writings and the motivating factors of the popular science communicators to do their work.
Ultimately this paper tries to investigate the dichotomy of the mind of the common Bengalee
people, who despite having a sound knowledge of the science follow a number of rituals,
which cannot be explained by scientific temper. The study on the long term transformation of
Bengali society and culture will be incomplete without exploring the culture of science in the
Bengalee mind. Thus this investigation is essential to trace the cultural history of twentieth
century Bengal.
This paper tries to contextualize the culture of science in the psyche of the Bengalee people in
the time specificity of the twentieth century, which is an essential requisite to trace the
cultural history of twentieth century Bengal. Here, I have tried to formulate my arguments
in a way which would deal with two aspects. First, it would try to place science in popular
culture that means it would try to investigate the popular perception of science among Bengalee
literates. Secondly, it would try to analyse the culture of popular science. This analysis would
try to focus on the nature of popular science as reflected in Bangla popular science writings
and the motivating factors of the popular science communicators to do their work.
Keywords
Popular science, Popular culture, Science, Society, Science movement,
Science communication, Bengalee.
Science in Popular Culture

The first problematic is the perception of the people about the term
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
‘science’. What do they mean by it? For a clear understanding of its
working domain, the real meaning of the term needs to be analysed.
Here, we should mention the Bangla terms also. So let us first think
whether there is any difference between the terms ‘science’ and ‘bijnan’?
Does the difference in language bring in any difference in meaning?
From our child days, we are taught that bijnan means bishes jnan or
specialized knowledge. If we consult dictionaries, then we find that the
first meaning of bijnan is bastusamuher bishes jnan (specialized
knowledge about matters) or to know something as special,1 or
specialized knowledge 2. In some dictionaries, this ‘speciality’ can be
found in the following lines; in some that is not specified. It is spelt out
in one or two dictionaries that knowledge derived from the process
made of experiments, proof and rational ideas etc. or the knowledge
derived from observation and research is science. 3 In other dictionaries,
it was simply knowledge, theoretical knowledge, derived from the word
‘logy’ meaning information etc.4 So we refer to science without knowing
the real sense of the term. Some English dictionaries have given further
specificity to the meaning of science.
According to D.K. Illustrated Oxford Dictionary, science means a branch
of knowledge, involving the systematized observation and experiments
with phenomena. It is also written that science is a systematic and
formulated knowledge especially of a specified type or on a specified
subject.5 The Cambridge International Dictionary of English is of the opinion
that science is a knowledge obtained from the systematic structure and
behaviour of the physical world, involving experimentation and
measurement and the development of theories to describe the results
of these activities. 6 Likewise, the Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current
English, opined that science is a branch of knowledge conducted on
objective principles involving the systematized observation of and
experiment with phenomena.7 Thus, it can be pointed out that there is
a difference in prioritization; the Bangla dictionaries primarily termed
‘science’ as a special knowledge while the English dictionaries
emphasized on two obvious factors, i.e. experimentation and
observation, which are essential to be regarded as science. So the
definition of bijnan (or science) is very complex to us.
Likewise, in Bangla culture, we have a certain archetype character of a
scientist. The scientist can be recognised even externally. We may cite
the example of Professor Nani of Birinchibaba, written by Parashuram
(Rajsekhar Basu).8 The writer has satirically characterized Professor
Nani: “Professor Nani did not profess in any educational institution
but he had passed a number of examinations. He had pursued different
scientific experiments in his home. For that reason, his friends called
him ‘professor’. He had no anxiety about earning because he had some
ancestral properties.”9 So whether we think of a scientist, certainly the
picture of a person, dressed in apron, with uncombed hair, busy, at the
same time a self-forgetful and absent-minded person comes to our
mind. He used to supervise various works impatiently but keeping totally
aloof himself from all earthly attachment.
Persons like Professor Nani, who was insensible to his immediate needs
and at the same time very much busy with his so called scientific activism,
is the archetype of a scientist in the eyes of the society. So, we have
some preconceived notions about science and the scientists. According
to these notions, scientists seem to be group of persons, who are free
from any social involvement. But the fact is that science is directed for
the society. So, the society should decide how science should be used.
Now, what is meant by the word ‘society’? Society is formed by the
combination of individuals but this combination is not random. Human
beings form groups and these groups at some special phases are
regarded as the society. Accordingly, group formations, small, small to
big, bigger and the biggest, irrespective of place, time and characters
are defined as society.10 According to the Concise Oxford Dictionary of
Current English, society is the sum of human conditions and activities,
regarded as a whole functioning interdependently.11 But is science used
for each and every member of the society? The way through in which
science would be used is generally dictated by some influential members
of the society. But, what those members do perceive about the nature
of science?
We may once again analyse the perception of society regarding science
through citing some television advertisements. In an advertisement it
can be seen that a woman is addressing a scientist and is saying that her
hairs are falling. She asks for a solution. Then, we see, a scientist, who
is reading the Science Reporter, a science magazine for the teen-agers,
suddenly answers ‘simple solution, vitamin H.’ 12 In another
advertisement it can be seen that a so-called nutrition-expert ‘professor’
is saying that a ‘complete planned food’ has calcium that strengthens
the bones.13 Both these advertisements exposed the commercialization
of the scientist himself. It has to be noticed that the perception of
science that the society has developed, are used very cleverly in these
advertisements. Another thing to be noted is that a number of English
words and scientific terminologies are used there. These characteristics
are evident elsewhere, in computer astrology, electric-run fore-telling
machine in fairs,14 electronic equipment for measuring height and weight,
where future predictions are freely supplied with and ‘metal tablets’ for
changing the fate etc. All these are the attempts to sell a-science in the
packet of science. This endeavour is not new. Long before in 1930,
Rajsekhar Basu in his article Apabijnan15 had said that as a result of the
spread of science the old superstitions are going out gradually.
Apadharma (a-religion) has developed by using the name of religion;
likewise apabijnan (a-science) has developed in the name of science.
In every country, numerous new confusions prevail in the mind of the
people in the name of science. In the present 21st century also, science
has remained as a distant object to the majority of the population of
the society. It does preach but it is not used completely to solve the
day-to-day problems of one’s life, i.e., to break the contradiction between
one’s beliefs and activities.
Its root may be traced back in the science learning process of our
school education. For instance, in the practical curriculum of life science,
a student in the school reads ‘a beaker has been taken. That is filled
with water. Then a piece of wood is taken. Three seeds are attached
with pins on it. That piece of wood is poured into the beaker.’ In that
experiment the activities, which are mentioned are not at all performed
in practice. So, a student never gets the opportunity to witness the so-
called observations. Thus science has been learnt through memorization
of some facts. On the other hand, the science club provides the students
with similar opportunity of pursuing experiments. It is needless to say
that, very few learners can get this opportunity. The guardians also do
not encourage them to take part in the activities of science clubs. They
think that those activities may harm the career of their children. Because
of excessive load of science teaching in schools, science in practice is
ignored. So in the greater domain, a learner notes down his/her’s
inference without doing any experiment or observation.
This trend creates a major problem in the perception of science in
popular culture. Let us give an example. On 21st September 1995, a
rumor had spread on the issue of feeding of milk by Ganesa. This
incident had showed the dichotomy of the people’s minds. Later, a
study was conducted by two students of the Department of Applied
Psychology of the University of Bombay.16 It showed that despite of
having a scientific knowledge of capillary action and surface tension
(which were responsible for milk-feeding by Ganesa), the people had
believed the rumor. It had proved that there was a gap between the
science education and the scientific temper.
Naturally, in practical life, it is not astonishing to notice that these
students cannot have a scientific mind. Among them, those who are
meritorious, hard working and those who can fulfill the required
opportunities, later become scientists. Recently, there is a growing
tendency of studying engineering and technology rather than pursuing
research in basic sciences. These students are detached from the
common people. The daily life of a school-going student is divided in
various slots. Along with spending a long hour in school, he/she has
to learn different subjects like drawing, singing and swimming. But no
concern has been shown to make the students aware of the society.
We have discussed at length on the discourse on people’s perception
of science and the scientists. We have seen the absence of scientific
temper in the society and the unscientific attitude among the people.
Added to that, some governmental departments often advise people
to depend upon godly power, even in the course of applying science.
The buses of the Delhi Paribahan Nigam (Delhi Transport
Corporation) have some writings on their inside body walls like ‘Let us
work, let god adjudge the result’; the Uttar Pradesh State Transport
Authority is more spiritual to declare ‘During journey, go on praying to
God’.17 Along with that, in many programmes, sponsored by the central
and/or state government and even in government’s own programmes,
Hindu religious rituals like breaking of coconuts and lighting of lamps
are followed. The leaders often consult almanacs and astrologers to
determine the auspicious time for taking oath for the office of ministers
or filing nomination papers for election.
According to Anil Sadgopal of Hosangabad, some major obstacles in
the process of spreading scientific method are information gap, the
tendency to follow traditions, fatalism and fear of reprisals by the vested
interests and inability for abstraction. He says: ‘if we can learn to
overcome these obstacles to the educational process, we can see a
powerful and growing process of education emerging. If the methods
of science can thus be made part of people’s thinking, there is hope
that the domination of the educated elite and of the vested interests in
the field of planning and development can then be challenged by the
common people.’18
Here lies the importance of having scientific outlook in the people’s
thinking. But it is very hard in this scenario of unscientific temper to
make the society scientific and to make science social. However, the
journey to fulfill this goal has started. The people’s science movement
has begun with the aim of achieving this goal.
Culture of Popular Science

Popular science writing is one of the important parts of this science
movement. Science popularization programme is very common in the
arena of science movement. Its aim is to present scientific theories
and information in a popular way. But one may doubt that imparting
scientific information does not essentially help to create a scientific
culture. Thus the problem arises that what are the motivating factors
for a science communicator in general and science writer in particular
for communicating science? Why one engages oneself in the working
domain of popular science.
The popular science writers are not necessarily the people’s science
activists. There are diversities in their attitude towards the popular
science writing, which indicate the complexity of the culture of popular
science. Whatever the general problems of communication of science
and technology in regional languages are the same for Bangla language
also. This problematic scenario includes the terminologies in the regional
languages, perception of science and technology that the society at
large has developed, determining the target audience etc. Historically
speaking, starting from the nineteenth century, Bengalee intellectuals
had started to communicate science. Naturally, they had faced the
teething problems of the discipline. However, they successfully
developed a trend of communicating science in indigenous language
that is being used for dissemination of science in the contemporary
days. Following the footsteps of those intellectuals, the science
communicators of the present period are trying to communicate
scientific theories and their applications in a lucid way so that the
common people get interested. This lucidity and creation of interest
among the common people are essential features of the culture of
popular science. The science communication endeavour aims to develop
a scientifically informed and attitudinally rational society.
Among the practicing science communicators, some are interested in
the limited scope of popularising scientific theories and information.
But side by side we may notice an endeavour of self-analysis among
the science writers. For example, we may cite a write-up of Ashok
Bandyopadhyay, a noted science writer and the founder-editor of the
science-periodical Utsa Manush. Ashok Bandyopadhyay in his said article
titled ‘Banglay Bijnan Lekha O Lekhak’ (Science Writing in Bangla and
the Science Writers)19 had elaborated his view on the culture of science
writing in Bangla. He opined that the dream and ideals of scientist
Satyandra Nath Bose, i.e. science should reach to the common people
through Bangla, is the key note of Bangla science writing. To him the
culture of popular science writing may be traced back in the period of
Bengal renaissance. The Bangla science writing emancipated itself from
the style of English writing through the writings of Bhudev
Mukhopadhyay, Akshay Kumar Dutta, Bankimchandra Chattopadhyay
and Ramedrasundar Trivedi. However, according to Ashok
Bandyopadhyay, the inspiration and objective of their writings were
more aimed at to strengthen the Bangla literature rather than science
popularisation. To him, Satyendranath Bose can be considered as a
pioneering person as far as science popularization is concerned but
along with him the name of Sukumar Ray, Jagadananda Ray and
Rajsekhar Basu should be uttered in this regard. Ashok Bandyopadhyay
did not consider the names of Jagadish Bose, Meghnad Saha,
Rabindranath Tagore, Priyadaranjan Ray as important as the above
writers as far as the emancipation of scientific subjects from the abstract
philosophy and hard mechanism is concerned. He opined that the first
group of writers was much more concerned about the interest of the
popular mind. Thus they succeeded in their endeavours.
Satyendra Nath Bose was much more concerned about the new findings
of scientific explorations in the decade of forties in the twentieth
century. He had a holistic attitude. That is why he thought that the
spread of science would attract the commoners towards science and
that science and technology would help them to prosper the society.
Thus he did not confine himself within his self-writings, rather than
he spearheaded the formation of Bangiya Bijnan Parishad and the birth
of a science periodical, Jnan O Bijnan, whose editorship was given to
the idealist and honest science-editor Gopal Chandra Bhattacharya.20
Bandyopadhyay is of the opinion that the influence of noted science-
writers like James, Jeans, Gamo, J.D. Bernal, J.B.S. Haldane might play
an important role in this time. Here we may notice the culture of popular
science in a broader perspective.
Banyopadhyay narrated that the decades between sixties and eighties
were the decades of the development of the world of science. Thus
there was enormous supply of resources for the popular science
writings. Therefore there was a tremendous growth of popular science
writings in Bangla in this time. But Bandyopadhyay opined that though
there were a huge number of science-writers as well as science-writings
yet as far as quality is concerned these writings were much inferior to
the popular science writings of writings of Haldane, Asimov, and Sagan.
He pointed out another limitation of the science writers. That limitation
lies in their duplicity. He alleged that those writers are much more
interested to highlight the development of science and technology with
a goal to portray a ‘feel good’ situation. They are reluctant to expose
the unequal development of science and technology in this country,
where the rich people get the fruits of so-called development
discriminating the poor.
Conclusion
But there is other side of the coin. Along with the growth of science
movement in the state (whatever limited is it), we notice an emergence
of a number of science activists, who have taken pen as a weapon to
make society scientific in attitude.21 They firmly believe that only
attitudinally scientific society can bring a change which will lead to an
overall progress of the people. To them, that should be the culture of
popular science communication, be it in writing or otherwise.
Let us hope with all these initiatives the true perception of science
should be developed in popular culture of the Bengalee society so that
the culture of popular science would be prospered in the days to come.

1. Mitra Subal Chandra edited (1984), Saral Bangala Abhidhan, 8th edition,
Kolkata, p. 948.
2. Basu Rajsekhar edited (1385 B.S), Chalantika, 12th edition, p. 510.
3. Ibid. & Biswas Shailendra edited (1961), Samsad Bangala Abhidhan, 2nd
edition, Kolkata, & Jnanendra Mohan Das edited (1986), Bangala Bhasar
Abhidhan, 2nd edition, Vol. 2, Kolkata, p.1569.
4. Mitra Subal Chandra edited (1984), Saral Bangala Abhidhan, 8th edition,
Kolkata, p. 948.
5. The D.K. Illustrated Oxford Dictionary(1998), Oxford, , p. 738.
6. The Cambridge International Dictionary of English(1995), Cambridge, 1995, p.
1266.
7. The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current English(1996), 8th edition, Oxford,
p. 1081.
8. Parashuram (Basu Rajsekhar)( 1969, cited edition- 1974) , Birinchibaba,
Parashuram Rachanabali, Vol.II, Kolkata, pp. 3-26. Translated from Bangla
by the present author.
9. Ibid., p. 9.
10. Mukhopadhyay Ramkrisna (1991), Samaj Sanskar Pragati, Kolkata, p.11.
11. The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current English (1996), 8th edition, Oxford,
p. 1154.
12. An advertisement of ‘Keo Karpin Hair Vitalizer’, developed by Dey’s
Research Centre, a product of the Dey’s Medical Stores Pvt. Ltd, Kolkata.
13. An advertisement of ‘Complan’, a product of Heinz India (P) Ltd, Mumbai.
14. Chakraborty Swapnamay (1998, March 22), Bijnan Nai E Tar Mukhosh
(This is not science, but a mask of it.), the Anandabazar Patrika,.
15. Basu Rajsekhar (2001), Apabijnan, first published in 1929, compiled in
Dipankar Basu edited, Prabandhabali by Rajsekhar Basu, Kolkata, p. 35.
16. Saxena Gourpriya and Jalil Shabnam, two post graduate students of applied
psychology in the University of Bombay had conducted the research on
psychological and social reactions to the incident of 21st September, 1995,
i.e., the so-called feeding of milk by Ganesha. Report published in the
Times of India, Bombay (1995, November 28).
17. What We Need Is A New Science Movement (1997), Kolkata, p. 8.
18. Sadgopal Anil (1981, October), Between Question and Clarity, the Science
Today, pp. 29-31.
19. Bandyopadhyay Ashok (1985, April-May), “Banglay Bijnan Lekha O
Lekhak”, Jnan O Bijnan, Kolkata, , pp. 161-164.
20. However first editor of the Jnan O Bijnan was Prafulla Chandra Mitra.
21. A number of science writers had expressed their opinions regarding the
objectives of their writings in a meeting held on the occasion of Bijnan
Chetana Forum on 9 January 2005 at Madhyamgram. Their views were
later published in the Mukhapatra Chetana, different numbers, published
in 2005 & 2006.
◆ My ideas on the popular perception of science has earlier been expressed in an article
titled “Science for Whom? Popular Perception of Science and the Politics of Science
Movement in Bengal”, published in the journal Asia Annual 2008, Manohar, New
Delhi. I owe to that article for formulating some of my arguments expressed in this
paper.
Extension of Sanskrit Learning in 20th Century in Bengal
Dr. Sudipta Pramanik

Assistant Professor of Sanskrit, (WBES)
Kaliganj Govt College, Nadia
Email ID: sudipsans@yahoo.com
Abstract
The Sanskrit language is the origin of all languages. It is called the ‘matriswarupa.’
Now I would like to represent the glorious history of the extension of Sanskrit
literature, Grammar etc. in 20th century in Bengal. In this respect so many institu-
tions played important role to extend the study of Sanskrit.
The study of Sanskrit extended in Bengal through University system. In the first
part of 20th Century studies of Sanskrit extended in Bengal through Sanskrit
college, University of Calcutta, University of Dacca. There after Jadavpur Uni-
versity, Burdwan University, Rabindra Bharti University, Viswa Bharati univer-
sity etc. started with Sanskrit Department and established Centers of Excellence
in different areas and have been able to create fantastic collection of manuscripts
and curios, which were belonged to several Pandits of chatuspathis, tolls etc. of
Bengal.
It is mentioned that the Asiatic Society, Bangiya Samaskrita Siksha

Parisad, Sri Sitaramdas Omkarnath Samaskrita Siksha Samsad etc. took part
for the extension of Sanskrit studies in 20th century. For these the state of undi-
vided Bengal (Now West Bengal) deserves the honour for spreading the traditional
learning of Sanskrit.
Key words
Extension of Sanskrit, Centres of Excellence, Traditional Learning,
Asiatic Society, Pandits of Chatuspathis.
Sanskrit is one of the oldest languages of ancient India. Sanskrit still

plays an important part in the life, thought and expression of the people.
It is the language of the culture of the country and is still spoken in
learned assemblies and continues as a medium of original literary
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
composition. So the language is called the ‘matriswarupa.’ Now I
would like to represent the glorious history of the extension of Sanskrit
literature, Grammar etc. in 20th century in Bengal. In this respect so
many institutions played important role to extend the study of Sanskrit.
In the first half of 20th Century the studies of Sanskrit ex-

tended through Chatuspathis and Tols system. Calcutta has continued
to establish itself as a great Centre for traditional learning, and in spite
of many problems and difficulties, traditional learning has survived in
the city as also in the State. Government Sanskrit College which is in
existence for more than 150 years has a rich unit of traditional learn-
ing, where scholars drawn from all over the country receive instruc-
tions from teachers trained on traditional line, who have deep penetra-
tion into original texts. Almost all the areas of Sanskrit learning are
cultivated in the Traditional unit of the Government Sanskrit College.
In this context reference should be made of the endeavour of

the Government of West Bengal which has reached fruition in the
establishment of three Government Sanskrit College & for teaching
Sanskrit in the traditional style in Navadvipa, Coochbehar in North Ben-
gal and Midnapore.
Mention should be made of the fact that the Government of

West Bengal has established the full fledged department under the
Education Directorate, in the name of Vangiya Sanskrit Siksha Parisat,
which supervises the activities of as many as 1000 Tols, otherwise called
Catuspathis, and recommends to the Government as also to the Gov-
ernment of India for financial grants. It conducts the Sanskrit exami-
nations and awards Degrees in the three tier system Adya, Madhya
and Tirtha. It is a miniature examining University.
“Sri Sri Sitaramdas Omkarnath Sanskrita Siksha Samsad,” a com-

paratively recent voluntary organization, having for its chief objective,
propagation of the message of Sanskrit throughout the length and
breadth of the globe is running a Veda Vidyalaya which happens to be
one of the major units of the Samsad. This unit is imparting instruc-
tions to young learners on the technique of chanting Vedas with proper
intonations so that the skill of chanting Vedas can be handed down to
the Twenty-first century. This Unit is offering, with the assistance of
Maharsi Sandipani Rashtriya Vedvidya Pratisthaanam, part time course
in Vedic studies in which school students of a particular age-group are
being imparted instructions in the art of Vedic chanting. A dose of
Indian Culture also is being given to each student, so that the young
learners can feel justified pride in the rich cultural heritage of the
nation. This Unit is also conducting Vedic classes (open to all), where
any inquisitive person can receive lessons in regard to multi-dimen-
sional Vedic Culture and can know the fundamentals of Indian
Tradition.Through its Mahavidyalaya Unit, the Samsad is running ‘Sastri’
and ‘Acharya’ Programmes under the patronage of the Rastriya San-
skrit Sansthan and is conducting research programmes also leading to
‘Vidya Varidhi’ degree of the same Sansthan. Areas in which the
Mahavidyalaya Unit is working are represented by Literary Criticism,
Nyaya System of Philosophy, Advaita-Vedanta, Boudha Darsan,
Vyakarana and Dharma-Sastra. The Mahavidyalaya Unit has a rich col-
lection of books. The Museum run by this Unit has an equally rich
collection of Manuscripts. At present, the Samssad along with all its
units is the greatest Centre of traditional learning in the State of West
Bengal.
Bharati Catuspathi, a comparatively new organization, is trying to

revive the glory of Sanskrit in Nabadwip region by implementing di-
verse programmes intending to propagate Sanskrit learning. This In-
stitution is offering undergraduate and post-graduate programmes and
is affiliated to Sampurnanand Sanskrit Viswa-Vidyalaya, Varanasi. Of
the centres of traditional learning, commonly known as Tols, special
mention may be made of Vijoya Catuspathi, Burdwan, Sankari
Chatuspathi, Suri, Birbhum and Nabadwip Sanskrit College, which
are offering courses run by Bangiya Samskrita Siksa Parisad, Calcutta.
Special mention here should be made to the most prominent non-
Government voluntary Sanskrit Organization in Calcutta, having the
appellation as Sanskrit Sahitya Parisat, established by the Sanskrit tradi-
tional pundits, more than seventy five years age. In its present form, it
is housed in a very spacious three storied building, containing in it a
free reading room for the Sanskritists and Ideologists, a library very
rich, having 20,000 published books and fifteen thousand manuscripts,
most of which have been processed and catalogued and a Descriptive
Catalogue of the manuscripts on Tantra has already been published,
other on Dharamasastra and Kosa are in advanced stage of publica-
tions. It has a monthly Sanskrit Journal to its credit and has more than
fifty publication. There is provision for free teaching of Sanskrit stu-
dents in almost all the major branches of Sanskrit learning. The records
of the students appearing at the Sanskrit examinations are bright and
brilliant. In short, such a Sanskrit organization may be treated rightly
as an asset to Sanskrit studies as also to the Society. Of similar cat-
egory and status is the Howrah Sanskrita Sahitya Samaja, which has its
own building accommodating the rather rich Library of Sanskrit manu-
scripts and Catuspatnhis, where several pundits of repute teach differ-
ent subjects, specially, Sahitya and Dharamasastra. It has specialization
in popularising Sanskrit through arrangement of Seminars and staging
of Sanskrit dramas.
Mention should also be made of another voluntary organization in

Sanskrit under the name of Bangiya Purana Parisat, of more than fifty
years of standing fame, situated in Santipur, adjacent to Navadvipa, the
birth place of Advaitacarya, the holy preceptor of Sricaitanya. The insti-
tution independently awards degrees and has in its possession a very
good number of Sanskrit manuscripts.
Bhatta palli, otherwise commonly known as Bhatpara, which even

some fifty years ago was regarded as a rival of Navadvipa for the birth
place and literary activities of several Mahamahopadhyayas specially in
the branches of Nyaya and Dharamasastra, is in the present form lost
of its glamour and glory and it is hoped that the Mulajor Sanskrit College,
there which held high the banner of Sanskrit learning in its traditional
form, will regain its glory soon. All this shows that Calcutta and West
Bengal are continuing to retain their prestigious position in the fields
of both modern and traditional learning, even in the last decade of the
Twentieth Century.
In modern India, the Asiatic Society is founded in 1784. It became an

Institution of National importance in 1984. Traditional Sanskrit
courses like Shastri (B.A) Acharya (M.A) and post-graduate course in
Manuscriptlogy and Oriental Studies including Indian Cultural and civi-
lization were introduced in 1985.
Thereafter, University system was introduced widely. Out of the nine
Universities in West Bengal, four have Postgraduate Departments in
Sanskrit, imparting instructions in postgraduate courses and undertak-
ing Research Programmes. Among those Universities, some Universi-
ties have established Centres of Excellence in different areas and have
been able to create fantastic collection of manuscripts and curios.
The University of Calcutta, which happens to be the oldest University

in the country has been conducting Postgraduate and Research
Programmes in Sanskrit for more than hundred and fifty years. At the
instance of Sir Ashutosh Mukherji, Vice Chancellor of the University,
the Department of Sanskrit was enriched to a considerable extent by
induction of modern and traditional scholars, available in the entire
country. The dream of Sir Ashutosh Mukherji was to create a band of
scholars, having deep penetration into original texts and, at the same
time, endowed with scientific insight, competent to make comparative
and critical analysis and thereby to place Sanskrit learning in the high
pedestal of knowledge. The facilities for specialization in diverse
areas of Sanskrit learning naturally were expanded enabling searching
scholars to opt for diverse branches of /Sanskrit studies. Even now
the University of Calcutta is continuing to offer facilities for special-
ization in different areas of Sanskrit studies. The department has a
rich collection of manuscripts which, possibly, happens to be the larg-
est collections of manuscripts in a University Department.
Jadavpur University, established by an Act of the Government of

West Bengal in 1955 has a strong Department of Sanskrit, which started
functioning in 1956. The Department offers both Post graduate and
under Graduate programmes and runs also a number of courses, in-
cluding Evening Courses in Sanskrit Studies for the benefits of per-
sons engaged in teaching profession, imparting instructions in School.
The University Grants Commission has been pleased to identify the
Department of Sanskrit as a Department for special Assistance hav-
ing for its major thrust areas literature and literary criticism, and Philo-
sophical studies. This Department, which is heading for recognition
as a Centre of Advanced studies, has a programme of publishing
Monographs and Books and critically editing original Sanskrit texts
under ‘Jadavpur University Sanskrit Series.’ The number of publica-
tions of the Department is considerable, and the volume of the publi-
cations alone testifies to the scholarship of teachers and scholars, as-
sociated with the Department as also the labour expended by them in
finding out new truths and new relations amongst existing concepts.
The Department offers facilities for specialization in Inscriptions and
Indian Culture apart from the major thrust areas.
Rabindra Bharti University, established equally by an Act of the

Government of West Bengal has been functioning since 1960. The
Department of Sanskrit of this University started operating from the
very date of inception of the University. The Department conducts
Under –graduate, Post graduate and Research Programmes and offers
certain Bridge Courses also for the benefit of ordinary graduates, will-
ing to go for Postgraduate education. Having for its objective propa-
gation from Sanskrit text, mainly from the Upanishads, the University
has made study of Indian Culture, based on Sanskrit, one of the com-
pulsory subjects of study in undergraduate programme, run by all its
Faculties including faculties of Performing Arts and the Fine Arts.
University Grants Commission has been pleased to establish a Centre

of Vedic Studies in the University which has started attracting scholars
from all over the country and abroad.
Set up by an Act of the Government of West Bengal 1959, the Univer-

sity of Burdwan has been running its Department of Sanskrit since the
days of inception. The University is an affiliated one and undergradu-
ate programmes are handled by colleges affiliated to the University.
The University Department takes care of Postgraduate and Research
programmes, the areas of specialization offered being Literature and
Literary Criticism, Vedic Studies, Diverse systems of Indian Philoso-
phy and Inscriptions and Numismatics. The Department runs a num-
ber of courses, including Refreshers’ Courses sanctioned by the Uni-
versity Grants Commission.
Visva Bharati, the only Central University in this State, has an equally
rich Department of Sanskrit, offering both undergraduate and Post-
graduate programmes as also conducting research in diverse areas of
Sanskrit learning. This Department also has a rich collection of books
and manuscripts, and since performing and Visual Arts happen to be
the major areas of the University.
Conclusion
On the discussion of the above mentioned topic we can come
to the conclusion that the extension of Sanskrit learning in 20th Cen-
tury in Bengal enriched the language to a great extent. It clearly fo-
cuses that the role of Sanskrit in Indian culture corresponds to a cer-
tain extent to its role in the structure of the Indian society. Sanskrit
serves not only as a measure of Social differentiation, but also as a
measure of the level of social organization of the given society. On
the other hand, it performs a unique function of a cementing force.
The very notion of India is hardly conceivable without Sanskrit, which
has symbolized cemented unity of Indian culture and history thoughout
several millennium.
The above mentioned features of Sanskrit single it out from

all other great languages of the world. Sanskrit has a unique value for
the theoretical study of such problem as language and time, language
and culture, language and society, the inter-relation of the literary lan-
guage and spoken dialects, the intermixing of languages, the problem
of artificial language, the possibility of the co-existence of cognate
languages at different stages of development. All this makes the study
of Sanskrit very important for general linguistics.
References
1. Bandyopadhyay Dhirendranath, Samskrita Sahityer Itihas, West Bengal State

Book Board,2000, Kolkata.
2. Basu Yogiraj, Veder Parichaya, Pharma K.L. Mukhopadhyay, 1975, Kolkata.
3. Bhattacharya Biman, Samskrita Sahityer Itihas, Bidyodaya Library Pvt. Ltd.,
1958, Kolkata.
4. Bhomick Janhabichararn, Samskrita Sahityer Itihas, Sanskrit Pustak Bhandar,
2002. Kolkata.
5. Chakraborty Dhyaneshnarayan, Hindusastra, New Light, 1994, Kolkata.
6. Chokraborty Kedareswar, Art of Spying in Ancient India, Sanskrit Book De-
pot, 2002, Kolkata.
7. Dasgupta S.N. and De S.K. A History of Sanskrit Literature, Calcutta Univer-
sity Publication, 1962, Kolkata.
8. Ghatak Kalyanisankar, Rabindranath O Samskrita Sahitya, Burdwan Univer-
sity Publication, 1980, Burdwan.
9. Macdonell A.A. A History of Sanskrit Literature, Motilal Banarasidass, 1962,
Delhi.
10. M.Krishnamachariyar, A History of Classical Sanskrit Literature, Motilal
Banarasidass,1974, Delhi
11. Pal Haranath, Rabiundranath O Prachin Sahitya, Banerjee & Co., 1990, Kolkata.
12. Winternitz. M, A History of Indian Literature, Calcutta University Publica-
tion, 1959, Kolkata.
Early Twentieth Century Orientalist
Gaze through English and Bengali Prisms
Moumie Banerjee
Assistant Professor, Department of History
Serampore College
Email ID: moumieb@gmail.com
Abstract:
The present paper proposes to examine the contours of indigenous Orientalist ideas emerging
in the Bengali imagination in the early twentieth century. In doing so, two writings on the
north Indian city of Banaras, written in the early decades of the twentieth century by an
English / colonial scholar and a nationalist Bengali bhadralok poet are selected for the
purpose. Indeed from the initial years of the twentieth century, Bengal began to witness a
number of historically significant political events. In 1905 the decision to partition Bengal
by the colonial state was declared. Finally it seemed that the strength of public opinion in
Bengal began to make its weight felt on the colonial administrative superstructure as the
decision of partitioning Bengal was annulled in 1911. However the triumph of the Bengali
bhadralok self-confidence seemed to be short-lived as the two imperial announcements of the
transfer of imperial capital from Calcutta to Delhi and the imperial policy of provincial
rearrangement of Bengal (with its territorial size being reduced) dealt heavy blows to the
bhadralok identity of the Bengalis. The optimism of the Bengali nationalists and intelligentsia
began to wane down and the predicament of bhadralok identity in Bengal gradually paved
the way for the rise of provincial nationalism.
It was against this backdrop of Bengali provincial nationalism, that the search for
cultural identity of the Bengali bhadralok began. This cultural identity search went beyond
the provincial boundaries of Bengal. In this connection nationalist minded Bengalis of the
early twentieth century like Kedarnath Bandyopadhyay began to delineate the various
achievements and contributions of Bengalis to other parts of India. Kedarnath tried to
encapsulate such historical achievements and greatness of the Bengalis in his poetical
composition on Banaras where he highlighted the role of Bengali migrants from Bengal as
harbingers of modernity on a nationalist plane in Banaras. His efforts in a way produced
an Indian vis a vis Bengali orientalist gaze upon Banaras, the macrocosm of India. This
Bengali work has been juxtaposed with the European account on Banaras by E.B. Havell
who represented the colonial administration then stationed in Bengal. In the process the two
variant analyses of Banaras have been contextualized in the colonial early twentieth century.
Keywords :
Orienalism, colonial Bengal, Banaras
The early part of twentieth century Indian history marks an important

(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
turn not only for the colonized Indians, but also for the colonial rulers.
The multiple dimensions and aspects of political, social and cultural
transformations in the history of British colonial rule in India could
be perceived at the very turn of the century. Around this hour of
transformation in early twentieth century, the varying contours of
Orientalist ideas emerging both in the colonial and indigenous minds
could be mapped out. In doing so, two writings on the north Indian
city of Banaras, written in the early years of the twentieth century by
an English/ colonial scholar and a nationalist Bengali bhadralok poet
are being selected to be examined for the purpose.
The different urban centres of the Indian subcontinent have drawn
scholarly attention for ages. Of all the cities Banaras, which is presently
known as Varanasi, is undoubtedly one of the oldest living cities in the
world and one of the most renowned city of Indian sacred geography.
Situated in the northern part of Uttar Pradesh on the banks of the
Ganges, the mythical qualities of this city and the sacred practices
connected with its territory, have been highlighted in both the eulogistic
literary representations of the medieval times as well as in the modern
accounts on this city. Orientalist aesthetics have often associated this
urban centre with notions of spirituality and mysticism. Besides, being
the sacred city of the Hindus, Banaras has provided refuge to a large
number of Indians who migrated to this holy city from different parts
of the subcontinent. In this context it may be mentioned that from the
second half of the nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth
centuries, there was a significant Bengali migrant population settling in
Banaras. Therefore, in the colonial period this multilayered and
multifaceted urban centre not only became the focus of European
imagination; it also found its way in the minds of Bengalis residing
both in Banaras and outside the city. In other words, from the mid-
nineteenth and continuing in the twentieth century as well, Banaras
enjoyed a centrality not only in European but also in the Bengali literary
representations of this city.
The settlement of the Bengali community in different parts of northern
India began to increase considerably from the closing decades of the
nineteenth century. Outside Bengal one of the largest concentrations
of Bengali population could be traced in Banaras which was more
varied in nature and composition than in any other north Indian urban
centre. The Bengalis played a significant role in carving out the civic
culture of Banaras as well as its political life in the colonial period. In
the process even the Bengalis from Bengal began to contribute
significantly in the creation of a modern public sphere in this urban
centre of pilgrimage. Interestingly one could notice the nineteenth
century portrayal of Banaras in the Bengali mind continued to feature
and persist in the imagination of the Bengalis even in the twentieth
century. It is in this context that the present essay proposes to examine
the twentieth century depiction of this north Indian city as portrayed
by the noted Bengali litterateur namely Kedarnath Bandyopadhyay. In
doing so, the indigenous Bengali depiction of Banaras is also juxtaposed
with the European sketch of this holy city in the twentieth century by
the celebrated English exponent and protagonist of Indian art and
architecture namely Ernest Binfield Havell. On the one hand this
produces the starkly contrasting pictures of Banaras as the viewpoints
of the nationalist minded Bengalis and the colonial European
administrators, scholars and settlers were more at variance in the
twentieth century. On the other hand, the description of Banaras by
the noted Bengali individual as mentioned above, like his European
counterpart, participated in a process of creating the ‘other’ which had
fundamental implications for the indigenous Bengali imagination of
the colonial Indian society projected through the macrocosm of Indian
life in the multilayered city of Banaras.
Till 1911 Calcutta was the seat of colonial administration in India. It
was also the first city to receive Western education. On the other hand
Banaras was a key-city for the British as it was the centre of production
of textiles and also a station for the regional and sub-regional trade
from Bengal in the east to the Maratha region in the west. As for the
Europeans, Banaras not only represented the macrocosm of oriental
India. Rather the “idea of Banaras”1 as historian Michael S. Dodson
puts it, was invoked by the colonial administrators and by European
scholars and visitors who not only laid great emphasis upon the
“Hinduness” of the city , but also highlighted its traditional eternity
and heritage. Indeed, this kind of an “idea of Banaras” was more
productive for the colonial state than the city’s tangible qualities. The
lens of the colonial Englishman identified Banaras as the fountainhead
from which, it was believed, social,cultural and political change would
expand to other parts of British empire in India. To the colonial masters
Banaras represented, to some extent, a stronghold to “conquer” and
in a way also the laboratory for the colonial project even in the backdrop
of the colonial transfer of capital from Bengal to north India. In this
context of historical change, the account on Banaras by E.B. Havell
may be discussed. Havell who was a visitor in this city in his book titled
Benares: The Sacred City, which was first published in 1905, strongly
critiqued the nineteenth century missionary perception of this holy
city. He argued that the adverse criticism of Hinduism and the over-
emphasis on Christianity were often products of maliciously motivated
missionary propaganda based on a distortion of facts and even
downright falsehoods. In his work Havell wrote, “.......the more popular
the missionary accounts (with our national tendency to underrate the
enemy’s strength) generally make the mistake of representing all
Hinduism as a mass of degraded superstitions and idolatry; only held
together by the profound ignorance and backwardness of the Indian
people.”2 So the proselytizing activities of the Christian missionaries
as a parameter of success was no longer considered significant by the
colonial Englishmen like Havell from the early part of the twentieth
century. So the missionary efforts to convert Banaras into a Christian
city were regarded by him as a futile attempt and Havell described it
was the “waste of energy”3 by missionaries. He argued that the more
popular missionary accounts , mostly belonging to the preceding
century, were biased against Hinduism which was prompted by the
hope of kindling sympathy among Europeans to collect funds for their
missionary activities.4 Havell wrote in details the prosperity of this
ancient Hindu city which was made possible by British rule.5 He showed
how Banaras lost its glory during the period of Mughal rule. Then he
delineated the re-emergence of this city to prominence through the
narration of the events following the revolt of the local ruler Chait
Singh (who had earlier received privileges from the British), his
dethronement by Warren Hastings and finally the impeachment of
Hastings himself, when the Chait Singh affair and other incidents
formed a charter of allegations against him leading to a storm of
arguments and counter-arguments in the British Parliament. So here
he was actually trying to justify the establishment of colonial
administration in Banaras replacing the preceding Mughal as well as
the local rulers by which the rich historical tradition of the city was
restored by British rule. Throughout his account, Havell never tries to
present in details the description of the different Indian communities
in Banaras. Although he mentions the presence of Bengalis, Muslims
and Marathis, but their detailed documentation is not done. Perhaps
the colonial Englishmen were cautious enough to remain silent on the
contributions of the Indian communities like the Bengali and Hindi
speaking elite who contributed significantly in creating the urban space
of Banaras. In a way Havell’s account examines the urban character of
the city and its architectural manifestations along with a narrative of
Orientalist urban history with the usage of archival and ethnographical
data.
With the winds of historical change blowing over Bengal at the turn
of the twentieth century, it becomes imperative to look at some of the
features of indigenous responses to the British ideological portrayal
of Banaras. Critically aware about a historical change being forged in
Bengal in the first decade of the twentieth century, against the backdrop
of the transfer of colonial capital from Calcutta to Delhi, the renowned
Bengali litterateur Kedarnath Bandyopadhyay tried to outpour his purely
Bengali nationalist emotions within an over-arching Indian paradigm
through his twentieth century poetical composition titled Kashir Kinchit.
In this poem Kedarnath tried to look at the multifaceted constructions
of urban realities in Banaras from a purely indigenous Bengali
perspective. By this he was trying to portray in graphic details the
influence produced by Bengal upon the urban space of Banaras which
turned out to be one of the main centres of literary and cultural activities
of Bengalis during at least the first two decades of the twentieth century.
Thus he tried to analyze the different ingredients of the city’s urban
constructed character such as the picturesque imagination, the colonial
perception of the city’s ancient and pure tradition and his very own
individual spurring of nationalist imagination.
After retiring from government service under the colonial state,
Kedarnath sought refuge in Banaras in 1910 devoting himself to the
cause of divine meditation. But on realizing the uncertain future of
the Bengali youth residing outside Bengal, he committed himself to
the cause of redefining the cultural identity of the migrant Bengali
community. This found expression through his writings. It started with
his personal documentation of his observations on the various aspects
of social life of the Bengalis in Banaras. In the poem Kashir Kinchit,
published in 1915, the notion of the mobility of the individual traveller
is strongly felt. The experience of travelling in train by a Bengali traveller
and discovering a prabas or a second home for the Bengalis in Kashi i.e.
residence outside one’s native place, exemplifies the new kind of
modernity in this work. Thus, Kedarnath not only asks with an inquest
whether Kashi is foreign land or Bengal (bidesh or bangla desh),6 he also
expresses the feeling of the new ‘modern’ non-Western self in a poetic
style. In his opinion a Bengali traveller’s venture to Kashi, which appears
to the Bengalis as foreign land, in early twentieth century becomes
exotic only through travelling by train. In this lucid poetic literary piece,
he offers in three sections a kaleidoscopic vision of Kashi. During his
stay in this holy city, Kedarnath through his work projected the different
images of the city, its migrant Bengali residents and along with their
activities, achievements and contributions in particular which again
helped in the building of the modern urban image of this ancient holy
city. These are presented in the form of a collage under a variety of
sub-titles like reler coolie or the railway coolie, Bangaleetolla or the Bengali
neighbourhood, sabha-samiti o adda i.e. associations and casual or informal
gatherings, ‘Anglo-Bengalee High School’, Banga narir bahaduri or the
heroic achievements of the Bengali women, Bangaleer bari or the
residential homes of the Bengalis etc., only to name a few. These are all
suggestive of what Bhaskar Mukhopadhyay has written in an article
that “in the modern Bengali experience of travel, the notion of home
is deeply implicated.”7 Thus by Kedarnath’s reasoned emotion, the
privately shared sentimentality and constructive image of this
multifaceted north Indian city by the migrant Bengali settlers of Banaras,
secured for itself an important place in the literary public sphere of
the city. Therefore this work also articulated an enriched cultural identity
of the Bengalis, which at another level could be juxtaposed against an
exclusive core identity, which was being projected by the protagonists
of the Hindi language movement in Banaras from the late nineteenth
and early twentieth centuries.
This early twentieth century poetical piece by Kedarnath Bandyopadhyay
clearly marks a departure from the preceding nineteenth century genre
of Bengali travel literature. Here the pace of the emotive modern
traveller’s self is visually implicated. Indeed Kedarnath’s journey from
Bengal to Banaras took place at a time when the regional identity
movement in particular was in vogue in different parts of the country.
Thus exclusive provincial identities were being formed at this time which
in a way seemed to push the identity of other migrant communities
living in the various provinces of the Indian subcontinent to the margins.
It was quite natural for the nationalist minded Bengalis like Kedarnath
Bandyopadhyay who strongly felt the urgent need to redefine and assert
the distinctive identity of the Bengali community residing not only in
Bengal, but also those living outside the province in different parts of
the country. This again coincided with the announcement of the
annulment of the partition of Bengal in 1905 in the Imperial Durbar
in Delhi in December 1911. While on the one hand this certainly
symbolised the psychological triumph of the self-confidence of the
Bengalis; on the other hand the vital decision, taken in the same Durbar,
of the transfer of imperial capital from Calcutta to Delhi came as a
heavy blow to the bhadralok optimism in Bengal. The educated Bengali
middle class and intelligentsia saw in the colonial government’s decision
an attempt to ignore and curb the strength of public opinion in Bengal
as well as the colonial rulers’ efforts to undermine Bengal’s place in the
empire. Moreover, the world of the Bengali bhadralok was further
threatened with the governmental decision of a provincial
reorganization of Bengal on a new basis. The provincial rearrangement
of Bengal in 1912 whereby Bengal was cut short in her size and Purnea,
Santhal Pargana, Manbhum and Dhalbhum were taken out from Bengal
and incorporated into the province of Bihar, deeply impaired the self-
dignity of the Bengali bhadralok identity. Around this time it was
interestingly coincidental that several Bengali periodicals and literary
writings had begun to carry entries which highlighted the nineteenth
century experience of Bengali migration to other provinces. Thus the
delineation of the history of the evolution and growth of Bengali
settlements outside Bengal in various parts of the country became one
of the main themes in the literary mouthpieces of Bengal. The optimism
of the Bengali nationalists and intelligentsia began to wane down and
the predicament of bhadralok identity in Bengal gradually paved the
way for the rise of provincial nationalism. Viewed in this background,
Bengali settlements in different parts of Hindi speaking north India,
including Banaras was what some of the protagonists of Bengali
provincial nationalism wanted by setting up schools, associations and
residential neighbourhoods outside Bengal for the Bengalis. In this
new landscape of nationalist politics, the different vignettes of Banaras
appealed to the creative imagination of Kedarnath. He portrayed in
his poem the multiple social aspects of Banaras city which were the
expressions of the changes taking place in early twentieth century Bengal
that characterized its urban space. His sociological portrayal of this
fascinating city deviates from the purely spiritual narrative account of
Kashi. Although he attests the religiosity of Banaras in his work, yet in
the overwhelming arch of modernity, Kedarnath tries to recognize the
eternal sanctity of Banaras through a satirical depiction of the city
along the grid of temporality. Hence the contours of the urban space
of Banaras, as defined by Kedarnath is constitutive of certain new
elements like the railway station, the coolie and also the new institutions
of modern learning like the Hindu University and the Queen’s College
of Banaras. In other words, the social evolution of the predicament of
the twentieth century Western educated indigenous mind was reflected
in the thoughts of Kedarnath, which in its turn produced a particular
kind of nationalism i.e. provincial nationalism of the Bengalis.
In this way a multi-dimensional depiction of the urban space of
Banaras is penned down in two early twentieth century graphic accounts
on this city, one European and the other indigenous vis a vis Bengali.
Havell tried to project the glimpses of Banaras through a narrative of
historical change. By doing so, he was trying to justify the British
contribution in the historically constructed urban space of a north
Indian city, far away from the seat of their political capital in Bengal. In
other words, Havell wanted to point out that this historical process
which produced the modern fabric of Banaras city had its fundamental
engine in the British Empire and in the influences and consequences
of colonial action on the local dynamics of urbanization. On the other
side, it was the predicament of the educated Bengali bhadralok identity
of the early twentieth century that impelled a Bengali bhadralok like
Kedarnath Bandyopadhyay to highlight the achievements and greatness
of the Bengalis outside Bengal on an all India nationalist platform
through the prism of Banaras which would send out the rays of the
Bengali achievers to other parts of the subcontinent. Thus his work
on Kashi as the distant centre of cultural identity of the migrant Bengali
settlers may be contextualized within the broader discourse of Bengali
provincial nationalism of this period. Through the lens of literary
imagination of the Bengali author a deconstruction of the mythical
image of Banaras took place thereby giving way to a kind of modern
indigenous Orientalist perception of a traditional Indian city with all
its modern urban realities. In the process, however, the indigenous
Bengali variant of the Orientalist gaze of Banaras emerged which also
featured in the cultural identity of Bengali provincial nationalist project
in the early decades of the twentieth century.
References:
1. Dodson, Michael S.(ed.), Banaras: Urban Forms and Cultural Histories,
Routledge, New Delhi and Abingdon, 2012, p.7.
2. Havell, E. B., Benares: The Sacred City. Sketches of Hindu Life and Religion,
London, 1905, p.v.
3. Ibid., p. 226.
4. Ibid., p.v-vi.
5. Ibid., p. 224.
6. Bandyopadhyay, Kedarnath, Kashir Kinchit, Patna, 1394 B.S., p. 4.
7. Mukhopadhyay, Bhaskar, ‘Writing Home, Writing Travel: The Poetics
and Politics of Dwelling in Bengali Modernity’, Comparative Studies
in Society and History, 44, 2 (2002), p. 305.
Ramkrishna Movement as a
kind of Socio-Religious Movement
Nimai Chand Dan
Assistant Professor
Dept. of History, Prabhu Jagatbandhu College
Email ID: nimaihist@gmail.com
Abstract
Spiritual life is the true genius of India. Those who make the greatest appeal to the
Indian mind are the holy sages, the Risis who embody spirituality at its fines and
purest. The Religion is a matter of experience. It is Brahma Darsana – insight
into reality, a direct awareness of the world value. The Ramkrishna Movement
had its roots in the teaching of Sri Ramakrishna which Swami Vivekananda
explained in the height of the scriptures, particularly Vedanta.
The advent of Sri Ramakrishna in the perspective of world history, has thrown
open the flade-gate of spiritual force of unprecedented magnitude. The great teaching
of Sri Ramakrishna is the harmony of Religious and concluded that all paths lead
to the same goal by a process of logic and argumentation. He further said that one
serve “Jiva” upon him as “Shiva”.
Swami Vivekananda the great disciple of Sri Ramakrishna gave a practical shape
of his Master’s teachings by starting social service activities which were spiritual Sadhana.
Meditation, Japa and Ceremonials are but means to prepare one for this Sadhana. And
this Sadhana is meant for house holders as well as monks. Vivekananda in 1983, 11th
September, Parliament of Religion at Chicago raised the high stage of Hinduism. He set
machinery the Ramakrishana Math and Ramakrishna Mission –in order to bring noble
ideas to the door of everybody everywhere at all levels not only in India but also all over the
World. Swami Vivekananda admitted the practical Vedanta as ‘Work is Worship’ for the
distress.
Sri Ramakrishna and Swami Vivekananda have given us everything we need for ours twin
purpose of achieving spiritual progress and rendering humanitarian service.
Keywords
Sadhana, Hinduism, Humanitarian, Socio-Religious movement
Introduction
The Ramakrishna movement is one of the most powerful religious
and cultural forces of the modern times. It is playing an important role
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
in the establishment of peace and harmony in the world throw its
various centers of Activity and has made manifold contributions in in
the world of spiritual thoughts.
The ideal of renunciation and service inspired the Ramakrishna
movement and has been its watchword all along. It has in the course of
time blossomed into my raids of philanthropies, educational, religious
and cultural activities. The Ramakrishna Mission has gone out in
different directions preaching the priceless teachings of the Master
and has been carrying on the work of serving humanity: looking after
the sick, educating the illiterate, feeding the poor, and elevating the
downtrodden. Broadcast, the Ramakrishna Movement is not confined
to the work of the Ramakrishna Math and Ramakrishna Mission alone.
Various other organizations of men and women and also individuals
who have been brought into the fold of the teaching of Sri Ramakrishna
have an active share in this movement.
I
Spiritual life is the true genius of India. Those who make the greatest
appeal to the Indian mind are not the military conquerors, not the rich
merchants or the great diplomats, but the holy sages, the Risis who
embody spirituality at its finest and purest. India’s pride is that almost
in every generation and in every part of the country, from the time of
her recorded history, she has produced these holy men who embody
for her all that the country holds most dear and sacred. Though they
generally remain away from the main stream of life. Kings and
commoners pay reverent homage to them and take their advice to solve
the problems of their personal lives as well as public affairs. By their
lives they teach that pride and power, wealth and glory, are nothing in
comparison with the power of spirit those who scorn their own lives
that raise life above our scorn. Sri Ramakrishna is one such Risi, though
not the only one of his kind. Ramakirshna (1836 - 1895) was born in a
rural area of Brahmin Caste at Kamarpukur in the district of Hooghly.
He is one of those rare beings in whom the flame of spiritual life
burns so brightly that all who come near are able to share the
illumination and see the world new born as on the first day.1
People of all sorts came to Ramakrishna and they found in him
“different things”. Ramakrishna usually talked about devotion to a
personal God and only to a handful he disseminated the knowledge of
advaita.2 He is an illustrious example of the mystical tradition which
runs right through the religious history of this country from the days
of Vedic Risis. This tradition may something have been overcome by a
ceremonial piety or by a rationalist dogma. Yet it always reappears
faithful to its original pattern. Its characteristic tendencies are those set
forth in the Upanishadas.3 His greatest disciple Vivekananda (1863 -
1902) was born in a urban area of a middle class family at Simulia,
Calcutta. Vivekananda said the spiritual progress should be a key-note
of our national progress. ‘So’ ‘ham’ is the basis of all pervading
understanding. Here the unification of ‘Sah’ and ‘Aham’ refers to the
identical convergence of the life-force (Prana)of the individual (Jiva)
with that of “Immanent – He (Brahman) i.e. ‘So’ ‘ham’.4
Religion is a matter of experience. It is Brahmadarsana – insight into
reality, a direct awareness of the World value. Religion means awe more
than service, holiness more than virtue. We worship not what we can,
but what we cannot understand. There is the reserve of truth, which
the intellect cannot reach and yet feels to lie behind.5 Long ago Manu
had raised an alarm; “Dharma eva hato hanta dharmo rakshiti rakshitah.
Tasmaddharma na hantavyo ma no dharmo hato’ vadhit.” “Dharma,
when violated varily destroys, Dharma when preserved preserves.
Therefore, Dharma should not be violated.” Spiritualism synthesize
the apparent antagonism between action and renunciation and gives
significance to human endeavour as an instrument of cohesion and
integration.6
Sri Ramakrishna was the very personification of the spirit of the
Upanishads. The spirit of Vedanta. Verily, he was the “maker of the
Vedanta” and Swami Vivekananda greatest exponent in modern times.
In this Vedanta Philosophy practical and relevant to the day – to – day
problems of life and the needs of men and women in this nuclear and
space age? Can it be tested by region? In the words of Jawaharlal Nehru,
“A living Philosophy must answer the problems of today.”
The rapid growth of scientific knowledge and technology is changing
the world picture as well as human thought and behavior. This has
increased the necessity of balancing and individual’s inner and outer
life and that of an adjustment of the relations between individuals and
groups. Vedanta philosophy fulfills this need because it blends in a
comprehensive spirituality the two values of manliness and saintliness
and reconciles the secular and the sacred, work and worship. Realization
of the Divine within the self and serving Jiva as Shiva are the sine qua
none of Harmonizing the individuals inner and outer life and of
embracing the entire humanity as his own. This is in line with the first
two commandments of Jesus Christ, viz, to have God and to love our
neighbors as ourselves. This will result in universal love and leave no
room for hatred, enmity and conflict.7
Sri Ramakrishna’s message of harmony of Religions has developed
into a global movement transcending the barriers of race, language
and country. It has inspired millions of men and women brought up in
different traditions and cultures. This message was delivered in 1893
by Swami Vivekananda at the Parliament of Religions in Chicago.
Swamiji realized that every religion evolved “….a God out of the
material man and the same God is the inspirer of all of them and that
“….. in the heart of everything the same truth reigns”.
Significant message of Sri Ramakrishna is that leading a pure and
unattached life of service in the essence of religion, external ceremonies
being of secondary importance. When Swami Vivekananda visited
Rameswaram on his return from America, he said “It is in love that
religion exists and not in ceremony….. External worship is only a
symbol of internal worship but internal worship and purity are the real
things….. He who sees Shiva (God) in the poor, in the weak and in the
diseased, really worships Shiva….. He who has served and helped one
poor man seeing Shiva in him, without thinking of his caste or creed
or race or anything with him Shiva is more pleases than with the man
who sees Him only in temples.”8 The then President of Ramakrishna
Math and Mission Swami Brahamananda wrote in 1910 March in a
paper about Ramakrishna Mission, the scope and the method of its
works. “It (the mission) advocates no mysticism which is apt to make
foot of a man by making him believe in all sorts of absurdities and
thus instead of giving him religion, makes him an irreligious mystic
absolutely ignorant of truth.” It shows that Vedanta (The Upanishads)
is the common of all religions of the past, the present and the future
and regards modern science as helpful to a certain extent in
understanding the truths imbedded there in.” “Thus Ramakrishna
Mission is distinct from all the other religious missions of the past and
the present as it only has discovered the harmony, the common basis,
and the necessity of all the various religions, where as each of the
religious missions of the world asserts its infallibility, perfection and
supremacy over all the rest.”9 Worship of the living God, “man”, by
serving him as God incarnate was the new and revolutionary doctrine
that Swami Vivekananda gave to India, reeling under years of servitude,
mal-administration, ignorance, superstitions, poverty, malnutrition and
starvation. According to Vivekananda “The spirit alone is infinite, God
is spirit, is infinite, man is spirit and therefore, infinite and the infinite
alone can worship the infinite.”10 Romain Rolland in a letter to Freud
dated 5th Dec, 1927 wrote that Ramakrishna and Vivekananda “revealed
an aptitude for thought and action which proved strongly regenerating
for their country and for the world.”11
Kathamrita or the sayings of Sri Ramakrishna have got the power to
bring out the Godliness in man as well as to give an insight into the
teaching’s of Hinduism. This has been acknowledged by C.
Rajagopalchari who recommended nothing but the saying of Sree Rama
Krishna to any seekers of truth and Hinduism. He stated “….. there
are many books on Hinduism……. But nothing explains the true core
of Hinduism so well as the written records of the sayings of Sree
Ramakrishna Paramahansa.12
Vivekananda wrote in Udbodhan (1899) “what we never had,
probably never even the past, what the Muslims had and whose vibration
is spreading from Europe throughout the universe-, that perseverance,
that spirit of independence, self-confidence, patience, effectiveness,
unity and striving for success is what is wanted……. India lacks the
spirit of activity (Raja Guna), while there is a daunt of spirituality in
the West (Satwa Guna)….. it is the aim of the Udbodhan to forge of
Synthesis between these two Shaktis (Powers).13
Practical Vedanta can be described as Neo-vedanta. It is the outcome
of the Ramakrishna-Vivekananda philosophy and way of life. Swami
Vivekananda coined this expression for the first time. The inspiration
came to him from his master, Sri Ramakrishna, When the latter had
said, “It is not compassion (daya) to fellowmen, but service (seva) to
them, looking upon them as veritable manifestations of God –
Shivajaane Jivaseva.” In this statement of the Master, Swamiji discovered
a new path of spiritual realization, He declared that he would preach it
to everybody from the Brahmana to the Chandala.14
Swamiji wanted the great teachings of Vedanta – the potential divinity
of the soul, its universality, and its immorality to premeate all the strata
of society. In one his exhortations, Swamiji declared – “The most
wonderful truths confined in our Upanishads…….. must be brought
out from the books, brought out from the monasteries, brought out
from the forests, brought out from the possession of selected bodies
of people, and scattered broadcast all over the land.” That was his
clarion call to the nation. Swamiji visualized a dual role for Vedanta in
its practical application, which he termed as his “foreign policy” and
“domestic policy”. His “foreign policy” consisted in taking the life
saving teachings of Vedanta to countries outside India and with their
help to awaken the spiritual consciousness of the people in those
countries. He had prophesied : “The whole of the Western world is on
a volcano which may burst tomorrow, go to pieces tomorrow.” “The
whole of Western Civilization will crumble to pieces in the next fifty
years if there is no spiritual foundations.” These words were uttered in
1897.
What Swamiji wanted from Vedanta, as far as the West were concerned,
was to provide a spiritual basis for its material civilization. The role of
practical Vedanta in the west was to provide a stable spiritual foundation
to is secular, humanistic and socialistic structure on the vedantic concept
of the divinity of man, this can be called vedantic humanism or Divine
humanism.
II
The Ramkrishna – Vivekananda movement should not be considered
as a theoretical movement, its uniqueness lies in its practical application
and implementation. Swamijis “domestic policy” related to the
applications of practical Vedanta in India for the amelioration of the
economic and social conditions of the masses. He envisaged three
levels or stages of application of Vedanta, which he designated as
annadana (food or physical help), Vidyadana (intellectual help), and
Jnanadana (Spiritual help). In Swamijis scheme of practical Vedanta,
annanadana or physical help occupies the first place in keeping with Sri
Ramakrishna’s statement that there can be no religion on an empty
stomach. When man’s basic physical needs like food, clothing and shelter
are met, then comes the time Vidyadana or intellectual help to enable
him to face the problems of life and solve them. This is known as
aparavidya in Upanishads. When a person acquires sufficient intellectual
knowledge based on the scripture, a thirst for spiritual knowledge grows
spontaneously in his heart. That is the time for Jnanadana (spiritual
help). This refers to paravidya comprising knowledge of the spirit and
the method of manifesting it.
Practical Vedanta emphasized equal opportunity for all and no privilege
anyone, because “I have the some god in me as you have in you? In
one word, the ideal of Vedanta in to know man as he really is, and this
is its message: if you can not worship yours brother man, the main
bested god, how can you worship a god who is unmanifested? Practical
Vedanta emphasis the need for cultivation of fearlessness and faith in
oneself and urges that every man is the maker of his own fortune and
has to work out his own salvation. Any thinking man must concede
that those are very practical and relevant even today.
The Ramakrishna Math and Ramakrishan Mission are carrying out there
ideas of the illustrious leader to the best of their ability in the existing
circumstances – Social, economic and political. Sri Sarada Math and
the Ramakrishna Sarada Mission also inspired by the same ideals of
“renunciation and service” and “Self realization and service to
humanity” are doing commendable work in both rural and urban areas
of our country.15
The Math and the Mission together have 176 branch centres all over
India and indifferent parts of the world. The Head Quarters of these
centres are situated in Belur Math. The main goals and objectives of
these organizations based on the principles of practical Vedanta, are to
spread the idea of the potential divinity of every being and how to
manifest it through every action and thought. To spread idea of
harmony of religion based on Sri Ramakrishna’s experience that all
religious lead to the realization of the same reality known by different
names in different religious. The mission honours and reverse the
founders of all world religions such as Buddha, Christ and Mohammad.
To treat all work as worship and service to man as service to God. To
make all possible attempts to alleviate human suffering by spreading
education, rendering medical service, extending help to villages through
rural development centres etc. To work for the all round welfare of
humanity, especially for the upliftment of the poor and the
downtrodden. To develop harmonious personalities by the combined
practice of Jnana, Bhakti, Youga and karma.16
The Ramakrishna Mission and Ramakrishna Math conducted several
relief and rehabilitation operations in different year and different parts
of the World such as Cyclone Relief, Distress Relief, Drought Relief,
Earthquake Relief, Earthquake Relief and Tsunami Relief, Fire Relief,
Flood Relief, Medical Relief, Milk Distribution, Medical Relief, Storm
Relief, Winter Relief and Rehabilitation work also done by the
Ramakrishna Mission. Rural development, medical services, spiritual
retreats the mainstream of the Ramakrishna movement very
commendable programs has been make in various spheres. Economic
and social uplift of the people; removal of untouchability, caste, class
and racial prejudices promotion of education, relief work during natural
calamities, preservation the various facets of this movement.17 Daridra
Narayan Seva, Opening of an orphanage, the Presidenteship of Swami
Brahmananda, an administrator of the first order, swas the
establishment of a series of ashrams throughout India and the starting
of educational, medical and relief activities as well as cultural
programmes both with in and outside the country.18
An orderly sequence representing the ideal of renunciation, the
emphasis on the course of moral discipline, contemplation and study,
a life of self-dedication, sympathy, charity and harmonious co-operation
is the bed rock of this movement.19
Rural and Tribal welfare work is accomplished in three ways (i) through
their centers located in rural and tribal areas, (ii) through their urban
centres which have taken up development projects in rural and tribal
areas. (iii) through their educational and medical institutions in semi
urban areas where rural people from a significant percentage of the
beneficiaries. Rural development services was potable water such as
digging of wells or ponds. Installation of tube wells, installation of
water filters, water harvesting, washing and sanitation, Agriculture and
Irrigation, Animal Resource Development, Awareness programmes,
constructions & repairs, Hospitals and Medical Service. The Mission
in its community development work has succeeded in bringing about
“A process of change from the traditional ways of living or rural
communities to progressive ways of living, have assisted people to
develop themselves with their own strength and resources, accomplished
certain activities in fields concerning the welfare of the rural people
and have finally developed a movement for progress with a certain
ideological content, as desired by the United Nations.”20
Both the mission and the math have permanent programmes for service
to women, the most important activities are care for pregnant and
nursing women through the maternity departments of Hospitals such
as sevapat is than in Kolkata, Vrindaban, Thiruvananthapuram and
also through other hospitals. Old Age Home for women in Varanasi,
Educational Service Girls’, Nursing training Institutes, programs for
enhancing women empowerment by forming self help group imparting
vocational training and the like for making them self-reliance.21
Ramakrishna Math and Mission also conduct Youth Welfare Programs
from the educational and cultural programme, by separate recreational
and cultural centres called Balak Sangha and Yuvak Sanga in various
parts of our country. From these centres children are provided with
supplementary nutrition and guidance in the practice of Social moral
and spiritual values and are also taught the basics of scriptures, chanting,
devotional music etc. All centres of the Ramakrishna Mission and the
Ramakrishna Math lay emphasis on the dissemination of the spiritual
and cultural ideals of India. They try to give a practical shape to the
teachings of Sri Ramakrishna, specially that all religion are true. The
centre trying to establish and maintain a good relationship between
different faiths through a large number of libraries, lectures, seminars,
Youth camps, Balak Sanghas, regular classes, public celebration,
occasional exhibitions, screening film on religious and cultural value;
many centres served rural fold, by spreading spiritual and cultural idea
among them through mobile units like “Jana Vahini”. “Viveka Vahini
etc. Educative and religion film shows, lectures exhibitions, guided
meditation, personality development change, book-sales, etc were
organized in the interior party of the country. Many centres have started
institution like “VIVEC” i.e. “Vivekananda institute of value education
and culture”. Several centres, provide value education as well as guidance
for self-reliance to the inmate, of different prisons. Centres of the
math and mission published several books and 23 journals in different
languages.
The Ramkrishna Math and the Mission also maintained temples and
prayer halls and organized lectures, retracts and devotee’s reacts.
Thousands of people were inspired to accept higher values of life by
coming into contact with the different centre. Ramakrishna-
Vivekananda Bhav Prachar parishads maintained a good role to
established a spiritual and cultural values to the people.
Most of the math and the mission centres celebrated the birth
days of great saints and prophets, popular Hindu festivals and Christmas
eve. Special worship, home chanting from scriptural texts, bhajana and
sankritan, distribution of Prasad to devotees. Feedings of the poor in
large members, and teachers by the sannyasins of the order and other
eminent speaks.22 Social problems were to be solved or a spiritual basis;
for instance, his clear pronouncement was, ‘Caste can be abolished in
one way only devotees have no caste’. A woman is to be honoured as
mother rather than be treated as wife. Two of his remarkable utterances
were, “If God can be worshiped in the image, why not in the human
personality?” and “What kind of talk is it that God can be seen with
closed eyes, but not with open ones?” these and other ideas and ideals
were so dynamic that they stirred the minds of thinking people all over
the world and initiated the Ramakrishna movement.23
III
Concluding Observation
Characteristics of The Ramakrishna Movement differs from all secular
movements. The three important aspects of the Ramakrishna
Movement are :
a) Micro-level acceleration of the man-making process that Swamiji
emphasized man-making religion and man-making education.
b) Micro-level unity of Jiva and Shiva; which emphasized to render
service to man looking upon him as a manifestation of God.
c) The organization – It is base its activities not on piety or mercy
but on the premise of love for the humanity as a whole and move
towards a new civilization and a new world culture.
The organization side of the situation reminds us of the unique
contribution of Holy Mother. It is Holy Mother’s grace that pervades
all the centre’s and all the activities that are organized in the Ramakrishna
Movement. She rocked the cradle of the movement and she still remains
the master of the organization.24
The Ramakrishna Movement is one of the most powerful religious
and cultural forces of the modern times. It is playing an important role
in the establishment of peace and Harmony in the world through its
various centre’s of activity, and as made manifold contributions in the
world of spiritual thoughts.
Relief and rehabilitation, rural development, medical services, and
spiritual retreats comprise the mainstream of the Ramakrishna
Movement.25
The Ramakrishna Movement is a heroic effort to create a better life
for humanity. It was Sri Ramakrishna who during the short span of his
life had actually sown the seeds of this movement. Sitting at
Dakshineswar, he attracted a world of intellectuals, religious leaders,
Sannyasins, house holders and men and women of various walks of
life. He brought about a permanent change in their lives. It was however
left to Swami Vivekananda, the chief disciple to propagate the Masters
ideas, universal in nature, to different facts of the country and abroad
and gradually give a shape to the movement.
Renunciation and service were the watch words of Sri Ramakrishna,
and this twofold teaching of the master came to be the foundation of
the Ramakrishna math and Ramakrishna Mission set up by Swami
Vivekananda.26 Work is worship was one of the most important
contribution of the Ramakrishna Movement, which has since been
accepted by many of the religious movement of the present country.27
I would conclude by quoting the inspiring words of Sister Nivedita
from her Introduction to the complete works of Swami Vivekananda.
“If the many and the one be indeed the some reality, then it is not all
modes of worship alone, but equally all modes of work, all modes of
struggle, all modes of creation, which are paths are realization. No
distinction, henceforth, between sacred and secular. To labour is to
pray. To conquer is to renounce. Life is itself religion. To have and to
hold is as stern a trust as to quit and to avoid …….. To him, the
workshop, the study, the farmyard and the field, are as true and fit
scenes for the meeting of God with man as the call of the monk or the
door of the temple. To him, there is no difference between service of
man and worship is God, between manliness and faith, between true
righteousness and spirituality”.28
Uniqueness of the Ramakrishna movement was its emphasis on the
mingling of ‘Dharma’ with ‘Karma’. Such examples were followed by
many of the religious movements of India and abroad in the subsequent
period. But the Ramakrishna –Vivekananda movement was the first
of its kind with its universal massage for humanity. It is a practical
ideal and not a utopian dream illustrated by the Ramakrishna order
with its great mission and whole net work of humanitarian activities.
Referances:
1) Swami Nityaswarupananda, 1937. Cultural Heritage of India (Vol.-I), The
Ramakrishna Mission Institute of Culture, Calcutta.
2) Mahendra Gopal: 1985. The Gospel of Sri Ramakrishna (Translated by Swami
Nikhileswarananda, Madras,), P. 690.
3) Swami Nityaswarupananda, 1937.Cultural Heritage of India (Vol.-I), The
4) Pal, Subodh Kumar, 2013. Indian Spiritualism Integrates a Nation Vivekananda’s
approach (Swamijir Bikkhone Jatiya Sanghati), 27th March, Panchmura,
Bankura, P. 124.
5) Swami Nityaswarupananda, 1937. Cultural Heritage of India (Vol.-I), The
6) Manu Samhita, 8/15
7) Ramakrishna Math and Ramakrishna Mission Convention- 1980 Report, P. 119.
8) Ibid, Page – 69.
9) Ramakrishna Mission: The spoke and the method of its works, President Swami
Brahamananda.
10) The Complete Works of Swami Vivekananda (Vol.-VII) Calcutta – 1986, P. 9.
11) Romain Rolland Letter, Dated 5th December, 1927.
12) Kathamrita.
13) Udbodhan, 1899, Page-287.
14) The Complete Works of Swami Vivekananda (Vol.II), Pp. 325 - 326.
15) Ramakrishna Math and Ramakrishna Mission convention - 1980 Report, P. 118,
119.
16) Annual Report update, 30th January, 2013.
17) Ramakrishna Math and Ramakrishna Mission convention- 1980 Report, P. 73.
18) Sen, Anindiya, Ramakrishna Mission and Community Service in Eastern India
(A qualitative and quantitative Analysis), 20th Jan, 2005 59/5 Garfa Main
Road, Kol.
20) Bhattacharya S.N. 1972,, Community Development in Developing Countries,
Calcutta –Introduction.
21) Sen, Anindiya, Ramakrishna Mission and Community Service in Eastern India
(A qualitative and quantitative Analysis), 20th Jan, 2005 59/5 Garfa Main
Road, Kol., Page - 245
22) Annual Report update, 30th January, 2013.
28) Sister Nivedita – General Introduction to the complete works of Swami Vivekananda
–vols.
Printing Technology and Social Consciousness of
the Ummah* in the 20th Century Bengal
Dr. Sankar Kr. Biswas

Assistant Professor in History
Malda Women’s College, Malda
Email ID: skbiswashist@gmail.com
Abstract
Though late- starters, a part of the Bengali Muslim intelligentsia began to tread on the same
path. They invoked the ideals of Sharia, Hadith & Sirat tradition in vernacular. The aim
was a mix of two complimentary objectives. First, they tried to unify the Ummah through a
process of social reformation. Secondly, they wanted to present a glorious picture of the
Islam to counter the contemporary Hindu & Christian propaganda. A number of the
Muslim intelligentsia took the medium of Sirat literature to express the high tradition of
Islam and its ideas which were represented through the biographical works on the Prophet
and the “Kholafaye Rasedin”. At this time, the Printing and Vernacularization became a
cohesive force within the Ummah. In this way, printing technology brought different results
for the Ulama in urban and rural Bengal with far reaching social and political consequences.
Key Words
Ummah, Printing, Scriptural Islam, Sirat, Vernacularisation, Anjuman,
Ashraf-Atrap
In the early colonial period, Islamic theology and social ethos were
orally imparted by the Ulama. The observations of Buchanan Hamilton
in 1809 and the Adams Report of 1838 clearly testify this.1 The thematic
views of Islam were expressed and the glorification of its tenets was
done through popular songs and lectures in rural Bengal. Specific forms
of popular culture were used to that. With the spread of education
and the introduction of printing, situation began to change in the late
19th century. Theological and religious views with heroic episodes of
Islam began to be circulated in printed form.2 Unlike the manuscripts,
the new medium was cheaper, easily accessible and designed to be
circulated at the popular level.3 It is interesting to see that a new genre
of Muslim writers, though steeped in the traditional views, departed
from older tradition in one significant aspect. They chose Bengali, not
Arabic or Urdu, as the medium of expression. In that, the author
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
followed the medieval tradition of Alaul and Daulat Qazi who preferred
to express themselves in vernacular language.4 In this paper, we shall
make a brief survey of the phenomenon.
The dominancy of the rural life in the Islamic culture of Bengal had
been prevalent from the far reaching historical roots. As the agrarian
growth and the process of Islamization were interrelated, the rural
based Islamic culture of Bengal had formed in the pre-colonial era.5
Though the monolithic structure was adopted in traditional Islamic
society, there was a pluralistic pattern in the rural level of Bengal. The
Ashraf community was in the upper level of the society – the largest
section of them were foreigners and Urdu speaking people and they
lived in the suburban towns like Decca, Murshidabad or Hooghly.6
Besides the Urdu speaking Muslims, at the rural level, there were the
Bengali speaking Ashrafs – who were known as Kath mollahs or
Moulavees. At the popular level, there was the peasant community –
who were the holders and pioneer of the Bengali Islamic Culture. The
Bengali speaking Ashrafs mainly maintained the religious
communication with such non-aristocratic peasant community. At the
same time, this class played the role as Pirs or preachers. They took
important role in the Wahabi and Faraiji movements. Sometimes they
would take the role as doctors by doing the hakimi treatment and control
over the rural masses.7
In the colonial period, the Muslims could not accept the British rule
and for a long time refused to the same as kafir (non-believer). The
adoption of the Permanent Settlement, application of land resumption
act on rent free grants, abolition of English language as court language
and introduction of English as the medium of instruction etc. adversely
affected the Muslims and accelerated the process of their decline. In
the 2nd half of the 19th century and the 1st half of the 20th century, the
Muslim population gradually began to increase. They emerged as the
majority community and thus the middle class Muslim society
developed. 8 As a reformist class, they adopted the ideology of
collaboration with the West, leaving the path of Tarikh-i-Muhammadia.
The leaders like Abdul Latif and Amir Ali came forward to take the
leading role. The Muslim society became organized or united as a
political power by their effort in the 20th century. When religion mixed
with politics, there was a link between the political movement and with
the Ulama. At the same time a good number of Anjumans emerged
under the supervision of Syed Ameer Ali which the common platform
for the English educated Muslims and the Ulamas.9
The Census Report 1872-1921 shows, the increase of the population
of the Bengali Muslim society clearly. For the sake of discussion, we
have chosen the lower and central Bengal. As there was a mixture among
the foreign Urdu speaking people, indigenous Ashrafs and the general
peasant community in this region. Again this region was also the centre
of the Wahabi and the Faraiji movements. The following table shows
the percentage of Muslim population as mentioned in the census reports
of 1872, 1901 and 1921.10
Region District Census Census Census

Report,1872 Report,1901 Report,1921
Dacca 56.67% 65% 65%
Faridpur 58.09% 63% 63%
Lower Region Jessore 55.50% 63% 61%
Pabna 69.92% 76% 75%
Bagura 80.73% 82% 82%
Calcutta -------- 33% 23%
24 Porgana 38% 33% 34%
Central Region Nadia 58.24% 60% 60%
Murshidabad 44.58% 54% 53%
Malda 46% 52% 51%
Source: Census of India, Bengal, 1872, 1901, 1921.

The above mentioned areas were mainly agriculture-based and at the
same time, the capital-centered regions like Decca and Murshidabad.
As a result, there was a coexistence of the urban civic culture and the
rural Bengali culture.11 Naturally, there was no harmony between the
ruler and the ruling classes. In fact, the urban population at this stage
was very little. In 1901, the urban Muslim population in the lower and
the Central region were 1.8% and 9.7% respectively. The middle class
Muslim society emerged from the part of the urban areas. The Muslim
middle class became the target by their counterparts, the Christian
missionaries and the Hindus. The conservative section of the society
tried to emphasize the main principles of their religion.12 So, the Printing
technology took an important part to unify the orthodox groups and
at the same time the liberals in the 20th century Bengal.
In this period, the Muslims dominated the lower and central regions
of Bengal and it became the centres of printing industry. Here, the
capital-centered regions of East and West Bengal were the main
centres.13 Though the Printing centers were established under the
English ownership, these centres began to be established with the
Muslim ownerships besides their Hindu counterparts from the 2nd half
of the 19th century. It dispersed gradually from the centres like Decca
and Kolkata to suburban towns and as well as villages.14 At first, the
co-religionists published their religious books from their own presses.
Soon the printing industry emerged as one of the specialized
professions. Skill and trade were emphasized rather than caste and
creed.15 Both the Muslim and non-Muslim writers came forward with
the biographic writings of Muhammad or the four Caliphs. The patron
age was replaced by the publishers age with the help of printing
technology. A reader-writer relationship developed in the Muslim society
by the efforts of the publishers. The printer-publishers and authors
relationship were a significant changes of the Bengali cultural world.
This phenomenon was also appreciated in Bengali Islamic culture which
diminished the monopoly power of the Ulamas. The medium of
preaching language of the Islamic culture became Bengali- that was
for a long time known as the language of the kafirs. Though the Arabic
form or style i.e., writing from right to left, remained the same.16
In a period of rapid economic and social changes under the colonial
rule, the books were spreading western scientific, literary, philosophical
and political knowledge. The Ulama who no longer received the
patronage of the Muslim elites felt marginaliged.17 As in the northern
India, the Christian Missionaries of 19th century Bengal began aggressive
propaganda through lectures and printed medium. The Ulama also
began to use the new technology of printing. It caused a greater access
to the literate and semi-literate people and communication within the
faithful. Needless to say that gradual spread of literacy among the
Muslims in the 2nd half of the 19th century helped the Ulama.18
The introduction of the printing technology in Bengal was reflected in
the growing numbers of the translation of heroic episodes, religious
texts, biographies of Hazarat Muhammad and kholafaye Rasedin, Quran
and Hadith into Bengali. It was done to enhance the religious
understanding of the Bengali Muslim masses, who did not know Arabic
or Persian.19 In this circumstances, the conservative and the liberal
writers emerged in the Bengali Muslim society. The conservatives
focussed on the purification of Islam and wanted to increase the unity
and harmony of the Muslim society by emphasizing their glorious past.
On the other hand, the liberal writers wanted to co-relate Islam with
science by logically presenting their traditional faiths and beliefs. We
shall analyze the importance of Sirat literature by the thematic analysis.
The printed Islamic literature can be divided into the following themes-
Literature based on Biographical Works:
The earliest biographical writer was Abdur Rahim(1859-1931)who wrote
his sirat Jiban Charit o Dharmaniti (Cal-1887)which was momentum
biography of Muhammad and Hazarat Abu Bakr . Here Rahim’s main
aim was to establish the superiority of Islam, its prophet and Abu
Bakr over other religions by focusing on the past glories of Islam. In
the first phase of the 20th century Mossaraf ’s (1847-1912) famous work
was Madinar Gourab (1906). In this sirat, he dealt with Muhammad and
his follower Abu Bakr’s migration to Madina, his marriage with Ayesha
and also how Islam became a powerful religion in Madina under
leadership of Muhammad.20 Though rationalist, Mosharraf focuses
on the mythical image of Muhammad and Abu Bakr , because the sirat
was apparently written for the common people who were not interested
in the rational image of these heroic leader.21 Muhammad Dad Ali
(1852-1936) was born in Khustia which was the flourishing center of
the folk song Baul. Probably under this influence, in his book Ashique-
Rashul, Dad presented Muhammad and Abu Bakr as boat men who
were supposed to take soul peacefully and safely from one shore (this
World) to another (world beyond).22 The poet and prose writer
Mozammel Haquqe(1860-1933) maintained a deep respect towards
Sufism and Vaishnavism. The Sufi influence was reflected in his sirat
entitled Hazarat Muhammad (1903), written in verse. Here he focused
the moral and truthful aspect of Abu Bakr’s character. Haque described
Prophet as “sadhu or saint”. Probably the poet was subconsciously
influenced by the Vaishnava tradition when he was writing this sirat in
verse.23 It is interesting that Vaishnava influence was great in Haque’s
birth place Shantipur. This Vaishnava tradition was also responsible for
Hoque’s liberal attitude towards other religion. Another biographical
sirat was Char Iar which was written by Abdur Rahaman Khan (1931).
In this sirat he focused the mystic image of Abu Bakr.24 One of the
most popular sirat was Golam Mostafa’s (1897-1964) Viswa-Nabi (1942).
Here he tried to show Muhammad and his follower Abu Bakr as great
men who combined in themselves as common man as well as superman
to act as a mediator between God and man. After 22 years of this Sirat,
Mostafa wrote his famous book Hazarat Abu Bakr (1964). He wrote
that unless reading Abu Bakr’s biography, the reading of Rashul’s
biography remains unfulfilled. Thus the writer has tried to show Abu
Bakr as a role model beside Hazarat Muhammad in the contemporary
Bengali Muslim society.25
Literature bases on Scriptural Islam

Some Sirat writers tried to point out the superiority of Islam and its
Prophet or Caliph the first over their religions by focusing on the
ritualistic aspects of Islam. Those writers were popularly known as
“Sudhakar Group”.26 Prominent among them was Abdur Rahim who
wrote Namaj-Tattva (1903), Hajbidhi (1903) and Islamic Itibritta (1910)with
the purpose of bringing Bengali Muslim’s back to the way of Islam as
shown by their holy prophet and his follower.27Another prominent
writer of ‘Sudhakar Group’ was Munshi Sheikh Muhammad
Zamiruddin (1870-1930). His most famous work was Srestha Nabi
Hazarat Muhammad written under the instruction of Pir Abu Bakr
(Furfura) to protest against Christian missionary’s criticism of Islam
and its Prophet or Abu Bakr the first Caliph. Thus Zamiruddin made
an impassioned appeal to Bengali Muslim to follow the path of the
holy Prophet who was an ideal general and an ideal judge.28 Writers like
Abdul Wahed, Dad Ali, Abdur Rahaman, Lutfar Rahaman, Golam
Mostafa and Seikh Fajlul Karim etc. followed Abdur Rahim and
Zamiruddin’s footsteps.
Literature based on Prophetic wars

Some Sirat writers also described the glorious role of Muhammad and
kholafaye Rasedin in the Prophetic wars. Taslimuddin’s Hazarat (It deals
with the battle of Ohud.), Mosharaf Hossain’s Bishad Sindhu (dealt the
tragedy of Karbala) and Moselem Biratta (1907) heroism during Prophetic
wars) were examples of that genre of literature.29 Another important
work was Syed Abul Hossain’s Moslem Pataka ba Hazarat Muhammader
Jibani (Cal-1908) that called for a reawakening of the Bengali Muslims
by invoking their glorious past.30 Syed Abul Hossain (1862-?) was a
homoeopath medical doctor by profession. He fell under the influence
Michael Madhusudan Dutta and introduced a new style of poetic
composition named after him (Hossaini-style). He described the
Prophetic war in a grand manner.
The Non-Muslim Sirat Writers and their Sirat

It is interesting that some non-Muslim Sirat writers wrote biography
of Muhhamad and his followers, like Hazarat Abu Bakr Siddiki. Those
writers were Bhai Girish Chandra Sen, Atul Krishna Mitra,Rampran
Gupta, Charu ChandraMitra, Nagendranath Bondapadhaya and Braja
Sundar Roy etc. Bhai Girish Chandra Sen (1894-1910) wrote a biography
of Muhammad and his follower Abu Bakr under the instruction of
Keshab Sen. It is regarded as the first biography of Muhammad in
Bengali. His deep respect for Sufism was reflected in his work entitled
Tapasmala. It had more than five editions which testify its popularity.31
Rampran Gupta wrote many articles in the journal Prabasi on Islam
and Indian Muslim dynasties of promoting a better understanding
between the two communities. In his book Islam Kahini, in the first
chapter he dealt with the biographical accounts of Hazarat Muhammad
and in the second chapter with the biographical accounts of Kholafaya
Rasedin.32 Here, we get the depiction of Abu Bakr’s character as warrior.
Printing Technology and the Changing Phase of Ummah in

Colonial Bengal
With the introduction of Printing technology in Bengal, printed books
had began to replace the oral medium as the means of transmission of
knowledge.33 The changing medium boosted the vernacularisation
process for religious literature. It gave the Bengali Muslims ample
opportunity to analyze and interpret the religious literature for
themselves without the supervision of the Ulama in general and the
dominance of Urdu in particular.34 The rise of the individual as his
own interpreter diminished the monopoly of the Ulama over
transmission of knowledge helped to create a new phenomenon. A
new trend of individualism began to influence the emergent Muslim
middle class in the 20th centrury.35 It was the period when the individual
was gaining greater control over his own life. The busy middle class,
educated outside the Madrassah, did not have the time, nor the attitude
to rely on the Ulama or the Shria-centred interpretation of religion for
their spiritual satisfaction. They were in search of a personal role model
to cope with the changing social, economic and political conditions
under the Colonial rule.36
The printing press had ushered a great change in the Bengal Islamic
thought and culture during the 2nd half of the 19th Century and first
half of the 20th century. First. The increasing use of printing technology
by the Ulama of Bengal resulted in the proliferation of translated
religious texts, specially the Quran and the Hadith into Bengali. To
enhance the religious understanding of Bengali Muslim masses, who
did not know Arabic, even the namaz procedure was translated into
Bengali. Secondly, the adoption of the new printing technology started
to change the pattern of transmission of knowledge. It threatened the
monopoly of the Ulama in the sphere of learning and interpretation.37
Similarly, increasing use of printing technology was matched by the
increasing use of vernacular language in religious texts. Thus printing
technology and vernacularisation of Islamic texts became an inter-linked
process,that helped to the growth of Tabliq and Tanjim movements.
The new technology fuelled the religious movement which in turn
generated a greater demand of printed books. From that time, more
and more religious text or Sirat began to be translated in Bengali. It
was not longer regarded as a Besara Act. Bhai Girish Chandra Sen was
the first person to translate the entire Quran from original Arabic to
Bengali. He was also the first person to write the historical biography
of Muhammad and Kholafaya Rasedin.38 Fourthly-As a result of print
technology, the Muslim mind was greatly influenced by a number of
contradictory ideas, such as, Ideals of Islam, anti-colonialism, Pan-
Islamism, Conservatism, Liberalism, Pro-British and Anti-Congress
attitudes etc.39 Fifthly– in general the writing of religious texts in
vernacular language enhanced the social understanding of some people
like Akram Khan and Maniruzzaman Islamabadi. They began to
translate religious texts into Bengali. Their main aim was to organize
the Ummah on a political basis. They also spearheaded the demands
of the community through the Anjumans. Prospect of a wider market
for the Islamic literature encouraged some people to avail of the
opportunity, even the non-muslims began to publish religious texts in
Bengali.
Conclusion
Thus the Printing and Vernacularisation process became a cohesive
force within the Ummah. The Ulama used the new technology and
technique of communication for social and religious reforms in the
late 19th and 20th century. But this new order of modern conventions
in the vernacular did not entirely replace the older tradition.40 The Ulama
loss of former status among the educated middle class was amply re-
compensated in rural Bengal. Where they found a more wide space for
activities. In Gour Kisore Ghosh’s novel,‘Prem Nei’, Safikul, the
enlightened urban middle class character, found little time to follow
the instruction of Sharia in his daily life meticulously, but the rural
areas remained static where the new enlightenment made little headway.
The social leadership or control remained in the grip of the Ulama.
The new reform movement bred new orthodoxy, often buttressed by
pan-Islamism. The messages from a far travelled quickly to the
hinterland by using new technology and mode of communication.41
Thus printing technology brought different results for the Ulama in
urban and rural Bengal with far reaching social and political
consequences. Scholars like Harold Innes, Marshal Mcluhan and
Benedict Anderson have pointed out the effects of print technology
on the social body politic. According to them, the print technology
isolated the individuals, the readers, but united them into massive
groupings in industrialized Europe, the process resulted in the growth
of vernacular nationalism and the emergence of print-capitalism.42 In
Bengali Muslim society, printing and increasing vernacularisation created
massive groupings by means of sectarianism. Since then the Ulama
became more indispensible to the Ummah. The educated urban middle
class dislodged them from the position of the mentors but their efforts
increased the power of the Ulama in the rural areas. At the same time
process of vernacularisation and print technology made the Islamic
code of conduct as ‘universal currency’ to the large number of Muslim
community in Bengal. So, Print technology contributed to the
development of community consciousness in Bengal which reflected
in Muslim society and as well as Bengal body politics.
References :
1. Hamilton, F. Buchanan.1838. The History, Antiquity and Topography of Eastern
India, London, Vol. III
2. De, Amalendu.1996. Banglaya Koran ebang Muslim Dharmachintar Sekal-
Ekal in Saradiya Baromas, Calcutta,pp. 41-57
3. Anisuzzaman. 1971. Muslim Manas O Bangla Sahitya, Calcutta, p. 383
4. Ibid.
5. Eaton, R.M.1994. The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier,1204-1760, New
Delhi, p. 306
6. Ahmed,Rafiuddin.1996.The Bengali Muslims, 1871-1906: A Quest for Identity,
Delhi,pp,5-6
7. Ibid.
8. De, Amalendu. The Social Thoughts and Consciousness of the Bengali
Muslims in the Colonial Period in Social Scientist, Vol. 23,(April-June,1995),
New Delhi, p 16
9. Ibid. & Ray.Rajat Kanta.1984. Social Conflict and Political Unrest in Bengal,1875-
1927, Delhi, p. 72
10. Census of India, Bengal, 1872, 1901, 1921
11. Abedin, Joynal. ‘Paschimbanger Musalman Samaj : Samasya O
Sambhabana’ in Mainul Hasan (ed.) Muslim Manas ebag Eai Samay, Calcutta,
2003, pp. 213-214
12. Dey, Amit.2005.The Image of the Prophet in Bengali Muslim Piety(1850-
1947),Calcutta, p. 106
13. Roy, Tapti. ‘Disciplining the Printed Text: Colonial and National
Surveillance of Bengali Literature’ in Partha Chatterjee (ed.) Texts of Power,
Emerging Disciplines in Colonial Bengal, Calcutta, 1996, pp. 47-50
14. Ibid. & Mamun, Muntasir. 2006.Unish Satake Purbabanger Mudran O
Prakasana, Dacca, pp,33-40
15. Khastagir,Ashis. ‘ Unis Sataker Mudran Samskriti’ in Dhananjay Ghosal
(ed.) Balaka (Bengali Journal), Calcutta, 2008, p. 64
16. Rabinson,Francis. 2001. The Ulama of Farangi Mahall and Islamic Culture in
South Asia, New Delhi, p. 9
17. Dey, Amit. 2005. Op.cit.,p,92
18. Rabinson, Francis.2000. Islam and Muslim History in South Asia, New Delhi,
2000, P. 6
19. Anisuzzaman, 1971. Op.cit., p ,383
20. Rahim, Sk Abdur. 1987. Hazarat Muhammader Jiban Charit O Dharmaniti,
Calcutta, see introduction.
21. Manan,Qazi Abdul(ed). 1985. Moshraff Rachana Sambhar , Vol -V, Dacca,
pp. 10-12.
22. Ali,Muhammad Dad. 1907. Ashiqe-Rasul, Vol-1, Dacca, see introduction..
23. Hoque,Mozammel.1910. Hazarat Muhammad, Santipur , p. 187; Dey
Amit.2005. Op.cit., p. 140
24. Khan,Abdur Rahaman. 1933. Char-Yar,Dacca, pp,1-2
25. Mostafa, Golam. 1942.Viswa-Nabi, Dacca, see introduction.
26. Ahmed, Sufia.1974. Muslim Community in Bengal, 1884-1912, Dacca,p. 160.
27. Hai, Abdul. O Ahasan, Ali. 1956. Bangla Sahityer Itibritta , Dacca, p. 104
28. Dey, Amit. 2005. Op.cit.,p. 116
29. Dey,Amit. 2005. ibid, pp. 118-119 ;
30. Ahmed, Rufiuddin (ed.). 2001.Understanding the Bengali Muslims, New Delhi,
pp. 120-128
31. Hussain, Syed Abdul. 1908. Moslem Pataka, Calcutta, see introduction &
p. 82. Dr. Abul Hossain introduced a new style of writing under the
influence of Michael Madhusudan Dutta. That style became popular as
Hossaini style.
32. Gupta, Ranjan(ed).2006. ‘Atmajiban –‘Bhai Girish Chandra Sen Kartik
Bibrita
33. Atmajiban Britanta’ in Nandan Patrika, Calcutta, pp. 388-392.
34. Das,Sri Debjyoti.1971. Rampran Gupta, Calcutta. pp. 48-55.
35. Rabinson, Francis.2000. op.cit.,p. 73
36. Dey, Amit. 2005. Op.cit.,p. 145
37. Rabinson, Francis.2000. op.cit.,pp. 72-73
38. Dey, Amit. 2005. Op.cit.,p. 9
39. Gupta, Ranjan(ed).2006. Op.cit. p. 387
40. Dey, Amit. 2005. Op.cit.,pp. 96-97
41. De, Amalendu.1995. Op.cit.,p. 17
42. Al-Ghalib,Dr. Muhammad Asadullah, 1996. Ahle Hadhis Andolan,
Bangladesh , pp. 403-425.
43. Metcalf, B.D. 2004. Islamic Contestations, Essays on Muslim in India and
Pakisthan, New Delhi, p. 33; Aquil, Raziuddin. & Chatterjee,
Partha.(eds.).2012.History in the Vernacular, New Delhi
44. Jeffrey, Robin.2003. India’s Newspaper Revolution, New Delhi, pp. 4-7
Football and Communalism in Colonial Bengal :
Mohemmedan Sporting Club and
Bengalee Muslim Society: 1891-1947
Amrita Haldar
Banwarilal Bhalotia College, Asansol
Email:- amritahaldar2010@gmail.com
Abstract
Sports is a part and parcel of our day to day social and cultural life. But in effusion of
culture and history sports could not achieve an important position for centuries. In modern
world the significance of sports is predominant in politics, society, economics, cultural,
spirituality even in aestheticism. It is interesting to note that the history of its system, result
or statistics is not as important as its reflection in the light of nationalism, communalism
and economic question diplomatic and cultural aspects. It is no doubt, a fact that the history
of football has been estimated but focusing the nationalism of the Muslims of Bengal the
birth and growth of Mohammedan Sporting Club and the role it played for the development
of the Muslims and how it worked to promulgate the nationalism among them, has not been
taken up as a topic of research in India, nay in Bengal.
In colonial Bengal football started to represent a unique cultural nationalism of the identity
in terms of sports among the Bengalee people. Throughout the 19th century in English
writings and speeches the Bengalee people were mocked at time and again for their physical
infirmity and idleness. In the last two decades of the 19th century centering round Calcutta,
extensive campaign and popularity added a new dimension to the socio-cultural arena of the
Bangalees. The cultural sports identity that had its birth with football took the shape of
sports nationalism which experienced injury in colonial rule. Nevertheless owing to divert
social factors nationalistic sports identity had its gradual divisions. In the field of Bengal
football the origin of communalism was the reflection of this fragmented mentality. Specially
in the decades of 1930 and1940 political agitation and the social tension grown out these
became prominent in the development of communal consciousness in club organization and
football culture. In this article I have try to discuss on depend of many social incidents how
the Muslim society of Bengal specially Muslims in colonial Calcutta create to establish a
new Football Club, and depend on this club how Bengal Muslim society create a separate
identity.
Key words
Football, Communal, Sports Nationalism, Mohammedan Sporting club,
Bangalees, Akhara.
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
In terms of sports among the Bengalee people. Throughout the 19th
century in English writings and speeches the Bengalee people were
mocked at time and again for their physical infirmity and idleness. In
protest against this mockery in the 2nd half of 19th century, in colonial
Bengal football started to represent a unique cultural nationalism of
the identity an encouraging movement for body culture came into being
and in the backdrop of social historical background Nagendra Prasad
Sarbadhikari, known as Father of Indian Football with his undaunted
sportsmanship and incomparable organizational capability causes to
flourish modern games and sports culture in Bengali society. Spread
of modern sports may be presented in the background of English
colonial culture and entertainment in India in general and in Bengal in
particular. The introduction of westernization principle started with
the publication Macaulay Minute in 1835. On the other hand, the
English started to use various sports as tools of Anglicization after the
revolt of 1857.1 The Englishman from the very beginning of their rule
projected the Bangalees as weak infirm and low race. But gradually
under the leadership of Nagendra Prasad Sarbadhikari the Bengalees
as a race proved in respect of competence in football playing the
Bengalee is in no way, less qualified. In the change socio-political context
of the early 20th century when Bengal was engulfed by a spate of
nationalist fervor in the wake of the anti-partition movement during
1905-08, football came to be increasingly looked upon as a novel
instrument of cultural nationalism in Bengal. Transcending the hitherto
boundaries of sociability and assertion of masculinity, the game became
a cultural weapon to fight against the British on the cultural battlefield
of the maidan and an emblem around which nationalist consciousness
could be fostered. This sprit of nationalism affected the patterns of
spectator cultural and fan sub-culture in colonial Bengal to a great extent.
In the last two decades of the 19th century centering round the Calcutta,
extensive campaign and popularity added a new dimension to the socio-
cultural arena of the Bangalees.The cultural sports identity that had its
birth with football took the shape of sports nationalism which
experienced injury in colonial rule. Nevertheless owing to divert social
factors nationalistic sports identity had its gradual divisions. In the
field of Bengal football the origin of communalism was the reflection
of this fragmented mentality. Specially in the decades of 1930 and
1940 political agitation and social tension grown out these became
prominent in the development of communal consciousness in club
organization and football culture.2 In the last decades of 19th century
Hindu Bhadralok class capture their power and nobility over the different
football clubs in Calcutta. In the 1890s the Muslim society of Calcutta
less opportunity to play football or acceptation of Muslim players in
different football clubs is very rare. In this situation for the help of
some elite Muslims Calcutta’s Muslim society established the Jubilee
Club in1887, in 1891 this club also known as Mohammedan Sporting
Club.3 The Mohammedan sporting club had no play ground of their
own when the club was founded. However, at the insistence of its
president Amir Hossain, the club obtained permission to play on the
ground of the Calcutta Boy’s School on each alternative day.
It cannot be inferred that Mohammedan Sporting Club expressed its
communal character from the very beginning. But in the later half of
1890s there became evident the trait of the club quite opposed to the
congress, e.g. views ventilated through the Calcutta Monthly, the month
piece of the club. It was only natural, however the Muslim community
to find in Mohammedan Sporting a club that they could really call their
own, when it emerged as a powerful team in Calcutta football in the
early1930s. Althrogh the achievements of Mohammedan Sporting Club
were Indian success stories, the Hindu football-lovers felt only a mixture
of respect and fear and no sensation of joy at all. The Muslim League,
by then a force hostile to the Congress, was also the ruling party in
Bengal and had the support of the British. Even Muslim nationalists
held the congress flag in one hand and the black and white banner of
Mohammedan Sporting in the other, while the Muslim League itself
used the club as an obvious example of Muslim superiority in Bengal.4
This was certainly a definitive indication of the club’s growing popularity
in Bengal. Actually, from the second half of the 1930s,rivalry in Bengali
football was no longer confined to the British versus the Indians, but
had extended to include the Hindus versus the Muslims, adding definite
communal overtones to sport. This new trend in Bengali football,
however, needs to be understood in the changed socio-political scenario
in Bengal from the middle of the 1930s.
There were other major sporting reason for Mohammedan Sporting’s
success in overpowering all other Bengali as well as British teams in
the Calcutta League and other worthy tournaments outside Calcutta.
One major reason for Mohammedan spectacular success was the
formation of a strong team by collecting ace Muslim Players from
around the country. This gave them a definite edge over their Bengali
Hindu counterparts to fight against the mighty British team and to win
the Calcutta Football League five times in a row. 5 The Muslim League
augmented its influence over India as well as Bengal politics. In 1920
and onward, that made glimpses in the play ground in the context of
the degeneration of the Hindu-Muslim fraternity. In 1930s and about
Mohammedan Sporting Club made its debute as a powerful team. And
the Muslim society started thinking that they were the actual socio-
cultural representative for them. In 1932 a group of patriotic energetic
Muslim youth founded an organization namely “Nava Muslim Majlis”.
Khaja Nuruddin, a close relation to Khaja Najimuddin was the chief
sponsor and he took a major part in promoting Mohammedan Sporting
Club to a leading football power. Mohammedan Sporting Club is the
first football team to break the monopoly of British. In the year of
1934-39 Mohammedan Sporting Club win the Calcutta Football League
continuously, but the Hindus of Calcutta did not participate with this
victory of Mohammedan Sporting Club, the Bengal Muslim society
did not except this in right way.6 That even only after the second year
of its League success, Mohammedan Sporting Club had already became
a symbol of Muslim identity and confidence all over India was clear
from the congratulatory messages it received from different corners
of Bengal and the whole of India. As K. Nuruddin, one of the revivers
of the club in 1930s remarked “their spectacular performance, in recent
years, in the turning point for the Mussalmans of Bengal in the field
of sports”.
Muslims of Dhaka were inspired to from Dhaka Mohammedan
Sporting Club in1936.This was however, preceded by two more Muslim
clubs: Muslim Sporting Club(1927)founded at the initiative of some
of the members of Dhaka’s nawab family at Dilkhysna House, and
Kumilla Mohammedan(1928).While the first club was disbanded only
after two years, the later still exists.7 Coincidental to the changes in the
political equation in Bengali in the mid and late 1930s, Mohammedan
Sporting had a continuous tussle with the IFA. Despite their gallant
performances against leading European teams, they were not given
due recognition anywhere near that accorded to Mohun Bagan after
their victory in the IFA shield in 1911.The Muslim community always
found the IFA to be discriminatory against Mohammedan Sporting,
their club. This so-called discrimination, as the most recent study on
the subject suggests, was a response to the Muslim political ascendancy
in West Bengal in the 1930s.
The growing tension between the club and the IFA reached a climax in
1937 over a controversial incident during a League match between
Mohammedan Sporting and East Bengal. In this match on 11th June
1937,it was reported, one influential member and player of the
Mohammedan Sporting Club kicked at the face of one East Bengal
official, who had run to the assistance of Rahamat, an injured player
of the Mohammedan Sporting Club.8 It was known to all concerned
that the IFA would take appropriate action against him. The match
was followed by disgraceful scenes. Immediately after the game, there
were several cases of stabbing outside the ground, the most unfortunate
victim being a boy of 13.9 The controversy arose over the identity of
the Mohammedan Sporting Club players who committed the wrong.
The club as well as the newspapers representing Muslim sentiments
such as the Star of India claimed that it was Sattar who actually hit at
the face of Girin Ghosh, an East Bengal official. The IFA, however
instead to taking stern action against sattar, suspended Habib, one of
the best players of the Mohammedan Sporting side. After deliberating
on these suggestion, the executive Committee of the Mohammedan
Sporting Club notified the IFA that the suggestion were totally
unacceptable. According to it, ‘one of the resolution passed at the
meeting of the I.F.A. was humiliating to the Mohammedan Sporting
Club, and the club regret they will not be able to play any more league
match until the resolution is rescinded and erased from the books of
the I.F.A.’10 Thus a potential situation of extreme social tension was
create in Bengali football in the course of 1930s, when peaceful
coexistence of the two communities in challenging British supremacy
on the soccer field gave way to serious rift between the Hindus and the
Muslims. This transition from community to communal in Bengal
football had several delicate moments, subtle shift and points of
convergence.
As the Muslim lived a down-trodden life, they at least got something to
cheer. They had now Mohammedan Sporting Club. Crowds poured
into the tent and ground to watch them playing. Mohammedan Sporting
Club gradually became common Muslim aspirations. From then
Mohammedan Sporting Club represents not only the Bengal Muslim
society but also Muslims of India. Muslim across the country supported
this club, it had got a huge popularity. Mohammedan Sporting Club
create an integration among Muslims.11 MSC arbitrarily used the status
of communal Muslim representation in the field of games and sports
since the later half of the decade starting with 1930s. This is evident
from the contemporary newspapers and magazines.MSC declined to
play against the delegate Burmese team in the Calcutta ground and this
is applauded in the Magazine Bhraratbarsha in 1938.
Suranjan Das’s hint at the Muslim “self-mobilization” around the
Mohammedan Sporting Club in the context of the 1946 Calcutta-riots
was not confined to the Muslim only. Such self-mobilization efforts
were also noticeable among the Hindus under the aegis of the Hindu
Mahasabha.12 In fact, one strand of nationalist activities from the 1920s,
as Tanika Sarkar points out, which reinforced a sense of insecurity
among the Muslims, was the crop of physical culture association or
akhras for Muslim youth in Calcutta and mofussil towns. On the other
hand ,the Muslims, who were ‘rolling on the ground with joy’ in 1911
at the victory of their Hindu brothers on the football field, had all
disappeared, and been replaced by a new breed who came to watch the
game carrying knives and bottles of soda water. Bengalis had never
displayed such aggressive sprit on the Calcutta sports field before.
Suranjan Das remarked of this communal situation on the maidan
aptly : ‘…. Reverses suffered by the Mohammedan Sporting Club in
football match enraged Muslim feeling which were expressed in sporadic
violence against the Hindus. Or, as another writer comments, ‘with
each victory, a communal wedge was driven deeper into Calcutta football
if not into Calcutta society. Thus the decade between 1937 and 1947
saw a fundamental change of vision of football in the nationalist
discourse of both the Hindus and Muslims. The Quit India movement
of 1942, the economic insecurity generated by the second world war,
the panic evacuation of Calcutta caused by the fear of Japanese bombs,
the famine, restlessness among the youth, and the communal riots that
broke out on the day of the call for ‘direct action’ by the Muslim League
– the stress of all these events gradually wiped out any enthusiasm for
football in Calcutta. Because of the riots, there was no competition
for the shield in 1946 and the League was not played in 1947.13
Thus the meteoric rise of the Mohammedan Sporting Club in the Bengal
as well as Indian sporting scenario in the early 1930s and its continuous
clash with the IFA in the late 1930s and 1940s show how football’s role
as a unity nationalist force gave way to a divided sense of loyalties in
Bengal. The Bengalee society, indignant with the racist colonial
governance, called out the game of football as an effective weapon for
anti-colonial nationalism. But this sport-nationalistic self was all a
negative attitude and no more than sheer a reflex action to the British
tyranny in social-political-economic fields and their discrimination based
on complexion. At the end of the 20th century a few of social events
helped FOOTBALL to give birth to Mohammedan Sporting Club in a
communal milieu. But gradually this MSC caused an emission of the
concept of communal politics in the Bengalee, i.e Indian Muslims.
Resultantly, a distinct cultural identity found its base in the Muslims of
Bengal with the birth and growth of Mohammedan Sporting Club.
And to conclude, it was not congenial and conducive for Indian alias
Bengal politics.14
Reference:
1) Mangan. J.A, 1998. The Games Ethic and Imperialism: Aspects of the Diffusion
of an Ideal. London: Frank Cass, Page No – 121
2) Bandyopadhyay Kaushik, 2007, Khela Jakhan Itihas: Samaj, Sanskriti, Rajinity.
Setu Publication, Kolkata-6,. P. No- 62
3) Bandyopadhyay Kaushik, 2011. Scoring off the Field : Football culture in Bengal,
1911-1980. London, Rutledge, P. No- 109
4) Bandyopadhyay Kaushik, 2007. Op.cit, P. No- 65
5) Bandyopadhyay Kaushik, 2011. Op.cit,P. No- 116.
6) Bandyopadhyay Kaushik, 2007. Op.cit, P. No- 64.
7) Bandyopadhyay Kaushik, 2011. Op,cit, P. No- 121.
8) Ananda Bazar Patrika, 15 June 1937, P- 11.
9) Ananda Bazar Patrika, 12 June 1937, P- 09
10) Bandyopadhyay Kaushik, 2011. Op,cit. P. No- 129.
11) Mohammedan Sporting club Souvenir, Calcutta-1939.
12) Das Suranjan, Communal Riots in Bengal, Cambridge, New Delhi,1991.
P- 170.
13) Bandyopadhyay Kaushik, 2011. op, cit, P. No- 141.
14) Bandyopadhyay Kaushik, 2007. Op,cit, P. No- 71.
The Economic Thought of Vivekananda
Aparna Sadhu
Assistant Professor, Department of Philosophy
Basanti Devi College, Kolkata
Email ID: aparnaphils@yahoo.com
Abstract
The economic thinking developed in India during the period of the first half of the nineteenth
century to the end of it. During that long period, the thinking of Rammohan, Bankim
Chandra in the mid period and Vivekananda towards the end of the century made important
contributions in the area of economic thoughts. Vivekananda among them was able to get
much attention in the areas of economic problems. He could detect the main reasons of the
economic problem of India through his travels across the then India and in the western
countries. He expressed his views on those issues through his writings and also stipulated the
solutions of those problems. Vivekananda realised that the developments in the areas of
agriculture, industry and commerce together with development of the human resources could
bring prosperity in the country. He was able to get into the core of the economic problems of
not only India but for the entire world. He could cross over the boundaries of the countries
and time. The thoughts of tomorrow had been reflected in his writings and in his speeches.
He deserved to be considered for a place of excellence due to his contribution in the field of
economics. Therefore, his economic thoughts centered on building a consummate developed
country.
The economic thinking developed in India during the period of the first half of the nineteenth
century to the end of it. During that long period, the thinking of Rammohan, Bankim
Chandra in the mid period and Vivekananda towards the end of the century made important
contributions in the area of economic thoughts. Vivekananda among them was able to get
much attention in the areas of economic problems. He could detect the main reasons of the
economic problem of India through his travels across the then India and in the western
countries. His economic thoughts encompassed the entire gamut of problems, right from the
decadence of agriculture in the rural area, exploitation by the Zaminders, land revenue tax
in the British period, lack of industries, lack of employment, the structure of the state, etc.
He expressed his views on those issues through his writings and also stipulated the solutions
of those problems. Vivekananda’s contributions could not be ignored in rising of unprecedented
political consciousness in the newly awakened India at the end period of nineteenth century.
Political consciousness and economic thoughts evolve simultaneously. That apart, studies of
history create political consciousness and initiate economic thoughts. No exception was made
in respect of Vivekananda too. Every aspect of the contemporary life touched him deeply.
He was not only confined within the limited space of spiritual development but was always
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
encouraged by a distinct design for the development of the country. Vivekananda realised
that the developments in the areas of agriculture, industry and commerce together with
development of the human resources could bring prosperity in the country. Therefore, his
economic thoughts centered on building a consummate developed country.
Key words
Economic, Agricultural, Industrial, Employment, Development.
Background of the Economic Thoughts of Vivekananda

Vivekananda’s outstanding knowledge of history was the reason behind
his economic thoughts. After the Plassey war, the English rulers
introduced land and revenue policy. There was uprising among the
peasants at different parts of the country against the land revenue
policy of the British. The intellectuals of the nineteenth century got
alerted about the conditions of the peasants in our country and about
the agricultural policy of the government due to peasants’ uprising in
Bankura, Chuar revolt in Midnapore, peasant’s revolt against Debisingha
at many places, Sannyasi revolt in North Bengal, uprising against the
indigo planters etc.1 The newspapers took important roles in discussing
the financial problems. Sanbad Koumodi of Rammohan, ‘Sanbad
Probhakor’ edited by Ishwar Chandra Gupta, Sanjibani of Krishna
Kumar Mitra, and Amritabazar Patrika by Shishir Kumar Ghosh took
important role in discussing the issue. Various opinions were made in
Bangabasi patrika edited by Krishna Kumar Bandyopadhyay during the
period 1881 to 1897 which were as under:
i) Indian Industry & commerce was badly impeded due to protection
provided to the Industries in England by the Indian government.
ii) The local artisans were exploited due to heavy taxes imposed on
them by the government.
And a result of those steps taken by the government, extreme poverty
came down on the people as a consequence of the reservation status
given to the overseas industrial houses.
Apart from that, discussions were also made on those papers, on the
issues of the high rate of land and revenue tax, higher salary of the
European employees, irrationality of the decision to waive import duty
on clothes, labour laws etc.2 The movement of the indigo farmers was
supported by Hindu Patriot of Harishchandra Mukhopadhyay and by
Bengali Magazine of Surendranath Bandyopadhyay. Dwarakanath
Ganguly wrote a series of discourses on the miserable conditions of
the tea garden workers at Assam. The conditions of the peasants and
labour class and in general the economic problems for example revenue
and taxes, industry and commercial policies, etc were regularly discussed
and opinions were made by various organizations like ‘Zamindari Sabha’,
‘Indian Association’ (1875), ‘Shilpo-Bidoytsahini Sabha’ (1854) ,
‘Bangiyo Samajbigyan Sabha’ (1866) etc. The exhibitions of the crafts
by the local artisans were made at Hindu Mela during 1867 to 1880
with an intention to revive those crafts. The backgrounds of
Vivekananda’s economic thoughts were based on the poverty of India,
exploitation by the English rulers, excessive taxes imposed on the
peasants, inhuman conditions of the labours, decadence of industries,
etc.
Main Reasons of Economic Problems: Vivekananda’s Thoughts

We could know from the biography of Vivekananda that he read the
books of the great western thinkers like Mill, Bentham, etc.; similarly,
he took the lessons on economics from the real lives. Eric Hammond,
a westerner said after listening to the speech made by Vivekananda,
“Swamiji soon showed that he was equally versed in history and political
economy. He stood among these people on their own ground.”3 He
got direct experiences about the financial and social problems of other
countries apart from India by mixing intimately with the people of
those countries. Romain Rolland commented on the travels of
Vivekananda across India, “There was not a single moment in his life
when he could stay away from the sorrow and pain, hope and desire,
injustice, excitement and tensions of the rich and poor in the villages
and cities of India. He was as closely linked with the intellect of the
intellectuals as he was with the economics of the villages and cities
which controlled the lives of the people there.”4 Sister Nibedita during
her travel with Vivekananda went to Lucknow. In her words, “He
narrated the names of the industrial and luxury items made in Lucknow
and described their characteristics… during his travel throughout the
vast expanse of the plain land comprising firms and villages of the
Aryan land…his love for those areas were reflected in his eyes. It perhaps
happened nowhere. He could assume the country in its unified form,
here in that land. He talked for hours on the issues of how the land
was cultivated by share cropping and every detail in the life of a peasant
woman. Whenever, he described those matters to us, his voice trembled
in emotion which was most probably recollecting his days of wandering
throughout India.”5 He could reach at the bottom of the financial
problems of India through his reading different books on economics
and on his real-life experience.
He identified two reasons for the poverty of India. The first one was
the exploitation by the British and second one was also a case of
exploitation but by the aristocratic society of India.
Firstly :
Vivekananda opined that the famine of 76 did occur due to the policies
taken by the English rulers on tenure of agricultural land and on
agricultural taxes. There was a continuous famine like situation in India
from 1770 to 1900 A.D. There was famine in the Ganjam district of
Orissa till 1888-89 A.D. There was terrible famine in Ajmer and Marwar
and in Madras in the year 1891-92. And as a result of that millions of
people throughout the entire area were put into terrible distress. The
people virtually had no alternative but to beg due to excessive taxes,
lack of irrigation facilities and decadence of the industries which
multiplied the population pressure on the limited productivity of the
agricultural land. There were millions of beggars in entire India. British
government enacted its labour law in the year 1881. In 1891, the second
labour law was enacted, which could not satisfy the labour class. Since
1889, there was lay up of labours in different industries in Bombay
province. In 1890, the ‘Bombay Mill hands Association’ was first formed
and as a result of that the exploitation of the British, and the economic
structure of India got totally upset. The people were compelled to live
in a state of total misery.
Secondly, Exploitation by the Zaminder and other Elite Classes:

Swamiji after his initiation as a Sannyasi travelled throughout entire
India on foot and witnessed the wretchedness of the neglected people
of the society of India. He realised that to uplift the living standard of
that vast helpless population of India, the help of the rich and affluent
class of the society was required. The rich and the wealthy people of
the society owed duties and responsibilities to extend their assistance
in this regard as they had enjoyed the wealth generated by those people
through their hard toil. Swamiji blamed the exploitation of the rich
and elite class of the society, for the wretchedness of a major portion
of people of India. Swamiji tried to encourage them to take the
responsibilities by saying: “Those people were nothing but traitors,
who became rich and educated through the wealth generated by the
hard labours of the millions of poor and oppressed people, but never
thought of their well being.”6 Swamiji could understand that the native
Maharajas and the elite classes were not at all interested for the economic
development of their subjects, who were mostly poor. He narrated his
bitter experience in the matter in a letter, “Whereto, in any period of
history, the rich, the elite class, the priests and the so-called spiritual
leaders ever thought of the poor class? The strength of their power
came from the exploitation of those poor.”7 He did not stop in
identifying the root cause but tried to organize the youth of the country
for the overall development of the poor class of the society. We came
to know further from his letter.”8 I have taken birth to organize the
youth of our country. They will flow throughout the country like the
turbulent waves. It is my vow and the only desire to bring to the most
wretched people of our land, the happiness and amenities of life,
educate them and get them acquainted with the principles of life and
about religion. Either I shall do it or embrace death.” So, it could be
observed that the financial and overall development of the people of
India became his single-point desire and vow. He believed that the
administration by the Zaminders and elites would not last long. He
said with much emphasis that the Indian people had immense tolerance,
high working ability and courage like a lion. In his book Paribrajak, he
said,” They have silently endured atrocities for thousands of years and
as a result of that they have attained enormous tolerance. They have
gained vitality through their sufferings. They can make the world upside
down just with a handful of barley in the meal. A piece of bread will
make them all the powerful. They have got eternal life. And they are
also wonderfully righteous in their lives which have no parallel in the
universe. Their lives are filled with peace, friendliness and love. They
can work whole day silently with valour like a lion. He was very confident
on the strength of the latent and huge potentiality of the Indian people
and that was the reason for which he repeatedly praised them.
At that time, the reformers only focused on the upper class people.
And for that reason, reforms just meant to them as the reforms of the
conventional institutions of those people like marriages of the widows,
rejection of the purdah system, etc. The reforms of those systems
were also important for the development of the society. However, those
were not the national problems of India. Vivekananda identified the
main problems of the numerous people of India. According to
Vivekananda, the social reformers did not evince any interest in
reforming or eradicating the economic problems, i.e. the poverty of
the country.9 Vivekananda point blank marked the exploitation of the
people by the elite class as the reason behind it. He admonished the
upper class people and said to them,” Until that time, the millions of
Indian are forced to be immersed in poverty and ignorance , I shall
consider those people as the traitor who turned away their faces from
those wretched Indians, who, through their hard labour supplied funds,
for the education of those elite people. So long, the 200 millions of
Indian people will remain hungry like beasts until that day I shall regard,
those rich people as Satan who squander money for grandeur but will
not do anything for the benefit of those wretched people.”10
Vivekananda not only pointed out to the reason of the horrible
economic problem of India but also gave the solutions for it because
his main thought was for the economic liberation of the country. He
gave various directions for the economic emancipation of the country
which were as under:
Development of agriculture
Vivekananda moved throughout India and through his direct
experiences he could feel that the greater India was hidden among the
poor people of the Indian villages. Increasing of agricultural
productivity was the key to the rural development. And for that reason,
he was in favour of applying the techniques of modern science in the
agricultural sector. He said; “We have to cultivate not in a boorish
manner but like an intelligent person. If literate persons do live in
villages and take the help of the modern scientific methods for
cultivation, the productivity of agricultural output will increase and
that will be an eye opener for our conventional peasants. Cultivation
should be made in scientific process and our peasants should be made
impregnated with those methods.”11 He had some specific opinions
for the development of agriculture. He thought that the right over the
land by the peasants was very important. And in addition to that, the
peasants should be taught the new scientific methods of cultivation
and for that reason the peasants should be given education.12 He called
to set up an education centre in the capital of every presidency to
educate the rural people on agricultural and on other relevant matters.
He said that if the son of peasants’ could not come to school, he
would be given education at his own place. He wanted the educated
people to go to villages and make the rural people educated and help in
their development process. He also wanted the city people to accept
agriculture as their vocation. The peasants should be educated with
general education first and thereafter he felt it important to educate
the peasants in technical matters. He gave much importance for
education to the agriculturists because it would help them to be educated
with the modern technologies of agriculture and in its applications. He
said: “The agriculturists specially the students will visit various countries
to know about various techniques applied on agriculture. If I had the
money, I certainly had sent you all to travel throughout the world.”13
He advised to follow the development in various fields of knowledge
of the western countries. But he was always against blind imitation of
anything. He said about improvement in agriculture sector: “Take the
help of the science and technologies of the western countries and
start digging the soil and arrange for your own food not only by
hankering for a service but with your own efforts by inventing new
methods of earnings with the help of science and technologies of
western countries.”14 During his discussions with his disciples, he said,
‘Go and read the scriptures and see that Janaka, the sage, ploughed
land in one hand and read Veda, keeping it in another. And again see
the example of America; it has become rich by cultivation.’15 Recently,
the educated people also have taken keen interest in agriculture and
agricultural universities have been set up at different places. However,
Vivekananda first attracted the attention of the people to agriculture
by citing the examples of Janaka, the sage.
Thoughts on Development of Industries:

Vivekananda wanted to have the growth of machinery industries in
India with the help of modern technology simultaneously with the
development in agriculture. He was of the opinion that if India would
want to alleviate poverty, India should make itself update with the
application of science and technologies of western countries.
Vivekananda observed that the foreigners became rich by utilizing the
natural resources of India. He felt that India needed to increase the
production of manufacturing goods to limit the import of the
manufactured goods from England. And he realised that rapid
expansion of manufacturing industries was needed to achieve that goal.
He talked about his thoughts on the creation of market for Indian
goods, He advocated opening of workshop in India for expansion of
indigenous industries and on the other hand encouraged to form
association in the foreign countries, especially in Europe and America
for selling of Indian goods. It was his belief that no country could live
alone. He wanted to fill the wide gap between the east and the west.
During his stay in America, he visited the Polytechnic Institute. He
realised that the Indian should learn the techniques of machinery
industries, trade and commerce, etc from the British. Swamiji during
his travel to America in 1853 had a discussion with Jamshedji Tata
regarding the development of the machinery industries in India. Swamiji
told Tata: ‘why you are importing match boxes from Japan? You would
get a meager commission in that, rather you set up a match factory in
India. In that way, you would be able to earn more, and some people
would also get employment in your factory, and the fund would remain
within India.’16 Though he stressed much on the development of heavy
industries, its expansion and on spreading of technical learning but he
also did not neglect small industries. However, he was not in favour of
depending too much on spinning wheels or on cottage industries like
Gandhiji. He gave importance on cottage industries and self-help groups
to general employment opportunities for lakhs of unemployed in India.
He also mentioned about exporting agricultural products through which
large revenues could come into the coffers of the country, good
packaging of agricultural products would be required to get good
markets in the foreign lands. He also mentioned that the pulses of
Mug and Arhar had good market opportunities in England and in
America. ‘Small packets of pulses with the recipes printed on it could
be supplied to the American homes through one depot set up specifically
for that purpose, would be a hit. Similarly, ‘Bori’ (Pulse cake) also had
good marketing opportunities there.’17
Thoughts on Employment :
Apart from his advice on the development of agriculture and industry,
He also gave direction to the youths of India about the paths they
would be taking to build up their future career. He advised the youths
not to depend too much on service rather asked them to start their
own start-up enterprises. He did not like those people who after getting
educated gave much importance on getting a service. He felt proud of
his country and its wealth. He thought that if the wealth of the country
could be better handled, it would not be a problem to provide for the
livelihood of millions of Indian. He wanted to utilise the foreign market
for creating more job opportunities. He said there were great demands
for the products of our cottage industries. And for that reason, he
along with general education encouraged technical education and for
expansion of industries, he also sought various industries related
education courses. On 1st May, 1897, he mentioned about various
objectives of establishing Ramakrishna Mission and in its fourth
proposal, it was mentioned that it would be the aim of the mission to
build the people suitable for getting education in various streams of
knowledge and in science for their physical and mental well being. He
also mentioned about the development of fine arts. Therefore,
Vivekananda gave much importance on the development of science
education and also in the development of fine arts. He also said that it
would be possible to generate enough employment for the youths of
the country by proper utilization of our wealth. He lamented to his
disciple, Sharat Chandra Chakraborty that ‘…in India so numerous
things were grown and the outsiders from foreign countries were making
usable goods with those raw materials and the roles of the Indian were
only limited in carrying those goods like an ass used to do.’18
The people from other countries by applying their intelligence, made
finished goods out of the raw materials, grown in our country and
became rich. And you, people, had locked your intelligence in the iron
safe and distributed your riches to others and moving like paupers on
the streets, crying for food. He gave much importance to innovative
ideas. The enterprising youths got much encouragement from him. He
wanted work culture to grow among his own countrymen. They should
not be dependent on others but ought to be self-reliant to arrange for
their own living. He also stressed on removing social discrimination in
tandem with making plans for financial development of the country.
He realised that social discrimination could make a country weaker. It
was necessary for the real development of the country, to stop
exploitation of one class of the society by the other and social
equilibrium was very important. He also talked of giving equal social
and financial opportunities to each by removing the imparity in income
and the resources and also by stopping every kind of exploitation from
the society. He observed that the labours did not get fair wages and the
working classes were ignored at every walk of life. They did not get
their due respect and values for their work. The commodities produces
out of their labours were used for the consumption of the upper class
of people. Vivekananda was very much against the social and financial
differences among the people. He favored equal opportunities for all.
He did not discuss about the framework of a social democratic
(Communist?) society but the ideals of such a system was very much
in his thoughts. And for that reason, he wanted to remove all kinds of
exploitation from the society. He said: “It is not a problem that some
groups of people are more intelligent than others. But problem lies in
the probability, that whether those intelligent human groups with their
intelligence would snatch the essential materials for living, from others
or not?”19 He rebuked the people responsible for that inequality in the
society. He wanted to build an India with a democratic, secular and
equal society for all its citizens and which would be known for its
modern and scientific outlook.
Economic Developments
Vivekananda never thought that only the economic development could
make all round growth for the human race. He also said that ‘the material
knowledge sans the spiritual leanings could lead the man towards
destruction and that wealth would be proved to be of no use to him.’20
If one has not the purity of mind, the plentifulness of knowledge and
power could transform a human as a Satan. And for that reason,
Vivekananda removed the imaginary difference in between the optional
(material) and spiritual world. He always stressed about educating the
people to make them eligible for teaching in the schools and giving
encouragement for setting up of industries and on labour incentive
vocation. The most important branch of modern economics is the
‘Developmental economics’. Todaro, 21 the economist defined
development as better system and also said that the concept of that
‘better’ system changes with periods but three fundamental things are
equally good or better in every era and in every country. Those three
values of life are survival, self-respect and freedom. If there is lack of
any one of these three, the development process is not complete. To
survive in life, arrangement for appropriate food, shelter, health care
and security are to be made for every member of the society. Goulet
Todaro said that the most fundamental of these three conditions is to
get the respect as a human being. Every man has its distinct value.
When a man is awakened with that feeling, he learns to respect himself.
And that time, life becomes meaningful to him. Freedom, in wider
sense, does not mean only political freedom. Freedom means salvation
from every kind of slavery. Dudley Seers22 said that if we are to
understand the development of any country, we need to be answered
the following three questions:
i) Whether poverty has been diminished?
ii) Whether unemployment has been removed?
iii) Whether discrimination has been reduced?
Seers said that if the answers of these three questions were negative
then there were impediments in development of that country.23
Therefore, we can observe that the prerequisites of economic
development which are now being considered as most important,
Vivekananda thought of it much before and got into the very core of
those issues .He expressed his well considered opinion in that regard.
He wanted equal developments for all countries of the world in his
economic philosophy. He repeatedly reminded the developed countries
about their responsibilities in this regard. He told of removing the
social discrimination in order to alleviate poverty from India. And on
the other side, he sought enormous industrialization in India with the
help of improved techniques and modern science and with that purpose
in mind, he encouraged for massive technological expansion of the
country. He talked about developing cottage industries and self
dependent industries too, simultaneously, with the industrial growth
of the country for generating job opportunities for millions of
unemployed youths of India. He stressed much on the development
of agriculture. Vivekananda wanted to provide the minimum essentials
to the poor for their living so that they could get escaped from the
enormous distress of their lives. Vivekananda believed that every nation
had its distinct worth and if they could realise that, they would be able
to prosper much ahead. He thought that the individuality of India was
in its spiritual strength. Therefore, India without bending its head down
to the technologically advanced countries, could acquire the knowledge
in science and technology from the developed countries, with his head
high, because in exchange, India had also to share its spiritual wisdom.
He always declared that not only India, but the cultures of all developed
and underdeveloped countries had their distinct uniqueness and respect.
He always said in loud voice that no good could be made to the human
being without giving them freedom. Freedom to him was salvation
from all bindings. Without freedom, the creativeness of a man cannot
flourish. He said with much emphasis to get oneself free from all
bindings to the best of one’s ability.24 Accordingly, the definition of
economic development given by Seers, Todaro and Goulet was specified
by Vivekananda much ago.
Presently, much emphasis is being given on education and health sector
in the developing nations which Vivekananda laid down in his economic
thoughts years ahead. So, it could be said that if we compile the
economic thoughts of Vivekananda in a structural form that can be
used as a guide for the economic development of any underdeveloped
country.25 We can see the reflections of Vivekananda’s economic
thoughts in the efforts of WHO (World Health Organization) for
improvement in the health sectors of the world, in the United Nations’
development programme for continual programme on human
development, in the vision 202026 of the late President, A.P.J.Abdul
Kalam for development of India in the areas of education, Health and
in removing the unemployment problem of India.
Remarks:
If we want to define Vivekananda in the structure of economic theories,
he might not be considered as an economist. But it would not be
exasperation if we consider him as an economist in the light of his
own economic thoughts. He appeared in this country to go ahead of
his time. And for that reason, no problem of this world even the
economic ones did not stay outside the expanse of his thoughts. The
economists of India are thinking about those problems which
Vivekananda was able to mark that problem many years ago. He was
able to get into the core of the economic problems of not only India
but for the entire world. He could cross over the boundaries of the
countries and time. The thoughts of tomorrow had been reflected in
his writings and in his speeches. He deserved to be considered for a
place of excellence due to his contribution in the field of economics.
References:
1. Swami Lokeshwarananda, 1395 Bongabda, Chintanayak Vivekananda,
Ramkrishna Mission Institute of Culture, Goal Park, Kolkata – 29, Ashwin,
p.128
2. Shyamananda Banerjee, 1968, National Awakening and the Bangabasi’, Amitava
Publisher, Calcutta p.11.
3. Reminiscences of Swami Vivekananda, p.298
4. Vivekanander Jibon o Biswabani, pp. 19-20.
5. Swami Vivekananda in the West: New Discoveries, Part One, p. 58
6. Bani O Rachona, Saptam Khanda, p. 69
7. Ibid, p. 35
8. Ibid, Shostha khanda, p. 394
9. Ibid, Shostha Khanda, p. 394
10. Swami Vivekanander Bani o Rachana, Shostho Khondo, 2003 Udbodhon
Karyalaya, Kolkata, , pp. 64-65
11. Bani o Rachana, Soptom Khondo, pp. 89
12. Swami Gambhirananda, Yuganayak Vivekananda, Prothom Khondo, Udbodhon
Karyalay, Kolkata, Prothom Sonskoron, Bani O Rachana, Doshom Khondo,
Choturtho Sonskoron, 1384, pp.173
13. Bani O Rachana, Saptam Khondo, Udbodhan Karyalaya, Kolkata, Chaturtha
Sanskoron, 1384, pp. 247-248
14. Bani O Rachana, Nabam Khondo, pp. 164
15. Yuganayak Vivekananda, Pratham Khando, pp. 315
16. Biswa Bivek, pp.143
17. Nabam Khanda, Udbodhan Karyalaya,2012, Swami Vivekananda Patrabali,
Udbodhan Karyalaya, Kolkata, Chaturtha Sanskoron, pp. 429
18. Swami Vivekanander Bani o Rachana, , Kolkata, 2002, pp. 65-66
19. Shostho Khonda, 1963, Swami Vivekanander Bani O Rachana, pp. 504
20. Bani O Rachana, Tritiyo Khondo, p. 340
21. P. Todaro, Michael. 1979, Economics for a Developing World, Longman Group
Limited, London, p. 96
22. W. Arthur Lewis, George Allen & Unwin Ltd, 1955, The Theory of Economic
Growth, London, PP.420
23. Economics for a Developing World, p. 95
24. Bani o Rachana, oshtom Khondo, p. 172.
25. Subrata Gupta, , 2010, Vivekanander Orthonaitik Chinta, Ramkrishna Mission
Institute of Culture, Goalpark, Kolkata p. 48
26. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam with Y.S.Rajan. India 2020, Penguin Books, New Delhi,
2002, p. 34
An Argument about Origin of Poundra (Pod)
Caste in Colonial Bengal
Dipali Mondal
Susil Kar College, 24 Parganas(South)
Email ID: dipalinaskar89@gmail.com
Abstract
In large Community of Bengal, that poundra kshatriya is marked as Community belonging
to Hindu Society. Though in Govt. record it’s identification is in the name of Poundra or
Pod. Currently this caste is a community included in Bengalee schedule caste. Various
argumental opinions about origin of poundra Caste is first dutiable in colonial Bengal.
Ancient Poundra Caste is known as one of the partner of Pre-arya Harappa civilization
in Indian. The word Poundra first available mentioned in Outrayo Brahmin of Rik Veda.
Pod community that we have garnered from the vast laud spreading from kortoa river basin
in the North to the Bay of Bengal in the south is just the access to the next Era. Rizley in
his Tribes and Castes of Bengal has said – “The educated people of this community claim
that they have originated from the union of Kayastha father and Barber mother. 1872
different embarrass information served about the origin of Poundra in different government
statement. In 1872 senses Poundra Community has named as Pod so after Publishing
1911 senses. 1921 senses & 1931 senses report they has done different movement as
against of it. Among Poundra leader & Poundra writer two type of opinions mentioned
about Poundra community. A controversy had been arised about the origin of Pundra
community & it has continued in later on. But from different Point of view it is clear that
in ancient time there was a existence of Poundra Community in India. They are aboriginal
Indian & Kshatriya Community. In fifteenth decade at the time of on gopta dynasty Aryan
has extended their resilence in Bengal. Ancient Poundra Community has defeted in Politically
later on in Senbaugsa era they victimed by nobility system promoted by Ballal Sen. In social
aspect Bramhist consider Poundra Community as lower class people, they deprived in economic
sector also – it has been recognized by Poundra researcher & modern Historian and from
their different source of information it can be concluded that of present schedule caste Poundra
cum Pod community are the generation of Ancient Poundra Kasthatriya Community.
Keywords
Bengal,Caste ,Poundra, , Puran, Community
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
In large Community of Bengal, that poundra kshatriya is marked as
Community belonging to Hindu Society. Though in Govt. record it’s
identification is in the name of Poundra or Pod. Currently this caste is
a community included in Bengalee schedule caste. In colonial chapter
various efforts are seen to enquire about origin of Poundra Caste along
with enquiry about other castes in Bengal, for enquiry about origin of
this Caste, Various in formations are available from Veda, Ramayana,
Mahabharata, Various mythology senses report of Various times
published in British India, books of British officials & researchers,
details of Various Poundra Writers in 19th and 20th century, Various
Composition of nationalist & modern historians are can somewhat
highlight about origin of poundra Caste through these various opinions.
Various argumental opinions about origin of poundra Caste is first
dutiable in colonial Bengal. Origin of this caste has been discussed in
various ways from the time of preparation of first census report in
1872 & after that. But before going to that context, enquiry is needed
about old history of poundra Caste in the light of mythology & various
old books of India.1
Ancient Poundra Caste is known as one of the partner of Pre-Arya
Harappa civilization in Indian. The word Poundra first available
mentioned in Outrayo Brahmin of Rik Veda.2 It is mentioned here
that Poundras are close relative of Andra, Pulinda, Mutib and Com. It
is mentioned in Mahabharata that sons of Chandra family’s king Boli
were the ruler of Anga, Banga, Kalinga, Punda & Sunkha five places
of east India & Poundra Kshatriya Caste is originated from Maharaja
Punda. As per Haribansha it was told that Pundra was originated from
the Puru, the son of Jagati but in Birhnupuran Pundra was dynastic
Anu, Son of Jaguti. As per Srimadvagbad Pundra are origin of Anu.
But in most of the Puran (ancient mythology of Hindu) & Mahabharata
it has described that Pundra was one at the five child of Bali, Chandra
bangsihya maharaja & a street has named as his name. In Mahabharata
it was mention about Poundra king Basudev. As per Dinesh Chandra
Sen “Basudev (Before eighth decade) a historical character”.3 At the
same time king of eastern India like Magadh King Jarasandhra, Pundra
King Basudav, Prag Jyotishpur King Narak were Jointly malicious of
Srikrishna and for this they heated to Bramhin.
Though they are known as Kshatriya king as of symbol of royal power.
But this Kshatriyism is not appellation of Kshatriyism as per Barmasram
of Arya. The highest positional indicator of the country level from
royal indentity. Though in vedic era Pundras has specified as slave &
docoits. Again in Bramhin exemplary many instance available of going
astroy from Kshatriya religious path. Thus in the chapter of Aswamedh
of Mahabharata it has mentioned that some Kshatriya took shelter in
Kandarati Mountain getting feared from parasuram the son of
Jamadagni. By not watching Brahmin they become adulteress and
Sudraminded. In this Era Dravid, Avir, Pundra & Sabars got adulteress
by deviating from Kshatriya.4
In Ballal charit as Ethenological Novel. It has been told about the
creation of Poundra that (Not Knowing Bramhin lady got maimed
with her brother & the born child has counted as Pod. In the “ Har-
Parbati Sambad’ of Prantoshi chapter of “Shaktisangam Tantra” of
Prantoshi Chapter In “Hara Parbati Sambad” Shiv i.e. Hara had said
that the son of Asamanj, “Padnakanti” was celebrated & famous. The
successors of this “Padula” came to be renouried as Pod or Paddo. 5
But different mythological books relating to community elements are
not to be believed fully. In all these books, most of the times, these
writing tried to show other communities in bad light, thus creating
different stories. This apprehension cannot be ruled out.We are not
getting any biblical reference of this declining Poundra community
post Gupta period.6
But the Information about Pod community that we have garnered from
the vast laud spreading from kortoa river basin in the North to the Bay
of Bengal in the south is just the access to the next Era. It is not
known who was the first to use the word Pod from Poundra. But, the
use of this word was first seen in 1872’s census. Thereafter, caste related
daft books, history, anthropology etc. had shown the mention of the
word “Pod”.7
At the time of colonial rule, Brittish administers & learned people had
presented different opinions about the origin of Pod community. Like,
at first, in Khulna District Gajazateerer can be mentioned. Here, in
relation to the origin of this community following has been said, – “A
love relationship between a high caste beautiful girl and a low caste
youth has resulted in the birth of a baby boy. The boy stayed alive. The
girl later on married in her own caste and had a few baby boys. They on
learning about their mother’s immorality at first started behaving badly
with the first son and planted the sapling growing in the field in an
inverted way. After seeing all this as he attempted to commit suicide,
goddess Lakshmi appeased and greated crops to the plants. This
illegitimate child was the predecessor of Pod & the children out of
wedlock were the predecessor of Chandals.”8 In this anecdote, Poundra
had been worked as illegitimate.
Right at this time in the South 24 Parganas District gazette – they were
classified as Tantipod, Chasipod, Bhasha Pod, Mcchho Pod. That in
nothing but unique and nonsensical for a community. H. Rizley also
classifield Bengali Poundra into four segments – Bagande, Khotta,
Bengla & Oriya. Puro or Purdasi named Poundra Kshatriya branch
exists in Marshidabad & Malda, but Bagande & Khotta named classes
are very rare in Poundrakshatriya.
Rizley in his “Tribes & Castes of Bengal” has said – “The educated
people of this community claim that they have originated from the
union of Kayastha father & Barber mother. Others say Pod have
originated from the womb of Balaram’s wife Revati.”9 Hunter, in this
issue, has said about a different relation. According to him – “They are
said to be the offspring of a Sundri Mother & a Napit Father”.7 In the
1901 census following has been said about the origin of this community
– “There is a sub caste of Chandal known as pod & there is reason to
believe that the two castes are the offshoots of the same parents stock.
There is a tradition that original pod was a half brother of the original
chandal. “H.Rizley, by scientific way used brain napping technique to
try and find out the Aryan & non-aryan trait ratio in all communities
of India & according to him due to the high measurement of cranial
nerves ratio, Pod community is Non-Aryan.
In the census of 1911, a no. of definitions has been given about the
rights of all the castes of Hindu religion in Bengal. Here it has been
said that no good priest does puja for them, they cannot enter any
temples. Their touch is unclean. But so far known is that Radrh,
Barendra and Dakshinatya Vedic class of Brahmans does perform puja
for Poundras.8 They are not untouchable or unclean as a caste. They
are established socially & are differently as entity of community. Though
one type of People who are tried to decry there community intentionally
by not informing thoroughly about their derivation, social custom
behavior & Position in colonial documents keeping themselves hide
through foreign census board.10
So after 1872 different embarrass information served about the origin
of Poundra in different government statement. In 1872 senses Poundra
Community has named as Pod so after Publishing 1911 senses. 1921
senses & 1931 senses report they has done different movement as
against of it. Among Poundra leader & Poundra writer two type of
opinions mentioned about Poundra community.11
Benimadhab Halder (1858 – 1923) was one of the prominent leader
of first type of Poundra ceades. He was the first person tried for find
/ fiscovered identify of Poundra community. In his book moved
‘Jatibibek’ he mentioned Poundra identity as outcast identify. He told
as per the writer of scripture Manner Brehan that Poundra Community
become out cast of Sudra mentality by not reforming with Upanayan.
Actually they are Ancient Kshatriya community. Another Poundra leader
Srimanta Naskar had supported his opinion. He total about Poundra
Community in his ‘Jatichandrika’ that…..
“Padma Raj, Poundra Raj AR (are become Pod) Pod hai
Poundra Nanantar sab Janiha Nistchaya”.
“Poundra, Poundraik AR (are become Pod) Pod hai
Apabransa Sabda (word) aie Janaha Nischeya”.
He told – Pod, Pundra, Poundra are same community. He protested
about the word Pod. He told Poundra is a royal community. He also
thought that Poundra are Aroya community.12
Arnong the Poundra leader Rai Charan Sardar took initiation for
movement to eastablish kshatrism of Poundra community & protest
against inclusion of Pod community as dipressed community in 1932
Act.
Another famous Poundra leader was historian Mahandranath Karan.
For his intensive practice of history of Poundra community. The was
the first person who protested about comment of beneath the dignity
at own community.
He published a book in English ‘A short history of cultivating Pod’s &
based on that he demanded to use the word poundra Kshatriya in lieu
of Pod in 1921 census.
Though Benimadhab Halder, Simanta Naskar, Raicharan Sardar,
Mahanbranath Karan that different Poundra as Arya Koshetriya but
later on another clarification available in writing of another diffent
Poundra writer. Among then the have of Prakash Ch. Ray, Durjati
Naskar, Shayamal Kumar Pramanik, Bimalendu Halder can be
mentioned. As per them Poundra are Ancient non Arya Community
of eastern India. In Ancient India State rules are only Kshatriya
Community. So for their Physical Strength Ancient hearic Poundra
Community are certainly of laimant of Kshatriyaism. But they are not
Kshatriya of Arya Barnashasan because their existence in India before
community of Arya.13
The main proof of it is Mahasthangar lipi, where Pudangal (Poundra
Nagar) word has available. Hamilton has enlighted this city as Ancient
Poundra Nagari later on Alaxjander Kanninghum certainly detected
Mahesthangar as ancient Poundra Nagari (City). The oldness at first
structured level in the debris of Mahashausar is much older than arrival
at Arya. As per expert this level is contemporary of Harappa civilization.
So Poundra civilization in Pre-Arya Civilization & they are oddest
Kshatriya Community.
Here it should mention that in the first phase Poundra writer are
influenced by scripted teaching in same places. So some limitation has
noticed in their thinking. But we should keep it in mind that they could
not take any information rather than available contemporary
information. They made a social movement design & based on that
they arrange different theory & information consistently.14 For example
before discovering Harappa Dynasty in 1921-22 Arya dynasties was
considered as oldest dynasty. But cater on this idea has changed. So
from this Point of view. It can be told that the Poundra leader
contemporary information accomplish the need of that time.
Historian Niher Ranjan Ray wrote about Poundra in his book ‘History
of Bengali’ (old phase) that “In Relegious Book” Poundra has describes
as Rejected Kshatriya in Mahabharata Sabha Parba Bonga & Poundra
com was described as ‘Rectified Kshatriya’. Though Nihar Ranja Ray
had think Poundra was enclosed with Andhra & Pulinda, In Ramayana,
it has specified about two Poundra land, one in South India & another
in East India in East India Portion has recognized as Poundra region.
As per description in Mahabharata it can be known about the position
of this country / Region. Nihar Ranjan Roy thinks that Pundangal or
Poundra Nagar can be known from Mahasthan Bramhilipi of two
hundred decade before Chirst. This Poundangal may be the Capital at
Poundra. This is now Mahastangar of Bagure District. Narrow line of
Karotawa to near is now present near old relics. Poundra has converted
to Poundra bardhan in fire ON six decades. This Poundra balthas
bardhan had extended to south sea Later on.
As per historian Ramesh Ch. Mazumder, division of Caste had
established as aryas had started reaside here. For this Banga, Sukha,
Sabar, Pulinda, Kirat, Pundra etc. the ancient inhabitants had recorsiged
as kshatriya. In the story, son of Bali King a legitimate child of
Dirghatama Rishi it has been proved that mixing of Arya & Bengali is
not a unwanted one. That means Arya Bramhin got marrieded with
Bengali women. But Paresh Ch. Bandopadhya has not recognized
Poundra as Arya, also object denied their residence in Poundra bardhan.
Historian Satish Ch. Mitra has told about the origin of Poundra Caste,
Pod are now giving their identify as degraded Kshatriya. Want to prove
from their side, the word pod Perversion of Poundra & they are old
Poundrak or Poundra Caste originated from kshatriya. ……….. When
whole Bengal extending upto the ocean was floated with the flow at
Buddhism. Then they also floated by this flow. In Sen’, era when
Bramnhinsn rising again some caste are not interested to get favour of
king they fall into huse anger of new Society & got harresed &
unscriptural practice. Kshatriya family originated Pundra’s are also got
harassed. In the Book Like Mahabharata has mentioned about Arya &
non Arya Pundra. Perhaps non Arya Pundra had comes from south
India & Started residing at bay of South Bengal & become fish business
persons. These fisherman Pod’s culture & nature are different from
former Pod. Farmer Pod are not Non-Arya. After a long search it is
believe to me that they become Sudraism as per bad/wrong of place &
behavior of them. Researcher Nerottam Halder has gave a significant
information about Poundra Caste & region. In South part of Ancient
Poundra bardhan State that is South Poundrabardhan has told as
Gangaridi Community by foreigner.15
As per him Gangaridi Community are former Incretion at cuarrent
Poundra kshatriya. Dr. Atul Sur has supported this apinion. He said,
‘This decision of Narottam Halder has supported by anthropology.
Pundra’s are also renowned community of India. They had dominated
in South & eastern India. Gangaridi is actually grater ganga basjin which
includes states are Pundra, Benga, Magadh & Kalinga. The Arya
considered this vast area as outcasts state. As because non Arya
Community resided in Gangaridi states. Everybody is agreed that now
Poundra Community has lasted the existence of that famous
community. Famous Poet & writers Bankim Chandra Chuttapadhya
has gave important explanation about Poundra Community. As per
him “From the time of Bramhin, history & Smriti thus from very
ancient time to Desh Kumar Charit & Hiuen Sung a strong Pundra
community resided western part of Bengal. Now there is no such
Pundra Community near to Bengal or any part of India. So where this
Poundra Community can go? As per him in Sanskrit language become
‘’ in colocal Bengali Language. & become abolished & converted in
.Such as Vanda – vanrd ,Sanda – Sanrd, Sunder – Sunrh. And from
Sanskrit Language by corrupted in Bengali Language ‘’ has been omitted.
Such as Tama is using in lieu of tammraAam is using of Amra.16
So in the word Pundra in colocal language by omitting Rep in place of
Pundra it will Pund or Pundo. Pundo is a main Community in ancient
Bengal. Earlies it has told that in Eitor Bramhan & manu Sanghita
Pundra and Non arya. So Pundo is a Bengali Community originated
from Non Arya. Word corruption are not same type. In ancient language
if a word enter by corrupted in a Language it become two to three
types. A Sanskrit word Sthan , become than , or Thain,, Chandra ,
become Chand & Tantra become Tandar. So as per place Pundra
become Pundar. In Communal term some time Bengali community
add Eee , after a word. –Such as Saontal – Saontali ,Gayal – Gayali
,Deshwal - Deshwali.17
Thus by adding Eee the word Punder converted in Pundari. There are
many Bengali Community as Pundari. If Pundra & Purdo are Non
Ary then Pundaris are also Non arya. The word Pod can be executed
from the word Pundra. The name Pod has generated from the word
Pundra & this is my believe.
What has told now cognition can grow that Pundro, Pundari & Pod
are same community & three community are the origin of old Pundra
Community. The modern linguistician Sukumar Sen & enthropologist
Atul Sur etc. has supported the opinion of Bankim Chandra.18
So from above discussion if can be told that at the time of first sensus
in colonial Bengal. A controversy had been arised about the origin of
Pundra community & it has continued in later on. But from different
Point of view it is clear that in ancient time there was a existence of
Poundra Community in India. They are aboriginal Indian & Kshatriya
Community. In fifteenth decade at the time of on gopta dynasty Aryan
has extended their resilence in Bengal. Ancient Poundra Community
has defeted in Politically later on in Senbaugsa era they victimed by
nobility system promoted by Ballal Sen. In social aspect Bramhist
consider Poundra Community as lower class people, they deprived in
economic sector also – it has been recognized by Poundra researcher
& modern Historian and from their different source of information it
can be concluded that of present schedule caste Poundra cum Pod
community are the generation of Ancient Poundra Kasthatriya
Community.
References:
1. Dinesh ch. Sen. Greater Bengal (Ancient time – Palasi war) Deys Publising
Kolkata 1935.
2. Ballal Charit Page – 145 quated Mahendranath Karan Poundra Kasthatriya
Kulapradip (Kolkata 1335) pp. 27, 236
3. Gour Priya Sarkar Ethnology Collection (Kolkata – 1992), pp. 27.
4. Khulna District Gazetter, Quated Mahendranath karan Poundra kashatriya
Kulapradip (Kolkata – 1335) PP.185 – 186
5. 24 parganas District Gazetter Page – 84 quated Poundra khaitriya p. 187.
6. H. H Rsely, The Tribes and Castes of Bengal Vo-II p. 376
7. Hunter , A Statistical Account of Bengal, Vol-I 24 parganas, p. 69
8. Mahendrenath Karan Poundra Kshiatriya Kulapradip p. 198
9. Srimanta Naskar JATI CHANDRIKA (1294) pp. 23-24
10. DHURJATI LASKAR Poundra Kshatriya Kulapradip. (1996) pp. 60-61
11. Shyamal Kumar Pramanik Pundra Country Community History. Farma
KLM PVT LTD Kolkata (2010) p. 30
12. Nihar Ranjan Ray Bangalir Etihas (old version) Kolkata, Deys Publishing
2003 p.115
13. TADEB, PP.115 – 116.
14. Ramesh Ch. Mazumder History of Bengal (Ancient time) Nineth edition.
Kolkata, General Printers & Publishers 1998 p. 182.
15. Satish Ch. Mitra, History of Joshor & Khulna 2nd Part (Kokkata, Deys
Publishing January – 2001) p. 1034.
16. Narottam Halder Gangaridi :- Discussier & Criticize First edition 1988,
Gangaridi research centre Kakdwip South 24 Parganas p. 54
17. Poundra Manisha, pre press Publishing – Poundra Maha Sangha 2012 p. 6
18. Bamkim chattopadchya Mislleneous Aricle, Origin of Bengali
(FifthChapter) pp. 199 – 202.
Assaying Displacement through Travel Narratives:
Ritwick Ghatak’s Partition Trilogy in Focus
Mohona Chatterjee
Ph.D. Research Scholar,
West Bengal State University, Barasat
Email ID:gagorii@gmail.com
Abstract
The Bengal Partition was also a tremendously significant incident which produced new social,
political and cultural processes in the state. We should take into consideration the current
geopolitical context, in which such notions as mobility, displacement, identity, border are
linked to the concept of travel itself. This becomes central and give rise to questions which can
be addressed more efficiently when different perspectives and methodological outlooks come
together to engage in inquiry.
Partition of Bengal ensued travelling forced by displacement which in turn stresses the cultural
operations of travel. Ritwik Ghatak along with several immigrants had to travel in search
for shelter, searching for basic amenities post-Partition, the experience of which is palpable
in his trilogy. Travel here happens to be the key operation in language and facts exposing the
transaction of cultural and political power. The demarcation, the boundaries would further
obfuscate the study by considering travel as movement from one place to another not compelled
by one’s desire to ‘see or know’, but enforced by coercion where the immigrants had to negotiate
and get humiliated- ‘seeing or knowing’ their constant personal loss. Thus the immigrants
suffered a displaced body as a stimulated displacement getting them ripped from their river
fed homeland (Desh).
Ritwik Ghatak’s Partition trilogy would allow me to elaborate the pertinent questions -
“Who travels? To where? How and why? ”, thus intending to explore the idea of travel and
gender as movement. In this paper, I would like to explore these incomplete stories of
Partition drawing attention to the limits of language or the gaps in-between words or indeed
in-between silences containing the alternative history shaping fluid identities.
Keywords
Partition, Refugee, Identity, Rootless, Nation, Diaspora, Displacement
The Bengal partition perpetuated violence – violence not always

measured by external acts of murder, loot, abduction or rape but
violence typifying a state where a sense of fear is generated and
perpetrated in such a way as to make it systemic, pervasive and inevitable.
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
In the many communal riots which preceded as well as followed
Partition, it was the fear of being persecuted; the fear of being
dispossessed, and the fear of not belonging that caused many to flee
rather than actual incidents of violence. Refugees resettling in new
societies may be at a greater risk of experiencing identity problems
such as identity distress, crisis and resolution, than are their non-
immigrant peers.
While these appear similar to the diasporic issues studied in other
diaspora communities, the formation and resolution of identity among
refugees and its relationship to their acculturation preferences have
not been fully considered in the mainstream identity theories and
empirical studies. People’s movements within and across national
borders has led to human-nature interaction that played a prominent
role in the partition writings. Not much has been traced to discern the
possible links between the immigrants’ relationship with the
environment and the geographical movement. I would like to retrospect
the refugee problem with a general and comparative perspective which
would allow me to view them as recurring phenomena with identifiable
and often identical patterns. I would like to see in this paper the refugee
situations not as individual historic event but rather as a part of general
subject – refugee behaviour, problems and situations that recur in many
contexts, times and regions. I hope to study this area so as to show
how the environmental implications of the presence of places and the
simultaneous focus on issues of ‘placeless-ness’ and ‘cultural
displacement,’ characterizes migration in work of art.
My work, therefore, will be an attempt to explore how the immigrant
writer goes beyond the conventional national categories and creates a
‘third space’. As they cover the ground of negotiation and
transformation in their literatures, they create an identity that is
transnational, as they negotiate between different identities, neither
assimilating nor othering either nation.
The first clipping of Kamaleshwar Mukherjee’s biopic film on Ritwik
Ghatak ‘Meghe Dhaka Tara’ shows us the dwindling arrow in a direction
pointer. We see two little boys perturbed one of them uttering in
confusion – “Kondike jabo? Kichu bujhtechis?” [Which way to go?
Which is our way back home?]. Kamaleshwar Mukherjee’s Meghe Dhaka
Tara is inspired from the life and works of Bengali film director Ritwik
Ghatak and he had very aptly prepared a collage of moments drawn
from his life, his concepts, his ideologies, his eccentricities, his reading,
his writings, his anger and his frustrations expressed everywhere. That
travel and displacement were inherent in Ghatak’s life is indeed vividly
expressed not only in this film by Mukherjee but also in Ghatak’s
Partition trilogy. As we peek into the opening scene of Ghatak’s Meghe
Dhaka Tara we notice Neeta rambling in her walk back home, on the
backdrop we see a mammoth tree which is deeply ‘rooted’ and amidst
the raag sung by Sekhar we see a train looming in perhaps carrying
refugees from other side of Bengal. If we bring Komol Gandhar in focus,
we will find the scene opening with an enactment and the first dialogue
strikes the veracious note – “Ken jamu? Bujha amare? Emon komol
desh ta re chairya, nodi Padma re chaira ami jamu ken?” [Why shall I
leave from here? Will you explain? Why shall I leave my country? Why
shall I leave my own Padma?] Sita from Subarna reka asks Haraprasad
– “Gram chara r somoi tumi j bolechile amra notun bari te jachhi…
Eikhanei ki sei notun bari?” [While leaving our village you told me that
we are moving to a new house… Is our new house situated here?]
Thus at the very onset we are hinted how partition of Bengal ensued
travelling forced by displacement which in turn stressed the cultural
operations of travel.
Ritwik Ghatak along with several immigrants had to travel in search
for shelter, searching for basic amenities post-Partition, the experience
of which is palpable in his trilogy. Very symbolically Neeta’s sandal
straps tear off unable to undergo too much of roving determining her
travelling is not for pleasure but for livelihood. The symbol of sandals
is concurrent in the film by Ghatak. We see how Montu the youngest
brother of Neeta rebukes Shankar because Montu’s sandals were used
by him. We have to notice how similar tearing off of sandal strap
reoccurs for some another woman (at the end of the film) demarcating
the tiresome travel that she had to undergo for her livelihood, thus
suggesting how Ghatak showcased woman as a transformed identity
from a home maker to the sole earning member of the family, the
‘sindhubad nabik’ as Bangshi Dutt (the grocer) puts in while describing
Neeta in Meghe Dhaka Tara.
The demarcation, the boundaries would further obscure the study by
considering travel as movement from one place to another not
compelled by one’s desire to “see or know”, but enforced by coercion
where the immigrants had to negotiate and get humiliated- “seeing or
knowing” their constant personal loss. Thus the immigrants suffered a
displaced body as a stimulated displacement getting them ripped from
their river fed homeland (Desh). It is doubtless that Ghatak used music
and songs to tell his tales with a strong element of melodrama, and
that too boldly. Kamaleshwar Mukherjee in his film uses a song which
relates with the strivings of the immigrants and we are fed with this
song whenever we find immigrants traversing not for pleasure but are
forced due to the mere creation of boundaries–
“Moder kono bhasa nai,

Moder kono desh nai…
Moder kono disha nai,
Moder kono desh nai…” 4
[We have no language,

We have no land,
We have no direction,
We have no land…]
The films of Ritwik Ghatak were under-respected in his own lifetime

and even since his death in 1976 his work is often overshadowed. Ritwik
Ghatak could not help but face the consequences of 1947 in his films
since his world was irrevocably changed by the Partition. Instead this
event provides the backdrop to his stories as his characters are forced
to live with the death and displacement that occurred in 1947. The
predominant reason for the underlying presence of Partition in these
films can be attributed to the constant personal loss that Ghatak felt as
a result of the Partition of Bengal which then in turn haunted his
work. Of his migration from Dhaka to Calcutta in the early 1940s,
Ghatak laments:
“I could never forget East Bengal. I am still under the spell of the
open fields, the paddy fields, the blue sky and above all the river Padma.
East Bengal lies at the root of my ability to love the whole of Bengal.
Many like me were uprooted when (they) partitioned Bengal for their
(own) benefits. This is an unforgettable sorrow. I have based my art on
this.”
As we probe into the screenplay of Kamaleshwar Mukherjee’s film
Meghe Dhaka Tara, we visualise Bhoba (the other name of Ghatak)
sensing the burning smell all around as these were the regular instances
of arson that the refugees experienced as a result of partition of Bengal.
Kamaleshwar uses the symbol of dwindling swing couple of times in
his film suggesting the inability for the immigrants to claim one’s root
and establish their inclination towards one’s homeland (Desh)
suggesting their identity crisis. Bhoba like other refugees were forced
to travel from his land fed by the river Padma the memories of which
serve as a constant reminder to the displaced identity. Kamaleshwar’s
palpable screenplay is praiseworthy so is his dialogues – it gave voice to
the traumatic realities of partition, the disillusionment followed by mass
killing.
“E jogot maha hotyashala,

Hotya aronyer majhe,
Hotya lokaloye…
Hotya jibikar tore, hotya khelar chole,
Hotya akarone, hotya anichhar boshe…”
[This world is a giant Carnival of killing

Killing in the woods,
Killing in the huts,
Killing in the bird nest, killing in the worm burrows,
Killing in the vast ocean, killing in the azure skies,
Killing to survive, killing for play,
Killing for no reason, killing unintended…]
Thus the coercive travel at the time of Partition is linked with the
indiscriminate mass killing, arson, looting of property and something
as heinous as rape and abduction.
The image of the barbed wire is symbolical as well. We are reminded
of the lines from Sadat Hasan Manto’s Toba Tek Singh-
“There behind barbed wire, on the other side lay India, and behind
more barbed wire on the other side lay Pakistan…”
We can relate these palpable lines from Toba Tek Singh with the dialogues
used by Ritwick Ghatak in his film Komol Gandhar, where Bhrigu laments
his displacement to Anasua –
“Oi parei amar desher bari… oi je ghor gulo dekha jachhe… eto kache!
Athocho konodin ami oikhane pouchute parbo na… ota bidesh… j rail line tar
opore amra danriye chilam… oi rail line ta tokhon chilo ekta jog chinho r ekhon
kemon jeno biyog chinho hoye geche.”
[“On that side lies my home. See those houses. So near! But never can I go there
again, because that is, a foreign land… that railway track on which we stood…
that rail line used to be a plus sign. Now it represents… subtraction.”]
Travel at the time of Partition is not. This is not the travel for pleasure,
it is the travel by the immigrants suffering from loss and sensing the
absence – how in the maps of the world, with no name simply
disappears for the refugees and folds into a black, impenetrable line
demarcating the divide – Epar Bangla, Opar Bangla – the de-
territorialisation and re-territorialisation provided by travel and
displacement. Erin Moure rightly points out –
“Once you cross a border, the border is not the same any longer.”
Anashua’s memories of forced migration in Ghatak’s Komol Gandhar

are much like what Ghatak is doing in making his film. The sphere of
broken memories or flashes of mourning and nostalgia for the past
states how the rhizomatic interplay in immigrants travelling from one
country to another nurtures memories and its affective connection
through interconnecting nodes of traumatic rupture and remembrance.
It pulls together the fragments and reassembles the past through
considerable acts of reimagining. This form of cultural recall entails,
beyond a simple recovery of the past, the creative restoration of an
archive of inert data and fragmentary evidence. The instances of such
ruptured narrative journeys is portrayed in Komal Gandhar when the
acting troupe visits the river Padma and, staring across to East Bengal,
or what is now East Pakistan, Anasuya reveals that she “didn’t realize
(her) birthplace was so near”.
This rouses Bhrigu to speak about his home, which is also on the other
side of the river, and he proceeds to tell Anasuya how he would meet
his mother the railway line being broken and ending abruptly where
the land of Bengal is divided. Anasuya is unable to speak of her own
pain on hearing Bhrigu’s memories and, before she breaks down in
tears at their shared traumatic experience, there are rapid shots of the
broken train tracks and of the two figures.
In Ghatak’s Subarnarekha, while remembering his mother whom he
lost during the migration that followed Partition, Aviram tells Sita, “I
was never able to write it down” but manages in these surroundings to
whisper, which is of course key, his innermost thoughts. This exchange
also reveals their feelings for each other as Aviram suddenly whispers
to Sita “Since when have you let all this remain hidden in your heart?”
A panoramic view of the landscape and the flowing water of the river
Subarnarekha follow this forest scene and are accompanied only by
song sung by Sita. These sacred and undisturbed moments between
the film’s protagonists and the physical land permit memories to surface
and emotions to stir. Aviram’s and Sita’s effort to remember traumatic
events is portrayed as an acutely complex act which calls into question
the usefulness of language and the inevitability of the presence of
gaps and silences. In the case of Aviram’s fragmented memory, his
story comes to light in the obscured spaces between his words and
silence. The complementary relationship between this kind of
fragmented memory and the projection of cinematic image is essential
because the ruptured memories of loss and violence flash across the
screen, to appear and disappear, as they would in the mind. In this way,
it also facilitates a mobility of narrative that is understandably useful in
addressing the disorganized store of traumatic memories about Partition
embracing the “narrative journeys of psychic splitting and
reintegration.”
Travel, migration and movement invariably brings up against the limits
of our inheritance. Travel disturbs and interrupts the sense of place,
home, and belongingness with a set of questions. In the post-colonial
and post-modern readings concepts like place, site and home is
dependent on the binaries of outside/inside and relies on the contrast
between the known and the unknown. Travel ensue re-negotiation of
identities of the immigrants and offer continuous re-definitions and
re-territorialisation of culture, personal and national identity.
Kamaleshwar Mukherjee depicts aptly through these dialogues -
“Amra shobai no-man’s land e thaki… thikaana aache naki amader?”
[We all live in no-man’s land… do we have any address?]
“Amio bemalum refugee hoye gelam mairi…desh nei, dol nei, bondhu nei,
songsar nei… shob thiknai barti… udbastu!”
[I too am a refugee now… no country, no group, no friend, no

family… just a drifter… a vagabond.]
A discontinuous state of being and moving ‘self ’ from one place to

another following public routes and beaten tracks are the same as in
travelogue but diaspora is a psychological journey, a dilemma between
homeland and new settlement nations. A migrant, journeying from
place to place becomes a stranger in other land and this alienation
makes effect on identity, psychological peace and existential status. A
migrant travels with a dream of home and a hope for a space to be
made and his migration is a theoretical tool in understanding “forced”
diaspora.
With forced migration the focus shifts on the society-wide repression

of memory of the negotiations of national borders performed on the
bodies of women. Ghatak’s concern for raped women is evident in
Kamaleshwar’s film where Phoolmani stands out to be the raped victim.
He warns the onlookers to the forewarning that if the vortices of
revolt of the subalterns tremble we shall remain nowhere –
“Or shorire Sidhu-Kanu r rokto boiche… khub sabdhan!”

[She is pulsating with the blood of Sidhu-Kanu… Beware!]
To the dishonoured, violated and humiliated women everywhere, and

of all times, Ghatak’s repeated demands for culpability for the tragic
consequences of Partition, questioning the meaning of Independence,
and distrust about the gendered-nature and class-character of its
privileges resonate with the concurrent view expressed in, "Yeh azadi
jhuta hai" [This independence is a lie]. The partition riots of 1946-47
and the destabilization of community alliances treated women's bodies
as a site for the performance of identity. According to the same
patriarchal logic it resulted in the mass rape of women from the "other"
religious community as well.
Crossing the border and migration suggested uncritical acceptance of
the political ideology of the newly-created nation-states for the refugees.
But ironically, what emerges through their madness is a very sane
rejection of the insanity of political decisions. They belong to no man’s
land even they have crossed the border, their identity remains oscillating.
Madness is an often repeated theme in partition discourse,
metaphorically representing the madness of political partition by the
nationalist leaders. They make an important point that the metaphor
of madness has been used in Partition literature to communicate a
sense of incomprehension and that it denotes a refusal to understand.
It is in the mental asylum where Ghatak is admitted as pictured by
Kamaleshwar Mukherjee. It is the voice of the madman (Ghatak) which
is the only sane voice that could be heard in the midst of the cacophony.
“Choturdike tandob,
Charidike rokto, choturdike aslesha,
Charidike bhukompon…
Dekh Ma amra toh shobai pagol, shobai khepa,
kintu khepami ta beriye na ele
kono kaj hobe? Shristi hobe? Hobe na…”
[A tempest everywhere,
Blood everywhere, Horrifying
The earth is shaking…
Look here we are all insane here, all crazy,
But if that insanity is not released
Will there be any work? Will there be creation, No…]
The mental asylum that is visualised with the emasculated inhabitants

reminds us of Manto’s Toba Tek Singh. His refusal to cross the border
is a public/political performance similar with that of Phoolmani’s
breaking of silence (enduring the rape in the refugee camp) at the end
of the play projecting her as the archetypal mother figure which subverts
the hegemony of the newly independent political states. She voices her
protest through her dance – the carrier of the alternative history. Her
performance blurs the edges of sanity and insanity in turbulent times
also distorting the political boundaries.
Ghatak depicts Neeta, in Meghe Dhaka Tara as the eldest daughter of
the uprooted family, in a stifling, desperate environment facing the
strain of migration. Gender is now largely understood as performance
which is constantly shifting. The transformed identity of Ghatak’s
woman from the confined girl to that of the sole breadwinner is itself
a travel as movement or gender itself as travel or as movement. The
central concern of the women is not limited to negotiating the
relationship between the home and the world. Like other refugee woman
she fights for food and shelter, for all issues that concern them as
citizens, not only as women. Neeta is the deathless symbol of Partition
as portrayed by Ghatak. Neeta succumbing after being successful in
establishing the family portrays the image of the sacrificial mother.
Her piercing cry – “Dada ami kintu banchte cheyechilam, Dada ami
banchte boro bhalobasi… Dada ami banchbo…” [Dada, I wanted to
live, Dada I would love to live… Dada I would live…]
Neeta’s voice resounds, booming back from the unmoving, indifferent
hills - a destination which she dreamed of as the utopic “home”, sums
up the essence of all displacements, exodus and partition.
Ghatak’s mythological and modern abstractions in the films converge
on the “public woman” whom Ghatak depicts as the clerical employee
in Meghe Dhaka Tara, stage actress in Komol Gandhar, and the singer-
prostitute in Subarnarekha. The gendered dimensions of Partition
enabled woman to emerge into the public sphere as sole bread earner.
The emergence of woman in the public sphere benefited them
economically but at the cost of family life. Neeta in Meghe Dhaka Tara
is the nourishing force, the provider, the perceiving and nurturing
heroine transforming into a towering super human force holding to
the image of the powerful archetypal Great Mother.We are reminded
of the dialogue of Bangshi Dutt, the shopkeeper who declares:
“Ami Neeta re koi Sindubad nabik… morone tar chute milbo…”

[“I call Neeta the Sindbad the sailor… that will be her fate still she
drops dead…”]
Ghatak suggests that the story of Neeta is not unique. She can be
identified with thousands of Neeta like women who emerged in the
lanes and by lanes of refugee colonies. Thus appositely had
Kamaleshwar Mukherjee portrayed the character of Dugga (which is
also the name of the Mother Goddess) and Phoolmani in order to
showcase gendered violation in the post partition Bengal.
Travel and displacement bring about the fulcrum for the revision of
structures that help in the construction and the re-construction of
ideas of home and other entities like nation and culture. Thus we notice
the changing maps of personal, national and cultural identity. Travel
due to Partition of Bengal had brought into forefront a fragmented
country and Ghatak’s narratives identify with a different national past
thus sensitize us to the schism between historians accounts of Partition
and Ghatak’s reconstruction of the event that draws on the interplay
of history and memory – the trauma of forced migration, leaving one’s
home and an uncontested emotive domain.
Reference :
1. Bandyopadhyay, S. (2004). Caste, Culture and Hegemony (First ed., Vol. 81–
7829–316–1 (India-Hb)). New Delhi: SAGE Publications.
2. Bowman, P. (Ed.). (2009). Interrogating Cultural Studies Theory, Politics and
Practice (First ed., Vol. ISBN 0 7453 1715 4, I). London: Pluto Press.
3. Chakrabarty, B. (2004). The Partition of Bengal and Assam, 1932-1947 (First
ed.). New York: Routledge Curzon.
4. Chatterji, J. (2007). The Spoils of Partition Bengal and India, 1947–1967 (First
ed., Vol. ISBN-13 978-0-521-87536-3). New York: Cambridge University
Press.
5. Chatterji, J. (1994). Bengal Divided Hindu Communalism and Partition, 1932-
1947 (First ed., Vol. ISBN 0 52141128 9, II). Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
6. Grimson, A. (2010). Culture and Identity: Two Different Notions. Social
Identities, 16(1), 66-77.
7. Gupta, S. (2009). Notions of Nationhood in Bengal Perspectives on Samaj, c.
1867–1905 (First ed., Vol. ISBN 978 90 04 17614 0, II). Leiden: Koninklijke
Brill NV.
8. Manto, S. H. (2008). Toba Tek Singh: The Story in Multiple Translations.
Bhubaneswar: Four Corners.
9. Milner, A. (2002). Re-Imagining Cultural Studies: The Promise of Cultural
Materialism (First ed., Vol. ISBN 0 7619- 6113 5). London: SAGE
Publications.
10. Monaco, J. (2009). How to Read a Film: Movie, Media and Beyond. NY: Oxford
University Press.
11. Rajadhyaksha, A. (2008). Indian Cinema in the Time of Celluloid: From Bollywood
to the Emergency. Indiana. Indiana University Press.
Films:
1. Mukherjee, K. (Director). (2013). Meghe Dhaka Tara [Motion picture on
DVD]. India.
2. Ghatak, R. (Director). (1960). Meghe Dhaka Tara [Motion picture on DVD].
India.
3. Ghatak, R. (Director). (1961). Komal Gandhar [Motion picture on DVD].
India.
4. Ghatak, R. (Director). (1965). Subarnarekha [Motion picture on DVD].
India.
Cultural Syncretism in Muslim Society in Santipur:
A Case Study
Mrityunjoy Paul
Ph. D Research Scholar
Email : mjpaul83@gmail.com
Abstract
Basically , the converted muslims widely set up muslim society especially in Nadia as well as
in Bengal. Nadia was regarded as the meeting-ground of Hindu, Muslim and all other
communities. Once it was famous for the study of Sanskrit language and of scriptures all
over India. Nadia was the focal point of all cultural activities in Bengal . Santipur town in
Nadia is that kind of meeting-place of many people where social communication among all
communities took place in an amicable atmosphere regardless of race-religion . One of the
chief characteristics of Santipur is its synthesized culture . Muslims of Santipur were
modest, pliable and generous. Through many religious festivals such as Muharram or Eid
an atmosphere of unity grew up in them. Apart from this their religious ingenuousness,
social equality, progressive thinking and culture influenced the Hindu society of Santipur.
The understanding and cooperation between Hindu and Muslim created in the social and
cultural fields still exists especially in Nadia as well as in some other regions of Bengal. In
the history of folk-culture the contributions of the muslims of Santipur should not be
underestimated.
Key words
Syncretism , Santipur, Religious Festivals , Fitra , Azizul Haque Khanka.
Introduction
Syncretism is the process of harmony and coexistence between various
religions and ideas. In the other words, Syncretism is the combining of
different, often contradictory beliefs, while blending practices of various
schools of thought. Syncretism involves the merger and analogizing
of several orignally discrete traditions, especially in the theology and
mythology of religion, thus asserting an underlying unity and allowing
for an inclusive approach to other faiths. Syncretism also occurs
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
commonly in expressions of arts and culture (known as eclecticism).
Religious Syncretism exhibits blending of two or more religious belief
systems into a new system, or the incorporation into a religious tradition
of beliefs from unrelated traditions. Others state that the term
Syncretism is an elusive one, and can be applied to refer to substitution
or modification of the central elements of a dominant religion by beliefs
or practices introduced from somewhere else. In modern secular society,
religious innovators sometimes create new religions Syncretically as a
mechanism to reduce inter – religious tension and enmity, often with
the effect of offending the original religions in question.
Syncretism came in Europe in pre-medieval era. But it is difficult to say
when it came to India. It is thought that it came when the protestant
movement, Buddhist and other religious movement started in India in
sixth century B.C. The muslim rulers never propagate Islam or tried
for conversion. Here in India Islam came by the help of Pir, dervish,
sufi, fakir and other meditators. Therefore a Syncretism developed in
India in medieval era.1
Cultural Articulation of Muslim Syncretism :

There was no tradition of social and cultural history in Bengal in ancient
period. It started in medieval era. Santipur in Nadia, Bengal was a cultural
centre . The cultural and social customs of other area was present
here.2 Vedic Hindu religion , Muslim and other Western culture came
in Bengal and also develop here.3 It is also important how Islam came
and evolved in Nadia as well as Santipur . After Muhammad Baktiar
khilji won Nadia the muslims of different places came here. Few of
them stay here. Mainly converted muslims developed a society here.
But it is difficult to say which group of people got converted and
when.4
Most of the muslims of Nadia are sunni and a few of the are shia.
After the middle of nineteenth century the muslim society progressed
by the help of some muslim intellectuals. In this context “Jubilee
Madrasah” of Santipur and “Egikel Madrasah” of Krishnanagar was
mentionable. There are many muslim families in Santipur, Meherpur,
Betai etc.5 It is difficult to say when Islam came in Santipur as well as
Nadia. Before Baktiar Khilji some sufi and dervish came here. They
set up khankas which were important cultural and spiritual centre.
According to the census of 1872, the number of muslim people in
Nadia was 9,84,106 which 54.3% of the total population.6 In the census
of 2011 the muslim population of Nadia is 13,82,682 which is 26.76%
and Santipur city’s muslim population is 30,733 which is 20.25% of
the total.
Nadia was regarded as the meeting-ground of Hindu, Muslim and all
other communities.Once it was famous for the study of Sanskrit
language and of scriptures all over the India.Nadia was the focal point
of all cultural activities in Bengal. Cultural activity was the life-blood
of society. The total identity of a race and an area is found in its culture.7
Santipur town in Nadia is that kind of meeting-place of many people
where social communication among all communities took place in an
amicable atmosphere regardless of race-religion.One of the chief
characteristics of Santipur is its synthesized culture. Muslims of Santipur
were modest, pliable and generous. Through many religious festivals
such as Muharram, Eid an atmosphere of unity grew up in them.Apart
from this their religious ingenuousness, social equality, progressive
thinking and culture influenced the Hindu society of Santipur.
Regardless of race-religion, the rule of Muslim to the Hindu and other
subjects was generous and lenient. As a result, the dominance of
‘Brahmans’ reduced in society. The mutual understanding and fellowship
gave birth to many common cultural customs. Satyapir is a common
cultural heir of the Muslims in Bengal. Through this the rite-custom
and thought-perception of Hindu and Muslim had been merged into
one. The worship of Satyapir carried the evidence of monotheism and
social justice of the Muslims of Santipur which came out as a result of
the relationship between two communities. The understanding and
cooperation between Hindu and Muslim created in the social and
cultural fields still exists especially in Nadia as well as in some other
regions of Bengal. In the history of folk-culture the contributions of
the Muslims of Santipur should not be underestimated. The Muslims
of Santipur were greatly influenced by Sufism. The ‘Khanka’ established
by the Muslims was the centre of Sufism and Islamic knowledge. The
contribution of the Sufi, fakir to publicize Islam and to the upliftment
of social life is undeniable.8
Local Festivals of Muslims in Santipur :

During the muslim rule, the common muslim people of Bengal were
devoted to their religion. They used to celebrate Eid and other religious
festivals. As they had financial stability, marriage and other social
gatherings were also hugely celebrated. It is mentionable that the
social and religious gatherings were moral less same during the muslim
rule. Their social occasions remained unchanged for centuries. There
were a few new occasions like Muharram , Bera and Shabebarat which
had testimony of Hindu festivals and practices.9 In Santipur both Hindu
and Muslim festivals were held with great splendour and jubilation.
The festivals like Muharram , Eid-Ul-Fetar , Shabebarat, Fatea – Doaj
– Daham, Gaji Saheb’s Marriage are celebrated till today.10
(i) Muharram : Muharram is an occasion of mourning. The
muslims of Bengal as well as Santipur used to celebrate
Muharram with Tajia and other mournings. They performed
Tajia with a symbolic grave and other religious symbols.11 This
kind of festivals are a way to develop human exchange and
syncretism .
(ii) Eid-Ul-Fetar : Muslims were very happy during Eid. They used
to welcome the new moon of Eid. They had a believe that this
day is auspicious.12 They gave Fitra to the poor muslim families
which is the price of 1600 kg wheat and also the rich gave 2.5%
of their income to the poor.
(iii) Eid-Ud-Joha : it is a festival of sacrifice. It started from the
time of prophet Ibrahim. Ibrahim was going to sacrifice his
son ismile. This is the occasion which is celebrated. In this
festivals the muslim embraced each other and they exchanged
good wishes among themselves.13
(iv) Ramjan : Muslims performed Ramjan for fasting abstinence
and prayer. They believed Ramjan is a very holy practice.14
(v) Shabebarat : It is also a big festival . It is a festival of prayer.
Some scholar said that it has been modelled upon Shibratri .
The muslims of santipur and other parts of Bengal celebrate
this occasion with great joy. 15
(vi) Bera festival : Bera is a popular festival of muslim. It is celebrated
in honour of Prophet Khaja Khijir. He was the prophet of
oceans , seas and rivers. Even today also people believed that he
is the guardian of the sailor men in the river. People celebrate
this festival by floating Bera in a water. It is a very popular
festival.16
(vii) Satyapir Cult : Satyapir was a legend of Bengali muslim society.
The reason behind Satyapir’s cult was spiritual syncretism. The
Hindus had a respect for Sufies and Pirs. This helped in the co-
existence between Hindu and Muslims.17
(viii) Khanka : It is a holy place for the muslims. This place is
established by the Sufies . This is a centre of sufism.18 According
to the Sufies the devotion of mind is more important than
religious customs and practices.19 This place is open for all
religions.20
(ix) Mosque : Mosque is a important place of muslim society and
culture. It is a place for reciting prayer which is very important
for muslim religion . From the time Baktiar Khilji mosques were
being built in Bengal . Where muslims entered they established
mosques and helped other converted muslims to offer
mohammedan prayer or Worship of God.21
(x) Mausoleum (Darga) : The Sufies had influenced the Islamic
society greatly. When they die a mausoleum used to be made
upon their grave. It is a place for pilgrimage. Not only on the
days of Uras, this place remains popular the whole year.22
(xi) Gaji saheb’s Marriage : It is a traditional festival. In Sutragarh
of Santipur khondhkar’s were rich Zamindars. The Malancha
area was under their zamindaris. The exact date of this festival
is not found, most probably it had been started from Seventeenth
Century.23
(xii) Sayed Saheb’s Mazar Sharif : In santipur this Mazar is popular
among Hindu and Muslims. The people of all religions came
here. It is a very religious space. 24
(xiii) Blood Donation Camp : Todays several blood donation camps
are being organised by local clubs of santipur like Milan Club,
New Azadi club etc. In this space the blood of Hindu and Muslim
get mixed and this blood later is donated among the Patients.
There is no difference between the blood of different religions.
In this way a type of syncretism develops between the two
religions.
Literary Interpretation :
“The Muslim Literary Society” established in Dhaka in 1926 introduced
“The Thinking Movement” which is historically Known as “The
Intellectual Freedom Movement”. Its primary concern was to urge
free thinking and reasoning among the Bengali muslims.25 The medieval
muslim era, which had immense impact on the Bengali muslim society,
Contributed to the flourishment of Bengali language as well as Bengali
literature. Bengali language was Particularly enriched by a bulk of
coinages from Arabic and Persian languages. Beside this lexical
infiltration from there languages into Bengali a number of muslim
poets enhanced the exuberance of Bengali literature as well. This
phenomenon was especially felt in the post –Chaitanya epoch . Muslim
society , on the other hand , was equally influenced by the Vaishnaba
literature.26
The first muslim writer of modern Bengali literature was Mir Masharraf
Hossain.27 He was unique for his consciousness of civil senses , secular
attitude, liberal philosophy and dignity of life.28 He advocated for the
islamic ideals and traditions to be established in the so-called muslim
society. In his books this sense of religiousness was equally noticed
along with his creativity.29 Renowned reporter Md. Mojammel Haque
who was contemporary of Mir Masharraf Hossain was another poet
of santipur as well as Bengal . Both of their writings on different issues
sang of the glory of the muslim. Both of their writings, at the same
time, point out one thing that there was no hostility between the then
hindus and muslims. Indeed both the communities lived in the same
place without any contempt against each other.30 Mojammel Haque
edited Moslem Bharat (1920) , a magazine , in which revolutionary poet
Kazi Nazrul Islam’s poem “Bidrohi” was first published which created
much fanfare in the social milieu. Md. Haque took the role of a social
reformer through his writings sweeping away all the superstitions,
prejudices, dogmatism and backwardness from muslim society.31 It
pained him to see a number of muslims forgetting their age-old cultural
heritage. This is why he tried his best through his writings to bring
those wayward people back to their own culture and custom . But his
love for his kinsmen was not biased against other religions . Rather he
could be able to keep a poise in dealing with these sensitive issues even
in time of national movements (upheavals).32
Azizul Haque was another eminent person of Santipur in the district
of Nadia . He was born and brought up in an atmosphere which was
dominated by vaishnavism. Yet he had enough space within himself
for different religions and cultures to be intermingled into a
homogeneous whole. Besides his uncle Md. Mojammel Haque’s
broadness in outlook, religiousness and secular attitude influenced him
from his boyhood. In later life his religious deep-rootedness had shown
no narrowness and prejudices against other religions.33
The Khilafat Movement and the Non-cooperation resulted in the
political unity among the hindus and the muslims the impact of which
extended to the field of cultural life of both the communities. The
publish of the “Bangiya Musalman Sahitya Patrika” in Kolkata in 1918
opened up a now vista of unity among hindu and muslim.34
Kazi Nazrul Islam stepped out the periphery of Islamic subject-matter
and explored hitherto unknown domains of literature and thereby
merged from a mere muslim poet to the poet of greater humanity. The
Bengali poets of his time gave no importance to the social, political
and economic problems of the day . Rather they explained those issues
in terms of religious and political point of view. Kazi Nazrul Islam
dealt with those problems practically. Thus he brought a fresh lease of
life in the realm of Bengali poetry paving way for a new genre.35 After
the advent of Kazi Nazrul Islam in Bengali literature a group of
litterateurs named “Muslim Sahitya Samaj” emerged in Dhaka in 1926.
They aimed at securing a practice of literature based on reason and
argument. Kaji Abdul Odud was one of the champions in this regard.
The annual magazine of this organisation was Shikha. All these efforts
from a little group of muslim writers of Bangladesh made way for a
liberal and human thoughts in literature no doubt.36
Conclusion
The hindu and muslim religion and culture developed in Bengal quite
spontaneously. They were rooted deep in the soil of Bengal. The
majority of the muslim succeeded in mixing with the main stream of
the society imbibing other cultures . Through this amalgamation a
cultural understanding as well as unity was created altogether. There
was no doubt that this unity was gradually consolidated on the soil of
Bengal through the reciprocity between the two religions and the
assimilation of popular Indian culture by both the communities down
the ages. Bengali language played a crucial role to this end. The ‘Sufi’,
‘Sahajiya’, ‘Baul’ communities on one side and Chaitanyadev’s devotional
deluge irrespective of caste and creed on the other side sang of the
oneness of the humankind the trend of which continues till date. The
culture of hindu and muslim not only influenced each other but paved
a path for a better and greater society for a new generation also. It
goes without saying that Vaishnavism had a telling effect even on the
muslims . Chaitanyadev not only gave a new mould to the vaishnava
movement heralding the beginning of a new ear in Bengali literature
but added grace to the cultural heritage of Bengal. The advent of the
muslim and their long stay in Bengal created an air of syncretic tradition
in the land. The Muslims joined the hindu festival of ‘Holi’ . The Hindus,
on the other hand , participated in the ‘Tajia’ held in the muslim festival,
Muharram. Thus a mixed culture came into being and continued
resulting in communal harmony and national integration.37After all , it
can be said that syncretism does not always happen directly , it also
happens indirectly or unconsciously, and that is more Permanent. Now
in present days when there are so many hindu muslim violence and
opposition in whole India, then in Santipur the people of both the
religions lived side by side happily and this is a bright example of
religious syncretism.
References
1. Rahaman , Habib . (2009 , September). Bangali Musalman Samaj O Buddhir
Mukti Andolon , Mitram , Kolkata , p.149
2. Hosen , Dr. Md . Jahangir .(2009 , January ) . Abivakta Nadia Jela : Itihas,
Samaj O Sanskriti : 1786-1947 A.D : Kushtia , Chuadanga , Meherpur O
Paschimbanger Nadia Jela , Gatidhara , Dhaka , p.107
3. Ibid , p. 112
4. Ibid , p. 135
5. Ibid , pp. 137 – 138
6. Ibid , pp. 138 – 139
7. Chowdhuri , Kamal (Complied & Edited) . (2012 , January) . Nadiar Itihas,
Part – I , Dey‘s Publishing , Kolkata , pp. 7 – 8
8. Rahim , Dr. M . A . (1982 , June). Bangler Samajik O Sangskritik Itihas,
vol.2 , Translated by Md . Asaduzzaman and Fazle Rabbi , Bangla
Academy, Dhaka , pp. 257 , 228 , 292-293
9. Ibid , P.180
10. Nag , Kalyani . (1994 , November). Santipur Prosanga , Vol . I , Sutragarh,
Santipur, p. 89
11. Rahim, Dr.M.A. Op Cit. p. 183
12. Chowdhuri , Kamal . Op.Cit. p. 434
13. Ibid , pp. 434 – 435
14. Rahim , Dr. M . A . OP. Cit.p. 180
15. Ibid , pp. 182 – 183
16. Ibid , pp.186 – 187
17. Ibid , pp. 292-293
18. Ibid , p. 257
19. Mohammad , Nur. (2015, February). Bongio Mussalman Samaj Ouponibeshik
Shikshababostha O Shamprodaikota , Jatiya Sahitya Prakash, Dhaka , pp. 189
– 190
20. Singh , Sukumar . (2004 , February 1). Samaj O Sanskriti: Birodh O Uttaran,
Muliti Book Agency , Kolkata , p.198
21. Ibid , p.197
22. Ibid , p. 199
23. Nag , Kalyani , Op.Cit . pp. 89 – 90
24. Ibid , p. 92
25. Hoq , Khondhkar Serajul . (2015 , February). Muslim Sahitho – Samaj :
Samajchintha O Sahithokorma , Katha Prokash , Dhaka , P. Preface
26. Singh , Sukumar , Op . Cit . p.195
27. Hoq , Khondhkar Serajul , Op . Cit p. 60
28. Hosen , Dr. Md. Jahangir , Op . Cit . p. 265
29. Khan , Dr. Zaman . (2003 , April) . Bish Shataker Prothomardher Bangalee
Muslim Manos O S.Wazed Alir Sahitya Karma , Bangla Academy , Dhaka,
P.20
30. Hoq , Khondhkar Serajul , Op . Cit . P.65
31. Hosen , Dr.Md.Jahangir , Op . Cit . p. 270
32. Hoq , Khondhkar Serajul , Op . Cit . p. 66
33. Iqbal , Bhuiya . (1994 , May). Sir Azizul Haque : 1892 – 1947 , Bangla
Academy , Dhaka , pp. 11 – 12 , 28
34. De , Amalendu. (1987 , August), Bangali Buddhijibi O Bichhinnatabad , West
Bengal State Book Board , Kolkata , pp. 221 – 222
35. Hoq , Khondhkar Serajul , Op . Cit . p. 81
36. De , Amalendu , Op . Cit . p. 223
37. Paul Sukanta . (2007 , March). Milane Bichhede Hindu – Musalman, Mitram ,
Kolkata , pp. 80 – 82 , 85 , 87 – 89
The Hindu Marriage Act of 1955: Divorce and
its Consequences for the Women of Bengal
Mitali Dey
Ph.D Research Scholar,
History Department,
Jadavpur University
Email : mitalidey_ju@yahoo.com
Abstract
This paper traces the influence of the Hindu Reform Act in 1955 on Indian society, with
special emphasis on Bengal. The prefatory section discusses the pioneering role of reformers
like Rammohan Roy and Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar in the upliftment of women in the
teeth of strong opposition of the British rulers. The next section shows that the definitive
legislation regarding divorce was the Hindu Marriage Act of 1955 and focuses on its
repercussions on the state of Bengal. Emphasizing on the concept of divorce, it is seen that
though the topic had been broached as early as The Native Converts’ Marriage Dissolution
act of 1866 and continued to be discussed in the Hindu Women’s Right to Divorce bill,
1938, Hindu judicial separation and the Divorce Bill, 1940, the Hindu Marriage
Disabilities Removal Bill, 1941, it was not until the Hindu marriage Act that it took a
proper legislative shape. The conclusion of the paper, which deals with case studies of
newspaper articles, contemporary women’s response in different journals and legal cases in
bengal,endorses the fact that though not completely successful, the Hindu Reform Act regarding
divorce was a breakthrough effort in providing arsenal to women in their struggle against
patriarchy.
Key words
Personal Law, Hindu code Bill, Bengal - Special Marriage Act, Divorce,
Bigamy Solemnize
Any study of gender and politics in the twentieth century need to be

contextualized by the study of nineteenth century Indian society and
the British rule during this period. When the British came to India they
were initially reluctant to enter the socio-religious sphere of Indian
society but, as colonizers, they thought that they could psychologically
subvert the Indian psyche. They labelled Indians as uncivilized, barbaric
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
people. They were the inheritors of philosophers like Locke who
believed in the equality of all those who possessed equal mental capacity,
but according to whom the residents of India were not ready to be
inculcated with such liberal thoughts. According to Locke, liberalism
should be given to India but the time was not yet ripe for it. Rammohan
Roy used this very idea of the British to controvert their ideas. He
argued that contemporary Indian society was stagnating because of
the misinterpretation of Hinduism which had led to such evil practices
like Sati, but if someone chose to go back to the original Hindu texts
which are based on Vedanta and Upanishads, then one would envision
that those sacred scriptures enshrined monotheism, not idolatry, that
there is no discrimination between white skin and dark skin, caste or
creed. Therefore Rammohan advocated the abandonment of this
putrefied version of Hinduism and by extension, the decaying Hindu
society for a new class not caste, race and cult which redefined
aristocratic liberal ideas. Actually he was overturning the concept of
‘white man’s burden’ by his own concept of ‘elite bourgeoisie burden’.
His endeavour to abolish Sati reflected his attempt to transform society
and revert to the ‘civilized’ form based on principal of Vedanta and
Upanishad that ancient Hinduttva embodied.
Upliftment of women was an important area of concern during the
nineteenth century. Apart from Rammohan Roy, Iswar Chandra
Vidyasagar waged a relentless struggle for widow remarriage and the
issue of child marriage was taken up in the latter half of the century by
Behram Malabari and Ranade. These reformers sought some protective
form of legislation in trying to eliminate evil practices perpetrated on
women. In the latter part of the century, women themselves came to
the forefront and campaigned for their education and public
participation. Women’s organizations at the national level began
emerging in the early part of the twentieth century and their agenda
included advocacy of women’s suffrage, the issue of child marriage
and the campaign for reforming personal laws.
The Hindu personal law underwent a major reform with the passing
of the Child Marriage Restraint Act in 1928; since the early thirties,
women’s organizations like AIWC (All India Women’s Conference) and
the Women’s Indian Association began pressing for a Hindu Code that
would remove all legal disabilities of women in matters relating to
marriage and inheritance. Though the Hindu Code Bill was first defeated
in the legislative assembly in 1945, it was finally passed as late as 1955,
when four separate pieces of legislation were enacted that significantly
improved the legal status of women under the Hindu personal law.
The Hindu Marriage Act, the Hindu Succession Act, the Hindu Minority
and Guardianship Act, and the Hindu Adoption and Maintenance Act
were all enacted in 1955.
My aim in this paper is to focus on the Hindu personal law, specially
the marriage act of 1955 where the right to divorce of Hindu women
along with other demands gained currency. In this paper I would like
to take a close look at how this dynamic reform affected Bengal,
particularly the women of Bengal, during this period. Here it should
be mentioned that though the legislators had agreed to the principle
of monogamy, they showed a lack of understanding about Indian
conditions by restricting the right to initiate criminal proceedings for
bigamy to the ‘aggrieved party’, which in this case meant the wife.
How many wives, in those days, even when the husband had married
again, would be prepared to initiate criminal proceedings against him
and risk social censure, if nothing else? The result was that in spite of
government policy of making marriages monogamous, bigamous
marriages among the Hindus continued, as was Muslim polygamous
marriages. If the right to initiate criminal proceedings in a bigamy case
were given to others, as is done in the case of other major offences,
there would have been a consistency in the government stand. The
only change that was made in the law was that it extended the right to
initiate proceedings to family members such as father, mother, brother,
sister, son and daughter.(Roy & Basu,1998, p.104)
The Hindu Marriage Act was no doubt a turning point in Indian society,
but here I would like a make a close study of its ramifications in Bengal.
The most important reforms that were carried out here relate to divorce.
Divorce is the termination of marital union, an exit from ‘marriage’,
an institution under personal law that evoked much controversy during
the colonial period. Though customary laws permitted divorce, yet the
British deemed it to be a touchy subject and decided not to intervene.
In this regard the case of Rukmabai was landmark one in India. The
Native Converts’ Marriage Dissolution Act of 1866 was perhaps the
first indirect way of getting divorce legally in colonial India. It was for
the converts to Christianity. Divorce was also made available under the
Special Marriage Act, 1872 which would have applied only to very few
Hindus.
The Indian Social Conference at its Madras Session in 1927 resolved
that “this conference recommends that the monogamous principle with
the right to divorce for suitable reasons may be introduced.(Chatterjee,
A 2015 p.142) Sir Hari Singh Gour also supported this view and he
took initiative to introduce a new bill regarding this issue. But it was
criticized by the orthodox sections of society. In 1940, Dr G.V.
Desmukh introduced a bill named the Hindu Married Women’s Right
to Separate Residence and Maintenance Bill .Two other Bills were
introduced by Dr Desmukh—the Hindu judicial separation and the
Divorce Bill, 1940 and The Hindu Marriage Disabilities Removal Bill,
1941.The Bombay Government passed a Bill that permitted divorce
among all communities of Hindus in certain circumstances. After that
the Government of India appointed a law committee on 25th January
1941 under the chairmanship of Sir B.N. Rau with the view to overhaul
and codify Hindu law dealing with Hindu intestate succession and Hindu
marriage. When it was debated in the assembly, those who responded
favorably in Bengal were, Nisitha Nath kundu, Sarat Chandra Bose,
S.C. Mitra, Jagat Chandra Mondal and Dhirendranath Dutta, Sudhir
Kumar Ghosh, Mr. Nalinaksha Sanyal, on the other hand, M. B. Mullick
minister,Government of Bengal and the Secretary, British Indian
Association opposed it.
Desmukh invited opinion on the Hindu Women’s Right to Divorce bill
from different sections of society. After a long debate in the Assembly,
the government decided to split the Hindu Code Bill which I have
already mentioned above. It was only after this momentous decision
that Independent India accepted divorce in the Hindu Marriage Act of
1955.( Chatterjee 2015 p. 156) Bengal, the province that took a leading
role in the social reform of the nineteenth century, was torn asunder
by communal politics in the second decade of the twentieth century.
Social response to this particular issue of divorce in the public forum
mainly through newspapers, some legal cases and women’s response in
different journals are being reviewed as case studies here. The daily,
Dainik Basumati declared that it would destroy the very foundation of
Hindu society. The East Bengal Brahmin Samaj representing the Dhaka,
Rajshahi and Chittagong divisions of Bengal and Assam passed a
resolution on 23rd November, 1932 under the presidency of Babu
Lahiri Choudhury, Zamindar protesting against the proposed bill.
Bengali women also expressed their opinion through their writings in
different journals. Nistarini Debi supported Gour’s marriage dissolution
bill. The distressed condition of some married women sometimes led
them to prostitution. Those people who related divorce with the moral
decline of India overlooked the miserable condition of those wives
whose husband abandoned them. The author Anindita Debi had
advocated women’s right to divorce even before AIWC was established.
She attacked the present corrupt version Hinduism for abandoning
women and stigmatizing them as unchaste. She criticized patriarchy
for accepting the morally degraded husband, while at the same time
indulging in double standards and marking a high ideal for women.
Jyotirmoyee Debi, another famous author of her period, was of the
opinion that the government should take census of married women
who had been abandoned by their husbands. She attacked patriarchy
for implementing divorce only for men. She was of the opinion that
strict legislation would prevent men from abandoning their wife for
petty reasons and get remarried. A few years later, Shantisudha Ghosh,
a member of the revolutionary party Jugantar, expressed her view about
divorce in Jayashree. She thought that society would have to change its
attitude to accept divorced women. The AIWC conference held in
Calcutta in 1931 did not ratify the proposal on divorce. It was only ten
years later that the Calcutta branch of AIWC supported the provision
of divorce.
While the public domain of Bengal was convulsed with such debates,
a legal interference occurred. The sacramental character of Hindu
marriage was about to be dissolved due to the concept of the husband’s
impotency. The case involved the plaintiff Smt. Ratan Moni Debi
who was married to the defendant Nagendranarain Singh in Calcutta
on April 20,1928 according to Hindu rites. She was then five and the
suit was instituted on July 1941 when she was eighteen years old. The
plaintiff appealed that the defendant was physically unfit to consummate
the marriage and that the marriage had never been consummated. The
verdict was declared in favour of the plaintiff. The success of this case
gave further fillip to women in their battle against patriarchy.
The second instance that I would like to cite is the application filled by
Debjani Biswas for her maintenance. Mr. A. Das Gupta, the second
police Magistrate, Sealdah, found that Mrs. Biswas was legally entitled
to a monthly allowance of Rupees twenty five from her husband Mr.
Rashiklal Biswas. It appeared that the married couple had matrimonial
differences owing to ill treatment, mutual distrust and because of the
husband again marrying a young girl (Ananda Bazar Patrika, 27 April
Tuesday,1943). In another instance, on the complaint of Prandhan
Banerjee, on behalf of his daughter Tarasundari Devi , Mr. Yukub Ali
Khan, second officer of Barrackpore, directed Kanailal Mukherjee alias
Gopal of Noapara to pay Rs. 9 per month for the maintenance of his
wife Tarasundari Devi and Rs. 5 per month for maintenance of his
child till the latter was able to maintain himself.
Conclusion
Taking cue from what I mentioned earlier about the colonial
government’s policy of restricting scopes for the spouse to initiate
criminal proceedings against the other in case of a bigamy, I would like
to mention that the law is clear that a second marriage in the lifetime
of the first husband or wife is not only void but also an offence
punishable under the criminal law. But the judiciary adopted the stand
that for a marriage to be declared void it should have been solemnized
in the first place –that is, all the requisite ceremonies should have been
performed. Even when the second marriage has been celebrated before
a large number of people and the couple have lived together as husband
and wife and been accepted by the community as such, the judiciary
held that that by itself cannot make a marriage valid and therefore the
question of its being bigamous does not arise. The proper ceremonies
ought to have been performed. But what were those essential
ceremonies? There were no set rules as to what essentials ceremonies
in Hindu marriages are. The law lays down that the marriage may be
solemnized in accordance with the customary rites and ceremonies of
either party’ ( Roy, B and Basu,A,1998 p.104). But this raises the question
of whether the parents of the girl can insist at the time of the marriage
that certain ceremonies to them are essential when the bridegroom’s
family may completely reject this suggestion.
The Late Chief Justice Hidayatullah had pointed out that in insisting
on the word ‘solemnize’ the judges had gone to the extent of saying
that ‘admission of marriage by the accused is not evidence of it for the
purpose of proving marriage in an adultery or bigamy case’ . He even
cited a case where the Court held that mere fact of subsequent
registration of the second marriage does not prove the validity of second
marriage.
Here I would like to concentrate on one case to illustrate the point of
an instance of surprising acquittal of)the husband in bigamy case. In
the Case of Priyabala Ghose vs Suresh Chandra Ghose, (AIR 1971 SC
1153 cited from Shamsuddin,S 1991 pp) the Court had interpreted the
term ‘solemnize’ to mean ‘according to all necessary ceremonies’. The
husband had admitted that he had married the second wife because of
the misconduct of the first wife. In addition to this statement the priest
who had officiated at the ceremony gave evidence that it was solemnized
according to Hindu rites. But both the learned High court and the
Supreme Court came to the conclusion that as ‘homa’ and ‘saptapadi’
had not been performed there was no valid second marriage and
therefore no offence of bigamy had been committed irrespective of
the evidence of the priest.
The palpable injustice done in this case because of the interpretation
of the court of the word ‘solemnize’ seems to have been overlooked
by judges. So, from this example we can say if one could take advantage
of a small lacuna e.g. instead of taking the seven steps takes only six
steps during the second marriage, one can easily avoid the penalty.
Therefore if we are to effectively weed out polygamy from this country,
we must amend Sec 494 and Sec 17 of the Hindu Marriage Act.
One significant change that took place in 1976 following the
recommendation of the committee on the status of women in India
was the amendment including the clause on option of puberty in the
section dealing with divorce. If the girl was married before she was 15
years old she could repudiate the marriage before she was 18 years old.
Two more amendments of the section dealing with divorce are that
the amendments recognize divorce by mutual consent and the right of
the wife to sue for divorce where there has been an order of
maintenance against the wife and there has no cohabitation for more
than a year. The addition of both these amendments certainly made
the divorce law more liberal for women.
Thus an analysis of a few cases show that reform in Hindu law which
started during the early decades of twentieth century continued for a
long period and left their imprint on Indian society. A survey of the
1955 Hindu personal law by case studies reveal that there were a few
lacunae which still needed to be wiped out even after this legislation.
Available reports reveal that a large number of women still suffer
oppression or domestic violence without contemplating divorce,
irrespective of their socio-economic standing, in Indian society.
Polygamy is still prevalent in our society; women still have not acquired
the mindset of mentally breaking their relationship with their spouses.
But it cannot be denied that without the legislation no reform can
achieve success. This paper has shown that a particular legislation, the
Hindu Marriage Act, was a watershed legislative process and was an
effective instrument for bringing social change in that it helped the
women of Bengal to shrug off the strangleholds of patriarchy and
carve out a niche for them.
Reference :
Agnes.F. (2007). Family Courts, Matrimonial Law and Gender Justice. Mumbai:Majlis
Agnes, F. (1999). a. Law and Gender Inequality: The Politics of Women’s Rights in
India, Oxford,
Agnes. F. Women and law in India an omnibus comprising Law and Gender. Great
Britain : Oxford University Press
Basu. S.(2015). The Trouble with Marriage, Feminists Confort Law and Violence in
India, New Delhi: Orient Blackswan
Borthwick.M.(1983). The Changing Role of Women in Bengal 1849-1905. New
Jersey: Princeton University Press
Chatterjee. A. (ed) .(2015). Gender and Modernity, Kolkata, Setu Prakashani
Diwan. P & Diwan. P( 1994). Women and Legal Protection. New Delhi: Deep and
Deep Publication.
Mukhopadhyay, M (1998). Legally Dispossessed: Gender, Identity and the Process of
Law, Stree, Calcutta
Majumdar.R (2009). Family Values in Colonial Bengal. New Delhi: Oxford
University Press.
Mehta .R. (1987). Socio Legal Status of Women in India. Delhi: Mittal Publication.
Parashar. A. (1992). Women and Family Law Reform in India: Uniform Civil Code
and Gender Equlity. New Delhi: Sage.
Shams. S. (ed).(1991). Women, Law and Social Change. New Delhi: Ashis
Publishing.
JOURNAL:
Shodhan,A (8th April, 2000 ) Women, Personal laws and the Changing Judicial
Practice and the Changing Juridicial Practice, Review of Law and Gender Inequality:
The Politics of Women’s Rights in India, pp. 1259-1261.
Shah, A.M. ( 1968) Changes in Indian Family: and Examination of Some
Assumption, Economic and Political Weekly.
Parthasarathy.D. Women, Communal Violence, and Rights Rhetoric, Manushi,
no. 129 of 2002 pp. 38-42.
Agnes.F. Protecting Women against Violence? Review of a Decade of
Legislation, 1980-1989, Economic and PoliticalWeekly, 25 April 1992, WS-19.
Agnes.F.( May7, 1994).Women’s Movement with in a Secular Frame Work
Redefining the Agenda. Economic and Political Weekly, pp. 1123 - 1128.
Ganguly .G & Gopika.S. (19th April 1997 ) Towards Gender Just Laws
Disscussion, Economic and Political weekly, pp.854-855.
Appendices
Summary statement of personal Laws for Hidus

Marriage :
The Hindu marriage Act,1955applies; (does not apply to Scheduled
tribes unless notified by central Government).
Divorce :
Section 13of the Hindu marriage,1955 and Section 27 of special
marriage Act,1954 apply ;grounds for divorce can be commonly sought
by husband or wife: they are adultery,deseration, cruelty, unsoundness
of mind, venereal disease,leprosy,not heard of as alive for seven years
and mutual consent.
Adoption and Guardainship
Under Hindu adoptions and Maintenance act,1956, a male or female
Hindu having legal capacity can take a son or daughter in adoption.
The Hindu Minority and guardianship act, 1956 applies in the case of
minority and guardianship; father has a superior right, natural
guardianship for both boys and unmarried girls is first the father and
then only the mother; Prior right of mother recognized for custody
of children below five years; In case of illegitimate children mother
has a superior claim over that of the putative father; guardianship
involves control over person as well as property ;under the law, in
deciding questions on guardianship, courts are to be taken the welfare
of the child as the paramount consideration.
Maintenance
Hindu adaptation and maintenance Act, 1956 applies; Wife has absolute
right to claim maintenance from husband: in determining the amount
of maintenance, court takes into account position and liabilities of
the husband.
Succession
The Hindu succession Act 1956 applies under the, women have the
right to inherit intestate property equal to men; In the case of inheritance
of joint family property (co-parcenary).However women are not treated
equal to men.
Appendices
Petition for Divorce
In the court of ………….at………….Matrimonial case No……..of 19……
AB(name, description and address)
………………………petitioner
Verses
CD (name ,description and address)
………………………Respondent
Petition under section 13 of hindu marriage act,1955.
The Petitioner states as follows:

1. That the petitioner was married to the respondent
on………..at………………within the jurisdiction of this court
according to Hindu rites and ceremonies and they are governed
by the hindu marriage act 1955.
2. That the petitioner and the respondent lived together immediately
after solemnization of their marriage at the matrimonial home
at………………….as man and wife .They last resided
at…………… from ………. To…………..
3. That a male child was born of their lawful wedlock on
………………….
4. That the respondent has renounced the world by entering into a
religious order and has become a sanyasi by leaving the matrimonial
home permanently on…………………..
5. That there is no collusion between the petitioner and the
respondent.
6. That the causes of action arose on……………when the
respondent had permanently left the matrimonial home on
entering into the religious order as aforesaid.
7. That this court has jurisdiction to certain ,try and determine this
matter.
8. That a court fee of Rs ………………has been paid in
accordance with law.
The petitioner therefor pays that a decree of divorce be granted to the

petitioner against the respondent by dissolution of their marriage.
Negotiating Gender and Space in
Post-independence Calcutta
Reading Narendranath Mitra’s Abataranika and Satyajit Ray’s Mahanagar
Sagnik Banerjee
Ph D Research Scholar
Department of English, University of Calcutta
Email ID: sagnikbanerjee08@gmail.com
Abstract
The post-independence social movement in the 20th century in Bengal saw the region being a
major site of diverse socio-political and historical experiences and changes. The euphoria of
independence in 1947 was coterminous with the twin events of the famine and partition,
which made the 1940’s a decade of paramount importance in the historiography of an India
that was to come. The specificities of which were important in the formation of a new
Calcutta, an erstwhile capital of British India and post-partition, its largest metropolis in
the East, as a site of multifarious urban encounters. Among them are the experiences of the
middle-class urban woman, who for a long period of time was subjected to the interiors of
domestic space within the confines of a patriarchal vision. In the 20th century, initiated by
the socio-economic necessities that were brought in by the historical changes that occurred, the
middle class woman’s presence was felt more so in the erstwhile ‘masculine’ spaces. As women
penetrated not only the public spaces, which were erstwhile male bastions, but also the realm
of the public discourse of ‘everyday’, it opened up a new way to look at spatial formations
within the micro-history of Calcutta. In that light, Narendranath Mitra’s short story
Abataranika (1949) and Satyajit Ray’s subsequent adaptation of the same, Mahanagar
(1963) appear as both important and unique explorations of these encounters through
which women explored and negotiated the urban space through gender and political barriers.
Both these texts when read together offer us an interesting and unique exploration, through
different mediums, of the urban middle class woman in the changing socio-historical scenario
that was being experienced in post-independence Calcutta.
Keywords
Gender, patriarchy, negotiation, space, Calcutta, urbanity, woman
The deepest problems of modern life flow from the attempt of the
individual to maintain the independence and individuality of his existence
against the sovereign powers of society, against the weight of historical
heritage and the external culture and technique of life.1
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
The post-independence scenario in Bengal has seen the region be an
important site of social encounter being subjected to various socio-
political experiences and changes. The euphoria of independence in
1947 was experienced together with the two historically important events
of the famine and partition which made the 1940’s in many ways, quite
a definitive decade in the historiography of an India in the 20th century.
Its importance was felt not just on the levels of politics, history or
economics, but also on the cultural ethos, impacting the everyday lives
of individuals, who were subjected to the cross-currents of an
impending social order fashioned by the political and historical events
of the previous decade. Calcutta, being the erstwhile capital of the
British Empire in India and post-independence, its largest metropolis
in the east was at the forefront of this socio-cultural change. Forced by
the changing economic and political scenario, the city was the site of a
multitudinous sea of urban encounters, primary amongst which are
the experiences of the urban middle-class woman who historically was
subjected to the interiors of the domestic space within the confines of
patriarchal vision.
The 20th century, with its consumerist urban ‘new economy’ and the
effect of amongst others, the partition,2 had a tremendous impact on
the city of Calcutta, both on the levels of infrastructure, social and
economic order, which was felt by the large population of the city’s
urban middle and lower middle-class families. The woman, in these
families, traditionally a housewife was forced in the changing economic
scenario, to venture out into the erstwhile ‘masculine’ spaces of urban
commerce, primarily to find sustenance for their families. The changing
situation and the role it placed the middle-class woman in, opened up
a completely new way to look at the urban-encounters within the micro-
history of the Calcutta city-space.
Any socio-historical reading of space would be rendered incomplete if
the processes of gendering of the same are left unconsidered. Within
the realms of capitalist consumerism, patriarchy remodelled itself and
shifted the modes of gendering of space within the newly constructed
urbanity. Women penetrated not only the public spaces, and
simultaneously negotiated their private/ domestic space, but also made
foray into the erstwhile non-penetrative zones of ‘masculine’ public
discourse. In that light Narendranath Mitra’s short story Abataranika3
(1949) and Satyajit Ray’s subsequent cinematic adaptation of the same
as Mahanagar (The Big City) (1963) appear as both unique and important
exploration of the socio-temporal matrix of Calcutta’s gendered urban
spatiality. In this paper, I would like to explore how Narendranath Mitra’s
short story and Satyajit Ray’s film, through its exploration of the
minutiae of the daily lives of a Bengali lower middle-class household
offer us a glimpse into how urban middle-class women negotiated the
largely patriarchal constructs of urban space in Calcutta and how
through the acts of everyday, render these spaces meaningful or
redundant. Though any examination of this ethnographically
cosmopolitan city space, culturally, has its own shortcomings, owing to
the diversity of the lived experiences across communities, class and
language; Mitra’s short story and Ray’s film however can be said, in
exploring the ethos of the Bengali speaking community in the city,
which both Ray and Mitra were aware of, being themselves part of it,
and which comprised of the city’s largest population4 attempt to explore
certain fundamental ideas of gendering of the city space, exploring the
contemporary temporality, cutting across the community barrier.
One of the foremost reasons to ‘read together’ Mitra’s short story and
Ray’s adaptation of the same, is to explore the social realities that forced
middle and lower middle-class women taking up jobs, for the first time.
Though on the surface such a situation opened up the possibility of
economic independence, and social emancipation, the fact that it was
unaccompanied by a ‘concomitant shift away from patriarchal modes
of thinking at large’ (Sen, 2009, para. 1) and the forced economic
motives which facilitated such a change in the first place made the
move, ‘insecure at the very roots’ (ibid.). Mitra’s text and Ray’s bore
however an important difference in attitude, as remarked by Suddhaseel
Sen,
However, unlike Mitra, Ray suggests that such changes, when taken up by
seemingly ordinary but ethically-impelled individuals, could lead to the
questioning (and possibly, overhauling) of conservative Bengali middle-
class values through a process of interaction between the older generation
and the new, between men and women, and between different social groups,
such as Bengalis and Anglo-Indians (ibid.).
Through its depiction in detail of the everyday lives of individuals in
the Bengali household, the ‘writer and filmmaker’ provide ‘two different
but crucial perspectives on the changing roles of women at a transitional
moment in the history of independent India’, the film being an
important study of the ‘centrality of female figures in Ray’s cinematic
oeuvre’ (ibid.).
Ray’s fascination with space and exploration of the spatial reality he
inhabited within its temporal frame of reference has been a fundamental
aspect of his cinematic style5, as is his own exploration of Calcutta.
With Ray,
...the lived experience of the city is placed brutally under the scanner and
the underpinnings are extracted on to the screen. The subject in Ray is
always constructed as a self who is in dialectical relation with its own
societal norms (Banerjee, 2015, p. 30).
It is such a minute exploration of the urban everyday that prompted
Ray to attempt a treatment of the short story in the first place.
Suddhaseel Sen quotes Ray from his introduction to the novella6, Ray’s
own comments,
When I read my first batch of Narendranath Mitra stories some fifteen
years ago, I was struck by their acute observation of middle class life. The
field was narrow, familiar and even humdrum, and yet the yield was
unusually rich and varied. Only a high degree of sensitivity and observation
could achieve this (Sen, 2009, para. 6).
Mahanagar (The Big City) (1963), is part of a series women centric
films where the filmmaker explored through his primary character, the
social-tensions and how historically formed orthodoxies affect the lives
of everyday individuals. In their assessment of the post-independence
urban ‘woman’, Mitra’s short story carries with it a note of pessimism,
where the possibility of change is nullified, as for Mitra, ‘the ideological
differences between the old and the new are unbridgeable’ (Sen, 2009,
para. 20). Ray’s vision is in his own words, ‘semi-optimistic’ (Robinson,
2004, p. 155)7 earmarking that if undertaken by ethically sound
individuals, changes are possible in social orthodoxies, as patriarchal
structuring even can be changed. Mitra’s story written in 1949, and
Ray’s film which he planned during the shoot of Apur Sansar, and
shelved and later began in 1962,8 both can be qualified under the Time’s
review of Ray’s film which commented that the filmmaker ‘merely
eavesdrops on everyday life’ (Robinson, 2004, p. 149).
Considering the location of the woman in the urban space, it can be
said to be precarious at the start. The woman is objectified in a largely
consumerist urban social space and the ‘fabric of urbanism and everyday
life in the city...became materially symbolic of the marginalization or,
as it came to be called, the “entrapment” of women’ through ‘their
purposefully designed isolation from the workplace and public life’
(Soja, 1996, p. 110). Within the structural parameters of a patriarchal
order, women discursively have been seen to represent disorder, chaos
and sexuality, whereas the men with rationality and functionality, thereby
rendering women incompatible with the male concept of an ordered
and structured urban metropolis (Dreyer, 2012, p. 32). Spaces in the
city ‘are gendered; public spaces are associated with men and private
spaces with women’ (ibid.). Van Eeden comments quite justifiably,
...the rise of the aesthetics of modernity can be associated with particular
spatial and social practices that privileged the male. The experience of
modernity was located in city life, work, and politics, which reflected the
so-called male domain that was inextricably linked with the growth of
industrial capitalism... (Van Eeden, 2006, p. 68).
Women’s presence in the urban public space, hence, has been rendered
a marginal status regulated by patriarchal order (Gleber, 1997, p. 69).
So, when forced by economic imperatives the erstwhile urban lower
middle-class housewives are required to explore avenues of income,
their entry into this masculine space of order and function is replete
with struggles which are both psychological and social. Any question
of social emancipation on the surface is rendered redundant in the
urban metropolis, which by its very nature is based on consumerist
ethics, which subject the woman to the objectifying patriarchal gaze.
Hille Kosleka commenting on this element of gaze rightly states ‘looking
connotates power, and being looked at powerlessness’ (Kosleka, 2000,
p. 255).
Arati, the female protagonist of the story is required to find a job as
her husband, Suborto, a private bank clerk does not earn sufficient
money to support his largely joint family comprising of his wife Arati,
their son, his father Priyogopal, mother Sarojini, his sister and two
brothers. At her husband’s insistence she has to take up a job, not as a
‘teacher’ (which was the staple respectable profession since the early
years of the century) (Robinson, 2004, p. 150), but rather as a door-to-
door saleswoman for a private firm selling knitting machines to the
urban affluent social inhabitants of the city, thereby metaphorically
embodying the role of the woman on the street (My Italics). She was
designated a salary of rupees one hundred per month with a scope for
further improvement later on. This was however met with strict
objection and resistance from her otherwise patriarchal older generation.
Her success at her workplace, coupled with Subroto’s bank one day
suddenly shutting down, leaving him jobless increases even in her
husband a sense of frustration and hurts his patriarchal ego. The
relationship ‘slowly changes tenor as she gains confidence and begins
to assert her new knowledge of the city’s life beyond her household
walls’ (Bose, 2008, p. 54). The situation explores how ‘social conventions’
in Bengali society in general, and even in the newer generation affect
the domestic space of marital existence. The social institutions and
power structures that categorized the domesticity of the woman, found
its face in the urban metropolis in the domestic patriarchal space. The
necessity to keep the woman in her domesticity was to subject her to
the constant gaze of a structured patriarchy. Hence daily activities and
changes in everyday lives get highlighted as transgressive acts with the
image of the ‘laxmi of the house’ (Mitra, 1986, p. 122)(My Italics) being
a typical metaphor for the Bengali Hindu wife. The father-in-law
Priyagopal’s reference to the domestic life being the ‘most important
university there is’ (Mitra, 1986, p. 125), thereby forcing a denial to
Arati’s formal education after marriage highlight the point. However,
the post-independence economic urban reality in Calcutta rendered
Arati’s working to be much of a necessity. Though obliquely referred
to in the story, Ray’s film explores the hierarchical nature of the domestic
space. The claustrophobic structuring9 and the size of the space mirror
the class and domesticity of the Bengali household. Her emergence
within the economic and social scenario as the ‘salaried, newly-madeover
working woman dislocates her prior position as a traditional Indian
wife, mother daughter-in-law and sister-in-law, a disjuncture recognized
as symbolically representative of the disorienting effects of the new
and disruptive urbanism of 1960’s India’ (Bose, 2008, p. 54). Arati’s
apparent disjunction from her own domestic space is testimony of, as
Bose quotes Chidananda Dasgupta, ‘a woman who awakens to the
possibility of determining the course of her own life’ (ibid.), which
was to Dasgupta a first in the Ray oeuvre. However, a closer scrutiny
of the urbanity expressed in both the texts show how Arati, and indeed
working women are constructed in the capitalist space of urban
commercial enterprises which problematizes the very possibility of
self-determination via the route of economic independence.
Framed within the narrative structure of both the film as well as the
short story, Arati, as the urban woman enters the social public space
of the job-market. If the exit from the domesticity of home entailed
any thought of emancipation for Arati, we are confronted with the
social reality of the patriarchal nature of the workplace. Himangshu
Mukherjee, her boss though is ‘genuinely sympathetic to the economic
pressures faced by lower-middle-class families like Subroto and Arati’s’
(Sen, 2009, para. 7); he also is an embodiment of the deep seated
patriarchal order exposing a racist attitude in his treatment towards his
Anglo-Indian employee Miss Edith Symonds, whom he dismisses and
charges her with promiscuity, even giving a damning assessment of
her class and community. All these make the very question of escape
from patriarchal structuring redundant as we see the workspace being
an extension of the same. It might also be argued that Arati’s emergence
into her profession and her success as a saleswoman is essentially due
to her femininity (Cooper, 2000, p. 98), where in her invasion of the
‘territory of men, that of property and investment’ (ibid.) she herself
is the subject of the masculine gaze. Through various tropes, literary
and cinematic Arati’s identity is constructed and re-constructed through
this ‘temporal plane of slippages’ (Banerjee, 2015, p. 33) in a constantly
shifting social space. The woman in the narrative is embodiment of
the social reality of the working middle-class woman in post-
independence urban scenario in Calcutta, where she is both the subject
and the object of the hegemonic patriarchal gaze. In looking at her,
and constantly fashioning her discursively, the woman is denied even
in economic freedom a space she can claim to be her own, beyond the
objectifying gaze of patriarchy.10
Both Mitra’s short story, and Ray’s film acknowledges the overarching
gaze of patriarchy which the working women had to negotiate, and
also explores the negotiating strategies through which a feminine space,
within the realms of the urban ordered spectrum is formed by the
women. Darius Cooper referring to Sudhir Kakar11 writes on how the
Indian woman bound by Hinduism’s patriarchal construct actually gets,
‘no living space apart from that of men, within which to create and
manifest those aspects of feminine identity that derive from intimacy
and collaboration with other women’ (Cooper, 2000, p. 118), thereby
possibly creating a ‘strategic location for recovery and
resistance....beyond the centred domain of the patriarchal urban order’
(Soja, 1996, p. 110). We see a vivid depiction in Ray’s film. Being a
visual medium, Ray’s camera was more adept to form through visual
metaphors and nuances the idea of an essential feminine space being
constructed, where the identities of the women would be constructed
beyond the gaze of the patriarchal social narrative, rendering on them
a sense of agency12 albeit within the larger scope of the patriarchal
space. Such spatial transgressions needed an acknowledgement which
the story and the film provide. Darius Cooper comments,
In Mahanagar, Ray conspicuously shows all of Mr. Mukherjee’s saleswomen
bonding into a very intimate work group when they relax between sales
calls in the “rest area” of the office, which they seem to have taken over as
their own private space. It is here that they chat, tell each other intimate
details of their lives, and plan out future strategies relating to the world of
“males” in general, both in their domestic and professional spheres (Cooper,
2000, p. 118).
The women in the narrative space are seen to forge a bond within
them, which finds its utmost manifestation in the Arati-Edith
relationship. Narendranath Mitra, though sketches, Edith differently
than Ray,13 both give a picture of the racial tensions that were prevalent
in the Calcutta of the first two decades after independence. In the
short story we see Subroto warning his wife to not mingle with the
Anglo-Indian lady (Mitra, 1986, p. 130), and in both the narratives,
Himangshu Mukherjee, the boss’ attitude towards her bears a clear
and distinct racial tone, referring to her Anglo-Indian employee as a
‘woman of lose morals’ (Mitra, 1986, p. 142) and was visibly dismayed
why Arati offered her resignation in protest for someone different in
race and religion (Mitra, 1986, p. 120). We see the bond of friendship
between Arati and Edith being facilitated in light of their ‘oppressed
positions in Indian societies’ (Cooper, 2000, p. 119). Edith, being an
Anglo-Indian and hence a minority is treated with contempt and with
a judgmental gaze as the perennial ‘western’ transgressive woman, with
regards to traditional Bengali bourgeois moral codes. Ray highlights
this bond, as we see both these characters conversing within the secluded
space of the “ladies’ restroom”, and ‘most revealingly, before the mirror
above the washbasin’ (ibid.). It is here itself that Arati meets Edith
after the latter is fired. A weeping Edith says, “Oh Arati, what will I tell
my boyfriend? He’ll kill me” (ibid.), thereby implying that he would be
‘scandalized by the shattering of her virtual image as the successful
saleswoman and antiestablishment activist; he will reject her, she feels,
in her actual image as the unemployed and disgraced “fired” employee’
(ibid.). Despite her own forward nature, she too we see is constructed
by the patriarchal gaze of her own community. Arati’s bond with Edith
also stems from their shared economic situation. Though not there in
the short story, Ray’s film shows Arati visiting Edith’s home and the
conditions she sees, mirrors her own domestic space. Arati’s own protest
and resignation on grounds of injustice meted out to her friend Edith,
is within the realms of the urban capitalist patriarchy a truly important
act. It is perhaps in this that both Mitra and Ray acknowledge that a
distancing from the modes of productive behaviour on grounds of
morality and ethicality is the only possible way of granting the woman,
an agency to form her own identity and space within the larger confines
of urban capitalist patriarchy. Whereas Mitra ends the short-story in a
distinctly negative vein, Ray’s vision is markedly more positive in its
outcome. Yet, both acknowledge that though the economic problems
are a reality and especially in a post-independence Calcutta of the 1950’s
and 1960’s with the emergence of a capital market, it is the fundamental
ethical core of individuals that has the possibility of necessitating the
change. In Mitra, there is no reconciliation between Arati and his family,
in Ray we see Subrata realizing her wife’s ethical choice and is thereby
granted a semblance of agency. In the end we see both Subrata and
Arati as jobless and their financial woes remain, but with their individual
identities formed and reconciled within a hegemonic space.
Situating the text in the 21st century, today when working women have
been the norm, rather than exception would present these texts
inherently topical and ‘out dated’. However, the modern urban
metropolis in a globalized world is a hegemonic patriarchal space
fashioned by a panoptical restructuring based on the fundamentals of
gazing. It is in this light, these texts are render important even more
today, as it has become even more important for women to find their
own space, physical, social and psychological to negotiate the confines
and bounds of orthodox patriarchal formations. It would be apt to
conclude perhaps with Ray’s biographer Andrew Robinson, who
comments that Ray wanted the English title of Mahanagar to not be
The Big City, but A Woman’s Place instead, but the idea did not catch on
(Robinson, 2004, p. 150); in this century too, we are still searching for
the same.
References:
Banerjee, S. (2015). Visioning the City: Satyajit Ray and Mrinal Sen at the
Crossroads of Calcutta. In. O. Mahaldar & D.Dhibar (Eds.), Literature, Culture,
and Society (pp. 27-54). Calcutta, India: Maha Bodhi Book Agency.
Bansal R.D. (Producer) & Ray, S. (Director). (1963). Mahanagar (The Big City)
[Motion Picture]. India.
Bose, B. (2008). Modernity, Globality, Sexuality, and the City: A Reading of
Indian Cinema. The Global South, 2(1), 35-58. Retrieved from http://
www.jstor.org/stable/40339281 [October 14, 2015].
Bridge, G. & Watson, S. (Eds.). (2002). The Blackwell City Reader. Oxford and
Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell.
Chatterjee, J. (2007). The Spoils of Partition. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge
University Press.
Cooper, D. (2000). The Cinema of Satyajit Ray: Between Tradition and Modernity.
Cambridge UK: Cambridge University Press.
Dreyer, E. & Mc Dowall E. (2012, May 10). Imagining the flaneur as a woman.
Available: Communicatio: South African Journal for Communication Theory and
Research, 38 (1), 30-44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02500167.2011.634425 [May
14, 2012].
Gleber, A. (1997). Female Flanerie and the Symphony of the City. In K. Von
Ankum (Ed.), Women in the metropolis: Gender and modernity in Weimar Culture.
(pp.67-88). Berkley, Los Angeles and London UK: University of California.
Kosleka, H. (2000). ‘The gaze without eyes’: Video-surveillance and the
changing nature of urban space. Progress in Human Geography, 24(2), 243-265.
doi: 10.1191/030913200668791096.
Mitra, A. (1963). Calcutta India’s City. Calcutta, India: New Age Publishers Private
Ltd.
Mitra, N. (1986). Galpamala (Garland of Stories). Calcutta, India: Ananda
Publishers.
Ray, S. (2011). Deep Focus. Sandip Ray (Ed.). Noida, India: Harper Collins.
Ray, S. (2015). Prabandha Sangraha. Sandip Ray (Ed.). Calcutta, India: Ananda
Publishers.
Robinson, A. (2004). Satyajit Ray the Innner Eye: The Biography of a Master
Filmmaker. New York, NY: I.B. Tauris.
Sen, S. (2009, November 2). Women in Post-Independence Bengal: Mahanagar
by Narendranath Mitra and Satyajit Ray. Intersections: Gender and Sexuality in
Asia and the Pacific, 22. Retrieved from intersections.anu.edu.au/issue22/
ssen.htm [August 7, 2016].
Soja, E.W. (1996). Thirdspace: Journeys to Los Angeles and Other Real-and-Imagined
Places. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell.
Van Eeden, J. (2006). Shopping for gender. In K. Van Marle (Ed.). Sex, Gender,
Becoming: Post-apartheid Reflections, (pp. 61-91). Pretoria, South Africa. Pretoria
University Law Press.
Notes
1. See Georg Simmel’s essay “The Metropolis and Mental Life” p. 11, in The
Blackwell City Reader, eds. Gary Bridge and Sophie Watson.
2. ‘No one knows precisely how many refugees went to India from East
Bengal during this phase. The official, and improbably conservative
estimate for the period of eighteen years from 1946-1964 places the total
at just under 5 million’ (Chatterjee, 2007, p.105).
3. First published in Anandabazar Patrika, Puja Edition, 1949 and also later
as Mahanagar, a reworking of the story, which Mitra himself attempted
after the film. The English translation of the reworked story was published
by Jaico Publishing House, (Mumbai): 1968, translated by Suhrid Kumar
Chatterjee and Marcus Francis Franda. The translated edition carried an
introduction by Ray himself as well as stills from the film (Sen, 2009,
para. 1). For my analysis I would refer to the original Bengali short story
published by Ananda in Galpamala p. 122-43. Any quotation from the
same Bengali text used in this paper is translated by me.
4. Ashok Mitra in his study, Calcutta India’s City refers to the 1951 census
and writes ‘…over 65 per cent of the city’s population of 2.55 millions,
claimed Bengali as their mother-tongue’ (Mitra, 1963, p. 20).
5. Ray comments in his chapter titled ‘National Styles in Cinema’ while
referring to his own mentor, the French filmmaker, Jean Renoir, ‘Cinema
being first and foremost a pictorial medium, and the integrity of
atmosphere being the first essentials of a good film,’ (Ray, 2011, p. 4).
6. Refers to the translation by Suhrid Kumar Chatterjee and Marcus Francis
Franda.
7. Andrew Robinson comments, “His own ending he regarded as ‘semi-
optimistic’”. ‘They’re optimistic because they’ve come together emotionally,
after a long period of separation that’s psychological. It is the kind of
optimism where they know it will be difficult to find jobs, but at least for
the time being they are again husband and wife.’
8. ‘Though I had begun planning it in 1958, the actual work to shoot
Mahanagar began in 1962. In between I had completed seven films...’
(Ray, 2015, p. 208) (My translation)
9. Ray mentions to Marie Seton that the sets were ‘The smallest rooms ever
built!’ (Robinson, 2004, p. 151).
10. Ironically, the texts, while speaking of the emancipation of the urban
woman like Arati, also paratextually become part of the patriarchal gaze.
Cinema being a visual medium is by nature closely associated with the
concept of gaze and linked with urban commerce. However, Ray’s nuanced
reading can be said to attempt to give an agency to the protagonist, to
explore and critique the predominant male gaze that looks at Arati, and
also the class constructs that affect the spatiality of the city.
11. See Kakar, S. (1990), Intimate Relations. Delhi, India: Penguin.
12. The very idea of agency though acknowledged, is problematized. These
transgressive spaces so to speak are not without the objectifying gaze of
the audience, which carries undertones of patriarchy vividly. Even Arati’s
‘sartorial display’ (Cooper, 2000, p. 106), where the audience sees her in a
translucent blouse which exposed her inner garments, though has been
termed as the articulation of the ‘conventional Bengali housewife who
has liberated herself from her stifling family’s gaze’ (ibid.), considerations
need to be placed about the gaze of the audience and the nature of the
gaze itself.
13. In the story Edith is a married woman with a child. Also, Mitra imagines
Edith, as dark skinned, Ray, perhaps for the sake of the visual medium,
makes Edith markedly white. Further differences like, in the novel, it is
Arati who negotiates with her boss for commission in the first place, but
in the film, Edith has done the same. Ray, pictures Edith more as Arati’s
mentor, and friend.
Partition and Scheduled Caste Population :
A Study in the District of Nadia
Dr. Subhas Biswas

Assistant Professor, Department of History,
Bankura University, Bankura
Email ID: subhasbiswaschak@gmail.com
Abstract
The partition of India in 1947 created two free dominion- India and Pakistan. At the
same time Bengal province was divided into to parts- East Bengal and West Bengal. East
Bengal was included into Pakistan and West Bengal was included into India. Before the
partition, the scheduled caste population in the district of Nadia was almost 10%. But after
the partition, a large and long term flow of East Bengali refugees entered into the district of
Nadia of West Bengal. The number of scheduled caste refugees was larger than the number
of general caste refugees in the district of Nadia. So we found that the scheduled caste
population of Nadia district increased in every decade. This increase can be found in the
census reports. The scheduled caste refugees coming from East Bengal chose this district to
settle themselves for many reasons.
Key words
Partition of India, migration, refugee, religious minority, scheduled caste,
Namasudra, religious torture, East Bengal, Nadia district
The partition of India in 1947 created two free dominion- India and
Pakistan. Partition created a massive crisis in the life of minority in the
both countries. Many Hindu and Sikh families were compelled to leave
their own mother land and migrated to India. On the other hand, many
Muslim families were compelled to leave their own mother land and
migrated to Pakistan.
After partition, a large number of refugees from East Bengal entered
into West Bengal. A major part of these refugees came to the district
of Nadia. Before the partition in 1947, the Hindu Scheduled Caste
population in the district of Nadia was less than 10%. However, after
the partition, a huge number of Hindu refugees migrated to the district
of Nadia. Among them, a considerable number of people belong to
the scheduled caste. As a result, at present the total scheduled caste
population in this district is almost one-third of the total population.
My present paper deals with the advent of the refugee population from
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
East Bengal among which a large number was scheduled caste
population.
The minority Hindu community more or less of East Bengal began to
migrate to West Bengal after the ‘Direct Action’ organized by the Muslim
League and Noakhali riot in 1946. The flow of huge migration started
after the partition and independence in 1947. Because from then on
the minority people suffered communal torture. Insecurity of their life
and religion compelled them to leave their motherland. Most of these
migrated refugees took shelter in various border districts of West
Bengal. According to the refugee settlement in percentage, Nadia district
possesses the topmost position in the districts of West Bengal. Nadia
district was suitable for the migrated Scheduled Caste communities.
It is easy to understand from the census reports of post-partitioned
East Pakistan and newly Bangladesh that the Hindu population is
decreasing and Muslim population is increasing in every decade. The
main cause of the decreasing of Hindu population is nothing but the
migration of Hindus. After the partition, the Hindus, leaving their
mother land, are migrating to India every day. The following table is
showing the rate of decadal decrease of Hindus from the formerly
East Pakistan and recently Bangladesh.
The book named Nadia: Swadhinatar Rajatjayanti Smarakgrantha referred
that “In consideration of the observation of population of the position
of Nadia district, the fertility of soil, opportunity of profession,
development of agriculture and industry, opportunity of public health
and the total area of this district in proportionate to the total area of
the state will have to be remembered. Actually, hard blow of partition
influenced this district more acutely than the other districts.” The
population of this district was not much increased during 50 years
before the partition. But after the partition, a huge number of refugees
migrated from East Pakistan to this district as a result of which Nadia
faced more pressure of population in comparison to its size. According
to the census report of 1971, Nadia possessed 10th position in area but
it was the 8th populated district among the 16 districts of West Bengal.
A large number of refugees from East Bengal took shelter in various
districts of West Bengal in between the year1947 and 1972. The high
rate of migration in different districts of West Bengal can be cleared
only from the census report of 1951.
Table 3: Statistics of refugee population in various districts of West
Bengal (according to the census report, 1951) :
State and Total Total Refugee Grow rate
Population Population refugee
Male Female population
in poropor-
tionate
to total
population (%)
West Bengal 20,99,071 11,18,475 9,80,596 +8.5
Burdwan 96,105 51,132 44,973 +4.4
Birbhum 11,783 6,205 5,578 +1.1
Bankura 9,294 4,817 4,477 +0.7
Medinipur 33,579 17,477 16,102 +1.0
Hooghly 51,153 26,844 24,309 +3.3
Howrah 61,096 32,984 28,112 +3.8
24 Parganas 5,27,262 2,84,897 2,42,365 +11.4
Kolkata 4,33,228 2,34242 1,98,986 +17.0
Nadia 4,26,907 2,19,363 2,07,544 +37.3
Murshidabad 58,729 31,168 27,561 +3.4
Malda 60,198 30,918 29,280 +6.4
West Dinajpur 1,15,510 61,197 54,313 +16.0
Jalpaiguri 98,572 54,119 44,453 +10.8
Darjeeling 15,738 8,931 6,807 +3.5
Cooch Behar 99,917 54,181 54,736 +14.9
Source : Ashoke Mitra, Amar Desh, Translated and compiled by

Sri Bhudebchandra Banerjee, 1954, Ranbhaban, Calcutta, p. 139.
It can be easily understood from the above table that up to 1951, the
rate of refugee population was highest in the district of Nadia in
proportion to the other districts of West Bengal (37.3%). The high
rate of flow was not much changed after the following years.
A remarkable feature of that refugee population in the district of Nadia is
that a major part belonged to the dalit Scheduled Caste in the migrated
refugees in this district. After the partition in 1947, the Scheduled Caste
population has been increased in high rate in this district. It is also be
referred that the British Government has passed the ‘Government of India
Act, 1935’ and formed a federal administrative structure in 1935 so that
the Indian could get more autonomous rule. Reservation in the electoral
seats for the depressed society was introduced by this Act and general
election was kook placed on the basis of this act. It was in this Act in
which the word ‘Scheduled Castes’ was used for the Indian first time.
In the districts of Rangpur, Faridpur, Khulna, Barisal, Bakharganj, Jessore,
Bogra, Pabna, Mymensingh, Rajshahi, Dhaka etc. in East Bengal, the
rate of Scheduled Caste population among the Hindus was very high.
How much was the Scheduled Caste population among the Hindus in
some selected districts of East Bengal is mentioned in table below.
Table 4: A comparative statistics of total Hindu and Scheduled

Caste Hindu population in some selected districts of Esat Bengal
(according to the Census Report, 1941) :
Name of Districts Total Hindu Total Scheduled Rate of Percentage

Population Caste Hindu of Scheduled
Population Caste Hindu
Rangpur 8,02,049 4,95,462 61.77
Faridpur 10,06,238 5,27,496 52.42
Dinajpur (undevided) 7,74,622 3,99,410 51.56
Khulna 9,77,693 4,70,550 48.13
Bakharganj 9,58,629 4,27,667 44.61
Jessore 7,21,079 3,14,856 43.66
Bogra 1,87,527 61,298 32.69
Dhaka 13,60,132 4,09,905 30.14
Pabna 3,83,755 1,14,738 29.90
Mymensingh 12,96,638 3,40,676 26.27
Rajshahi 3,29,230 75,650 22.98
Kushtia 3,44,004 72,595 21.10
Noakhali 4,12,311 81,867 19.86
Chittagong 4,58,074 57,024 12.45
Source : Census of India, 1941, Vol. IV, Bengal.

It can be easily understood from the above table that the Scheduled
Caste population among the Hindus in most of the districts of East
Bengal was very high. Remarkable districts among these were Rangpur,
Faridpur, Dinajpur (undevided), Khulna, Bakharganj, Jessore, Bogra,
Dhaka etc. Most of these districts were situated not far more from the
district of Nadia. The migration to the district of Nadia for the
Schedules Caste refugees from Pabna, Rajshahi and Mymensingh were
also easier. Besides that, the Scheduled Caste refugees from the other
districts of East Bengal came to the district of Nadia. Here it can be
referred to that in 1947, the Kushtia, Chuadanga and Meherpur sub-
division were separated from Nadia district and including this sub-
division, Kushtia district was formed in Pakistan. After partition, most
of the Hindu refugees of the district of Kushtia migrated to the district
of Nadia. But according to the Census Report of 1941, most of the
Hindus of Kushtia, Chuadanga and Meherpur sub-division belonged
to other than the Scheduled Caste community (78.90%). So, in spite of
the advent of the huge refugees from Kushtia to the district of Nadia
did not increase the Scheduled Caste population in this district. Actually,
the Scheduled Caste population was increased in this district because
of the advent of the Scheduled Caste refugees from the other districts
of East Pakistan.
The refugees from the above mentioned Scheduled Caste inhabited
districts of East Bengal began to come to the district of Nadia from
1947. A statistical account of the district-wise migration from East
Bengal to the district of Nadia is got from the Census Report of 1951.
But the actual number of migrants was higher than the number of
migrants mentioned in the Census Report of 1951.
Though in 1956, the Government of Pakistan separated the Scheduled
Caste Hindus from the upper class Hindus, the Scheduled Caste people
had already been separated in the Hindu Society before that. Most of
the Scheduled Caste people worked under the upper class Hindus. They
were backward in education and political consciousness. Most of them
lived in rural areas and belonged to peasant society. They had a deep
relation with the soil of East Bengal. So after the partition, in spite of
the introduction of the immediate migration of the upper class Hindus,
the lower class Hindus tried to live in their mother land. But later on,
after facing communal torture again and again, most of the Scheduled
Caste Hindus migrated to West Bengal and took shelter in the border
districts of this state. A large number of Scheduled Caste refugees
took shelter in the district of Nadia also. Cooper’s Camp situated in
this district was the largest refugee camp in which from 70% to 75%
refugees belonged to Scheduled Caste Hindus.
The Government of India published the ‘Constitution (Scheduled
Caste) Order’ in 1950 and made a list of names of the sub-castes of
the Scheduled Caste community. 1108 sub-castes all over India belonged
to the Scheduled Caste community were recognized in which total
number of 59 sub-castes were in West Bengal. The names of sub-
castes of the Scheduled Caste in West Bengal are - 1. Bagdi, Duley, 2.
Bahelia, 3. Baiti, 4. Bantar, 5. Bauri, 6. Beldar, 7. Bhogta, 8. Bhuimali,
9. Bhuiya, 10. Bind, 11. Chamar, Charmakar, Mochi, uchi, Rabidas,
Ruidas, Rishi, 12. Chaupal, 13. Dabgar, 14. Damai (Nepali), 15. Dhoba,
Dhobi, 16. Doai, 17. Dom, Dhangad, 18. Dosadh, Dusadh, Dhari,
Dharhi, 19. Ghasi, 20. Gonrhi, 21. Halalkhor, 22. Hari, Mehtar, Mehtor,
Bhangi, 23. Jalia Kaibartta, 24. Jhalo Malo, Malo, 25. Kadar, 26. Kami
(Nepali), 27. Kandra, 28. Kanjar, 29. Kaora, 30. Karenga, Koranga, 31.
Kaur, 32. Keot, Keyot, 33. Khaira, 34. Khatik, 35. Koch, 36. Konai, 37.
Konwar, 38. Kotal, 39. Kurariar, 40. Lalbegi, 41. Lohar, 42. Mahar, 43.
Mal, 44. Mallah, 45. Musahar, 46. Namasudra, 47. Nat, 48. Nuniya, 49.
Paliya, 50. Pan, Sawasi, 51. Pasi, 52. Patni, 53. Pod, Poundra, 54.
Rajbanshi, 55. Rajwar, 56. Sarki (Nepali), 57. Sunri (excluding Saha),
58. Tiyar, 59. Turi.
In 1956, the Government of Pakistan declared 32 community of this
country as ‘Scheduled Caste’. Most of them belonged to the Hindu
community. In East Bengal, major part of this Hindus declared as
Scheduled Caste were Namasudras. They were the highest in number
there. Besides Namasudra, there were some Bagdi, Duley, Chamar,
Muchi , Jhalo, Malo, Poundra, Jalia Kaibartta, Dhoba, Bhuaimali, Bhuiya
etc. The main sub-castes of the Namasudras in the district of Nadia
were shown in the census report of 1961.
Table 6: The comparative statistic of the main Scheduled Caste
population in Nadia district (according to the census report,
1961) :
Name of Scheduled Total Rural Urban

Caste community Scheduled Total Rate of Total Rate of
Caste Scheduled percentage Scheduled percentage
population Caste Caste
population population
Namasudra 1,67,912 1,59,952 49.23 7,960 31.54
Bagdi or Duley 40,443 38,581 11.87 1,862 7.38
Chamar, Muchi,
Ruidas, Rishi 30,112 27,900 8.59 2,212 8.76
Jhalo Malo of Malo 28,474 27,079 8.33 1,395 5.53
Rajbansi 12,739 11,788 3.63 951 3.77
Pod or Poundra 7,922 7,794 2.40 128 0.58
Rajwar 6,429 6,421 1.98 8 0.03
Jalia Kaibartta 5,982 5,008 1.54 974 3.86
Dhoba or Dhobi 5,683 4,006 1.23 1,677 6.64
Hari 3,125 2,539 0.78 586 2.32
Bhuaimali 2,794 2,598 0.80 196 0.78
Patni 2,172 2,154 0.66 18 0.07
Source : Census of India, 1961, Nadia District.
It is understood from the above chart that almost half of the Scheduled
Caste population in the rural area of the district of Nadia was
Namasudra. They are almost one-third of total Scheduled Caste
population even in the urban area of this district. The Bagdis, Duleys,
Chamars, Jhalos are one-fourth in the rural areas and one-fifth in the
urban areas. Other Scheduled Caste population is comparatively less in
number in this district.
In Nadia district, the Scheduled Caste population began to increase
when the refugees began to migrate from East Bengal to this district
after the partition. From then on the growth rate of the Scheduled
Caste population began to increase in every decades. In every decade
from 1941 to 2001, the Scheduled Caste population have increased in
Nadia.
Table 7: The growth rate of the Scheduled Caste population in
Nadia from 1941 to 2001 :
Decades Total Total Increase of The Decadal
population Scheduled Scheduled percentage growth rate
Caste Caste of Scheduled of Scheduled
population population Caste Caste
in every population population
decade in
proportion
to total
population
1941 (in undevided Nadia) 17,59,846 1,43,682 - 8.16 -
1941 (in Nadia which part
has been included in India
later on) 8,40,303 71,087 - 8.46 -
1951 11,44,924 1,91,402 1,20,315 16.72 169.00%
1961 17,13,324 3,50,162 1,58,760 20.44 82.95%
1971 22,30,270 4,75,489 1,25,327 21.32 35.79%
1981 29,64,253 7,76,924 3,01,435 26.21 63.39%
1991 38,52,097 11,17,506 3,40,582 29.01 43.84%
2001 46,03,756 13,65,985 2,48,479 29.67 22.24%
Source : District Census Handbook, Census of India, Various

Years
In the above table, we notice that the growth rate of Scheduled Caste
population in the district of Nadia was comparatively higher in the
census year 1951, 1961 and 1981.The growth was highest in 1951. The
cause of this growth was a huge migration kook place after the partition
in 1947. This flow continued till 1960. In the decade of 1960’s the rate
of migration was comparatively less. But at the time of Bangladesh
Freedom Movement and the atrocities of the Pak Army in East Bengal,
the rate of migration increased very high. So the growth rate of
Scheduled Caste population was again high in the census year 1981.
After that, the rate of migration as well as growth rate of Scheduled
Caste population decreases. Due to this high rate of growth of the
Scheduled Caste population in Nadia, this district stood 5th in the
density of Scheduled Caste population in the census year 2001. There
are only four districts before the position of Nadia district. These
districts are Cooch Behar (50.11%), Jalpaiguri (36.84%), South 24
Parganas (32.07%) and Bankura (31.05%).
Thus, after partition, the Scheduled Caste population increased in Nadia
district regularly. My observation is that this Scheduled Caste population
increased in this district due to the migration of East Bengali Scheduled
Caste population. This district was suitable for their occupation. The
weather, atmosphere and inhabitants of this district also was suitable
for them.
Reference
1
Interview of Ashoke Biswas, a Scheduled Caste refugee migrated to Nadia. Interview was
taken on 7th January, 2014.
2
Nadia: Swadhinotar Rajatjayanti Smarakgrantha : Nadia Zela Nagarik Parisad,
Krishnagar (Published on 26th January, 1973), Page- 7.
3
It was referred in this Act that the Scheduled Caste society belonged to “such
castes, races or tribes or parts of groups within castes, races or tribes, which appear to His
Majesty in Council to correspond to the classes of persons formerly known as the ‘Depressed
Classes’, as His Majesty in Council may prefer.”
4
Ministry or Law Notification No. S.R.O. 385, dated the 10th August, 1950,
Gazette of India, Extraordinary, 1950, Part II, Section 3, page 163. Also
available at http://lawmin.nic.in/ld/subord/rule3a.htm.
5
The Gazetteer of Pakistan, Extra Ordinary, November 1956.
Swami Pranabananda and Bharat Sevasram Sangha in
Social Reformation Movement
Bablu Mallick
M.Phil. Research Scholar
University of Calcutta
Abstract
The contributions of Swami Pranabananda, in the social reform movement of Bengal in the
nineteenth and twentieth century could not be denied. He tried to remove the superstitions of
the then Hindu society and to spread education among the women of the Hindu society. He
showed much skill in organizing Hindu Milan Mandir, Hindu protection force towards
creating a classless Hindu society. It would not be an overstatement if we describe him as a
real social reformer like other social reformers of the nineteenth century.
Key Words
Swami Pranabananda, Hindu Revivalism, Bengal, Milan Mandir.
Swami Pranabananda (1896-1941) was primarily a religious thinker but

he did not confine his thoughts within religion only. He considered
social reformation as mandatory to make the foundation of the religion
strong. Actually, he did not think religion as separate from the society.
He endeavoured to build a religion based society without any
discrimination where the Hindus would be able to lead a life with peace
and security. So, there was a historical background on his evolution as
a social reformer. He was born on 29th January, 1896 (16th Magh, 1302
Bangabda) at Bajitpur village of Madaripur sub-division within Faridpur
district of the erstwhile East Bengal. His father’s name was
Bishnucharan Das and mother was Sarada Devi. Bajitpur village was
inaccessible as it was surrounded by rivers and ditches. The most
inhabitants of that village were Muslim. And the major portion among
the Hindu residents of that village was scheduled caste. It could be
observed from the community demographics of Faridpur, prepared in
1921 that the Hindu community comprised 36% of the total population
and among the Hindus, 51% was from the Namasudra community. It
should be bear in mind that the physiographic and population
demographics of Bajitpur, kept a lasting impression in the adolescent
mind of Pranabananda. He could keep close liaison with the people in
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
general. Pranabananda was firm in his character and much sensitive to
the cause of the people. Despite his total involvement in the practice
of the difficult yogic system, he did not forget to make close bonds
with the people.1
Swami Pranabananda was such a Sannyasi that though he severed
relations with his personal family life but he was very much associated
with the social life through his various social reform programmes meant
for developing of the humanity at large. It is important to throw some
light on the meaning of the word ‘Seva’ which he defined in the primary
stage of his discussion on his social reform programme. He said that
the general perception about ‘Seva’ in the mind of the common people
was that it was assisting people who were put into distress during famine,
flood, epidemic and natural calamities, with food, clothes, money and
medicines etc. That picture of ‘Seva’ or service had been portrayed
into the minds of the people by various programmes of ‘Ramakrishna
Mission’ like ‘Naranarayan Seva’ and ‘Daridranarayan Seva’ etc.
But according to Pranabanandaji: ‘Human being is not only the physical
body but it also includes his mind, intelligence and the soul within.’ So,
the Seva or the service which were given to a man in the form of food,
clothes, medicines etc is a part of service. The complete service to a
man is possible only when along with the physical service with food,
cloth, medicines etc, the demands of his mind, intellect and soul are
fulfilled simultaneously. Acharya, Swami Pranabananda founded ‘Bharat
Sevashram Sangha’ to fulfill the complete need of a human being by
providing them with complete service. Therefore, Swami Pranabananda
was able to make the ideal of service (Seva) as universal and the service
to the people was given a shape of social service.2 He said to his
volunteers with an intention to encourage them in service work “A
man tries with the last drop of his strength, to get out of hardships.
Similarly, you will have to feel the distress of a person as your own and
put your entire efforts in removing that. That way, you will be able to
serve the nation and the society.”3
If we want to discuss the social reforms of Swami Pranabananda, the
first example which would come to our mind, would be the effect of
that cyclone which devastated the entire East Bengal in the month of
Aswin in 1919. Thousands of people died in that cyclone. Millions of
people became homeless. Thousands of houses and plantations were
demolished and created a ghastly situation. At that time, Swami
Pranabananda with his followers got engaged into the services of the
distressed people and with the help of Surendra Nath Biwas, a local
leader, formed “East Bengal Cyclone Relief Committee’.
Secondly, after few years of consecutive draught like situations in
Khulna, there was a severe famine in Khulna district in the year 1921
and the people of the ‘Sundarban’ areas were put into great distress.
Therefore, he mobilized hundreds of youths from different districts
and put them into the service of those people, affected in the draught.
Swami Pranabananda became famous in the entire East Bengal for his
unimaginable vigor, organizing ability and for his inhuman industrious
ability.4 Acharya Prafulla Chandra Roy was greatly impressed with the
efforts of Swami Pranabananda. Pranabananda never allowed any
person to remain hungry even in the severe stage of famine. Not a
single person died out of hunger or without treatment when Swami
Pranabananda was there.5
The activities of Sangha spread in all directions rapidly. Prnabananda
joined in the relief operations with his followers during the flood in
North Bengal in 1923 A.D. There was devastating flood and
subsequently famine in Orissa in the year 1926. Swami Pranabananda
visited Orissa himself and arranged for relief work for a long term.
Gopabandhu Das, the then popular leader of Orissa, stretched his
hand in assistance to Sangha to help them in the relief and constructive
work. Under the auspices of Sangha, relief work was done every year
in Orissa. The service work of Sangha encouraged the local people
and many voluntary organizations such as ‘Puri Seva Samity’ and other
service organizations were founded. In the month of April that year,
there was epidemic of cholera in the district of Jessore and Swami
Pranabananda arranged for massive relief work. In July, terrible
communal clash spread throughout entire Pabna district. The clash
spread in the far away villages from the town and arson, plunder and
molestation of women took place in those villages. Numerous Sannyasi
and volunteers of Sangha engaged in the service of the tortured people
in those villages and tried to bring peace by religious congregation etc.
They distributed food, clothes, medicines and financial help to those
affected people in the communal riots till the month of December.
Swami Pranabananda and his organization devoted into the service of
the distressed and shelter less people affected in natural calamities such
as floods, draught and cyclone etc and in famine, epidemics, communal
clashes etc in the states of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa.
At the same time, Swami Pranabananda arranged for services to the
millions of devotees assembled on the occasions of ‘Pitripakkha’,
‘Annakut’, ‘Hariharchhatra’, ‘Rathayatra’ and in other religious
congregation and promulgated the Hindu religious faiths among the
people.6 He along with his devotees thronged, for services of the
distressed people, into the sites at any corner of the country where
natural calamities like, flood, famine, spread of epidemics, arson or
earthquake did happen. He with his Sangha organized umpteen number
of relief camps not only for giving temporary relief to the distressed
but his prime aim was to reform the then society and reconciliation or
harmonization of relations of the people of the country.7
Pranabananda considered that one can reach to God through service
to the humanity as in his opinion; the manifestation of God had been
made among the human race. So, serving the people is, as good as, to
serving god. It was his object to awaken and fortify the old ‘Sanatan’
religion with that new concept. Swami Pranabananda was the founder
and a mighty preacher of that new religion. Swami Pranabananda gave
‘service to the poor’ the highest priority among its mode of operations.
His service work was not only confined among the Hindus. ‘Bharat
Sevashram Sangha’, rushed to every spot of natural or manmade disaster
and served every distressed irrespective of their religious affiliation.
Swami Pranabananda offered help to every distressed people, be they
of Hindu, Muslim, Christian and of other non-Hindu origin and there
was not a bit of communalism in his efforts.8
Spreading of education was also a big agenda in the initiatives of Swami
Pranabananda along with his relief work. He also considered education
as the backbone of any nation and in his thought of reforms in
education sector; he gave much emphasis on that education which help
in shaping the life of an ideal man. In his own language, he described
education as: “Education is the nervous association of certain ideals.”9
Even, Mahatma Gandhi also talked of extracting out the best in a man
through education and said, “By Education, I mean all round drawing
out of the best in the mind, body and soul of child and man”.10
Therefore, the best manifestation from the mind, body and soul of a
student could be made through proper education. From the words of
those great people, it is quite evident that a person could be fully
blossomed through education. It’s a matter of regret that when Swami
Pranabananda did arrive at the end of the nineteenth century, he could
feel the deviation of the Indian education system from the main
objective of education. And for that reason, he said: that “Firstly we
have to develop the character of our people to fulfill our objective of
building the nation. If we cannot build the patriotic people with strong
character, how could we develop the society and the nation? The
present-day boys and girls and the students will be the makers of the
nation. Our future and hopes lies in the proper development of our
students and youths. And for that reason, it is my first and foremost
duty to build the characters of our students and youths because they
will be the pillars of our dependence for the future of the country.
They are much dearer to me than my own life.”11
In fact, Pranabananda observed the fact that the Indian education
system was driven in the direction of making the people just literate.
He was very sad to know that the state and the society were being
developed with the western ideologies. The pioneer of education, in
India, Rabindranath was compelled to say; “The coachman with the
medal of his license hanging around his neck, are wiping out the tears
in his eyes at the door of the ware house.”12 Swami Pranabananda felt
like wise Rabindranath, looking at the miserable condition of the
education system and realised that if we could not build up the education
system and the Indian culture, we would not be able to awaken our
youth brigade in our society. And for that reason, he allowed Sangha to
open number of schools in conformity with the ideals of ancient
Gurukul system. He established ‘Bramhacharya’ Vidyalaya at Madaripur
in the year 1923 and in the same year, he founded Rajshahi Students’
Home with the benevolence of Hemendra Kumar Roy. In the year
1926, he established ‘Sangha Sevak Sammiloni’ for imparting suitable
education to the youth for building up their moral character.13 In those
educational institutions, he introduced new education system because
he felt that due to ill effect of the western system of education, the
students lost their confidence and respect for the teachers and for that
reason he called upon the youths of the country to get educated in
spirituality and dedicate themselves for the good of the country. And
that apart, for spreading of public education, he established ideal
Students’ Hostel in every’ ‘Ashram’ of the Sangha. Presently, thousands
of students, read in various schools and hostels, founded by him.
Swami Pranabananda was also in favour of female education. He said
that the mothers of our country along with getting educated in modern
education, should also follow the ideals of our great women like Sita,
Sabitri, Sati and others and that would help our country to grow in the
positive direction because parents with ideals only can give birth to
ideal children.14 He said that half of the society was women, so it would
not be prudent to think of social reforms and preaching without them.
Swami Pranabananda with his farsightedness called upon the Hindu
women to take the leadership in making the society orderly and
disciplined. He called upon the women of the society to take the lead
in building the ideal Hindu society and for that reason he gave maximum
importance to domesticity among the four disciplines of living
mentioned by the sage people of ancient India. And because of that
one mother would be able to educate her child suitably and can bring
up her child as an ideal citizen of the future society. If the mothers of
every family could be able bring up her child that way, the society would
get good citizen and they would get themselves organized and would
work for the good of the entire nation. Therefore, Swami Pranabananda
wanted to build the nation according to the framework of the ancient
Indian ideals and for that the women was needed to take the lead because
the education of the future citizen of that ideal society would begin
from home, where the women hold the key role.
But he was against the remarriage of the widows as a part of social
reforms. Swami Vivekananda too did not support the move for
remarriage of the widows. He said that the development of the nation
did not depend on the issues of widow marriages. Incidentally, Swami
Pranabananda said; “Introduction of widow marriage is a blow to the
system of Hindu caste system.” He said that if widow marriage became
widespread in the society, the marriages of the grown up girls would
pose as a problem to the society.15 Therefore, the widow marriage
movement initiated by Vidyasagar, according to him, was an immediate
attempt to solve an instant problem of the society. According to him,
if the widows did follow the ideals of Hindu religion like renunciation,
self-restraint, truthfulness and celibacy that would be salutary for them.
Practically, Swami Pranabananda could give the individuality of his sense
of real understanding by not supporting the widow marriage in the
Hindu society. Because the ill effect of widow marriage could even be
seen in the present society too, the widows still do not get their due
respect and right in our society. The widows are still ostracized in our
society.
Swami Pranabananda did not want to create communalism in our
society. He wanted to restrain the communal forces of the society.
Swami Pranabananda and his organization, ‘Bharat Sevashram Sangha’
was non-communal in their approach because as and when the Muslims
of North and East Bengal became victims of flood, draught cyclone
and earthquake, the Hindus first reached to them with adequate reliefs
not the Muslims which had been chronicled in the issue of Dainik
Basumati of 1st Kartick of 1334 Bangabdo. Huge communal riot
occurred in Bengal in 1926 and food and medicines were distributed
among 7076 affected persons. Among the 3546 new entrants in the list
of the affected persons, 1629 persons were Hindus and the Muslims
were 1917 who got relief materials from the Sangha. Some leaders and
reporters from the Muslim community did concede the effortlessness
of the Muslims in the relief work.16 The relief society of Swami
Pranabananda like Ramakrishna Mission and other Hindu relief
societies did not discriminate in distributing the relief materials to the
affected people, irrespective of their religious affiliations. Social work
was the very foundation of Sangha. It was an epitome of humanity
and communal harmony. He did not utter anything against other
religious beliefs rather he wanted to introduce the brotherliness,
organized structure, loyality and other virtues of other religions among
the Hindus. It was also his desire to establish unity, love, and tolerance
among all sects. His final aim was to establish unity and reconciliation
among all religious beliefs.
On his instruction, the Hindu leaders and other distinguished persons
of the Hindu society set up ‘Hindu Milan Mandir Committee’ to
implement the working procedures of ‘Hindu Milan Mandir
Committee’.17 He did not support untouchability, caste distinction, and
dowry system of the Hindu society. Naturally, when there was any
reference on the untouchability issue in the Hindu society, he said
without any hesitation, “A Hindu can never be untouchable to another
Hindu. We have to sweep out those abuses like untouchability etc from
the Hindu society. It would be our endeavour to spread the learning
through ‘Hindu Milan Mandir’ that a Hindu cannot be untouchable to
another Hindu. We have to remove the prejudices of caste distinction
from the Hindu society through the teachings of brotherhood and
unity, preached by Hindu Milan Mandir. The imaginary caste distinction
has divided the Hindu society into pieces and is the root cause of the
weakness of the Hindu society.”18 He emphasized on organizing the
weekly prayer, ‘Harinam Sankirtan’, community celebration of Durga
puja, setting up of schools for the common people, library, gymnasium
etc to remove the abuses of caste distinction from the Hindu society.
His main object was to reform a stalemate society and establish it on a
firm foundation.19 If we consider him from that angle, we can certainly
call him as an ultra reformer of modern age.20
We could also observe the awareness of Swami Pranabananda on the
purification process as an important step for the reformation of the
Hindu society. The Hindus were compelled to renounce their religion
due to various reasons like political, social and financial matters etc but
in the later period, they could not come back to the fold of Hinduism.
Similarly, the believers of any other religion could not embrace
Hinduism as the Hindu society did not accept that person. In the mid
nineteenth century, Swami Dayananda introduced the purification
movement and arranged to take back the converted Hindus in the fold
of Hinduism again and also introduced the system of conversion of
non-Hindus as Hindu. Pranabananda opined in favour of the
purification process and said about its usefulness for the Hindu society.
The Arya sages accepted many non-Aryans as Hindu after their
purification and because of that Hindu society became so large.21 He
had his specific programme for the unification process. He said that
one or two purification programmes organized here and there would
not be able to do much progress. He wanted to include purification
process as a part of the ‘Hindu Milan Mandir’ organization movement.
He said; “There would be no purification only on the strength of mouth
publicity. I want a massive movement through which thousands of
converted Hindus would come back into the fold of Hinduism and
would accept Arya religion and Arya way of life. And to achieve that
goal, I have chalked out the action methods of ‘Hindu Milan Mandir’.”22
Swami Pranabananda stated to open the doors of the society which
was hitherto closed, remove the blind faiths and conservativeness from
the society, make congenial and acceptable atmosphere in our society,
then the purification process would succeed.23 Before we start
purification process, we have to make the favourable atmosphere for it
otherwise; it would not be possible to accommodate the people who
returned back into the fold of Hinduism again.” So, Pranabananda
advised to open the close doors of the Hindu society as a first step to
make the purification process successful.24
It was the primary goal of his life to spread education among the
backward classes of the society and to increase their self-assertiveness.
He said: “Improved education, intelligence, scholarship, experience and
financial power, mingled with the patience, bravery, spirit, manual power
and tolerance of the underdeveloped sects would make the Hindu
society as an invincible force.” 25 His determination took him to the
lower caste Hindu inhabited villages. He travelled throughout the villages
in the Sundarban area and in many villages of Faridpur and Barisal
districts. He awakened those lower caste Hindus who considered
themselves as helpless and outcaste. He arranged a conclave under the
banner of “Bangiyo Hindu Mahasammilon” at Bajitpur in the year
1935 in taking forward that mission.26 He introduced different cottage
industries like setting up of handloom, spinning wheels, cane work,
bamboo work etc to generate income for the underdeveloped and for
their development. He also established free dispensary, library,
gymnasium and students’ hostel for their overall development. Even
he established village organizations to give them a direction for the
development of their villages.27 He could mobilize funds with his hard
labour and deployed those funds for the educational purpose of the
underdeveloped people of the society. And as a fall out of that effort,
he established primary schools, night schools, students’ hostel etc in
the branches of Sangha. His developmental work for the
underdeveloped sections of the society was not limited within the ambit
of setting up of schools and students’ hostels etc; rather he tried every
means for the overall development for them. And from that angle, his
service for the development of the outcaste and underdeveloped
sections of the Hindu society was unparallel.28 He actually made a history
in the area of service to the society. He along with his large volunteer
force worked hard during the famine of Khulna and saved many lives
which itself was a glaring example of his idealism. There was devastating
flood in north Bengal and Pranabananda appeared there with his
followers to serve the distressed flood affected people.29 We could see
Swami Pranabananda along with his disciples in illuminated image who
were devoted to the service of the people. He was very compassionate
to the lower castes of Hindu society like Poundra, Khastriya,
Namasudra, Rishi, Kapali etc.30 He observed that no upper caste leader
from the Hindu society did object to the atrocities of the higher caste
Hindus towards lower castes people and made no effort to include
them in the main stream of the Hindu society. And for that reason, he,
defying all the social and natural impediments, toured extensively in
the villages of Sundarban, Ashashuni, Khulna, Jalidpaar, Dumuria,
Jessore, and in the villages of Bihar, Juktopradesh and in the inaccessible
villages in the Sundarban area to include the neglected lower caste
Hindus into the fold of the mainstream Hindu society.
In conclusion, it can be mentioned that the contributions of Swami
Pranabananda, in the social reform movement of Bengal in the
nineteenth and twentieth century could not be denied. He tried to
remove the superstitions of the then Hindu society and to spread
education among the women of the Hindu society. He showed much
skill in organizing Hindu Milan Mandir, Hindu protection force towards
creating a classless Hindu society. It would not be an overstatement if
we describe him as a real social reformer like other social reformers of
the nineteenth century.
Reference:
1. Chattopadhyay Pranab Kumar- 1419. ‘Sanatan dhormer Punorujibon or
jati nirman: Yougacharya Swami Pranabanandsa’, Pranab Patrika, Swami
Arunananda, Bharat Sevashram Sangha, Falgun Sankha, pp. 733-34
2. Swami Bedananda, 1406, Sri Sri Yougacharya Jiban Charit, Bharat Sevashram
Sngha, Kolikata, , pp. 102-103
3. Swami Arunanada-1417, “Shikshabistar, Tirthasanskar Andolan o
Janaseva’, Pranab Patrika, Sompadikyo, Bharat Sevashram Sangha, Kolikata,
p. 26
4. Ghosh Ranajit, Yugacharya Swami Pranabananda, Bharat Seveshram Sangha,
Kolikata, 1418, p. 26
5. Swami Yuktananda, Yugacharya Swami Pranabanandjir Jibonkatha O Tar Sangher
Kormoporichiti, Bharat Sevasharam Sangha, Kolikata, p.12
6. Swami Bedananda, Progukto, pp. 112-116
7. Jugantar Patrika, 29th Falgun, 1368, Swami Atmananda, “Manishider drishtite
Acharya Swami Pranabananda, Bharat Sevashram Sangha, Kolikata.1403,
p. 179
8. Swami Bishnu Shibanandagiri, Jatiya Samasya Samadhane Achary Swami
Pranabananda, Swami Atmananda, Manishider Drishtite Swami Pranabananda,
Bharat Sevashram Sangha, 1403, Kolikata, p. 59
9. Swami Arunananda, Pranab Patrika, Pragukto, p. 834
10. Pal Debashish, Dhar Debashish, Das Madhumita, Banerjee Paramita-
Shikshar Bhitti o Bikash, Rita Book Agency, Kolkata, 2005, p. 18
11. Dutta Bishnupada , ‘Acharya Swami Pranabanandajir Aloke Shiksha’, Pranab
Patrika, Swami Arunananda, Bharat Sevashram Sangha, Kolikat, Phalgun
Sankhya, 1421, p. 832
12. Rabindranath Thakur, Ashontosher Karon
13. Swami Vedananda, Progukto, Page 114-115
14. Dutta Bishnupadaa, Pranab Patrika, Chaitra Sankha, 1421, Progukto
p. 832
15. Swami Nirmalananda, ‘Hindu Samaj Biborton O Swami Pranabananda’,
Bharat Sevashram Sangha, Kolikata, Phalgun Sankhya, 1403, p. 44
16. Dainik Basumati, 1st Kartick, 1334, Bangla Sankhya, Chakraborty Papiya,
Hindu Response to Nationalists Ferment. Ananda Publications, Kolikata, 1992,
p.135
17. Sharma Rama, ‘Grihir Kalyane Swami Pranabananda Swami’, Pranab
Patrika, Swami Arunanananda, Bharat Sevashram Sangha’, Kolikata, Chaitra
Sankhya, 1419, p. 853
18. Gangopadhyay Upendra, Yugamanab Pranabananda Swami’, Swami
Atmananda, Manishider drishtite Acharya Swsami Pranabananda, Bharat
Sevashram Sangha Kolikata 1403, p. 169
19. Chakraborty Dukkhoharon, Swami Pranabananda’, Swami Atmananda,
Manishider Drishtite Acharya Swami Pranabanda, Bharat Sevashram Sangha,
Kolikata, 1403, p. 161
20. Majumder Rameshchandra, Yougapurush Swami Pranabanander Abadan,
Swami Atmananda, Manishider Drishtite Acharya swami Pranabananda, Bharat
Sevashram Sangha, Kolikata 1403, p.161
21. Sharma Rama,- Pragukto, Pranab Patrika, Chaitra Sankhya, 1419, p. 855
22. Anandabazaar Patrika, 12th February, 1982, Ghosh Ranajit, Yougacharya Jiban
Charit, Bharat Sevashram Sangha, Kolikata,1418, p. 51
23. Swami Nirmalananda, Progukto, 1403, p. 71
24. Swami Nirmalanda, Todeb, p. 71
25. Sen Tripurashankar, Karmayogi Swami Pranabananda, Swami Atmananda-
Manishider Drishtite Acharya Swami Praanabananda, Bharat Sevashram Sangha,
Kolkata 1403, p. 95
26. Bandyopadhyay Manabendu, ‘Hindu Jagorone Maharshi Pranabananda’,
Pranab Patrika, Swami Arunanda, Bharat Sevashram Sangha, Kolkata,
Phalgun Sankha, 1420, p.161
27. Sharma Rama, Pranab Patrika, Progukto, Chaitra Sankhya, 1419, p. 856
28. Gupta Yogendranath, Swami Pranabananda Prasango, Swami Atmananda,
Manishider Drishtite Acharya Swami Pranabananda, Bharat Sevashram Sangha,
Kolikata, 1403, p.143
29. Gangopadhyay Narayan, Progukto, p.143
30. Swami Bedananda, Progukto, p.143
Gender Imbalance: Trends, Pattern and
Its Impact on West Bengal
Santanu Bera
Lecturer
Kalyan Saha
2nd Year Student
Haringhata Mahavidyalaya
Email ID: bera.santanu84@gmail.com
Abstract
Sex is an easily identifiable characteristic of an individual. Sex composition of a population
refers to the balance between male and female in any population. It can be expressed either
in the form of proportion of a particular sex in the population or as a ratio between the
population of two sexes. As is obvious, the first one gives the number of males per hundred
females or number of males per thousand females in the population and is the most widely
used measure of sex ratio the world over. On the contrary, the second provides the number of
females per hundred males or number of females per thousand males in the population. The
sex composition by age group especially the 0-6 years is vital for studying the demographic
trends of child population. Though, the overall sex ratio has improved to 947 as compared
to 934 in 2001, the child (0-6 years) sex ratio, i.e. the number of girl children per 1,000
male children has shown an unabated decline since 1971. It has declined from 1010 in
2001 to 950 in 2011. The decreasing child sex ratio will have a cascading effect on population
over a period of time leading to diminishing sex ratio in the state. Sex ratio is an important
determinant for assessing composition of population, quality of life, levels of development
and level of human resources, level of participation in different economic activities of males
or females of a particular region. The preview of the present study is to assess the trends,
spatial pattern of overall and child sex ratio and find out the association of sex ratio and
also there impact in the society of West Bengal (India).
Key words
Sex ratio, West Bengal, gender imbalance
Introduction:
Sex is the basic characteristic or biological attribute, and affects not
only demographic composition but also social, economic and political
structure, birth and death rates, internal and international migration,
marital status, manpower, gross national product, planning regarding
educational and medical services and housing etc. It is an important
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
tool for regional analysis. The increasing deficit of women in India’s
population has been documented ever since the first decennial
enumeration of people was conducted in the British-occupied parts
of India in the late 19th century. Over the span of more than 100 years,
the deficit of women has progressively increased as evident from the
sex ratio of the population (Visaria, 1972; Visaria, 2002).
The disadvantage surroundings Indian woman’s capacity to survive that
leads to this imbalance, are rooted in a complex web of socio-cultural
factors, while gender based differentials in mortality are seen by some
as the main causes of this differentials to an ethos of discrimination
against women, which is manifested in their unequal access to life
supporting resources such as food, nutrition and health care, especially
during childhood. Widespread gender biased practices thus serve to
distort the female male ratio among child populations of various ages,
finally culminating in the male dominant female male ratio of our
population (Marty and Jean Dreze, 1995).
In West Bengal sex ratio is defined as the number of females per
thousand males in a human population. The sex ratio of West Bengal
has continuously increasing after the independence, 865 from
1951census from 947 in 2011(P) census. On the other hand, the child
sex ratio between the age group of 0–6 years has come down to 914 in
the 2011 census from 927 in the 2001 Census. The declining child sex
ratio trend is being recorded since 1991. This declining trend can now
be observed in regions where, historically, the ratios had been sound.
Developed states have recorded even steeper falls. Literacy and
economic development have resulted in sharper change. In India, the
Child Sex Ratio (CSR) is defined as the number of females per thousand
males in the age group 0–6 years in a human population.
Trends of Overall Sex Ratio and Child Sex Ratio of India and
West Bengal:
Child sex ratios are recognized to be a better indicator of women’s
position, because it is very unlikely that they would be vitiated by sex-
selective migration trends. In a population unaffected bias against girl
children (as evident for example in female infanticide and feticide), the
CSR would favour girls since girls are endowed by nature. This indeed
was true of west Bengal till 1971. It is a cause for grave concern that in
West Bengal the sex ratio for children aged up to six years has declined
from 1010 to 950 in 2011: “the imbalance that has set in at this early
age group is difficult to be removed and remain to haunt the population
for long time to come”(Choudhuri, Sukanta, 1990). Ashis Bose would
like to coin the acronym DIMARU, “where D stand for daughters and
Maru stand for killing” and on the basis of statistical cut of level of
fifty points decline in CSR between 2001 to 2011, this marker would
apply to Punjab, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and
Gujarat (COI). The child sex ratio is a sensitive indicator that displays
the status of girl children. Trends in child sex ratio will reveal the
intensity of changes in it, over a period of time. Table- 1 shows the
trends of child sex ratio in India.
The child sex ratio has been declining faster than overall sex ratio. The
decline in the child sex ratio in 2001 Census is a major cause of worry
among the planners, demographers and researchers. Lower sex ratio
among children is indicative of more females than males among child
population which may lead to demographic imbalance over time if the
trend continues in future
Spatial Pattern of Sex Ratio:
West Bengal as a whole has 947 number of females per thousand of
males population in 2011. But the district level sex ratio varies from
district to district ranging from 899 to 971. All 19 districts are categorized
into three groups as follows:
a. High Sex Ratio: The districts which have the sex ratio above 947
are included into high category. High sex ratio was recorded in the
districts of Birbhum, Bankura, West Mednipur, Hugly, North 24
Parganas, South 24 Parganas, Murshidabad, Dakshin Dinajpur,
Jalpaiguri, Darjeeling and Purulia.
b. Moderate Sex Ratio: The districts which have sex ratio ranges from
900 to 947 are included in the moderate category. Moderate sex
ratio was recorded in the districts of Burdwan, East Mednipur,
Howrah, Nadia, Uttar Dinajpur, Malda and Cooch Behar.
c. Low Sex Ratio: The districts which have the sex ratio below 900
are included in this group. Only Kolkata district has the lowest sex
ratio in West Bengal.
Causes of Low Sex Ratio of West Bengal:
A) DECLINING CHILD SEX RATIO OF WEST BENGAL: The
following are the reasons for declining trends of child sex ratio in West
Bengal: Analysis has drawn attention to two possible factors behind
the falling CSRs that is-
1. The sex ratio at birth (SRB: Male live birth per 1000 female live
births) has become biased against females due to the continuing
pressure of son preference and neglected of girl child.
2. The female age specific death rates (ASDR) for the age group 0-4
years and 5-9 years have been found to be higher than
corresponding male rates.
3. Indeed, in a rapidly growing country, a concerning recent trend is
age sex selective abortion, resulting in an increasing skewed sex
ratio at birth (UNFPA, 2009: Vitenam issues). This hints at the
ongoing rampant misuse of technology in this state.
B) This is explained in apart by a sharp decline in maternal mortality
between 1950-2010 but also very high rates of violent deaths (including
homicides, traffic accidents, suicide) which are four times higher for
men than they are for women.(Alves, Cavenaghi and Martine, 2011).
C) Sex selective migration in city especially for Kolkata and Howrah
district. With small family norms, many young couples do not for a
second child happens to be a male. Higher female life expectancy is
likely to initiate a new trend and tilt the scale of low sex ratio.
Spatial Pattern of Literacy Rate:

West Bengal as a whole has 77.08 percent literacy in 2011. But the
district level literacy differs from district to district ranges from 60.13
per cent to 87.66 per cent. All 19 districts of West Bengal are divided
into three categories as following:
a. High Literacy Rate: The districts which have above mean plus one
standard deviation are included in this category. The districts have
the literacy rate above 79.92 per cent are included in high category.
High literacy rate was recorded in the district of East Mednipur,
Howrah, Hooghly, North 24 Parganas and Kolkata due to high
number of educational institutions, availability of educational
facilities, high urbanization, development of transport and
communication and so on.
b. Moderate Literacy Rate: The districts which have literacy rate ranges
from 70.95 to 79.92 per cent are included in this category. Moderate
literacy was recorded in the districts of Burdwan, Bankura, West
Mednipur, South 24 Parganas, Nadia, Dakshin Dinajpur, Jalpaiguri,
Darjeeling and Cooch Behar districts. In these districts, moderate
literacy was found due to lack of educational infrastructure.
c. Low Literacy Rate: The districts which have literacy rate below
70.95 per cent are included in low category. Low literacy rate was
found in the districts of Birbhum, Murshidabad, Malda, Uttar
Dinajpur and Purulia. In these districts low literacy was recorded
due to lack of educational institution, poverty and low student
teacher ratio.
Discussion:
There are wide disparities in the literacy and sex ratio of West Bengal
in 2011. The highest literacy was found in East Mednipur district and
lowest in Uttar Dinajpur District. The highest sex ratio was found in
Darjeeling district whereas lowest in Kolkata district of West Bengal.
But the correlation between literacy and sex ratio found in low degree
and negative angle i.e. r= -0.27 at 0.38 significance level (single tailed).
It means high literacy rate, low sex ratio. It was observed higher the
literacy rate lower the sex ratio i.e. Kolkata district and lower the literacy
higher the sex ratio i.e. Dakshin Dinajpur district of West Bengal.
Co-Relation betwen Females IMR and Child Sex Ratio:

The infant mortality rates denotes that as a ratio of infant deaths(deaths
of children under one year of age) registered in a calendar year to the
total number of live births registered in the same year, where female
IMR is one of the determinants of child sex ratio. Generally high female
IMR indicates that lower child sex ratio, because high female IMR mean
that the loss of number of female child population that also help in
reduce the child sex ratio. That’s why the present study tries to
understand the relation between child sex ratio and female IMR of
west Bengal.
The Spearman’s Rank Difference method is used for the calculation
of the correlation of urbanization and sex ratio of West Bengal. It is
observed that there is rather moderate and negative correlation i.e. r=-
0.58 at 0.01 significance level (single tailed) between the urbanization
and sex ratio of West Bengal.
Policy Recommendations:
Son preference is the main culprit is known to be found in certain type
of cultures, that is part lineal cultures. To sort out this son preference
is most needed for to improve sex ratio and social stability against the
women violence. This is solveed out by the-
1. The modern state has powerful tools for in corporating and
managing it citizenry, rendering part lineages a threat rather than
asset for the state. The modern state has brought in political, social
and legal reforms aimed to challenge traditional social hierarchies,
including the age and gender hierarchies of the kinship system.
2. Impact of media: it suggest that states can accelerate the resultant
decline in son preference, through media efforts to help parents
perceive that daughters can now be valuable as sons and also use
folk drama for this purpose. Behaviour change communication
programs –disseminated via mass media, community level events,
interpersonal communication/counseling, and electronic media
increases awareness and to motivate individual to action ( Bongaarts,
Cleland, Townsend, Bertrand, and Monica Das Gupta, 2012 ).
3. Need incentive in education and health organization for women
participation. Government needs special attention on women
educational scholarship and health subsidy for women health that
change the behaviour of the society about women.
4. Allowing full participation of women in personal and family
decisions — especially those relating to childbearing.
Conclusion
Kolkata and Howrah, industrial developed belt has low sex ratio due to
sex selective male migration from neighbor districts due to search
employment and other facilities.
Malda (939) and Uttar Dinajpur (936) are the frontiers districts between
north south region where low moderate sex ratio is due to very high
female IMR 85 and 61 respectively. The child sex ratio in West Bengal
has fallen 950 in 2011 from 1010 in 1971. The main culprits of declining
child sex ratio are female foeticide, son preference and gender inequality
which to suppress male dominant social structure. West Bengal has
49.3 abortions per 100 live births (Chharbra and Nunna, IIPS, from
NFHS). The missing girl in child is alarming danger symbol of gender
inequality in child population and feature total population. The deficit
in girl child population leads to serious demographic imbalance and
difficult social consequences.
REFERENCES :
1. Alves, J.E.D., S.Cavenaghi And George Martine (2011), Reducing Reversing
Gender Inequality in Latin America, Presented At: Population Association
Of America, Washington Dc, 31March-2 April 2011.
2. Amartya Sen (2003), “Missing Women-Revisited”, The British Medical Journal
328:1297-1298. Sex Differential in Childhood Mortality, United Nation
Department of Socio and Economic Affairs (Population Division), 2011.
3. Ashis Bose, “Census Of India and After”, Economic and Political Weekly,
19th may, 2001
4. Chen, Marty and Jan Dreze, “Recent Research on Widows in India”
Economic and Political Weekly, 30 September 1995.
5. Choudhuri, Sukanta, (Ed.), Calcutta: The Living City, Vol. II,1990
6. COI, Social and Cultural Tables, Relevant Years.
7. Premi, Mahendra K., “The Missing Girl Child”, Economic and Political Weekly,
26 May 2001.
8. Agarwal S.N. (1973), India’s Population Problem, Tata McGraw Hill Publishing,
New Delhi.
9. Banerjee, M. (1977), “The Pattern of Sex Ratio in Singhbhum District,
Bihar”, Geographical Review of India, Vol.39, pp. 30-38.
10. Sankaraiah, T. And Chandrasekarayya T. (2013), “Declining Child Sex
Ratio in Andhra Pradesh-A Study”, International Journal of Scientific Research,
2(3), pp.377-379.
11. Ghatak, Maitrea (2004), Health and Nutrition. The Changing Status of Women
in West Bengal, 1970-2000. Edited By Jasodhara Bagchi, Sage Publication,
New Delhi.
12. Chinkath, S.R. and Athreya, V.B. (1997), “Female infanticide in Tamil Nadu:
some evidence”, Economic and Political Weekly, 26, pp. 21-28.
Kirtana: A Part of Gaudiya Tradition in the
First Half of the Twentieth Century
Surapriya Chakraborty
Ph.d. Research Scholar
Department of History, Jadavpur University
Email ID: saptaparna.chakrovorti@gmail.com
Abstract
The congregational divine chanting in the name of Lord Krishna is a part of Bengal’s
cultural legacy since Lord Chaitanya’s time. The songs have a great philosophical and
devotional depth that touch the heart of every human. In the twentieth century, these songs
got a new dimension under the banner of Gaudiya Math and reached every corner of
Bengal and different parts of India and abroad with great pomp and éclat. The songs consist
of the deep philosophical dogma related to Vaishnavism. This paper has tried to illustrate
the journey of Kirtana with the particular emphasis on its flow during the first half of the
twentieth century. It is the time when the exponents of the revival of Gaudiya tradition
were dreaming to spread the religion worldwide. The kirtana became a medium to preach
the philosophical outlook of Gaudiya religion from Bengal. Srila Bhakti Vinode Thakur
and his son Bhakti Siddhanta Saraswati devoted themselves in this great task. After a long
journey, the Kirtana got an international identity under A.C. Bhaktivedanta Prabhupad,
the Acharya of International Society for Krishna Consciousness in the late twentieth century.
The Kirtana has now been identified as the devotional song that has created an invisible
bridge between the western and eastern culture of this world and the effort to make it
accessible to the whole world was started in the first half of the twentieth century.
Key words
Gaudiya tradition, devotional songs, congregation, philosophy, cultural
legacy, humanity, spirituality
I
Kirtana is a genre of music that has popularity not only within the
Bengal province, but it is also a part of worldwide cultural sphere. The
Kirtana songs are the integral part of the Vaishnava tradition in Bengal.
The twentieth century was the most remarkable century when kirtana
got an international exposure from the realm of Bengal. A. C.
Bhaktivedanta Prabhupad gave the Gaudiya tradition of Bengal a
worldwide identity. Kirtana became the medium of propaganda to spread
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
Gaudiya theology in its simpler form and to make a bridge between the
culture of Bengal and that of the western world in between 1965 and
1977. The dream to make the Hare-krishna movement and the
Samkirtana movement popular among the people of the West was not
seen by Prabhupad only. His preceptor, Srila Bhakti Siddhanta Saraswati
also had played a great role in making traditional Kirtana songs popular
among the people of Bengal in the first half of the twentieth century.
The zeal was actually carried by the most renowned personality among
the elites of the nineteenth century, Bhakti Vinode Thakur who was
also the father of Bhakti Siddhanta Saraswati. He revived back the
Gaudiya Vaishnava tradition and thus enriched the old-time Kirtana songs
of Bengal from the late nineteenth century to the first half of the
twentieth century.
In 1914 after the death of Bhakti Vinode Thakur, Bhakti Siddhanta
Saraswati proceeded with the mission to make traditional Kirtana songs
famous among the devotees of Gaudiya religion as well as the non-
devotees residing in colonial Bengal. Unfortunately Bhakti Siddhanta
Saraswati died in 1937, but his effort was tremendous and he was
successful to give Kirtana and its traditional pattern a mass identity. It is
very interesting to note that, in the first half of the twentieth century
when Bengal was deeply imbued by the nationalistic feelings and the
zeal to get ultimate independence politically, the congregational divine
chanting in the name of God was leading to establish harmony and
fraternity among the Bengali people religiously and culturally. The
spiritual and devotional aspect of Kirtana was nothing to do with the
political independence of India, but there is no denying fact that it led
to the self-realization and nurturing of humanity among the people of
Bengal to a great extent. My paper is a humble approach to focus on
the flow of Kirtana songs with its philosophical glory from the very
beginning of twentieth century till 1930’s.
Before beginning of the discussion it must be pointed out that there
are many works on Vaishnava theology but very few works are there
regarding Kirtana. The two works that have given us the holistic view
regarding the Kirtana are BanglarKirtan o kirtaniya (1971) by Harekrishna
Mukhopadhyay and Bangla Kirtaner Itihas (1983) by Hitesh Ranjan Sanyal.
They are the products of the twentieth century Bengal after a thorough
research work. Both the books are immense source to highlight the
different forms of Kirtana from the medieval time. Harekrishna
Mukhopadhyay has dealt with thorough search or the Kirtana on the
regional basis. He has also highlighted about the life of the performers
of this form of devotional songs. Hitesh Ranjan Sanyal has tried to
focus on the gradual development of the Kirtana songs based on the
socio-cultural and of course religious dimension of the time. Both the
books are good sources to sketch out the history of Kirtana of medieval
time and of the nineteenth century to a great extent. There are very
few mention about the progress of this musical journey along with the
religion in the twentieth century.
II
Lord Chaitanya is the exponent of Gaudiya Vaishnava theology in Nadia.
He is also called the Father of Samkirtan Movement. He first discovered
the transcendental bliss that was obtained by singing and chanting the
name of ‘Hare’ and ‘Krishna’ in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.
He was followed by six Goswamis. Rupa Goswami and Sanatan Goswami
deserve special mention in this regard. The historical existence of Kirtana
is also available in Sri Chaitanya Charitamrita by Krishnadas Kaviraj
and Sri Chaitanya Bhagabat by Vrindaban Das. The books contain
immense information regarding the description of Kirtana songs sung
by a number of folks together and the people gathered from different
strata of the society irrespective of their caste and creed. To be very
specific, Kirtana deeply swayed the heart of every person in Bengal
.The Samkirtan Movement helped in connecting every village of Bengal
with the sense of Bhakti or devotion.
The term Kirtana means narration (Sanyal,1989, p.16).This narration is
obviously related to religious reverence and loyalty. The Kirtana songs
of Medieval Bengal were composed of simple Bengali lyrics and music.
It has a folk essence in its musical form since the songs had originated
in the rural areas of Bengal. The two types of Kirtana based on the
lyrics are Leela Kirtan and Nam samkirtan. The Leela Kirtan is essentially
related to the love-dalliance of Radha and Krishna . The beauty of the
female consort of Krishna, Radha, her feelings and pang of separation
etc are the part and parcel of Leela Kirtan. Gaura Chandrika is added to
Leela Kirtan in the beginning to offer prayer to the lotus feet of Lord
Chaitanya. Namsamkirtan is related to the chanting the names of ‘Hare’
and ‘Krishna’ to meet the ultimate salvation. After the death of Lord
Chaitanya, the Kirtana songs were related to the praising of Lord Chaitanya
as the divine reincarnation of Krishna. Kirtana songs based on the
pattern of music and regional origin has been vividly classified to:
Garerhati, Manoharsahi and Reneti (Mukhopadhyay, 1971, p. 84) . Kirtana
thus varied in its rhythm and music in different rural areas of Bengal.
Kirtana songs of Bengal created a close connectivity between the culture
of Puri and the culture of Bengal. The songs were presented with
great pomp and processions during the Car festival of Puri since the
time Lord Chaitanya.
The Kirtana did not end up in the nineteenth century. Through the last
four centuries the songs continued their flow. With the onward march
of time, the lyrics and the music of the Kirtana influenced other forms
of folk songs in Bengal. In the nineteenth century, a shift was noticed
in the culture of Bengal. A large number of people from rural Bengal
came to Calcutta in search of earning and they brought with them the
Kavigaan, the Yatra songs and the Panchali songs from the rural areas.
These types of songs often included in them the pattern of music and
lyrics of Kirtana (Sen, 1986) . A new form of Kirtana developed after a
gradual transformation. Dhap Kirtan emerged out in urban Calcutta
with its folk essence from Manoharsahi pattern of music
(Mukhopadhyay,1971,p.120). It is worth mentioning here, that these
songs of Kirtana framework did not contain the divinity and ecstatic
value. These songs made the love dalliance of Radha and Krishna more
materialistic and devoid of the aesthetic value. The feelings and the
pang of separation by Radha in Dhap Kirtan had sketched her as a folk-
heroine in the contemporary Bengal society rather than the ardent
devotee of Lord Krishna. These songs also continued their flow in the
twentieth century urban Calcutta and were sung in different parts of
Bengal too.
Now the question arises regarding the orthodox Kirtana songs. What
had happened to the kirtana culture related to the Gaudiya theology?
Did the songs disappear with the flow of the time or they got a new
dimension with the revival Bengal Renaissance and Neo-Hinduism in
Bengal. It is to be mentioned here that there was an urge for the frantic
search of the divine truth and the heritage of Bengal. The zeal to
revive back the enriched tradition of Bengal and culture as well paved
the way to look back and conserve the Vaishnava tradition as well. Thus
Kirtana did not lose its journey, rather it made a steady headway towards
the twentieth century in Bengal.
III
Bhakti Vinode Thakur, one of the western educated Bengali scholar
led the movement for imparting the science of Krishna and Lord
Chaitanya in Calcutta. His errand to preach the Gaudiya tradition in
Bengal was related to the re-establishment of Visva Vaishnava Raja
Sabha in 1885. This was actually the most early Gaudiya association
founded by Jiva Goswami as early as sixteenth century and its first
president was Rupa Goswami (Ray,1965,p.64). The Kirtana remained
as an integral part of the association rather it got a new institution to
flourish. Bhakti Vinode Thakur carried his propaganda and preaching
and never denied the science of congregational chanting or Samkirtan.
All along the last half of the nineteenth century and first half of the
twentieth century, he paved the way for Nagar Samkirtan . He realized
the immense value of Naam (chanting the name of Krishna , the
Godhead). Thus established a number of propaganda centers in Nadia,
Burdwan, Midnapore etc.(Sarasvati, 2006, Vol.1).He used to make a
long procession with the devotees and preached Vaishnava theology.
Gradually Bhakti Siddhanta Saraswati took the legacy from his father
in 1914. He renamed the Visva Vaishnava Raja Sabha as the Gaudiya
Mission in 1920. He also renamed the Bhakti Vinoda Asana as the Gaudiya
Math in the same year (Sardella, 2013, p.98). Many elites vehemently
supported him. He had created a new horizon for the propagation of
kirtana culture. Bhakti Vinode Thakur and his son also composed a
number of Kirtana songs following the Vedanta philosophy and the
theological ideals of Lord Krishna Chaitanya. The songs were extremely
rational but did not deviate them from the eternal divinity and ecstatic
bliss. The transcendental divine play of Lord Chaitanya is a part and
parcel of all those songs. The kirtana songs composed by them may be
interpreted to measure the unending reverence they devoted at the
lotus feet of Lord Krishna and Lord Krishna Chaitanya. In this regard,
the books like Sharanagati (1893) by Bhakti Vinode Thakur and Prakrita-
Rasa-Sata-Dushani (1916) by Bhakti Siddhanta Saraswati deserve special
mention. The songs help for the self-realization and the development
of devotional zeal abolishing all negative thoughts of this mundane
world from the human minds.
The Samkirtan remains incomplete without the name of ‘Hare’ ,
‘Krishna’ and ‘Rama’.
Hare Krishna Hare Krishna
Krishna Krishna Hare Hare
Hare Rama Hare Rama
Rama Rama Hare Hare
This hymn is composed of sixteen words of 32 Sanskrit letters

combined together is called Mahamantram (Moha-Great, Man-Mind,
Tran-Deliverance) (Prabhupad,1994, p.26).The Hari Bole is also included
at the end of Samkirtan. The utterance of Naam thus leads to the
realization of the Supreme power. The Vaishnava devotees believe that
the culture of Samkirtan is Krishna Himself. According to them both
the preparatory stage and the perfection stage of Samkirtan is nothing
but Samkirtan. The difference of two stages are realization and non-
realization (Prabhupad, 1994, p. 33). It is mention worthy that the Naam
Samkirtan is simple and can be practiced anytime and anywhere. Thus
the simplicity and humble approach deeply moved a large mass of
population residing in Bengal and its adjoining areas. The Gaudiya
devotees had firmly manifested a deep philosophical outlook and
principles in the contemporary time. They started to believe that human
has no other religion than Kirtana. They were orthodox and believed
those who did not practice Kirtana were atheistic in nature. The degree
of help one gives in the propagation of Bhakti is the only Dharma of
the human being. In this regard the Gaudiya Math carried the zeal in the
propagation of Kirtana all the time. The devotees had to get inspired
by the Kirtankar(one who performs kirtana) rather than imitating him.
This would bring to him divine enjoyment by dissolving all the self-
interests and the desires.
Geographically a nexus was created between Bengal and Orissa, the
Land of Jagannatha. The Samkirtan created an inter-regional cultural
exchange continued and it is even a part of today’s Bengal even. These
devotional songs were not only practiced on a regular basis, rather they
remained the part and parcel of every festival related to Gaudiya Math.
The Kirtana was included in the inaugural ceremony of every divine
festivals of every Vaishnava associations. Kirtana were presented with
pomp and devotion by the Vaishnava followers. There was no caste
barrier in this regard. The only criteria for the attainment of these
Kirtana songs was that one should have Krishna consciousness. The
festive seasons used to have great spiritual and cultural exchanges
between Mayapur, Nabadwip and Calcutta during this time. The car
festival in Puri also witnessed presentation of Kirtana in those days by
Vaishnava devotees of Bengal. Every year a large number of Vaishnava
followers from Bengal gathered for a long procession for chanting the
Hari name and devoting prayer at the feet of God Jagannatha. It cannot
be denied that during this time Calcutta became the den of cultivation
of Kirtana culture. Kirtana was once presented in Calcutta University
with an arrangement from Gaudiya Math. An incident from the monthly
journal The Harmonist by Srila Bhakti Siddhanta Saraswati may be cited
here. In the year 1927, Gaudiya Math arranged for Samkirtan at the
Durbhanga building of the Calcutta University (Sarasvati, 2006.Vol.1).
The Samkirtan was attended by many with rapt attention. The Samkirtan
by Sreepad Anant Vasudeb Brahmachari Vidya Bhushan in his powerful
voice and perfect voice could be heard from every part of the spacious
building.(Sarasvati, 2006.Vol.1). The different festivals like Jhulan
Purnima, Rasha Purnima etc. included Kirtana as a part of prayers to
Krishna. The foundation ceremony of different associations related to
Gaudiya theology also included Kirtana. The establishment the temple
of Gaudiya Math in Calcutta in the year 1928 also included the Kirtana
performance by a long procession and was celebrated with glory and
great enthusiasm. The newspapers of the contemporary time like Amrita
Bazar Patrika had also focused on the different ceremonies related to
the Gaudiya Math and Gaudiya Mission.
This long-established culture continued even after the death of Srila
Bhakti Siddhanta Saraswati as mentioned earlier. Prabhupad , the ardent
disciple of Bhakti Siddhanta Saraswati had a very positive view regarding
Kirtana. The sowing of the seed of Samkirtan must be performed
immediately into the heart of everyone and all. Prabhupad dreamt of
fostering of the seed of Samkirtan as a big tree when the nectarine
fruit of love of God shall automatically ripe and the gardener will be
able to sell it and make a huge profit there of (Prabhupad, 1994, p. 33).
International Society for Krishna Consciousness believes in
dissemination of knowledge regarding Lord Krishna through the éclat
performance of Kirtana to every village of the world. Thus kirtana
marched with its progress under the banner of Hare-Krishna movement
throughout the world in the late twentieth century.
Conclusion:
Now the inquisitiveness remains regarding how much relevant is this
genre of music in today’s world or in this twenty first century is to be
discussed. It is to be mentioned at first that Gaudiya Math is continuing
its activities with all its grandeur and following the same practice of
the devotional songs.The association is following the path drawn by
Bhakti Siddhanta Saraswati who firmly believed that Kirtana is the only
way to go back to Godhead. The harmony and fraternity that is
intimately related to the Kirtana songs reveals the optimism in it to
fight the greed, lust and the chaotic world situation. The social sphere
on an international level has established the oneness at a spiritual level.
The performance of Kirtana has viewed perfect assimilation of the
aristocratic classical music with the folk ethos. Naturally it has an easy
acceptance by the people of different social strata. In fact from the
twentieth century the people join the propaganda not only from
different castes of the Bengali Hindu society but also people from
different religions join the congregational chanting. This success of
Kirtana related to Gaudiya philosophy could be tested through the
different presentation of ISKCON throughout these fifty years from
its establishment. Even emotionally, the Kirtana helps to develop the
ethics and humanity among the Kirtana practitioners and the followers.
The passion for love and reverence not only between two persons is
created but among all the human being the mystic has spread.
An invisible bridge was created between the rural and urban Bengal in
the nineteenth century. An inter-regional bonding was created in the
first half of the twentieth century. But now inter-continental association
has been formed. Culturally, Kirtana is one of the most popular
categories of music from the twentieth century onward. The linguistic
value of the songs have projected the Bengali language to become
world famous. The credit should be given to the ISKCON devotees
who have translated the songs to English and have made them easy
accessible to the Krishna devotees worldwide from Bengal. The musical
enrichment is cooperated by the musical instruments like khol, kartal
even till now which are used worldwide. These instruments are solely
related to the Kirtana songs and the devotional songs even practiced in
medieval time. To be very specific these songs are mystic and overflow
with devotional value that is appreciated nowadays vehemently.
Economically, the Kirtana has involved a number of practitioners from
Bengal and other places of the world to establish them as good singers
and performers on a commercial level. The principles and philosophy
related to Vedanta, Godhead and the reincarnation of Lord Krishna,
Lord Chaitanya have been inculcated in the lyrics of Kirtana and now is
revealed to the whole world. Bengal had seen a number of political
changes and there were various turmoil from the nationalistic flow to
independence and other national and international disturbances. The
religion along with its cultural progress has deeply influenced the whole
world. Vaishnava theology has negated all the mundane of this
materialistic world. The Vaishnava ethics are always there to guide a
person on his spiritual level. The simplicity in its spread and preaching
led a huge mass of people from different parts of the world to visit
Bengal. Bengal is now a sacred territory for the people all over the
world with its charisma of divinity and allure of culture related to
Vaishnavism.
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kksongs.org/authors/list/bhaktisiddhanta.html [July 16, 2016].
Thakura B.V. (2001). Krsna Kirtana Songs. Available:
kksongs.org/authors/list/bhaktivinoda.html [November 11, 2015].
The Paradoxes and Politics of Rice Cultivation in Rural
Bengal: Recounting the Nature of the Ecological Crisis
in the Twentieth Century Bengal
Srabanti Choudhuri
Assistant Professor in Sociology
Email ID: srabantichoudhuri@gmail.com
Abstract
In the present paper we will see how the growth of paddy in West Bengal, has led to
ecological challenges but of differing kinds. The point that the paper wants to make is that,
popularity and dependence upon rice has always been there in rural Bengal, be it the colonial
times or the contemporary ones, but that could not change the callousness of the men and the
state towards the social ecology which actually nourishes them and sustains their well being.
Men instead of being compassionate about his environment had taken all the necessary
wicked steps to reprimand the very ecological equilibrium which had sheltered them for ages.
India before independence witnessed acute dearth of rice production, and the various ecological
hazards which perpetrated this acute shortage of rice. The condition had changed drastically
post independence era when the shortage of rice has given way to a plenitude of paddy. The
plentiful paddy cultivation could not rein the ecological abuses still hurled at the mother
nature by its greedy denizens. Thus we see the pre-independent period saw an epoch where
ecological hazards, caused dearth of paddy as against the post-independent period where
abundance of paddy triggered ecological challenges. The cause and effect of rice production
had changed places over the ages but the ecological abuses and the growing sense of
marginalization had remained intact.
Key words
social ecology, colonial, famine, green revolution, boro paddy,
technology, marginalization, state.
Introduction
The paper attempts to look into the problem of ecological crisis from
the vantage point of the sociological processes of marginalization and
social injustice, especially with reference to the rural belt of West Bengal.
The paper wants to delve on the fact that ecological crisis in any country
must be located into a geo-social framework deeply anchored to a
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
historical backdrop. Looked into this way, social ecology has its own
geographical contours and a chequered history that helps explain the
resultant crisis and its ramification. It will try weaving a relationship
between the ecology, state and its people. The ecological crisis in Bengal
is nothing new but its deeper aftermath has not been much discussed
about. The paper harks back to the colonial period in Bengal which
staged the great Bengal famine of 1943, supposedly been caused by
ecological disruptions pre-dominant at that time. The Bengal famine
was not taken just as a form of crisis caused by several precipitating
factors as deliberated upon, but as an ecological disorder with strong
socio-historical nuances. Ecological dismay was never new in India and
particularly in Bengal and that it was fore-grounded on such socio-
political forces had been rampant throughout the colonial history.
The paper attempts to show that not just in colonial Bengal but the
trends are driving head-strong even in post-colonial Bengal. The key
factors behind the exorbitant rise of deprivation and exploitation among
the marginalized sections in the rural society have strong ecological
nexus that are meddling with the political forces to create famine like
situations in rural Bengal. Therefore ecological crisis in rural Bengal
has strong political undercurrents that had evoked and reinforced the
process of destitution, pauperization and feminization in rural Bengal.
The paper therefore looks into the ecological conspiracy that not only
invited the diabolical forces of famine in rural Bengal but is still
conspiring to initiate the rampant process of forced migration and its
concomitant fiendish effects upon contemporary Bengal. The paper
wants to show how social ecology is deeply inter-wined with the
processes of marginalization since colonial Bengal and has not much
changed even in the era of welfare state chiselled along the present
LPG model.
Bengal famine as an ecological disorder:

Iftekar Iqbal while recounting the ecological pre-history of colonial
Bengal says, “Of about 1.714 million people who died in eastern Bengal
because of famine or famine-related diseases, most were landless
agricultural laborers and the members of other vulnerable groups,
including fishermen, artisans, and the permanently workless destitute
and beggars. Any discussion of the Bengal famine therefore needs to
take note of the historical conditions out of which these people
emerged” (Iqbal: 2010, 160). Iqbal criticized the famine theorists as
wrongly leading to a kind of understanding that did not take into account
the historical circumstances that were believed to have paved the ground
for forced destitution. The long term perspective of environmental
history was never taken into due consideration while trying to figure
out the real causes behind the great famine of 1943. Iqbal therefore
said, “There is scarcely any truly long-term environmental-historical
perspective. Even those who defended the food availability decline
(FAD) approach, as opposed to Amartya Sen’s entitlement approach,
focusing on the fall in food production as a result of cyclones or flood
can be similarly criticized for not considering the accumulated effect
of longer-term environmental problems, that is to say, those whose
causes lie more than a couple of years prior to the famine” (Iqbal:
2001, 161). Iqbal therefore stressed upon the ecological factors that
clandestinely sowed the seeds of scarcity and misery. He therefore
showed how the geo-political factors must have drilled the ecological
pests into the lives of the rural masses thus necessitating their
concurrent impoverishment and penuriousness.
The pre-conditions of Bengal famine were instigated by the import of
the Burmese rice upon which rural Bengal was strongly dependent.
The rice imported from Burma had become an integral part of the
food basket of Bengal that provided a staple and regular diet for millions
of poor denizen. The fact that Japanese forces assailed Burma, had
become a strong ground for increased unavailability of rice in rural
Bengal upon which it was heavily dependent. This sudden break in
routinized dependence unleashed the forces of mass hunger and
deprivation. Iqbal therefore said, “Dependency on imported rice from
Burma increased over the decades to such an extent that the stoppage
of its import in the wake of the Japanese invasion of Burma was
considered to be one of the major causes of the Bengal famine in
1943”.
Scholars maintaining a short-term intensive focus on the Bengal famine
have not asked why, in the first instance, Bengal had been dependent
on imported rice for several decades before the famine” (Iqbal: 2001,
183). This question can be answered from the perspective of under-
utilized cultivable land despite a steep rise in population of East Bengal.
Remarkable fall in the production of Aman rice between 1907 and
1936 was yet another factor that contributed to the steady decline in
food production amidst a constant clamor for food grains. Iqbal
pondered why new tracts of land were not brought under cultivation
even when there was a soaring supply of agricultural labor. The net
result was that per acre productivity of land remained stagnant though
density per square kilometer has accelerated frantically. The deep crisis
can be assessed when people in Bengal had to quit taking rice, once
considered an indispensable part of their gourmet and were forced to
supplement their diet alternatively. Iqbal said the result was, “in the late
1920s a family was taking meals which consisted entirely of wild herbs
and snails gathered from a nearby marsh, although it possessed about
20 acres of good land” (Iqbal: 2001, 164). Iqbal alleged that such issues
cannot be addressed by mere economic and capitalistic approaches
and must be explained through socio-ecological lenses.
Therefore cultivation of rice and dependence upon this staple diet
remains an important fact through which the socio-political state of
the country can be assessed. It has remained one of the important
agenda for West Bengal since most people were fond of rice. The state
had remained oblivious of the accompanying ecological hazards
involved with rice cultivation and it failed in executing necessary actions
against it. The ecological crisis were chiefly responsible for the dearth
of paddy in Bengal which exacerbated to the point of instigating the
infamous famine of 1943. Much of the scarcity of rice despite plentiful
tracts of cultivable land can be attributed to the ecological drawbacks
which turned the lands futile and limp. The major factors behind this
was the flooding of rivers with water-hyacinth or aquatic weeds as it is
commonly called, blockage of water-logged areas and drying up of
water reservoirs. Iqbal therefore said, “Among the common problems
in these districts were the water hyacinth, inadequate drainage of
waterlogged areas and the drying up or silting up of rivers and other
water bodies. In the Jessore district all subdivisions were ‘badly affected’
by the water hyacinth, whereas in Pabna standing crops were destroyed
by the weed. In Comilla, the water hyacinth rendered large areas,
particularly the beel areas, ‘unfit for cultivation’. Local people believed
that if barricades to stop the water hyacinth had been erected,
‘thousands of acres of fertile paddy lands’ could have been saved from
damage and destruction. Faridpur and Barisal had similar problems as
far as the water hyacinth was concerned. (Iqbal: 2001, 164).
Therefore these factors stunted the growth of paddy to an incredible
extent. Despite the modest availability of land, the ecological factors
stultified the otherwise conducive situation for the cultivation of paddy.
Tracts of paddy fields were rendered ineffective for the cultivation of
rice grains and the situation snow-balled to a climax which went beyond
the control of the state. (Iqbal: 2001, 165).
Therefore the ecological history of the Bengal famine rightly suggests
that the shortage of rice, upon which it hinges, cannot be explained by
uni-dimensional contours of economic and political factors alone. There
is a great scope of ecological interpretations which can give a fuller
picture of the famine as it occurred in the early 1940s in Bengal. The
callousness of the state as well its apparatuses to bring about necessary
amelioration has never been thought over. The lands where rice was
cultivated was thus shrouded with reckless ecological abuses which
kept the agrarian condition and cropping pattern fledgling. The
manhandling of the land and apathy towards the social ecology has led
to increased rate of marginalization and deprivation among the people.
The wide spread propagation of water hyacinth had a debilitating impact
upon the cultivable tracts of land. This led not only to massive crop
damage but also impacted the heath and living of the plebian farmers.
The situation was further worsened by the unwise strategies of the
colonial leaders to enbank the rivers for construction of railway lines
with very few vents to release the accumulated water. Iqbal says, “In
places where canals or smaller streams were blocked by the pillars and
plates of locks and sluice gates, siltation took place, providing a
congenial home for the water hyacinth to take root and to multiply.
Ditches alongside railways and roads under district authorities were
also thought to be places of ‘infection’ ” (Iqbal: 2001, 168). To explain
the magnitude of the impact, Iqbal further states, “In the field of public
health, the water hyacinth was considered responsible for spreading
influenza and various water-related diseases” (Iqbal: 2001, 168). Thus
the ecological turbulence of growing paddy was huge in Bengal and it
spiralled with days because there was no effort in initiating policies for
ecological restoration. The various problems went on to an extent which
petrified the living conditions of the common men to an incredible
state leading to their marginalization and destitution .
The famine has subsided long ago but the entanglements of paddy
cultivation in the rural Bengal still remains. During the post green
revolution period, the picture of paddy cultivation has changed in
Bengal. There is a boom in the net output of the local Boro paddy for
which the farmers were happily embracing this crop in Bengal. But
research has shown the net productivity has declined in the following
years since the beginning of the present decade. The farmers
paradoxically could not abandon their fancy for the crop till now. The
crop had proved to be unsustainable now especially given its smug and
demanding character owing to its association with the green revolution.
The farmers knowing the ecological handicaps of the local boro crop
are still falling back upon it to reap benefits. Therefore, this dependency
upon rice has wider ecological implications not only in colonial Bengal
but also in the post-colonial times that has serious forbearance on
social and political lives of the people. The situation has therefore not
changed much in the post independent country especially after the
acceleration in rice productivity following the green revolution. Paddy
production still remains a significant factor in the rural Bengal and
the paradoxes still remain though in a different shape. The next section
shall examine the paradoxical results of boro paddy cultivation in post-
colonial West Bengal and how its cultivators had become ecologically
challenged and socially marginalized, farming one of the erstwhile
popular food crops in Bengal. The next section shall therefore
investigate how the ecological handicaps have somehow or other been
insinuated in the rice growing practices in Bengal over the ages and the
resultant malevolence shows no signs of termination.
Conclusion
The point that the paper is trying to make is that it is neither shortage
nor abundance of food crops that played an important role in deciding
the extent of ecological crisis but it is the mental make -up of men at
the end of the day which decided the magnitude of the compromised
social ecology. Instead of alleging the ecological factors as propagators
of unfavourable crop patterns, the politics of human conduct must be
held responsible for anomaly in the ecological chain. Unless steps are
taken to rein the reckless handling of the ecology, even an assured and
plentiful crop harvest will lead us to mass ravage of the social ecology
which had been rampaged since antiquity. So it is high time to prim
down our obsession for western technology driven agriculture and
instead club it with a modest dose of local indigenous wisdom to
proposed judiciously by the state.
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of Bengal, 1872–1947 (London: Curzon, 1997).
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Association for Land Reform and Development, 2001).
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in the Making of Modern India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998).
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Bengal and the 1897 Famine in Chotanagpur’, Medieval History Journal, 10(1–2)
(2007)
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History of Colonial and Postcolonial Bangladesh’, East West Journal, 1(1) (2007),
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U.K Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), 1979).
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Handicapped: Fading Glory of Boro Paddy Cultivation in West Bengal’,
Economic and Political Weekly, 42 (26) (2007).
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POLITICS
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Reviewing the growth of a Nation and Nationality :
Ramananda Chattterjee and the Modern Review
Raj Narayan Pal

Assistant Professor, Kalyani Mahavidyalaya
Email ID: rajraju.pal@gmail.com
Abstract
Ramnanda Chatterjee, the scholarly editor of The Modern Review and the Prabasi
was a well known and highly honoured journalist not only in the whole of India but in the
countries like America and England also. He was a man of great intellectual ability and
independent in nature. A distinguished journalist and lover of humanity, Ramananda was
a seeker of truth. Throughout his career he never hesitated to tell the truth whatever the
consequence might be. During the colonial period many editors of the newspaper and periodicals
became alert for being the prey of the Government but Ramananda’s writings could not be
curbed. He was a true nationalist. The Modern Review which he edited received a
great deal of attention as vehicle of Indian thought and culture from 1907. The present
paper, “Reviewing the growth of a nation and nationality: Ramananda Chattterjee and
The Modern Review” seeks to through light on the conception of nationality and its
growth advocated by Ramananda Chatterjee.
Key words
Nationalist Press- Ramananda Chatterjee –The Modern Review-
moderate-extrmist politics - Swadeshi - Boycott–Nationality -Creative
nationalism- Political terrorism- Passive resistance - Castes, Inequality,
Untouchability-Mass education.
“A free press and the dominion of stranger are things which are quiet
incompatible and which cannot long exist together; for what is the
first duty of a free press? It is to deliver the country from a foreign
yoke and to sacrifice to this one great object every measure and
condition.” - Thus Thomas Munro, the Governor of Madras, expressed
his apprehension at the influence of the press on the minds of soldiers
of the Indian Army in a minute dated April12, 1822.1 But this words
could easily be applied to the Press in Bengal at the beginning of the
twentieth century.
Lord Curzon was appointed the Viceroy of India in 1899. His decision
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
to partition Bengal was led to a mass upsurge --- the swadeshi
movement. It gave an impetus to the growth of nationalist press. The
Bengalee took the lead in opposing the Government’s decision. A police
report dated March, 1904 described the Bengalee the most influential
with the educated Indians.2 The Amrita Bazaar Patrika and the Bangabasi
also played an important role in popularizing nationalist’s ideas. The
Bandemataram edited by Aurobindo Ghosh and the Sandhya by
Bramhabandhab Upadhyay were more militant in tone. The weekly
Jugantar which had been launched in April, 1906 as a mouthpiece of
revolutionaries led by Barin Ghosh threw a series of challenge to the
Government. Satischandra Mukherjee’s monthly magazine the Dawn
also upheld the nationalist cause at this time. Rabindranath Tagore
developed the concept of constructive nationalism through a series of
essays. The nationalist favour reached to such an unparalleled height in
the first decade of the last century that the government was bound to
reconsider its decision to divide Bengal. In such circumstances
Ramananda Chatterjee launched The Modern Review in January, 1907
after starting the publication of the Prabasi, a Bengali magazine in
1901.Taken together these two monthly magazines set a new standard
of excellence in the history of Indian journalism.
A nation’s worth is judged by the great men it gives birth to. Such men
are very rare and Ramananda Chatterjee was one of them who appeared
in the galaxy of noble men India has ever produced. The role of
Ramananda Chatterjee in the history of India was the role of a builder
of a nation. Destiny used his creative genius for building a new India.
He had limpid clearness of mind, his reasoning reminded one of
Socrates. It was meant by destiny that this great intellectual giant should
appear on the horizon of India with the pen of Thomas Paine so that
thousands of his countrymen might get a new inspiration and light
from his writings. His ideal was justice and he staunchly criticized
whatever insulted the dignity of human life. He declared ruthless war
against the sin of untouchability and vigorously raised his voice to
vindicate the rights of women and gave his whole hearted support to
every movement that stood for freeing man from his degrading
conditions. The present paper seeks to unravel Ramananda’s view on
nation building.
Ramananda Chatterjee was born on May 29, 1865 at Pathakpara in the
district of Bankura of West Bengal. Srinath Chatterjee, his father, was
a jailor in government service and his mother, Harasundari Devi, was a
pious house wife. After completing his early education at the village
level he passed on to the Bankura District School with a scholarship.
After passing the Entrance Examination of the Calcutta University in
1883, Ramananda came to Calcutta for studies in the Presidency College.
He passed the F.A.examination in 1885 and B.A.in 1888 from the City
College and M.A. in 1890.
Ramananda was offered a state scholarship to go abroad and study in
Britain. But he refused it as he was a true patriot and idealist who
decided not to join any post under the British Government.3 Instead
he joined the City College as a lecturer of English. Here he had his first
experience in publication work.4 In 1895 Ramananda left Calcutta to
become the Principal of the Kayastha Pathsala, which held the unique
position among the educational institutions in Allahabad as a successful
instance of private enterprise. The institution was entirely stuffed by
the Indians. Ramananda’s effort for the development of this institution
knew no bound. The Executive committee of the Kayastha Pathsala
trust decided to bring out an English edition of Kayastha Samachar, the
mouthpiece of the Kayastha Pathsala, which had so long been published
in Urdu, appointed Ramananda as its editor in 1901. Under his able
guidance it was to make such a bigger impact in the Bengali world of
letters.5
But Ramananda could not continue his job there for long.6 In 1906 he
resigned from his post due to the difference with the authorities and
returned to Calcutta (1908) where a new chapter was opened in his life.
In January, 1907 he brought out The Modern Review from Allahabad
which was printed in the Indian Press of C.Y.Chintamani. The first
issue of the periodical which was distributed among the delegates of
Calcutta session of All India National Congress,7 drew the attention
of the world very soon. The editor of the Light, a famous magazine of
England, after observing two editions of The Modern Review commented,
“We are certainly surprised to see them. We have nothing in England
more important looking, more enterprising and more serious.”8 Being
a very prestigious journal, The Modern Review attracted the leading
intellectuals of the time and presented the better qualities of the Indian
life. So many eminent scholars of India and the world adorned its
pages for several years. Rabindranath Tagore held Ramananda in great
esteem. Both were very close. The Modren Review played an important
role in introducing Rabindranath to non-Bengali readers, both in India
and abroad through English translation of his works.
C.F.Andrews(1871-1940) who acted as a bridge between Gandhi and
Tagore wrote often for The Modern Review and considered it one of the
most important journals which discussed the problems of India
(Mahatma Gandhi’s ideas. New York, 1930). The most distinguished
feature of this magazine was its Notes section consisting of the
discussion on contemporary issues which were written mostly by the
editor himself.
Ramananda regularly attended the annual session of the Congress
between the years 1899 to 1910 barring the years 1902, 1904, and 1909.9
But the moderate brand of politics did not attract him. He believed in
a more virile form of nationalism which was then gradually taking root
in Bengal. He was actively involved in hosting the Congress session in
Lucknow in 1900 and was on intimate terms with Dinshaw Wacha,
President of the Allahabad session of the Indian National Congress
(1901). He was the member of the reception committee of the
organization at the Benaras session in 1905 where he presented a paper
on primary education. Ramananda’s political interest was thus manifest
from the time when he acted as principal of Kayastha Pathsala. Bigger
thing awaited him in Bengal.
The Swadeshi movement marked a new stage in the history of Indian
nationalism. The moderates who had so far dominated our national
life had restricted themselves to the drawing rooms of the elite and
meeting places. But the swadeshi upsurge saw a spontaneous
overflowing of patriotic sentiments which carried the masses in
common endeavour to repeal the plan of parting Bengal.
The moderate protest did not produce any impression on the authorities
and radicals gradually came more to the forefront in the later stages of
the movement. A distinction has been drawn between the followers of
the path of constructive swadeshi and those who advocated political
extremism using the method of boycott and passive resistance in
addition to the appeal for self-reliance.10
The philosophy of constructive swadeshi, as explained by the great
poet Rabindranath Tagore, laid stress on self-reliance. This led to the
establishment of several organizations like the ‘Bengal Chemicals’ by
Prafulla Chandra Roy in 1893 and the Swadeshi Bhandar by Rabindranath
in 1897.Ramananda was a close friend of Rabindranath Tagore. His
aim in editing the periodicals, the Pravasi and The Modern Review, was to
make the people of India conscious of their great heritage so that they
could work towards a better future. He always upheld the national ideals.
In fact he had given up wearing foreign cloth a decade before the
swadeshi movement in Bengal from the year 1895 to be exact.
Ramananda’s interest in swadeshi enterprise may be seen from an article
published in the Prabasi which gives a fairly comprehensive list of the
attempts which had been made till the date in this direction.11
Ramananda believed in creative nationalism. His idea of creative
nationalism was built up on the political scenario of extremist-moderate
controversy in the Congress movement. He did not fully support the
older moderate style of liberalism of the constitutionalists and did not
vehemently accept all the extremists. David Kopf has drawn attention
to a public statement issued by the ‘Bhahmo style liberals of the Indian
Association’ in 1906 criticising the extremists for not sincerely trying
to spread education among the masses. Kopf says in this connection,
“Chatterjee denuded militant nationalism of its negative aspects of
being anti- modernists and anti-western and put all stress on the positive
goal of achieving internal regeneration through nation building.”12
His idealism demanded “a bridge between the older moderate style of
liberalism of the constitutionalists and the requirement of the new
and more radical need to assert Indian autonomy or independence.”13
He even disliked the term “moderate” and “extremist.” He thought
that there should be only one party in Indian politics and that was
‘nationalist party’.14 Ramananda believed that the two sections of the
nationalist party held the same principles in common except one or
two points.15 Even he did not think that the ideals, principles and
methods of the best men of the extremist and moderate parties were
such that their co-operation in furtherance of the Congress was
impossible.16 After the rupture of Surat in 1907 Ramananda expressed
his view that the division of Congress would not double the cause of
Indian nationalism its area for political experience. On the contrary,
“the Congress as the voice of Indian people may gain vastly in efficiency,
energy and sincerity, if the two sections do not waste their energy in
mutual recrimination, but devote themselves to the awakening of
national consciousness, the organization of the strength of the nation,
the sanitation of the town and villages, and provision of food for the
minds and bodies of the people.”17
To resist the conspiracy of imperial bureaucracy to divide Bengal (1905)
in the excuse of administrative convenience Ramananda urged on the
necessity to be united and appealed to the Hindus as well as the Muslims
to be respectful and free from jealousy in their attitude to each other as
they shared the benefits of living in same country. The bitterness of
the Hindus towards the Muslims, in Ramananda’s opinion, was due to
the unfortunate effect of the writing of the British historians. He
appealed to forgive the Hindus for any sign of intolerance that they
might have shown towards the Muslims in the past. He also did not
leave out of account the contempt which the people of Calcutta showed
to those living in East Bengal and the districts. 19
Ramananda was a staunch supporter of swadeshi and boycott of British
goods. These were the principal weapons in the hands of the agitators.
In an article published in the Modern Review of September, 1909 he
reminded his readers that boycott as a pressure tactic had been first
put into effective use by the Irish when they had refused to pay rent to
the absentee English landlords about thirty years back of the swadeshi
movement. The weapon was put to a different use during the anti-
partition agitation in Bengal. Though the moderate leaders were
reluctant to extend their approval to the method of boycott, Ramanada
had no hesitation in accepting boycott as a legitimate form of protest,
because they had the right to refuse the patronization of foreign goods
and the foreign manufacturers had no right to claim that the Indian
market belonged to them and therefore their manufactures alone should
find a place there. He appealed to the people, “Indians if they are true
to themselves and have regard for their own interests will vigorously
carry on this campaign against foreign goods by all the legitimate means
within their power till the Indian market is full of swadeshi articles.”20
Swadeshi and boycott were to Ramananda two sides of the same medal.
One could not flourish without other. He opinionated that whenever
any independent nation had tried to foster and develope its home
industries, it had not been able successfully to do it without practicing
at the same time the ‘boycott of foreign goods.’21 The editor sought to
prove his point by citing the example of England. The textile industry
of that country had been built during the first phase of industrial
revolution by excluding goods from Ireland. Heavy duty was imposed
on the import of cotton goods from India. “The English are culpably
neglecting the interests and welfare of the Indian people.” Ramananda
said, “to rouse them to their sense of duty and responsibility regarding
India there was no other method surer of success than that of touching
their pockets. This accounted for the genesis of the “Boycott”
movement and that it has succeeded is proved by the fact that of the
closure for a time of over 500 cotton mills of Lancashire.”22
But he rightly presumed that boycott alone would not however improve
the economic position of the country. For that emphasis had to be laid
on the promotion of indigenous industry. When the boycott movement
was going on Ramananda noted that the imports of sugar during the
year 1908-1909 were the largest. In case of unrefined sugar and molasses
the increase in quantity was 10 per cent and in value 23 per cent. The
import of unrefined sugar from Java increased by 30 per cent in quantity
and 49 per cent in value. So he laid emphasis on industrial
entrepreneurship by the Indians. 23
To Ramanada there was a little difference between the Bramho ideal
and the concept of swadeshi which he spelt out as, “modernizing Indian
trade industry and agriculture leading to economic self-sufficiency and
an improved standard of living.” Swadeshi was not to be confused with
the expression of “verbal discontent with foreign rule” but was rather
the internalized “discontent with the self—never to feel that we know
enough, never to feel we can do enough or be perfect enough.” This
was clearly the Brahmo puritan ideal dressed a new, reinterpreted and
reintegrated by Ramananda. “The thirst after perfection for the sake
of others”, he wrote in the midst of swadeshi agitation, “This is
nationality.”24
The British were not prepared to accept India as a nation on account
of its innumerable divisions. Ramananda refuted this by comparing
the Indian condition to the situation prevailing in North America on
the eve of the war of independence. America like India was a vast
country. The means of transport were inadequate in the eighteenth
century. The early settlers on the Atlantic coast were divided into thirteen
colonies. They did not make a homogeneous group. There were many
Dutch, German, French, Swedish, Scotch and Irish descent. Many
languages were spoken, divergent beliefs held and the desire to get rich
quickly led to fierce competition among the inhabitants. But the factors
did not prevent Americans in winning their independence. Indians might
derive inspiration from this. Ramananda wrote: “If those Christian
colonies who were brutalized by permitting slavery among them were
worthy of liberty, why should not the heathen inhabitants of India;
where no institution like that of the slavery of Christian colonies ever
existed be considered worthy of the same?”25
The editor of the Modern Review also refused to accept the argument
put forward in official circles that Indians were not fit for self-rule
because they were indolent by nature and lacked proper education. He
pointed out that many impartial Englishmen and other foreigners had
acknowledged that Indians were fit for a far higher degree of self-
government than what they enjoyed under the British and they were
entitled to rule themselves and quite capable of doing so if left alone.26
The increasingly repressive measure adopted by the government led a
section of nationalists to extremist measures. The cult of bomb raised
its head. The first manifestation of this in Bengal was the attempt by
Khudiram and Prafulla Chaki to kill the oppressive magistrate Kingsford
at Mujaffarpur on April 30, 1908. Though the bid failed leading to the
exposure of the revolutionary hide out at Manicktala and the Alipore
bomb case. Ramananda like Rabindranath Tagore set his face against
terrorism and individual violence as means of political struggle. They
showed a common concern for international goodwill and believed in
the collective progress of mankind. Ramananda considered the path
of terrorism and bomb throwing to be “desperate and righteous
methods” and “a mistake horrible in consequences.”27 According to
him righteous uplift of a nation and a good cause had never been
advanced by crimes. He reminded his readers of the words of Persian
poet Saadi-“Rahi rast baroh agar cha dur ast” (always walk in the path
of righteousness, even if the goal be distant) and said “this is also our
advice to our countrymen.” 28 From this point of view he condemned
the murder of Sir Curzon Willie by Madan Lal Dingra as “foul,
treacherous and cowardly deed.” 29 Though he believed that the method
of political assassination and activities of secret societies were an
outcome of the western civilization. The soil of India was not favourable
to this path.30 Terrorist activities were taking place in reaction to the
repressive policy followed by the government.
Earlier in the same article Ramananda wrote “Secret societies with
political assassination as their object or method of work are a product
of western civilization…but the soil of India is not favourable to the
thinking root or growing and thriving of such an institution. It is foreign
to the genius of our race.”30 Russianization of the administration in
spirit and method had led to the conversion of a small section of the
people to adopt the methods of Russian terrorism. He believed that it
was simply a question of action and reaction, ‘stimulus’ and ‘response.’
Persistently unrighteous administration made it inevitable for some
men to seek “desperate remedies.”31
On the contrary he advised the students of Bengal not to be carried
away by their emotions and expected people to take proper steps to
ensure that the government had not deprived them of their legitimate
political aspiration under the pretext of repressing anarchism.32
Ramananda’s view on political terrorism in India during this period
emerged clearly from a note published at this time:
“We believed in moral institutions of our race, and therefore, consider
assassinations wrong. But even without discussing its ethical character,
we may say that assassination is a method of weakness. A nation rises
only by strength, ---strength either to do or to suffer, or both to do and
suffer. The only negative force is the service that comes of love, and
not the killing that is promoted by hatred. We do not ignore the fact
that in all wars of independence there has been much slaughter and
much destruction. But there has been in all cases very much greater
amount of loving and reverent service of the motherland. Methods of
destruction are out of the question in our country. We would urge all
sons and daughters of India to be strong in the living service of our
Motherland, strong to die and suffer her.
“Our aim should be to live for our country to spend all our waking
hours in self improvement of the land of our birth.”33 It echoed the
spirit of Mahatama Gandhi.
Ramananda justified the legitimacy of passive resistance method of
political agitation which was accepted and implemented later by Gandhi
as the exercise of this method of resistance had been sanctioned by
one of the highest authorities in England like Justice Wills who was
one of the most eminent and learned Judges of England in the
nineteenth century . In addressing the jury at Beaumaris Assizes on
February23, 1888 he eulogized: “this (passive resistance) was the kind
of protest by which some of our best improvements in the laws, which
years and years ago were found to be oppressive, were brought about.”
So the passive resistance could not be charged with disloyalty in India.34
The well made nation, Ramananda believed, was a dynamic and
progressive civilization ---- hardly fitting the militant nationalist image
in defense of Hindu society, with its castes, inequality, untouchability
and religious success. He opposed Hindu orthodoxy thinking that in
its presence dynamic national growth could not be achieved. At the
same time the untouchability and caste distinction were needed to be
abolished for the nation building as it made certain classes “holy” or
superior and other classes “untouchable” or inferior because of their
birth and equality in all castes should be resored.35 “The passive wars
of the future” Ramananda argued, “will enroll the shoemaker and the
washerman, the water carrier and the sweet, meat-seller, as soldiers,
one footing with Brahmin and knight. But it will not be the higher
stooping to the lower, or the lower rising to the higher. It will be coming
together and brethren for reason of their mother. This is nationality.”36
And unless the depressed classes were elevated,there was no prospect
of nation building in India.37And for thishe voiced for the spread of
general and industrial education as well as mass education without which
the abolition of untouchability and caste discrimination could not be
thought of.38 At the Beneras session of the Congress in 1905 he
presented a paper on primary education and helped muster support
for a resolution advocating mass compulsory education in India. 39 He
repeatedly criticized the British for ignoring mass education in India
while having systematically extended it in their own country since 1871.
In an article entitled “Education in Japan and in India” he noted that
while Japan with a population of 47000000 spent Rs.5000,000 for
education, the British in India spent for a population of five times as
greater nearly Rs.1500000. The result was that while by 1902, 96% of
the Japanese boys and 87% of the girls could read and write, India
suffered much in comparison. The policies of the governments of the
two countries were different. While in Japan the aim was to turn out a
perfect and complete man, strong and self-reliant, in India the rulers
were content merely to create subordinates in government and
mercantile offices, so that the administration could carry on with its
exploitation. Above all for the spread of education Ramananda expected
primarily education in India to be free and compulsory. 40
Thus in the early years of the twentieth century Ramananda Chatterjee
laid stress on nation building and tried to rouse a sense of nationalist
sentiment among the natives of India. Even he anticipated some of
the main points of the Gandhian programme of social service including
his campaign against untouchability and upliftment of the depressed
classes which later became very popular among the followers of Gandhi
as constructive programme.
References
1. Gleig,George Robert, 1830, Life of Sir Thomas Munro, London, 107
2. Sarkar Sumit, (1973,) The Swadeshi movement in Bengal, 1903-1908, Delhi,
254.
3. Santa Devi, 1959, Bharat Mukti Sadhak Ramananda Chattopadhyay O Ardho
Satabdir Bangla. Dey’s Publishing,Calcutta, 63.
4. He became associated with the publication work of the magazines like
the Indian Messenger, Sanjivani, Dasi, Mukuland Pradip.
5. Lucy Caroll, 1973,“Kayastha Samachar: from a caste to a national
newspaper” in IndianEconomic and Social History Review Vol.X No.III. Delhi,
281
6. Ramananda was the only prominent swadeshi activist among Allahabad’s
Bengalis during swadeshi movement.
7. See the statement of Rajani kanta Guha in his autobiography
8. Santa Devi, 1959, Bharat Mukti Sadhak Ramananda Chattopadhyay O Ardho
Satabdir Bangla, Dey’s Publishing, Calcutta, 196
9. Ibid
10. Sarkar Sumit,1973,The Swadeshi movement in Bengal1903-1908, New Delhi,33
11. Pravasi, B.S.1313, Karik,
12. Kopf David, 1979, The Brahmo Samaj and the shaping of the modern Indian
mind. Princeton University,152
13. Ibid
14. Chatterjee,Ramananda(ed.) February,1908, The Modern Review, ‘The recent
Congress’ 191-192
15. Ibid
16. Chatterjee,Ramananda(ed.) March,1907, The Modern Review, ‘The Nagpur
Congress squabbles’. 468
17. Chatterjee, Ramananda (ed.), February,1908, The Modern Review, ‘The recent
Congress’, 191-192
18. Chatterjee, Ramananda(ed.) Poush,B.S.1310, Prabasi
19. ‘Banga Bivag’ in Prabasi(Calcutta, Aswin,B.S.1312)
20. Chatterjee, Ramananda (ed.), August,1909, ‘Is the boycott of foreign goods
justifiable?’ 402-403
21. Chatterjee,Ramananda(ed.), August,1909, The Modern Review, ‘The Swadeshi
and Boycott movement’,116
22. Ibid,119
23. Chatterjee,Ramananda(ed.), August,1909, The Modern Review ,‘Maritime
trade of Bengal 1908-1909’,212
24. Kopf, David, 1979, The Brahmo Samaj and the shaping of the modern Indian
mind, Princeton University, 152
25. Chatterjee, Ramananda(ed.), August,1909, The Modern Review ,‘Mr Gokhale
on ideas of independence’,190.
26. Chatterjee, Ramananda(ed.), August,1909, The Modern Review,‘Indians to
prove their capacity to Britishers!’ ,192-196.
27. Chatterjee, Ramananda(ed.), June,1908, The Modern Review ‘The genesis
of terrorism in Bengal’, 548-549
28. Chatterjee,Ramananda(ed.),June,1908, The Modern Review ‘Political
assassination and western sentiment’, 547-548
29. Chatterjee,Ramananda(ed.),August,1909, The Modern Review ‘The murder
of Sir W.Curzon Willie’,193
30. Chatterjee, Ramananda (ed.),June,1908, The Modern Review ‘Political
assassination and western sentiment’, 547-548
31. Chatterjee,Ramananda(ed.),June,1908, The Modern Review ‘The genesis of
terrorism in Bengal’, 548-549
32.. Chatterjee,Ramananda(ed.),June, 1909, The Modern Review ‘Mr.Gokhale and
Indian students in England’,187
33. Chatterjee,Ramananda(ed. )August,1909, The Modern Review ‘Dying and
living for one’s country’, 194
34. Chatterjee,Ramananda(ed) August,1909, The Modern Review ‘Passive
resistance’, 199
35. Chatterjee,Ramananda(ed), June,1908, The Modern Review, ‘Nationality
vitality and the mass’ ,553
36. Chatterjee,Ramananda(ed), June,1908, The Modern Review, ‘Higher Hindu
attitude towards caste’, 552-553
37. Chatterjee,Ramananda(ed), June,1907, The Modern Review, ‘Caste and nation
building in India’, 600
38. Chatterjee,Ramananda(ed), June,1908, The Modern Review, ‘National vitality
and the mass’, 553
39. N.S.Bose, 1974,Ramananda Chatterjee ,New Delhi,17
40. Chatterjee,Ramananda(ed), January, 1907, The Modern Review, ‘Education
in Japan and in India’, 13-17
1) Sangram Andolone Nikhil Banga Prathamik Sikshak Samiti (1935-2005);
1st volume, 9th Feb, 2007, pg.599
1) S.B File No-SW 673/66 Part II, and Hindusthan Standard, Apr, 19th,
1966.
1) The Statesman, 21st April, 1966
1) I.B File No: 1144-66(4)
1) Hindusthan Standard, 21st April, 1966
1) I.B File No: 218/47
1) Hindusthan Standard, April 21st , 1966
1) S.B.File: SW 673/66
1) S.B.File-SW 673/66
1) S.B. File SW 673/66
1) S.B. File SW 673/66
1) Hindusthan Standard, April 23, 1966
1) S.B File SW 673/66
1) Dainik Basumati, April 29, 1966
Democratic Socialism & Anil Roy :
The Great Political Thinker of the
Mid 20th Century Bengal
Palash Mondal
Basanti Devi College, Kolkata
Email ID: palashhist89@gmail.com
Abstract
Anil Roy (1902 -1952) was a spiritualist in his inner conscience, but by heart, he was out
and out a humanitarian. The name of Anil Roy is almost synonymous with the organization
‘Sri Sangha’. Within a short span of time he became an important figure in the political
scenario of Bengal by setting up the organization “Sri Sangha’ which was primarily meant
for the social service. The philosophical thoughts of Anil Roy, the founder of ‘Sri Sangha’,
was widely known to the people. Anil Roy did challenge the conventional Marxist philosophy.
Which swept a large section of the Bengal revolutionaries in the 1930’s. Anil Roy was a
severe critic of Marxism and the thoughts of Hegel which was evident in his books Ú!ÓÓy£ Á
˛ô!Ó˚ÓyÓ˚Ûand Ú¢õyãì˛s˛f#Ó˚ î,!‹TˆÏì˛ õyÑ≈˛¢ÓyîÛ where he severely criticized Marxism and Hegelian
thoughts. Marxist philosophy and its materialistic explanation of history were totally
unacceptable to him. He strongly believed that no dogma could be universal and eternal,
irrespective of time and country, through his sharp rationality and his knowledge of history.
And for that reason, he could not accept Marxism as the last word for the society and the
life. In his book, Ú¢õyãì˛s˛f#Ó˚ î,!‹TˆÏì˛ õyÑ≈˛¢ÓyîÛ, Anil Roy analytically explained the socialistic
economic theory and its Marxist explanation and declared that theory as monistic. Anil
Roy endeavoured to negate the materialistic explanation of Marx and tried to prove the
correctness of his new socialistic thoughts. He tried to free the human mind from the mechanical
world of Marxist materialism and gave much importance to the basic realities of life. Anil
Roy in his celebrated work Ú!ÓÓy£ Á ˛ô!Ó˚ÓyÓ˚Û claimed that the Marxist financial and materialistic
explanation on marriage and family was not at all acceptable. He said that the sexual,
psychological, social and religious, biological and financial aspects of marriages, amply negates
Marx’s opinion and in this case also the pluralist explanation seem to be logical. Anil Roy
without any hesitation could declare the economic interpretation of the history by Marx as
a one sided vision. In his vision, Anil Roy was a pluralist unlike Marx. He was spiritual
but not over-intellectual like Hegel. He had beliefs on the inherent natural conscience, social
feeling and right causes of man much like Kant, the famous philosopher. The time when
Marxism spread throughout the world like a wild fire Anil Roy stood almost alone with his
concept of a different kind of socialism. But it is also true that though Anil Roy did succeed
in challenging the view of Marxism during that turbulent time but he failed to give a clear
view of how his concept of socialism can be translated in the practical World.
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
Key words
Anil Roy, Sri Sangha, Marxism, Socialism, Spiritualism
Anil Roy (1902 -1952) was a spiritualist in his inner conscience, but by
heart, he was out and out a humanitarian. He was a revolutionary in his
deeds but also did empathize with the oppressed sections of the Indian
society. He started his mission through the incessant streams of his
revolutionary work and service to the people in distress. The name of
Anil Roy is almost synonymous with the organization ‘Sri Sangha’.
Within a short span of time he became an important figure in the
political scenario of Bengal by setting up the organization “Sri Sangha’
which was primarily meant for the social service. But the political terror
created by that organization soon shook the British administration
considerably. The functions of that revolutionary group were confined
not only within the political sphere but the at the same time members
of that organization did also participate in various services to the people,
be it social, economic or anything to serve the common people”.1 Apart
from that, the philosophical thoughts of Anil Roy, the founder of ‘Sri
Sangha’, was widely known to the people. The main content of my
article is to uphold the fact that how the thoughts of Anil Roy did
challenge the conventional Marxist philosophy. Which swept a large
section of the Bengal revolutionaries in the 1930’s.
Anil Roy lived an eventful life right from his joining in the revolutionary
activities in the 1920s to his joining the Congress and thereafter, in the
1930s, he concentrated in expanding the organization of Forward Bloc
and during the period before and after independence, he engaged
himself in outreaching the people with his socialistic pattern of
thoughts. From 1930, he faced serious ideological challenges. During
his stay in Jail, many doubts arose in his mind and in the minds of his
colleagues and workers of other organizations, about the effectiveness
of terrorism in attaining the desired goal of revolution, they were
fighting for.
During that period of qualm, Communism did appear as a new doctrine
and many of his colleagues accepted communism as their new path
without much analyzing about its acceptability in the Indian psyche
and conditions. Even, at that time, Jogesh Chandra Chattopadhyay, the
much respected leader among the revolutionaries, did opine ‘Marxism’
and ‘Socialism’ as the real revolutionary ideology. The theist of Indian
origin and the idealistic revolutionaries having their faiths in the
philosophies of Gita swayed away from their age long beliefs and
became followers of Marxism. At that critical juncture, Anil Roy
endeavoured to coordinate science with religion and matter with
conscience and warned the youths of the country against Marxism.
Anil Roy was against materialism which mattered most in communism.
He did not accept the Marxist philosophy and the materialistic
interpretation of history. In the 20’s of the twentieth century, the
members of the organization ‘Sri Sangha’ were provided with a typed
copy of his thoughts where he expressed his views of a coordinating
socialism based on Indian values as an alternative to Communism.
During his captivity days in Deuli camp, after Buxar Jail, it became his
prime goal to derive a complete philosophy of life for establishing
socialism in India based on Indian culture and tradition.2 Anil Roy was
a severe critic of Marxism and the thoughts of Hegel which was evident
in his books Ú!ÓÓy£ Á ˛ô!Ó˚ÓyÓ˚Û and Ú¢õyãì˛s˛f#Ó˚ î,!‹TˆÏì˛ õyÑ≈˛¢ÓyîÛ where he
severely criticized Marxism and Hegelian thoughts. Marxist philosophy
and its materialistic explanation of history were totally unacceptable to
him. He strongly believed that no dogma could be universal and eternal,
irrespective of time and country, through his sharp rationality and his
knowledge of history. And for that reason, he could not accept Marxism
as the last word for the society and the life. In his book, Ú¢õyãì˛s˛f#Ó˚
î,!‹TˆÏì˛ õyÑ≈˛¢ÓyîÛ, Anil Roy analytically explained the socialistic economic
theory and its Marxist explanation and declared that theory as monistic.
In 1930, in the Indian political circle, the ideals of Socialism,
Communism and Marxism were considered as the namesake of one
another. In this book, he tried through his analytical interpretation, to
establish socialism as a separate ideal in contrast to communism.
He tried to establish that there was no need to take the help of either
materialistic philosophy or the support of economic explanation of
history for establishing socialism.
Anil Roy cited various reasons in support of his ‘theory of coordination’
for establishing socialism and also to negate the theory of economic
dialectics which Marxism did utilize to establish in its explanation of
social evolution. It would be my endeavour in this treatise, to present
the various rationales and explanations raised by Anil Roy to establish
his dogma, in a phased manner.
Socialism, in economic consideration, is tantamount to collectivism. It
is a philosophical doctrine, which in order to safeguard the interests of
the entire people of the society, favours to bestow the ownership,
management, control and distribution of land, natural resources,
manufacturing processes to state in lieu of some persons given those
responsibilities.3
Anil Roy considered Marx’s dialectics as unsubstantial because he
mentioned that “according to the opinion of Marx, the changes in the
society happen due to class struggle but in the opinions of many other
sociologists, co-operation is the key factor in the formation of a society.
Kropotkin proved that though the sectarian clashes influenced the
society but on the other hand, the sectarian co-operation helped the
society to grow. Professor Perry also conceded the fact that division of
classes is very much prominent in a society but that division, in his
opinion, is not economical.” Therefore, Anil Roy concluded that Marxist
‘class’ism was a lopsided affair and declared “We believe in the talent
of individual human beings because modern science also can not deny
that individuality. Consequently, social changes do happen due to
fundamental strength and through inter-personal relationship.”4
Marxist philosophy tries to explain the human civilization by applying
the dialectical materialism in the synthesis of human society. It is claimed
as the materialistic explanation of history. However, in the entire
process, the persons concerned have not any individuality of their own.
Whatever happens to the society is due to the influences of materialistic
and economic considerations. Religion, marriages, art, in short
everything in the society, has either been created or controlled by the
materialistic and economic environment. Social revolution does happen
only when there are changes in the economic pattern of a society.5 The
entire social lives of a society get changed according to the economics
of that society. Cultural superstructure of every society depends mainly
on the economic infrastructure of the society. Therefore, whenever
there are fundamental changes in the economics of any society, its
culture also changes identically. Even the social relationship of that
society does hail from its economics.
Anil Roy endeavoured to negate the materialistic explanation of Marx
and tried to prove the correctness of his new socialistic thoughts. He
tried to free the human mind from the mechanical world of Marxist
materialism and gave much importance to the basic realities of life. In
this regard, he also mentioned about the monotheistic entity of human
minds. He as well said that changes of a society did not depend solely
on economics or on materialistic considerations but also on muscle
power. Anil Roy did present an ideology which was very much Indian
in its form and contents which emphasized on harmonization of
physical and metaphysical power, society and individual, east with the
west, inner consciousness with the material world as an alternative to
the philosophy of Marx. Anil Roy tried to explain that the genesis and
evolution of a society depend on two factors; the human being and its
mind, and other is the environment. Roy opined that the creation and
evolution of human society depends mainly on the dynamics and liaison
of those two forces. And he firmly declared that it was nothing but a
prejudiced view to identify only one factor, as the driving force of the
human history, out of the numerous aspects of the human society.6
It was not only Anil Roy who acknowledged the will power of the
human as the steering force of human society but also a number of
leading western sociologists who gave primary importance to human
beings’ creative talent and inherent power. According to them also, a
society and its culture are made up on the collusion of those two powers.
Man in its totality and the outside environment together are the key
factors in the human evolution. Social environment includes economics,
politics, religious, art and literature of any particular society. Therefore,
pluralistic explanation of the society is rather scientific and rational.
Seligman, the renowned sociologist said that Marx should have described
his theory as ‘Economic explanation’ in lieu of ‘materialistic explanation’
because if the meaning of material represents natural and geographical
atmosphere then there would have no difference in between
geographical and financial explanation.7
According to Marxist ideology, state evolved from the system of
individual property. There are two types of people in the society. Some
people have plenty of wealth and some not having any property of
their own. The wealthy people, in order to enjoy their riches without
any hazards, evolved a machinery which was called ‘State’. State exists
in every society but according to the compulsive rule of history
evolution is bound to happen in the form of the society. Marx predicted
that gradually ideal socialism would be established and there would be
no class difference in the society. And as a result of that the machinery
like state would have no utility in the society. Communism is a classless
society where the society will work of its own without any intervention
of a state like machinery.
Anil Roy, in contrast, said that in the primitive savage society, a state-
like machinery could have been created to quell the clashes among the
primitive people. He did not find any reason on the argument that the
state is required only to tame the class struggle and to suppress the
claimants of properties. That apart, the geographers regard state, as an
expression and creation of geographical conditions. Hobbes, Locke,
Rousseau, and other upholders of social contract theory said that state
was created out of voluntarily agreed agreements among its people.
The monocausalist explanations on the creation of state be it
economical, military or religious are bound to be lopsided. According
to modern social science, there are various factors responsible in the
creation of a state. Geographical necessity, psychological and social
wants, the influence of heredity, finance, wars and application of brute
force etc all those together worked in the evolution of a state. In the
circumstances, the claim that the ‘state is a tool for class exploitation’
does not sound reasonable. Moreover Marx said that if a classless
society or communism could be established, there would be no need
of a state. According to Roy that the Marxian prediction that the state
would cease to exist, is not at all acceptable. In Roy’s views Socialism
means financial democracy. If socialism could be established, the state
will not be abolished rather it will have a metamorphosis.
The explanation of religion is also established on the foundation of
financial explanation of Marx. Marx said that religion does not
propagate truth. Religion stemmed from superstitions. According to
Marx, the religion changes in consonance with the economic change at
different eras. Marx said that the religion opiates the sober sensibility
of man. And for that reason, he said the emancipation of the oppressed
class was not possible, so long, religion would be there.
Anil Roy, in his effort to prove the ineffectiveness of Marx’s materialistic
explanation of religion, analysed opinions of various theological
philosophers. He analysed the opinions of Durkheim and Tyler on the
origin of religion and claimed that religion does not have its origin in
the vortex of economic infrastructure. Religion is the fundamental
necessity of a human being. Financial interpretation cannot influence
the thinking of human being.
Again, from the social point of view Family and marriage, according
to Marx, are the two institutions which changes with the economic
changes of the society. Anil Roy in his celebrated work Ú!ÓÓy£ Á ˛ô!Ó˚ÓyÓ˚Û
claimed that the Marxist financial and materialistic explanation on
marriage and family was not at all acceptable. He said that the sexual,
psychological, social and religious, biological and financial aspects of
marriages, amply negates Marx’s opinion and in this case also the
pluralist explanation seem to be logical.
Similarly Marx claimed nationalism as a by-product of capitalism. In
his opinion, there is no such undivided entity which can be called as
nation. There are only two classes of people viz the bourgeoisie and
the Proletariat and those two have no meeting point at all. Every society
is divided that way. So, the interest of the labour class is the same
everywhere. Geographical limit has nothing to influence it. The Rich is
a separate ‘race’ and the working class also is separate from the rich.
Their interest, culture and mentalities are completely opposite.8
Accordingly, nationalism has either no financial or psychological
foundation. And for that reason, nationalism stands in opposite pole
to communism.
In this context, Anil Roy said that socialism could be fine tuned with
nationalism. Nationalism is a complex integration of various forces
and emotions like geographical, psychological, social cultural. Unity
could be found in the apparent state of disunity in our society. These
types of differences do happen among various cultures. But there is
no confrontation of national culture with world culture. Sometimes,
differences do occur due to orthodoxy. National character stems among
people with identical interests and living in the same geographical
environment. People living in a society have their class interests and at
the same time, the rich and the working class together do have a
common public interest. And that common interest does give birth to
Nationalism. And according to Anil Roy, thus class interests do
assimilate with national interests. So, nationalism will not get extinct
on establishing socialism in a society.9
Thus Anil Roy opposed every Marxist theory and tried to establish his
own theory with firm conviction and proclaimed that socialism was
different from communism or Marxism and he tried to establish his
ideals as a separate socio-revolutionary theory. Anil Roy opined that
Socialism was a separate and self-contained ideal and to establish it,
there was no need to take the support of materialistic philosophy and
economic explanation of history. But at the same time, Anil Roy
conceded that class struggle was a reality in the society. He hoped that
one day class struggle in the society would be wiped off with the active
support of the all section people. It appeared that Anil Roy was a
socialist as well as an idealist like Hegel. But he refused the one-
dimensional approach of Marx i.e. the role of economics in the
evolutionary process of man and the society. According to Roy Human
being is not only engaged in battle for foods like other lousy animals.
Religion, natural environment, social conformity, team work, sensitivity,
tradition, lineage, continuity, creativity etc through various complex
processes contributed in the evolution of the man and the society
through various complex process.10
With these beliefs, Anil Roy without any hesitation could declare the
economic interpretation of the of history by Marx as a one sided vision.
In his vision, Anil Roy was a pluralist unlike Marx. He was spiritual but
not over- intellectual like Hegel. He had beliefs on the inherent natural
conscience, social feeling and right causes of man much like Kant, the
famous philosopher. The time when Marxism spread throughout the
world like a wild fire Anil Roy stood almost alone with his concept of
a different kind of socialism. But it is also true that though Anil Roy
did succeed in challenging the view of Marxism during that turbulent
time but he failed to give a clear view of how his concept of socialism
can be translated in the practical World.
References:
1. Promotho Kumar Chakraborty, ‘Purono Katha’, Joyshri, Phalgun, 1379,
pp. 806.
2. Joyshri, Suborno Jayanti Grantho, 1983, pp 660.
3. Anil Roy, ‘Samajtontrir Drishtite Marxbad’(in Bengali), 1947, pp. 315.
4. Ibid, PP 80.
5. Ibid, PP 51-60.
6. Ibid, PP 105-110.
7. Ibid, PP 35.
8. Anil Roy, ‘Bibaha o Paribarer Kromobikash’ 1370, pp. 132.
9. Anil Roy, ‘Samajtantrir Drishtite Marxbad’(in Bengali) ,1947,pp. 138-150.
10. Ibid, pp. 151-160.
An Unforgettable Movement of the Primary
Teachers of West Bengal in April 1966
Swati Maitra [Nee Banerjee]

Assistant Professor In History
Vidyasagar Evening College
Email ID: swatimaitra22@gmail.com
Abstract
History was in the making in April, 1966 when very poor primary school teachers of West
Bengal hit the street of Kolkata in large number. They assembled at Subodh Mallick
Square(at Kolkata) on 19th April, 1966 with the intention to start a procession towards
the Governor House and stay put there to attract the attention of the Government towards
their just demands. Even before 19th April, they had organized several processions, shouted
slogans in support of their demands and placed their memorandum of demands to the
Government and went back. But this time their resolve was much stronger and they were
ready to march further ahead until their demands were met. A protest march of primary
school teachers that huge was unseen before in Indian History. The procession was blocked
by the police as soon as it reached the Raj Bhavan. The primary teachers started their
protests by squatting on the road in front of the Governor House. Support flooded from all
sections of society – anti-government political parties, teachers of all hues, students and
labourers, ordinary people and leaders of several public organization. After squatting on the
road for seventy two hours , 344 primary school teachers (including 24 women teachers)
courted arrest on 22nd April by violating the prohibitory order under section 144 Cr.PC at
Esplanade East. It was the first time not merely in the history of West Bengal but in the
entire country that the primary teachers resorted to civil disobedience and courted arrest. All
the 344 teachers held since 22nd April at Presidency Jail were released on 28th April at the
instance of the West Bengal Government. Thus ended the historic movement of the primary
teachers of West Bengal.
Key words
ABPTA, ABTA, WBCUTA, MLA, MLC, CPI, Raj Bhavan
History was in the making in April, 1966 when very poor primary school
teachers of West Bengal hit the street of Kolkata in large number.
They assembled at Subodh Mallick Square(at Kolkata) on 19th April,
1966 with the intention to start a procession towards the Raj Bhavan
(Governor House) and stay put there to attract the attention of the
Government towards their just demands. A protest march of primary
school teachers that huge was unseen before in Indian History.
It was on 19th April, around 12 o’ clock in the noon Subodh Mallick
Square at Kolkata was chock-a-block with the primary teachers. Even
before 19 th April, the primary teachers had organized several
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
processions, shouted slogans in support of their demands umpteen
number of times and eventually placed their Memorandum of Demands
to the Government and went back. But this time, their resolve was
much stronger and it was unlike a routine procession and submission
of memorandum of demands to be followed by life as usual. The
scorching sun of mid April could not diminish their spirit; it
strengthened their determination and added life to their uproar and
they were ready to march further ahead until their demands were met.1
A meeting (700 including 175 women) organized by the ABPTA was
held at Raja Subodh Mallick Square between 3.35pm and 4.15pm on
19/4/66 with Amiya Bhusan Chakraborty, President of the ABPTA,
in the Chair. Sushil Deb Das, General Secretary of the Association,
dwelt on the demands of the primary teachers. He said that a
memorandum containing 38 point demands of the primary teachers
was submitted to the state Chief Minister on 7/12/65 but its reply was
still awaited. Following the alleged apathy shown towards their demands-
upward revision of salary,change of existing rules in regard to gratuity,
extension of training facilities and the payment of 17 months arrears
on the basis of existing West Bengal Government scales to those
primary teachers in Purulia and Islampur in West Dinajpur, which had
come over from Bihar to West Bengal after the re-organisation of state-
the primary teachers decided at the Purulia Convention to start agitation
from the second week of March 1966. But their decision could not be
translated into action due to the political situation in the state over the
food issue. Meanwhile, he continued, they saw the Union Education
Minister in a deputation in Calcutta but to no effect.
[The Statesman : 4th April, 1966 : Mr. M.C.Chagla, Union Education Minister met a
deputation of primary teachers who submitted a memorandum to him. He is believed
to have assured the deputation from ABPTA that he would put in a word in their
behalf to the State Government]
At this, they made their last minutes attempt to bring about an amicable
settlement of the issues of dispute and saw the State Education Minister,
Mr.R.L.Sinha on 18/4/66 in vain. The Minister, he alleged, gave them
same vague assurances and characterized the report appeared in some
dailies regarding the Government’s decision to revise their pay scales,
as baseless. This led them to take recourse to the path of a movement
in accordance with their programme. Biswanath Mukherjee, Vice-
President of the Association, criticized the government’s attitude
towards the demands of the teachers and remarked that the
Government would not concede any demand unless sufficient pressure
was brought to bear upon it. He also urged support to their cause from
the people of all walks of life. The President of the ABPTA, Amiya
Bhusan Chakrabarti urged all to work up a strong agitation over the
demands and continue the same till the demands were fulfilled. Utpal
Datta, who happened to be present at the meeting, pledged the whole
hearted support of the men in the cultural front to the cause of the
teachers.2
After the meeting, a procession (700) was taken out towards Rajbhavan.
The processionists stopped at the fringe of the police cordon on
Esplanade Row East and started squatting there. A protest march of
primary teachers that huge was unseen before in Indian history.3 The
teachers participating in the meeting and procession wore copies of a
badge which read as follows:- “Abasthan Andoloner Stayagrahee”
(Satyagrahi participating in the squatting movement). The
banners(Nikhil Banga Prathamik Shikshak Samiti, Diamond Harbour
Mahakuma Prathamik Shikshak Samiti, Birbhum Jela Prathamik
Shikshak Samiti, Bangram Thana Prathamik Shikshak Samiti, Howrah
Jela Prathamik Shikshak Samiti, Manbhum Jila Prathamik Shikshak
Samiti, Darjeeling Jila Prathamik Shikshak Samiti, Nadia jila
Krishnanagore Sakha Prathamik Shikshak Samiti, Magrahat Thana
Prathamik Shikshak Samiti, Khardah Thana Prathamik Shikshak Samiti,
Baruipur Thana Prathamik Shikshak Samiti, Hooghly Jila Prathamik
Shikshak Samiti,Purulia Jila Prathamik Shikshak Samiti, Bardhaman
Jila Prathamik Shikshak Samiti, Medinipur Jila Prathamik Shikshak
Samiti) were displayed by the participants in the meeting and
processions. Posters like-
a) Bina Bichare Atak Rakha Aganatantrik Ain Pratyahar Karo (Revoke

the undemocratic law of detention without trial);
b) Amader Dabi Samasta Meyeder Janya Akai Kartritye Samagra
Prathamik Siksha Byabastha(primary education for all children
under one authority is our demand);
c) Samagra Prathamik Bidyalaye Pancham Sreni Jucta Karo (Introduce
Class V standard to all primary schools);
d) Amader Nimnatan Betan 180 Taka Karite Haibee(our lowest pay
to be fixed at Rs.180/- etc) were also displayed. Copies of a Bengali
leaflet dated 18/4/66 captioned Paschim Banger Prathamik
Shikshak Gan Abasthan O Ayin-Amanya karchen Keno” jointly
issued by Amiya Bhusan Chakraborti and Sushil Deb Das, President
and General Secretary respectively of the ABPTA, published by
Prasanta Basu, Office Secretary of the Association, were distributed
amongst the members of the audience in the above meeting.
[Hindusthan Standard : Wednesday, April [The Statesman: 20th April, 1966

20th, 1966,Primary school teachers going in (Wednesday). Primary Teachers of West
a procession on Tuesday to stage sit-in-strike Bengal squatting at Esplanade East in
before Raj Bhavan. ] front of Rajbhavan on Tuesday]
In the evening, the following processions came to the place of squatting

in sympathy with the primary teachers –
1) A procession (100 including 10 women) organized by the Students’
Council of Action and led by Swadesh Chakrabortti, Kalikinkar
Chatarji and others and taken out from ABTA Hall.
2) A procession (50) organized by the Calcutta Tramway Workers’
Union (CPI) led by Bhopal Dey and taken out from Raja Subodh
Mallick Square.
3) A procession (40) organized by the Federation of Revolutionary
Students(WPI) at College Square with Sibapada Thakurta(WPI) in
the chair.Chitta Sarkar, Samir Roy, Bikash Banerji, Sibapada
Thakurta and two others spoke in support of the demands of the
primary teachers. They extended all out support o the movement
of the primary teachers.
The same evening about 17 speakers addressed the squatters. Those

who spoke were Prof. Jyoti Bhattacharjee, Prof. Nirmal Basu (MLC),
Shri Ajit Sen (Secretary, ABTA), Prof. Ila Mitra(MLA), Shri Biswanath
Mukherjee (MLC), Shri Somnath Lahiri(MLA), Labour Leader Md.
Ismail, Shri Bhupal De, Shri Nani Bhattacharya (MLA), respresentatives
of the students like Sarbasree Khushi Gopal Sarkar, Shyamal
Chakraborty, Salil Bhattacharya, Pranab Kumar Mukherjee, Paltu
Dasgupta, Krishna Chkraborty, Zamir Ahmed and leaders of the
Secondary School Teachers like Satyapriya Roy and Smt. Anila Devi,
Shri Amiya Chatterjee (General Secretary of Merchantile Federation),
Shri Jyotish Datta (General Secretary of the Union of Life Insurance
Corporation), Shri Ajit Banerjee (Joint Secretary of Bengal Provincial
Bank Employees Association). The speakers supported the teachers’
cause and their movement. They ridiculed the Government on the
score and also over food issue. Prof. Rajkumar Chakraborty also visited
the squatting teachers. The meeting was almost over when nor’wester
struck causing a dust storm followed by torrential rain. But even that
could not break the determination of the teachers and they bravely
faced the challenges posed by nature. They were there to fight for their
rights, for their just demands, for justice and all individual hurdles, all
odds, the general norms that they had grown up amid, hardly stood
any chance against their demand for their right. At about 10pm the
IPTA staged a drama captioned ‘Bicharer Kathgara’ before the squatters.
From the next day, the number of participant increased, thus speaking
for itself, the huge support of people behind the cause – that the support
had not been just verbal but active and pulsating with life. As the
demonstrators were soaked during the thundershower yesterday (19th
April) night, a temporary tarpaulin shed was put up at the site of the
demonstration on Wednesday (20th April) morning. Several trade unions
arranged for meals to be brought to the demonstrators from outside
the city.5
[Hindusthan Standard : April, 21st, 1966, Thursday. The tent in Esplanade East under
which the primary teachers squatted.]
In the morning, Prof. Nirmalya Bagchi, Vice president of ABPTA and

Smt. Anila Devi (ABTA) were with the squatting primary teachers.
Principal Amiya Chakraborty, President of the ABPTA, also visited
the squatters. During the period from 11.10 a.m to 12.30 p.m, Jyoti
Basu MLA (CPI-L), Haripada Chatarji (BMPEU –CPI), Jatin
Chakraborty MLC (RSP), Monoranjan Roy MLA(CPI) and Prof.
Prithwis Roy Choudhury visited the squatters and addressed them. Jyoti
Basu pledged his whole-hearted support for the cause of the primary
teachers and assured them of all possible help & cooperation. He
advised them not to halt their movement after the completion of the
squatting programme, but to continue the same till the fulfillment of
their demands. Haripada Chatarji who earlier led a procession (20) from
Raja Subodh Mallick Square to Esplanade Row East, also expressed
his full support for the movement launched by the primary teachers
and hoped that it would surely be crowned with success. Jatin
Chakraborty assured the primary teachers of his every possible help
and cooperation for the success of their movement. He said that it was
a matter of regret for the whole nation that the Government would
not pay due attention to any legitimate demand unless they were
compelled to do so under pressure of a strong movement. He
contributed a small amount of money and handed it over to the
President of the Association. Manoranjan Roy also extended his
unstinted support for the movement of the primary teachers. He said
that the State Chief Minister was mainly confined within the four walls
of Writers’ Buildings and his residence and depended on information
about the goings on in the State catered by the police and a group of
Congressmen who were always after permit and other advantages. The
police, he maintained, were afraid of incurring the displeasure of the
Chief Minister by catering the actual state of affairs while the band of
Congressmen would indulge in flattery to keep the Chief Minister in
good humour for their personal gains and both would hold the
opposition leaders responsible for the troubles. He, therefore, requested
the teachers to see that the information regarding their movement
reached the ears of the Chief Minister from time to time.6
The secondary teachers assembled at Raja Subodh Mallick Square and
took out a procession (110 including 20 women) at about 5.50p.m.
The processionists led by Shri Satyapriya Roy MLC and Smt. Anila
Devi paraded different streets and converged with the squatting primary
teachers at Esplanade East at about 6.15p.m. Thereafter a meeting was
held under the presidentship of Shri Satyapriya Roy where he said that
the secondary teachers also had made common cause with the primary
teachers and were participating in their movement.7
Amiya Bhusan Chakrabarti, Sushil Deb Das, Sourendra Mohan
Bhattacharji, Smt. Anila Devi MLC, Prof. Sukamal Dasgupta, Dilip
Singh, Prof. Amiya Dasgupta, Abdul Halim MLC, Sailen De (a
Corporation Councillor), Manindra Mohan Chakraborty, President,
WBCUTA, Dilip Chakraborti, Smt. Gita Mukherjee, Anil Sen Gupta
addressed the gathering.8 Squatting before the offices of School
Inspectors in different districts also started on the day.9
After the meeting, the members of the Bharatiya Gananatya Sangha
sang a few songs and staged the following dramas:-
1. “Atmahatya Ain Karo” (Legalise Suicide)
2. “Dui minute” (two minutes) – It portrayed the alleged unnecessary
harassment & tortures perpetrated by the police on the drama
writers on different false pretext.
3. “Shib Thakurer Desh” (The land of the God Siva), by Amar Ganguli
4. “Congor karagare” (behind the prison in Congo) – It depicted the
tragic death of Lumumba and vehemently criticized the role played
by Belgium and US in this connection. Smt.Sikha Das Gupta was
amongst the participants in the drama. Copies of a Bengali leaflet
captioned Paschim Banger Prathamik Sikshakgan Abasan O Ain
Amanya Karchen keno?”, issued by the ABPTA were in circulation
in the meeting.
The following persons visited the squatters during the day(20th April,
1966)
i. Sushil Basu
ii. Sithi Kanta Bhattacharji (BPI)
iii. Jyoti Bhattacharji (WPI)
iv. Satyananda Bhattacharji, Councillor (CPI)
v. Haraprasad Chatterji, Councillor(CPI)
vi. Nirmalya Bagchi
vii. Prosanta Chatarji, Councilor (CPI)
viii. Kumar Datta, Councillor (FBM)
ix. Mukur Sarbadhikari, Councillor
x. Akshyay Ghosh
xi. Dr. Narayan Roy, MLA (CPI-L)
xii. Sushil Chakraborty
xiii. Saroj Mukherjee (CPI)
xiv. Subhas Chakraborty
xv. Sm. Kanika Banerji
xvi. Rupen Banerji
xvii. Sudhanya Das Gupta
xviii. Chitta Das (CPI)
The squatting by the Primary Teachers continued on 21/4/66. At about
9-45am, ten primary teachers under the banner of the Magrahat
Municipal Primary Teachers Association joined the squatters. At about
10am. Hemanta Basu MLA (FBM) and Indrajit Gupta MP (CPI-R)
visited the squatters. Shri Hemanta Basu observed that by the success
of the teachers’ movement the entire nation would be benefitted. He,
therefore, appealed to all leftist parties and trade union organizations
to ensure success of the teacher’s movement. He also ridiculed the
Government for the non-fulfillment of the teachers’ demands. Shri
Indrajit Gupta also spoke in the same strain and extended full support
to their movement on behalf of the CPI and the RSS. He urged the
primary teachers to continue the movement.10 The same noon, the
Santoshpur Loknatya Sangha staged a drama criticising the
Government’s alleged high-handedness in crushing the democratic
movement of the people.
Hrishikesh Mitra on behalf of the United Bank Employees Union
distributed snacks and fruits to the squatting teachers at about 3pm.
The same afternoon some foreigners (British) [Mr. S.Butler (leader of
the group), Mr.H.Lamb, Mr.M.Rhodes, Mr.B.Welsh, Mr.L.Yiman,
Mr.A.Payne, Mr.H.Hodgson] representing Redittusion Television, TVH,
Kingsway, London took photographs of the squatting teachers.
Dr.A.M.O Gani, MLA(CPI) also visited the spot. At about 5.50pm a
procession(350) organized by the Federation of Merchantile Employees’
Union led by Prodhyut Ghosh and others [like Kamal Kumar
Bhattacharjee of Scindia, Ranjit Goswami of Hoare Miller, Tushar
Bose of Bird and Company, Amiya Chatterjee, Priya Lal Saha, Ajoy
Roy of Martin Burn, Kedar Bhattacharjee of Voltas, Tulsi Chatterjee
of Jardine Henderson] and taken out from in front of 23B, Netaji
Subhas Road carrying the banners of Scindia Employees Union, Martin
Burn Indian Employees Union, Gilanders Indian Staff Union, Voltas
and Volkart Employees Union, Hoare Miller Employees Welfare
Association, Gadstone Lyall Employees Association, Jardine Henderson
Staff Association, Bird and Heilgers Employees Union, Kettlewell
Bullen Employees Union, Jacks Employees Union, Duncan Brothers’
Employees Union reached Esplanade Row East. Amiya Bhusan
Chakraborty, President, ABPTA, Joint Secretary of the Mercantile
Eastern Federation, Chitta Ranjan Goswami, WPI, Naren Das,
Chairman, SSP, Hrishikesh Banerjee, BPTUC, Prof. Nirmal Bose FBM,
Jatin Bhattacharjee, BPBEA, Aurobindo Ghosh, Coordination
Committee of State Government Employees, Sushil Dhara, MLA,
Congress Karmi Sangha, Bijoy Roy, Makhan Pal, RSP, Prof. Sital Ghose,
Subodh Banerjee, SUC, Dinesh Bhattacharjee, Printers and Publishers’
Association, Sushil Deb Das, Secretary, ABPTA, Bimalendu Ghosh,
Jadavpur addressed the gathering including the squatting teachers.
After the meeting, a short drama captioned ‘Bhanu Mandaler Hatyar
Bichar’ was staged by the members of the IPTA.
At about 9-45pm, a procession (45 including three ladies) organized by
the ABPTA Burdwan Unit and taken out from Howrah Railway Station
joined the teachers – squatters on Esplanade Row East. Persons like
Prof. Manindra Chakraborty (WBCUTA), Shri Satyapriya Roy and Smt.
Anila Devi (of ABTA), Smt. Jyoti Chakraborty of West Bengal Mahila
Samity and Nazabat Hussain @ Nihar Roy (CPI) were also noticed at
the place of squatting.11
[Dainik Basumati: 21st April, 1966 [Hindusthan Standard : April 22, 1966 ,
(Thursday) Friday.
Huge gathering of the primary teachers. Primary Teachers continued their squat on
Teachers of Secondary schools also joined Thursday in Esplanade East.]
the movement in support of the cause of
the primary teachers. ]
The squatting by the primary teachers continued on 22/04/66 till 5pm.

In the afternoon, the following Smt. Anila Devi MLC, Shri Satyapriya
Roy MLC, Shri Amiya Bhusan Chakraborty, Shri Manoranjan Roy MLA,
Shri Jatin Chakraborty MLC, Md. Ismail, Prof. Jyoti Bhattacharji, Shri
Sunil Chatarji, Dr.A.M.O, Gani MLA, Shri Shyama Prasanna
Bhattacharya addressed the squatting primary teachers. The speakers
generally criticized the Congress Government for its alleged
undemocratic and apathetic attitude towards the primary teachers. Smt.
Anila Devi warned the Government saying that in case of non fulfilment
of their demands other teachers’ organizations and the people in general
would join hands with the primary teachers in their struggle for
existence. Shri Satyapriya Roy condemned the Government for spending
money for bringing armed police personnel from Punjab, Andhra,
Orissa etc. without spending money for the primary teachers. He on
behalf of the ABTA extended full support to the cause of the primary
teachers. Md-Ismail observed that the Government would not submit
unless a relentless struggle was waged all over the country. He declared
that the tramway workers would join their hands with the teachers in
case no settlement was reached by 11.5.66. Monoranjan Roy declared
that the entire working community was behind the struggling teachers.
Jatin Chakraborty threatened that the day was not far off when the
Education Minister (R.L.Sinha) would have to change his surname to
Lamb from ‘Singha’ i.e. lion. Other speakers also spoke in the same
strain.12
Between 5pm and 5.45pm the same day, 344 primary teachers (including
24 ladies) courted arrest by defying orders u/s 144 Cr.PC in the area.
This refers to section ‘G’ C/No.185 dated 22.4.66 u/s 143/145 IPC.13
It was the first time not merely in the history of West Bengal but in the
entire country that the Primary School Teachers resorted to civil
disobedience to wrest their just demands from the Government. Shortly
after 5pm when the offices began to disgorge their employees, the first
batch of 45 teachers from Burdwan district broke through the police
cordon amidst loud cheers from the crowd. The other batches, one
after another under the leadership of Prof. Nirmalya Bagchi, Shri
Biswanath Chakraborty , Shri Debabrata Bhattacharjee, Shri Panchanan
Mondal, Shri Debi Banerjee, Shri Saroj Dutta, Shri Prasanta Basu, Shri
Sourish Sarkar, Amiyomoyi Sen and Smt. Mala Saha Roy did the same
thing. The police made elaborate arrangements to maintain peace in
the area. Five buses, six prison vans and four light trucks were kept
ready to carry the Satyagrahis to Presidency Jail. A section of the crowd
cried out against the Government, “Shame Shame”. When women
teachers were about to court arrest, they shouted, “Down with the
Congress Government: Damn the police repression”.14
The Statesman : 23rd April, 1966 , Saturday. Hindusthan Standard: 23rd April, 1966
Women Primary School Teachers courting , Saturday : Primary Teachers who
arrest at Esplanade East Calcutta on Friday, courted arrest on Friday in Calcutta
22nd April, 1966 during their Civil Disobedience
Movement
After the arrest of the Primary Teachers, Principal Amiya Bhusan
Chakraborty and Prof. Jyoti Bhattacharji addressed the rest of the
crowd. They announced that the future course of action would be
decided after the release of the Executive members of the Association
who courted arrest. They also declared that a Protest Day would be
observed on the score jointly with the ULF, ABTA and the WBCUTA.
Thereafter the crowd dispersed.
It was learnt that the leaders of the State Unit of Prathamik Sikshak
Kalyan Samiti had sent a press statement extending its support to the
present movement under the aegis of the ABPTA. Moreover the 24
Parganas District Unit of the Samity had organized a token mass hunger
strike by the Primary Teachers before the Rajbhavan on 26.4.66 and
27.4.66 over the demand for the fixation of the minimum pay of a
primary teacher at Rs.150/- at least per month instead of Rs.100/- as
reportedly assured by the State Education Minister.15 They broke their
fast on 28.04.66 at about 4.30pm and dispersed peacefully.
[Dainik Basumati : 27th April, 1966, [Hindusthan Standard: April 29, 1966 ,
Wednesday. Friday.
50 primary teachers including some women Primary Teachers of 24 Parganas break
representing the24 Parganas District their fast by taking soft drinks at
Primary School Teachers’ Kalyan Samiti Esplanade East on Thursday.]
started their 48 hour hunger strike on 26th
April demanding increased pay and
allowance. ]
The arrested primary teachers lodged in Presidency Jail, went on a 24
hour hunger strike on April 28 demanding their unconditional release
and immediate fulfilment of their 38 point charter of demands. All the
344 primary teachers were released on 28th April at the instance of the
West Bengal Government. The earliest batches of the released primary
teachers started leaving the jail by late afternoon.16
Under the joint auspices of the ABTA and the ABPTA, a meeting(300)
was held at the University Institute Hall on 28/4/66 evening with
Rajkumar Chakraborti MLC in the Chair. The speakers [Prof. Rajkumar
Chakraborti MLC, Shri Satyapriya Roy MLC, Smt. Anila Devi MLC,
Niranjan Sen MLA, Monoranjan Roy MLA, Prof. Nirmalya Bagchi,
Shri Nikhil Das MLA, Shurid Mullick Choudhuri, Paltu Das Gupta
(SF-R) and others] criticized the alleged apathetic attitude of the primary
teachers and urged the audience to bring pressure on the Government
for the fulfillment of their demands. Prof. Rajkumar Chakraborti
threatened the Government with consequences and urged all to fight
to the last. He further appealed to all organizations, unions, etc. to
actively cooperate with the teachers and also congratulated those
organizations which supported the recent teachers’ movement. Towards
the end of the meeting about 25 lady teachers joined the meeting.
According to the leaders of the Association, viz., Amiya Bhusan
Chakraborty, Saroj Dutta(CPI-L) and Sushil Deb Das(CPI-L) although
no proper response was received from the Government about the
conceding of their demands, they had been able to get active support
and cooperation from different political, cultural, teachers’ trade union
and other mass organizations to their movement. Besides their great
achievement was that a large number of primary teachers had now
joined their Association and as a result they had been able to strengthen
their Association.
Thus ended the historic movement of the primary teachers of West
Bengal. It became a part of the political movement of all the leftist
forces against the Congress regime which ultimately led to the overthrow
of the Congress Government both at the Centre as well as in the
province in the election of 1967.
References
1 Sangram Andolone Nikhil Banga Prathamik Sikshak Samiti (1935-
2005); 1st volume, 9th Feb, 2007, p. 599
2 S.B File No-SW 673/66 Part II, and Hindusthan Standard, Apr,
19th, 1966.
2005); 1st volume, 9th Feb, 2007, p. 599
2005); 1st volume, 9th Feb, 2007, p.601
5 The Statesman, 21st April, 1966
6 I.B File No: 1144-66(4)
7 Hindusthan Standard, 21st April, 1966
8 I.B File No: 218/47
9 Hindusthan Standard, April 21st, 1966
10 S.B.File: SW 673/66
11 S.B.File-SW 673/66
12 S.B. File SW 673/66
13 S.B. File SW 673/66
14 Hindusthan Standard, April 23, 1966
15 S.B File SW 673/66
16 Dainik Basumati, April
Radical Resistance and Peoples Movement in
West Bengal: The story of Lalgarh
Dr. Shiladitya Chakraborty

Assistant Professor,
Department of Political Science,
Email ID : shiladitya_chak@yahoo.co.in
Abstract
Starting in November 2008, the tribal people (or adivasis) of the Lalgarh village area of
the West Midnapore district of West Bengal, India, rose up against decades of oppression
and abuse by the police and armed thugs of the Communist Party of India (Maoist). The
protest movement that came up from among the tribal people of Lalgarh had its own
distinctive features of having a genuinely democratic charter and high degree of participation
of the people at the grass roots. Unfortunately, the non-differentiation between the tribal’s of
Lalgarh protesting against state exploitation and the taking up of arms by the Maoist
against the state by the mainstream mass media and the intellectuals inadvertently led to the
branding of such people’s movements as ‘Maoist’ movement. The movement failed to negotiate
with the intransigent Left Front government of West Bengal. Ultimately, the peaceful people’s
movement was usurped by the Maoists who inflicted incalculable harm by resorting to violence.
Caught in the three-pronged attack by the ruling CPI (M) party, the Maoists, and the state
agencies, the Lalgarh movement was damned to further subjugation. In this context, the
article traces the socio-historical roots of exploitation of the tribal’s of Lalgarh in West
Bengal and goes on to explicate in detail the Lalgarh movement. In doing so the article sieves
out the distinctive features of the movement, the reasons for its failure, and critiques the
Maoist strategy of systematic violence against the state thereby providing a solution to this
conflict.
Keywords
Violence, Development, Jangalmahal, Tribal, Lalgarh, Lalgarh Andolan
Sanhati Mancha, Polishi Santrosh Birodhi Janasadharener Committee.
Introduction
The post-colonial Indian State, both in its earlier Nehruvian and the
more recent neoliberal variant, has failed miserably to solve the basic
problems of poverty, inequality and socio-economic deprivation of
the people of the country. With the onset of globalization, India has
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
embarked on the path of rapid industrialization and modernization,
but at the cost of virtually ignoring the interests of the subaltern, the
deprived people of the country. The utter failure of the development
strategy of the post-colonial State is the ground on which the Lalgarh
movement started since November 2008. The tribal people (or adivasis)
of the Lalgarh village area of the West Midnapore district of West
Bengal, India, rose up against decades of oppression and abuse by the
police, the local administration and armed thugs of the Communist
Party of India (Maoist). Against this background the article tries to
analyse the protest movement of the tribal’s of Lalgarh in West Bengal.
The paper is arranged in four parts. The first part traces the socio-
economic background of Jangalmahal, and its story of deprivation
and underdevelopment as a prelude to the Lalgarh movement in West
Bengal. The second part expounds the immediate factors behind the
evolution of the Lalgarh movement and how the Adivasi resentment
blossomed into a full-scale movement against the state. The third part
presents the main characteristics of Lalgarh movement and lastly, part
four analyses the reasons behind the Maoist intervention in the
movement, their impact on the movement, and the subsequent state
response to Maoist intervention.
Socio-Economic Profile of Lalgarh

The district of West Medinipur, located in the southern part of West
Bengal, has been carved from the erstwhile Medinipur district, the then
largest district of India, and came into existence in the present form
from 1 January 2002. As per the District Human Development Report
of Paschim Medinipur, 2011 population of the district is 57 lakh with
18.05 per cent Scheduled Castes (SC) and 14.87 per cent Scheduled
Tribes (ST) population. (District Human Development Report, Paschim
Medinipur, 2011: 3-4). Lalgarh located in a block on the borders of
West Bengal and Jharkhand comprises of Binpur I, some parts of
Binpur II, and Jhargram blocks of West Medinipur district. It is a so-
called part of Jangalmahal which includes parts of Bankura,
Kamapurulia, and West Medinipur and is a heavily forested hilly terrain.
This area is populated by tribals primarily belonging to the Santhal,
Munda, Shabars, and Lodhas communities. In fact, West Medinipur
ranks fourth in terms of percentage of ST population (14.87) following
Jalpaiguri (18.87), Purulia (18.27), and Dakshin Dinajpur (16.12) in the
state of West Bengal (District Human Development Report, Paschim
Medinipur, 2011: 7). Most of these Adivasis in Lalgarh region earn
their living by gathering tendu leaves and other forest produce, and are
mostly Below Poverty Line (BPL) people. Apart from this, the tribal
women collect shal leaves from the forest to make plates. Lalgarh grows
only one crop of paddy yearly. The terrain is very inhospitable due to
poor rainfall and lack of irrigation facility. There are very few primary
schools in the area. Public hospitals barely exist in the entire area. People
suffer from poor health and are malnourished, often at starvation levels.
In fact, Amlashol, which is notorious for starvation deaths in West
Bengal, is in the adjacent block of Belpahari.
Lalgarh has a very low level of Human Development Index (HDI)
even within the district of Paschim Medinipur. Out of all the twenty-
nine blocks of the district of West Medinipur, Binpur II ranks 27th
followed by Binpur I (26th rank) and Jhargram (25th rank) in HDI
(District Human Development Report, Paschim Medinipur, 2011: 17).
Flagship programmes like the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural
Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) have had a very poor
impact. (District Human Development Report, Paschim Medinipur,
2011: 172). To top it all, in the name of suppressing Maoists in the
locality, there have been from the early 1990s large-scale and
indiscriminate arrests, and arbitrary and frequent flogging of local
Adivasis. The then ruling party of West Bengal, the Communist Party
of India (Marxist), along with the local police, had targeted the local
tribals of Lalgarh who had shown dissent against their corrupt practices,
misappropriation of funds, and non implementation of government
welfare schemes. Any opposition to such malpractices carried with it
the penalty of being labelled a Maoist.
Origin of Lalgarh Movement

In 2008, JSW Steel2 made Rs. 35,000 crore investment in West Bengal
for setting up a 10-million tonne steel plant at Salboni in West Medinipur,
about 20 km from Lalgarh, the centre of Naxalite insurgency. Ninety
per cent of the 4,700-acre JSW land was vested with the government
and the balance was acquired directly by the company, from the tribals.
The displacement of the adivasis from their land caused a lot of
resentment amongst them. The adivasis claimed the government land
was supposed to be distributed to tribals and they started protesting
on the issue of establishing the steel plant (Dutta, 2009). But despite
tribal protests, on 1st November 2008, the Union Steel Minister Ram
Vilas Paswan and West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharya
went to inaugurate the steel plant at Salboni, the first industrial venture
in the area. When the ministers were on their way back, a landmine
blast occurred at Kalaimundi, close to Medinipur town. Four constables
were badly injured in the blast though nobody died. The Maoists in a
press release accepted the responsibility of the explosion and stated
clearly that they were opposed to the steel plant on tribal land and that
the target of the explosion was Buddhadeb Bhattacharya. (Bora & Das,
2009: 15).
This blast provided the moral justification for the state government to
unleash a reign of terror on the innocent Adivasis of Lalgarh. It was
alleged that this was a Maoist conspiracy and that plans had been hatched
at Kata Pahari under Shashadhar Mahato, a well-known Maoist in
Jangalmahal. On 4 November 2008, a huge police force under the
superintendent of police, West Medinipur raided Chhoto Peliya, Boro
Peliya, Bashber, and Kata Pahari villages and arrested a few innocent
villagers who had nothing to do with the Maoist explosion. Among
the first to be arrested were three teenage students — Aben Murmu,
Gautam Patra, and Buddhadeb Patra — who were returning from a
village festival during the night. They were arrested on grounds of
serious charges including waging war against the state, conspiracy,
attempt to murder, using dangerous weapons, and obstructing justice.
Thereafter, on 4th November, 2008 an armed police party arrested Dipak
Pratihar of Kantapahari village while he was buying medicine from a
chemist’s shop in Lalgarh for his pregnant wife Lakshmi. In the process
the police brutally beat up Lakshmi and threw her to the ground. She
had to be subsequently hospitalized. On the night of 5th November,
2008 the police raided Chhoto Peliya and beat up people while they
were sleeping. (Sarathi, 2008). Next day, the Santhal women came out
to protest against the arrest and police went on rampage against them.
Women and children were indiscriminately beaten up. Chitamoni
Murmu, a local tribal woman, lost both her eyes as a result of the
flogging and Panamani Hansda had to be hospitalized, seven other
tribal women were severely injured. The headmaster of Katapahari
High School was detained on grounds of being a Maoist conspirator
and hatching plans with his students. Due to such indiscriminate police
aggression around 10,000 people from the adjoining villages gathered
at Doloipur Chowk at Katapahari and formed the Polishi Santrosh Birodhi
Janasadharener Committee(PSBJC) (People’s Committee against Police
Violence (PCAPV)). This marked the launching of the Lalgarh
movement in West Bengal against police atrocities (Bora & Das, 2009:
16).
Thereafter, PCAPV decided to blockade all roads leading to Lalgarh.
Roads were dug up and trees felled. Within a couple of days the blockade
spread to all of Jangalmahal including the tribal areas of North Bengal,
Bankura, and Purulia. The blockade continued for thirty-two days and
the tribals came up with a thirteen-point charter of demands, the chief
of which was that the SP must personally come to Lalgarh and publicly
apologize for the inhuman behaviour of the police force against the
tribals. Initially though the blockade was lifted when the district
magistrate, started negotiating with PCAPV the Lalgarh movement
continued peacefully in the form of a social boycott of the police and
administration. Administration and police were denied entrance into
the villages. Barbers and washermen withheld their services. The tribal
leaders urged the shop-owners to boycott the police and not sell them
essential commodities like kerosene and rice to the police. They decided
not to pay taxes like land revenue to the government. The bus service
at Lalgarh remained suspended following the tribal unrest (The Indian
Express, 8th January 2009).
In January 2009, the PCAPV added six new demands to their already
existing thirteen-point programme. These demands were much broader
in nature like affirmation of tribal rights to water, land, and forest in
the entire Jangalmahal. The tribals also demanded community-based
ownership rights to all forest produce. Communities also demanded
their collective rights to agricultural land. The tribals opposed any kind
of industrialization in the area and called it ghorar dimer unnayan (non-
sensical development). They argued that setting up of modern industries
like Coca Cola and power plants would lead to wastage of natural
resources of tribal areas and lead to their displacement. Instead, the
tribals wanted a different form of development like schools for the
children, supply of safe drinking water, and primary health centres.
They instead demanded that Santhali should be the medium of
instruction up to the high school level in their area. They also wanted
autonomous hill council administrative units. Thus the Lalgarh
movement was not the run-of-the-mill tribal movement but was based
on a vision of an alternative Gandhian paradigm of development.
(Sarkar & Sarkar, 2009: 13).
Characteristics of Lalgarh Movement

The Lalgarh movement assumes a unique place in the annals of protest
movements in West Bengal due to its distinct characteristics. Each
decision related to the movement was taken collectively in a democratic
way in large gatherings. The movement had no conventional leadership
and often entire village population sat together and discussed for hours
as to the steps to be taken in the movement. Second, this movement
was essentially non-political in nature since no party banners were
allowed in the public meetings. It was a Peoples’ Movement where no
political parties were involved. The only banner allowed in the
movement was the banner of Lalgarh Andolan Sanhati Mancha which
was essentially a people’s forum. PSBJC in its meetings put up a “no
entry” sign for all parties and organizations. Leaflets handed out at the
congregation said it all: Ke kon party kore, dekhar dorkar nei, ashun, amra
aikkobaddho hoi (Who does which party, let’s not bother, let us come
together) (Chowdhury, 2010). Third, although the Lalgarh movement
started spontaneously it quickly assumed an organized form under the
leadership of PSBJC. It developed with its own effort a very well-
developed organization of its own to carry on with the movement. In
ninety-one villages of Lalgarh, ten representatives from each village
which included five women and five men were made a part of the
village level committees in November 2008. Each committee further
had two persons who had to be available at all times in case of urgent
meetings at short notices. Two members were then chosen from each
village level committee to elect the forty-five-member central committee.
It was this central committee which was spearheading the movement
and taking all important decisions. This form of organization gave the
movement a democratic character and the strength to resist the
organized violence of the CPI (M). The entire movement at Lalgarh
had a single spokesperson — Chhatradhar Mahato — who was elected
by the village committees. Lastly, just like most Gandhian movements
against the British Raj, this movement also had an overwhelming
participation of women. The participation of women in meetings and
rallies had adequately proved that this movement was a genuine
movement arising from the grassroots and reflecting the true
perturbation of the tribals of Lalgarh. (Bora & Das, 2009:17).
Maoist Intervention
Despite the democratic nature of the Lalgarh movement, it failed to
garner public support and political legitimacy due to the covert
infiltration of the Maoists. PSBJC was a loose federation of local elected
bodies and anyone could join without any party banner. No electoral
party ventured forth as they had nothing to gain. This gave the Maoists
an opportunity to infiltrate into the movement and do incalculable
harm to the noble cause. Added to this was the fact that there already
existed a rank fear in the minds of the ordinary Adivasis about the
Maoists. For instance, when a journalist asked Jharkhand Party candidate
Chunibala Hansda why the Maoists gained so much influence in
Lalgarh? The simple answer was “people are scared of them”. In fact,
even as PSBJC was mobilizing the people against the police atrocities,
the Bharat Jakat Majhi Marwa — an organization of traditional Adivasi
community leaders, which is opposed to CPI(M) — organized a rally
to protest Maoist violence. More than 10,000 Adivasis gathered in
Bhulabheda area of Belpahari on 9 December 2008. Sudhir Mandi, the
Adivasi leader who organized the rally, was later shot dead within less
than 48 hours. This also explains how the Maoists took over the peoples’
movement at Lalgarh. The Maoist infiltration isolated the Lalgarh
movement from mainstream politics and cut it off from public
sympathy. (Rana S., 2011)
The 2009 Lok Sabha election saw a change of power from the Left
Wing to the Trinamool Congress–Indian National Congress coalitions
in West Bengal. Most parts of West Bengal witnessed post-election
political clash, including Lalgarh, where the CPI (M) party offices and
houses of CPM leaders were ransacked. The Left Front government
of West Bengal asked assistance from the central government to assist
the West Bengal Police in the operations against the Maoists in Lalgarh.
“Operation Lalgarh” thus commenced which was an armed operation
in India against the Maoists who have been active in organizing a tribal
movement alongside PCAPA. The operation was organized by the police
and security forces in Lalgarh to restore law and order in the area and
to flush out the Maoists. Five companies of Central Reserve Police
Force (CRPF) and two companies of Commando Battalion for Resolute
Action (COBRA) forces arrived at West Midnapore on 17 June 2009.
On 18th June the Maoists made the first assault by triggering a landmine
blast at Pirakata market around 8.30 p.m. in which the Domkal Sub-
Divisional Police Officer’s (SDPO) jeep was blown off and three police
personnel got critically injured.Throughout the day, Maoists and their
sympathizers kept the huge security forces on its toes and the security
forces kept guessing as to where the next assault of the Maoists would
take place. The Maoists successfully restricted the security personnel
to Bhimpur throughout the day with Lalgarh lying just about 10 km
ahead (Sengupta, 2009).
The second phase of the Lalgarh operation started on 26 June 2009
from Goaltore route towards Lalgarh. By the end of 2010, after suffering
reverses in the battle with the security forces and facing stiff resistance
from the local people, the Maoists began to lose control over many of
their strongholds in Jangalmahal. After the Trinamool Congress wrested
power from the CPI (M)-led Left Front in the 2011 Assembly elections,
in a major breakthrough Sashadhar Mahato was killed in an encounter
in March 2011 by the security forces. Thereafter, Koteswar Rao (also
called Kishenji), 6 politburo members of the banned CPI(Maoist), was
killed in a gun battle with the joint security forces in the Kushbani
forest area in West Medinipur district on 25 November 2011. Kishenji
was the head of the extremist outfit’s military commission, which is
carrying out operations in Jharkhand, West Bengal, Orissa, and Bihar.
The rebel leader, whose name spelt fear in the Jangalmahal region, fell
in the course of a combing operation involving over 1,000 personnel
of the state and central forces. Kishenji’s death came as a big blow to
the Maoist movement in West Bengal and marked its temporary
cessation. (Mittal, 2011).
Conclusion
The events in Lalgarh and Jangalmahal presage a grim fact that wanton
use of force cannot bring about permanent peace. Resentment will be
simmering. To quote noted social philosopher Sailendra Nath Ghosh,
“Unless handled with deep understanding of the genesis of the unrest
and profound concern for the people, it can lead to a countrywide
adivasi revolt in the first phase, which can develop into peasant–lower
middle class–student revolt — in a word, a full-fledged civil war. The
Neroes in the state and in the federal government are fiddling while
this adivasi region is burning.” (Ghosh, 2009) The innocent tribals of
Lalgarh are victims of both state terror and the gun-toting Maoists.
Lalgarh movement is basically a struggle arising out of intense
deprivation of the tribal populace and symbolizes a fight for attaining
social justice, equality and local development. We can trace the roots
of the problems in Lalgarh to two interrelated causes, viz., political
centralization manifesting itself through wanton use of brute force
and economic underdevelopment of the region. If we want to usher in
lasting peace in the Jangalmahal region of West Bengal then we should
implement the Gandhian scheme of development based on the
philosophy that economic development is only a means to an end and
not an end in itself. To build this, what is required is adequate amount
of political decentralization followed by need-based bottom-up
economic development. Indian culture consists of unity in diversity
which cannot be preserved without a sense of decentralization and
local autonomy.
References :
Bora, M. and Das, B. (2009, Jun. 27 - 10). The Movement in Lalgarh. Economic
and Political Weekly, XLIV, (26 & 27). 15-17.
Chowdhury, S. (2010, 23 October). Activist in Search of an Alternative:
Reflections on Contemporary People’s Movements in West Bengal. Available:
Mainstream. XLVIII, (44).
http://www.mainstream weekly.net/article2403.html [26 July 2016]
Debnath, K. (2010, 3 February). The Lalgarh Movement, the PCAPA and the
CPI (Maoist). Marxist Intellection, 2, 97-107.
Development and Planning Department, Government of West Bengal (May
2011) District Human Development Report, Paschim Medinipur. 1-306.
A v a i l a b l e : h t t p : / / w b p l a n . g o v. i n / H u m a n D e v / D H D R /
DHDR_Paschim%20Medinipur.pdf [27 July 2016]
Dutta, I.A. (2009, 17 November). Bengal Government Unclear on People
Displaced by New Projects. Business Standard. Available: http://
www.business-standard.com/article/economy-policy/bengal-govt-unclear-on-
people-displaced-by-new-projects-109111700059_1.html [29th July 2016]
Ghosh, S.N. (2009, November 28). Lalgarh and Jungle Mahal: Where Are We
Heading? A Few Questions to Congress Party, Maoists and Marxists on Their
Worldviews. Mainstream, XLVII (50). Available http://
www.mainstreamweekly.net/article1801.html [26 July 2016]
Mittal, T. (2011, December 10). A Death, and the Message in the Bullet. Tehelka
Magazine, 8 (49). Available http://archive.tehelka.com/
story_main51.asp?filename=Ne101211POVERTY_WARS.asp [28 July 2016]
Rana Santosh. (2011, December 11-17). Looking Back Jangal Mahal Situation.
Frontier, Vol. 44, No. 22. Available: http://frontierweekly.com/archive/vol-
number/vol/vol-44-2011-12/vol-44-22/jangalmahal-44-22.pdf [29th July
2016]
Sarathi, R.P. (2008, 13 November). Background of the Movement, Fighting
Neoliberalism in Bengal and beyond. Sanhati. Available : http://sanhati.com/
excerpted/1083/#1 [27 July 2016]
Sarkar, S., and Sarkar, T. (2009, June.10-27). Notes on a Dying People. Economic
and Political Weekly, XLIV (26 & 27), 10-14.
Sengupta, T. (2009, June 20). Lalgarh Operation: First Hand Report. The
Economic Times, ET Bureau. Available : http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/
news/politics-and-nation/lalgarh-operation-first-hand-report/articleshow/
4680636.cms[29 July 2016]
Tribals Continue to Boycott Administration in Lalgarh (2009, 8 January). The
Indian Express. Express News Service, Available: http://
archive.indianexpress.com/news/tribals-continue-to-boycott-admn-in-lalgarh/
408172/[28 July 2016]
Development Versus Autonomy
Discourse in West Bengal :
A Case Study of Gorkhaland Movement
Nivedita Saha
Assistant Professor
Email: nivedita.saha74@gmail.com
Abstract
Demand for new states in India have resulted in internal remapping which reflects a tension
between a pan Indian national ideal on the one hand and regionalist aspirations of groups
seeking more autonomy on the other. However questions can be raised whether the creation
of small states can guarantee better prospects? Can real development be brought about in
these newly formed small states? Can development nullify the feeling of insecurity amongst
the minority groups? The present paper is a microscopic case study of the people in the
margin namely the Gorkhas and the politics of protest which they have launched, led by
Subash Ghising and recently by Bimal Gurung. This paper focuses on the problems that the
Gorkhas have been facing centring round their demand for autonomy, their insecurity and
their aspiration for creating a new state of Gorkhaland. The government tried to dilute their
demands by creating Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council and Gorkha Territorial
Administration and initiating several development projects in the hill area. Did the development
schemes initiated by the government result in the hills to smile? Do really development
projects as such quench the thirst for autonomy?
Key words
development, autonomy, insecurity, ethnicity, Gorkhaland, movement,
identity.
Demand for creation of new states is not a new phenomenon in India.

It has been a recurrent theme from the eve of independence. The
State Reorganization Commission suggested that the boundaries of
the existing states should be redrawn to create linguistically more
homogenous states as early as in 1950’s. Since then the number of
states doubled. The states of Chattisgarh, Jharkhand and Uttarakhand
was created in the year 2000. In 2013 the Indian government gave in to
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
the long standing demand for the creation of a new state of Telangana
in Andhra Pradesh. Other demands for more autonomy were
accommodated by granting local self- governments through the creation
of the Sixth Schedule and other forms of autonomous councils. In
spite of this broad linguistic reorganization there are still about more
than thirty demands for creation of new states in various regions of
the country. Apart from the demand of the creation of Gorkhaland in
West Bengal, other demands are ‘Bodoland’ in Assam, ‘Vidarbha’ in
Maharashtra and ‘Bundelkhand’ in Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh,
to name a few. Many studies interpret this internal remapping as a
tension between pan Indian national identity at the one hand and
regional aspiration of various groups to assert their own identity on
the other.
The prospect of creating a new state was raised on the eve of 15th
Lok Sabha election when the Darjeeling Hill’s in West Bengal was in
stir again, resounding to the demand for the creation of Gorkhaland,
some 20 years after the formation of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council
(DGHC), formed as a result of Gorkhaland Movement led by Subash
Ghising in the 1980’s. To understand the demands of the hill people it
is necessary to deluge into the history, language formation and colonial
classification of this region.
The hill area of Darjeeling excluding Kalimpong was given as a gift to
British by the Raja of Sikkim in 1835. Kalimpong and the terai area
known as Duars was annexed from Bhutan by the Britishers in 1865.
The East India Company initially planned to develop this region as a
hill resort but realised in 1841 that the area was best suitable for tea
cultivation. Coffee and cinchona plantations developed along with tea
gardens. The labour force of the plantations mainly comprised of tribals
from Chotanagpur and Santhal Pargana areas and Nepali migrants of
Lumbian region in Nepal. As Gorkha rule was consolidated in Nepal
in the latter half of the 19th century tribals and lower caste Nepalis
migrated to settle in Sikkim and Darjeeling. The British encouraged
this immigration and their settlement in the hills in view of their capacity
to do hard work.
The district of Darjeeling in West Bengal comprises of three hill sub
divisions of Darjeeling, Kurseong and Kalimpong, dominated by Nepali
speaking people and a plain sub division of Siliguri predominately
inhabited by people speaking the Bengali language. The Duars area has
a mixed population, which is presently part of the Jalpaiguri district.
The demographic profile of the hills and the plains is just exact
counterpart. Out of the total population in the hills 90% are Nepali
speaking, while in Siliguri, out of about 8,00,000 people 3,00,000 speak
the Nepali language (Devkota 2009: 28). Till the 1940’s the Gorkhas
were predominate in this region including the Terai area. However the
rapid refugee inflow from East Pakistan, which was augmented by illegal
immigration from Bangladesh tilted the balance. Thus the Gorkhas
became minority in the plains. This added to the fear psychosis of the
Gorkhas, since population flow is intricately connected with perception
of ethnic dominance, which led to the demand of inclusion of Siliguri
and Duars in the proposed Gorkhaland state to win back the lost
territory and prestige.
Mr. Ghising believed that the fight for their homeland is basically a
demand to assert their identity and establish justice. For he said, “You
have Bengalis, Biharis, Punjabis, Tamils, Marathis, etc. But who are we-
Nepali speaking people who have been living in Darjeeling, and
surrounding areas since the 12th century. We are only ‘reciprocal
Nepalis’, thanks to the Indo-Nepal Treaty of 1950, I want it to be
abrogated” (Ghosh 2009: 10). Article VII of the Indo-Nepal Treaty
have obscured the distinction between Indian born and Nepali born
Nepali speakers. The citizens of the signatory states has the right to
reside and trade in both countries. Practically speaking the citizens enjoys
everything in the consecutive countries, except the right to vote. Thus
the Gorkhas are considered foreigners, and the fear of eviction from
the hill district haunts them even today.
The language which the Gorkhas speak in Darjeeling is known as Khas
Kura, Gorkhali or Parbatiya and has a certain distinctiveness in its
formation. The different castes and tribes of Nepal have separate
dialects like Sherpakura, Limbukura, Raikura etc. and grew out of royal
imposition of the court language. In the hill district however the lingua
franca developed due to interaction between different communities in
public places, market places and tea gardens. Thus it grew out of grass
root interaction in everyday life and eventually even the Lepchas,
Bhutiyas and Tibetians adopted Gorkhali bhasa for communication.
This promiscuous development of the language led to the consolidation
of the Gorkha identity. The Nepali Sahitya Sammelan was formed in
1924, which became a forum for Nepali intelligentsia and demanded
that the Gorkhali language should be included in the Eighth Schedule
of the Constitution after 1947. The West Bengal Official Language
Act of 1961 declared Nepali as the official language of the hill sub
division. The Gorkhas demanded that the Gorkhali should be the
medium of instruction in the schools. Thus in 1977 the West Bengal
Legislative Assembly passed a resolution requesting the Indian
Parliament to include Nepali language in the Eighth Schedule. This
resolution was placed by Ananda Pathak, the Communist Party of India
(Marxist) member of the parliament from Darjeeling. The Nepali
language was finally included in the Eighth Schedule in 1992, 15 years
after it was tabled.
The Gorkha ethnic identity was also consolidated by the British colonial
masters by establishing the Gorkha Regiment in 1815, since the
Britishers identified them as a martial race.
The growing agitational mood in Darjeeling gained impetus with the
establishment of Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF) led by
Subash Ghising in the 1980’s. According to Amiya K. Samanta,
“…separatism had been the main theme of political movements in the
hills for about four decades, but it never assumed the proportion as it
did in 1980’s. Ghising’s credit lies in projecting the demand in the context
of the citizenship and identity issues, in such a manner that it could
play upon the fear of uncertainty in the minds of the migrant Nepalis”
(Samanta 2000: 118). The GNLF movement was formally launched
with an ’11- point programme of action’ which was adopted in a meeting
at Ghoom on March 13, 1986. Starting off with a placid ‘black flag’
demonstration on April 13, moving on to ‘vote boycott’, ‘non- payment
of taxes’ and eventually to a ‘do or die’ struggle, the movement plan
had a distinct undertone.
Meanwhile the Left front government in West Bengal tried desperately
to salvage the situation by trying to implement a number of development
plans which it has neglected over the years. It demanded a special grant
of Rs. 30 crore from the Centre for this region. The West Bengal
government also earmarked Rs. 9.2 crore from the 1987 annual plan to
implement various ongoing projects in the Northern districts of the
state (EPW 1987: 1097). By adopting these measures the State
government virtually acknowledged that the demands of the people
from the hills should have been looked from a more humane manner,
which they did not do earlier.
Finally with the State government and the GNLF seeking early solution
and the centre wishing peace in North Bengal, decided to sign an
agreement to set up Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council. The memorandum
was signed on 22nd August 1988. The memorandum of settlement says,
“….in the overall national interest and in response to the Prime
Minister’s call, GNLF agreed to drop the demand for a separate state
of Gorkhaland” (Datta 1994: 158). However disillusionment emerged
with the working of the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council and its authority
was undermined over the two decades. Failure of governance,
malfunctioning and rampant corruption charges brought against the
chairman of DGHC, Mr. Subash Ghising completely isolated him from
the hill people. Moreover the assigning of tribal status under the Sixth
Schedule was very humiliating for the Gorkhas and they resented it to
its core. For the caste Hindus disliked the homogenisation with the
scheduled tribes, who were mostly Buddhists.
The total dis-satisfaction with the functioning of the DGHC led to
the re- emergence of Gorkhaland movement under Gorkha Jana Mukti
Morcha and its leader Bimal Gurung. It was the short message service
campaign for Prasant Tamang in 2007, who was a promising young
Gorkha singer and a competitor for Indian Idol crown, a TV reality-
show that brought Bimal Gurung to prominence. Bimal Gurung was
once a very close compatriot of Subash Ghising. While Mr. Ghising
was scornful of the young singer’s effort, Bimal Gurung actively
campaigned for him. Prasant Tamang eventually won. The Gorkha
Jana Mukti Morcha was formed in October 2007 and renewed the
movement, demanding to form a separate state of Gorkhaland. The
GJMM’s first move was to scuttle the initiative to include the Hill Council
under the Sixth Schedule. Moreover it also tried to unite the veteran
Gorkha army personnel to express their solidarity for the demand of
Gorkhaland.
In July 2011, the GJMM signed a tripartite agreement with the newly
elected state government formed by All India Trinamool Congress
under the leadership of Ms. Mamata Banerjee and the UPA led Central
government to form another autonomous council which would replace
the previous Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council. This new council was
named Gorkhland Territorial Administration. Other political parties
in the hills like the CPRM, TRGA, GNLF and Gorkha Task Force
strongly criticised this move accusing Bimal Gurung of selling out their
demand for the formation of a separate state of Gorkhaland, while
the GJMM claimed that the formation of GTA was the first stepping
stone for creating a new state.
Darjeeling is one of the least economically developed region of West
Bengal. Its economy is largely dependent on tea, agriculture and tourism,
where the former played a very crucial role in the development of the
region from the beginning, since commercial tea production has been
the mainstay of economy and livelihood in the Darjeeling hills for over
150 years. There are about 87 tea estates, contributing to about 3% of
India’s total production (Bhutia 2014: 44). The tea industry employs
near about 52 thousand people on a permanent basis and employs
15,000 more during the plucking season which lasts from March to
November of which 60% are women (Bhutia ibid: 45). Tourism in the
hills generate an average of Rs 450 crore revenue annually, equal to
that of the tea industry (Bhutia ibid: 45). It stands 4th amongst 18
districts of West Bengal in Human Development Index ranking with
0.73, 0.72 and 0.49 for health index, educational index and income
index respectively with average value of 0.65 (West Bengal Human
Development Report, 2004) (Government of West Bengal 2004: 13).
Majority of the villages occupy fourth and fifth ranks while less than
5% to 7% of the villages are found in first and second ranks respectively.
In fact there are only 31 villages out of total 284 in the region to register
high level of development by acquiring two ranks (Khawas 2012)
To meet the demands of the Gorkhas and to pacify their aspiration to
curve out a separate state of Gorkhaland for themselves, both the
Central and State governments came out with varied provisions. Nepali
was declared the official language of the hills, Darjeeling Gorkha Hill
Council was formed in 1988 and the Gorkhaland Territorial
Administration was set up in 2011. 243.64 crore Rupees was sanctioned
in the plan sector and 403.08 crore in the non-plan sector in the year
2013-14. 31.3 crore rupees was sanctioned under the plan sector and
405.75 crore under the non-plan sector in the year 2014-15 (government
of west Bengal 2015:15). The present government plans to set up
separate School Service Commission and College Service Commission
for the GTA area. Additional Central Assistance of Rs 65 crore has
been allotted during 2012-2013 to GTA for this purpose (government
of west Bengal ibid: 22). Over 7000 persons have been recruited from
this area since May 2011, comprising 6500 civic volunteers, 80 Sub
Inspectors and 566 constables (340 male and 226 lady constables)
(Government of west Bengal ibid: 34). Various schemes like
communication, education, rural electrification, irrigation and
waterways, fisheries, sports and youth welfare, tourism, etc. have been
undertaken with the fund allotted to GTA under the State Plan. Other
schemes like the construction of new roads connecting villages with
blocks, sub-divisional and district headquarters, up gradation of major
roads in different municipalities and repair of school buildings,
construction and improvement of community halls were also taken up
(Government of West Bengal ibid: 35).
However all these economic and administrative ventures failed to dilute
their aspiration for a separate state of Gorkhaland. For they believed
that by only with the formation of a separate state of Gorkhaland that
their feeling of insecurity will come to rest. For them the creation of a
separate state will guarantee Indian citizenship to them. This feeling
of insecurity was not build upon a hollow castle. The Nepali psyche
was bitterly hurt when in 1979, Moraji Desai being the Prime Minister
of India made a public statement that he would not recommend the
inclusion of Nepali language in the Sixth Schedule because he
considered Nepali as a foreign language. Almost a similar kind of
derogatory statement was made by B. G. Kar in 1956, the then Chairman
of the Official Language Commission. The Gorkhas also became very
apprehensive about the perception of the Government of India when
they recollected with pungency that Vallavbhai Patel had written to
Jawaharlal Nehru in Nov, 1950: “The people inhabiting this portion
have to establish loyalty or devotion to India. Even Darjeeling and
Kalimpong areas are not free from Mongoloid prejudices” (Dasgupta
1999: 62-63). Such insensitive and irresponsible statements made by
Indian leaders alienated the Gorkhas and doubled their fear psychosis.
In an interview given to Miriam Wenner, a tea garden worker
emphatically concluded that, “as soon we leave Darjeeling people treat
us like foreigners. They do not know where Darjeeling is and that it is
a part of India. Instead we are stigmatized as people coming from
Nepal. But we have been living here for generations- we are not Nepali
citizens. We could be evicted at any time. There is no security for us
here. Only a separate state will give us security. If people ask where we
are from, we can say we are from Gorkhaland. Then everybody will
know that we are Indian’s” (Wenner 2013: 200). Likewise Subash Ghising
suggested that the formation of a separate state of Gorkhaland would
drive away all kinds of insecurity from the minds of the ethnic Gorkhas.
On August 16, 1986 Ghising stated that the GNLF did not “have any
economic grievances other than those which are common everywhere
in the country. Indeed, we are better off than many of the districts in
West Bengal. It is by being known as West Bengal that….its people
affirms their Indian identity which is different from the identity of the
people of Bangladesh who also are Bengalis. We Indian Nepalis who
have nothing to do with Nepal are constantly confused with “Nepalis”,
that is, citizens of Nepal, a foreign country. But if there is Gorkhaland
than our identity as Indians belonging to an Indian state…….will be
clear. If there is no Gorkhaland, we will continue to be identified as
Nepalis, under the stigma of being citizensof a foreign countryresiding
hereout ofcourtesy” (Wenneribid: 206). Thisviewsumsupthe entire
Gorkha argument, which projects their insecurity and which compelled
them to demand a separate state of Gorkhaland.
However it can be concluded that the general living condition of the
people of the hills have not improved after the formation of the
Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council nor the Gorkhaland Territorial
Administration. Thus there is no guarantee that the sufferings of the
hill people will come to an end with the creation of a new state. It can
only provide a temporary recognition to their ethnic identity. For there
is a glaring example of a newly formed resource- rich state of Jharkhand,
which after being separated from Bihar could not solve its problems
from which it suffered earlier, being a portion of the latter. The state
still suffers from political instability, gross unemployment and illiteracy
and economic misappropriations of state funded resources by
influential government and civilian members of the state. Uttarakhand
and Chhattisgarh too suffers from the same fate. Thus even if a separate
state is created for the hill people, it might face similar problems.
Moreover, except tourism, teak and tea, the sources of income for the
proposed state of Gorkhaland seems to be minimal.
References
Bhutia, Sherpa (2014). Economic Development and Environmental issues in
Darjeeling Himalaya of West Bengal, India: A Theoretical Perspective:
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 3(7), 42-47, retrieved
from:www.ijhssi.org/papers/v3 (7)/version-H03720422047.pdf [March 19,
2016].
Dasgupta, Atis (1999). Ethnic Problems and Movements for Autonomy in
Darjeeling: Social Scientist, 27(11/12), 47-68.
Datta, Prabhat (1994). Regionalization of Indian Politics: New Delhi, Delhi: Sterling
Publisher.
Devkota, Subash (2009). India’s 29th state? :Himal Southasian, 22:3 March, 17-
18.
Ghosh, Anjan (2009). Gorkhaland Redux: Economic and Political Weekly, 44(23),
10-13.
Government of West Bengal (2015). Administrative Report of the District Social
Welfare, 1-44, retrieved from: wbcom.gov.in/cmo.aspx [February 15, 2016].
Government of West Bengal (2004). West Bengal Human Development Report:
Development and Planning Department, 1-232, retrieved from: hdr.undp.org/
en/content [November 26, 2015].
Khawas, Vimal (2012). Levels of rural development in Darjeeling Himalaya, Darjeeling
time’s .com, 30 Aug, retrieved from: Darjeelingtimes.com/archive/columns/
dr-khawas/5060.html [March10, 2016].
Samanta, K. Amiya (2000). Gorkhaland movement: A study in ethnic separatism.
New Delhi, Delhi: A. P. H. Publishing Corporation.
Short-Sighted in Darjeeling (1987): Economic and Political Weekly, 22(28), 1097,
retrieved from: http://www.jstor.org/stable/43777190. Accessed: 30-07-2015
08:23 UTC.
Wenner, Miriam (2013). Challenging the State by Reproducing its Principles: The Demand
for “Gorkhaland” between Regional Autonomy and National Belonging: Asian Ethnology,
72(2), 199-220.
“The Public and the Private: Questions over the Women’s
Political Participation and Democratic Citizenship”
Chitra Roy
Durgapur Government College
Email ID: mechitrar.roy@gmail.com
Abstract :
Controversies over the public/private are century-long phenomena and in modern world it
receives a lot of attention in the fields of feminists’ study of history, legal studies, sociology
and politics. But, how does the word “public” and “private” described in classical political
theory? How can the boundaries between the public and the private be understood and
accepted? When and why the two concepts were separated from each other? These questions
are commonly asked today, specifically when the ideas are particularly associated with the
“state” (public sphere) and “private” (family) sphere of individual lives. The purpose of
the study is to present a general analysis on the “public-private debate” and on the questions
of women’s “political participation” and attaining full “political citizenship”. This is also
focuses on the issue that how women have been relegated with the “private “sphere of the
household and completely excluded from the formal sphere of politics.
Key words
Public, Private, Patriarchy, Political-Participation, Citizenship,
Masculinity, Women’s Subordination
In social and political theory the terms public and the private have
been in use for a long period of time. If we look back into the “ ‘Great’
western political tradition” (Okin 2013:5) especially in the works of
Plato, Aristotle and the Social Contractualists, there we may see the
prolonged usage of these concepts. However, in recent times these
concepts have received a new and fairly distinct meaning and have
gained a fresh significance in relation to this idea of democratic
citizenship (Mahajan 2003: 9) and women’s political Participation.
Feminist scholars like Carole Pateman (1987, 1988), Rebecca Grant
(1991), Ursula Vogel (1989), Fraisse (1995), Lister (1997) have talk about
the public and the private issues on their respective writings, but as
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
Nira, Yuval-Davis pointed out that: “there is a high degree of
inconsistency in the ways that different authors discuss the public/
private boundary and its relationship to other concepts such as political
and civil society, the family, the economy, the voluntary sector and so
on.” (Yuval-Davis, Nira 1997: 78).
Before analyzing on the stated issue the question may arise that, did
the feminists only used the term ‘public-private’ in the feminists theory
of politics? But at this point it is important to emphasize that according
to John B. Lands (1998) “Feminists did not invent the vocabulary of
public and private, which in ordinary language and political tradition
have been intimately linked”. (Landes 1998:1). The belief that the public
and the private are two separate spheres and has the discrete boundaries
is primarily a legacy of early liberalism. (Mahajan 2003: 11).Both the
liberal and republican traditions were based on this primary distinction.
As the liberals promotes individual freedom and expressed their beliefs
on a minimal state which would not any cases interfere into the
individuals lives, thus they wanted to create a separate ‘private’ sphere
in which the state would not either enter. Landes pointed out that
“Liberals associate privacy with freedom: the value the private sphere
and defend the individual’s right to privacy against interference by other
persons or the state. In contrast, republicans regard the private, which
they associate with the body and needs, as pertaining to those things
that ought to be hidden from view, In turn, they associate the public
with freedom, or acting in concert with others on behalf of the common
good.” (Landes 1998: 2).
Interestingly, in both the liberal and republican traditions the issue of
women’s equality is entirely missing or they have been assigned a
particular stereotyped role to sub serve the interest of patriarchy. To
amplifying women’s positions on this liberal and republican thought
Jane Freedman rightly observed that “In both these traditions however,
women have been relegated to the private sphere of life to the family,
where it is assumed that they have their proper place – and this sphere
of private/family life has been perceived as outside the concerns of
the law-makers in the public realm”. (Freedman 2002: 27). For example,
in Aristotle’s writings the idea of public and private distinguished in an
important manner. He made a clear separation between ‘Oikos’ and
‘Polis’. The former indicated the world of the household which
represented by the private domain in which master was the supreme
head and the later symbolized the public political domain. For Aristotle,
‘Oikos’ was the sphere in which master ruled in accordance with her
judgment. In contrast to this ‘Polis’ was the realm where political affairs
of the state generated and only “one class of people had the right to
participate in the polis and it is they alone who constituted the public
and interacted in the public sphere”. (Mahajan 2003: 9-10). Surprisingly,
at the same time Aristotle made this clear to us that women are “by
nature” unsuited to the public political realm (Satz 2013 quoted in Okin
2013: Xi) and they had no rights to political participation. By this
Aristotle justified the subordination of women and propagated women’s
inequality and patriarchy.
Unlike Aristotle Plato made more significant distinction between the
two spheres (though he advocates the idea of abolitions of family and
private property) and allows women as well as men to participate on
the city-state affairs. In his ‘Republic’ Plato asserted that both “Women
and men can be members of the ruling groups of guardians”. (Satz
2013 quoted in Okin 2013: Xii). Although in later Plato’s explicit
intention to treat men and women alike did not fulfilled. In the ‘Laws’
“Women’s role in public life winds up being curtailed.” (Satz 2013 quoted
in Okin 2013 Xiii). As for the social contractualist like Rousseau was
concerned, there we find that Rousseau’s participatory democracy
requires egalitarian aspects as well as the existence of citizens (both
male and female) who can devote considerable time to meetings and
civic matters to fulfill the needs of direct democracy. In this case
Rousseau was, Perhaps, half successful egalitarian. His republic is firmly
founded on the exclusion of women from the public life. In the words
of Susan Moller Okin “If all the adults of both sexes were to be as
much preoccupied with civic activity as citizenship in direct democracy
requires, who would maintain this private sphere of life which Rousseau
perceives as crucially important? (Okin 2013: 279). For Rousseau ‘family’
was a natural sphere where women performed most of the work and
he intended to maintain the privacy and exclusiveness of the family in
order to allow women to participate fully as citizens. (Okin 2013:279).
In fact to achieve his egalitarian status Rousseau argued “Women were
the ‘precious half ’ of the Republic, they made the customs while the
men made the laws. Thus, women should limit themselves to domestic
government and not mix themselves in the public space of politics”.
(Freedman 2002: 28)
Unlike Plato, Aristotle and Rousseau, John Stuart Mill is an only partial
exception who made a great effort to include women into the political
realm (advocates political enfranchisement of women) and to
emancipate them to achieve democratic citizenship. But the fact that
“with Mill too, the strict separation of the private from the public
realm, of the family from economic life, and the assumption that day-
to-day care of the family is women’s unpaid work, would all be
determined by the inclusion of women in the theory as the complete
equals of men.” (Okin 2013: 280).
However, feminist writer Carole Pateman challenged the views of social
contract theorists and made her strong criticisms against the traditional
liberalism in which women associated with the private realm of the
family and males have control over public life as well as private sphere.
Though she considered liberal contract theory as the ‘most famous
influential political story of modern times’ and examined the writings
as ‘an explanation for binding authority of the state and civil law and
for the legitimacy of modern civil government’ (Pateman 1988 : 1), but
she argues that “only half of the story has been told by these theories,
because they have talked about the social contract, while she sees it as
based on and legitimized by the sexual contract that is, the power that
men exercise over women”. (Pateman 1988 quoted in Yuval-Davis,
Nira 1997: 79).
Thus these theories for centuries, nurtures the idea of ‘masculinity”
which results women’s subordination to men and have historically
excluded women from access to full political citizenship and political
power. In the words of Fraise (1995) the exclusion can be traced in
“Post-revolutionary theory : democratic thought which excluded women
form citizenship; republican thought, which excluded women from
representation, and feudal or monarchical thought, which ensured the
continuing symbolic representation of political power as masculine.”
(Quoted in Freedman 2002: 28). To clearly emphasize, these theories
explicitly claimed for a natural difference between men and women
and considered men as “rational” therefore suited to politics and public
life, and women as “irrational” being more suited to the emotional life
of home. This is how women have been excluded from achieving full
political citizenship on the basis of presumed “Natural” sexual
differences. Therefore, these theories particularly based on or rather
built on the division between the public and the private to construct
“individual citizen” in these broad traditions.
The crucial point in this analysis is that since the eighteenth century
feminists theories have criticized the theoretical divisions between the
public and private (termed these as ‘arbitrary’ and ‘false’) and argued
for the interdependence of these two spheres to overcome women’s
subordination and ensure full democratic citizenship. As Fraisse explains
“democracy is a question not just of equality but of identity– the identity
of the individual who is admitted to full citizenship” (Fraisse 1995
quoted in Freedman 2002: 28). So that in the interest of justice and
democratization feminist scholars advocates the idea of ‘private’ (which
includes home/family) be opened up to the ‘public’ examination.
Henceforth, they challenged the traditional and liberal/republican
theories. Even though ‘liberalism’ which is mainly based on the idea of
“individualism” and “egalitarianism” (opposite idea of “patriarchalism”)
diametrically founded upon “hierarchical relations of subordination”
as Pateman anomaly pointed out that the liberalism is basically
“patriarchal liberalism” (Pateman 1988). At this point this is crucial to
say that these feminists thought led ‘second-wave’ feminism in the 1960’s
and 1970’s which declare “the personal is political” and argued that the
private sphere was mainly established on the “Power” relations (which
exercise men over women) and gendered inequality. (Freedman 2002:28).
The slogan “the personal is the political” provides a useful analysis and
it emphasized how personal circumstances are structured by public
factors. For example, women’s lives are controlled by the various state
laws and apparatus (laws on rape and abortion), by the status of “wife”,
by legal policies on ‘child-rearing’ and by allocation of welfare benefits,
and by the sexual division of labour in the home and work place. As
Pateman pointed out that the ‘ “personal” problems can thus be solved
only through political means and political action’. (Pateman 1987: 117).
By these popular slogan feminists examines the complexity of women’s
position in contemporary patriarchal societies. In actual world the
separation between the private or personal and the public or political
seems irrelevant to each other and it is an ideological mystification of
liberal– patriarchal reality. (Pateman 1987:118). Moreover, feminists have
criticized the practical and moral implications of public-private division
and conclude that these “separate” two worlds are actually interrelated
and connected by a patriarchal structure.
Significantly, these ‘Public- Private’ splits and feminists criticisms on
this led more specific analysis on women’s political participation and
achieving democratic citizenship. In the words of Ursula Vogel ‘Women
were not simply latecomers to citizenship rights, their exclusion was
part and parcel of the construction of the entitlement of men to
democratic participation while “conferred citizen status not upon
individuals as such, but upon men in their capacity as members and
representations of a family (i.e. a group of noncitizens)’’. (Vogel 1989:
2 quoted in Yuval-Davis, Nira 1997:79). Thus the boundaries created
between the public and the private is a political act in itself to provide
‘citizenship’ status to men other than women who are basically belongs
to the ‘private’ sphere in which they are “free” and “autonomous” as
liberals’ claims.
However, for centuries, many feminists groups are fighting for the
inclusion and participation of women in the formal political process
and there has been a strong pressure for the full political citizenship.
The demand for inclusion of women into the formal political process
were extremely spreaded through in the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries basically in the Europe and America with the revolutionary
“Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen” (1789). At this time
feminists began to protest against this declaration and they continuously
claimed for equal rights of women as citizens. A French revolutionary
Olympe de Gouges argued that “Women were naturally men’s equals,
that they were individuals just as men were, and that they should,
therefore, have all the rights that men did.’ (Quoted in Freedman 2002:
31). With the publication of her ‘Declaration of the Rights of Woman
and Citizen’ (1791) she responses by her famous statement that “Woman
has the right to mount to the scaffold; she ought equally to have the
right to mount to the tribune”. (Gouges 1791, quoted in Freedman
2002: 31). By this way in the end of nineteenth century and beginning
of the twentieth women’s “Suffrage” movements was the main
feminists’ action all over the Europe and United States and right to
‘Vote’ became a significant symbol for many different feminist
movements. However, these movements became for some extent
fruitful as women have achieved voting rights in all western democracies.
But sooner ‘women’s suffrage’ was not considered as a key issue, there
are division between the feminists who questions over the justification
of their claim. For those feminists right to vote does not lead to full
political citizenship, because the crucial element of political citizenship
is clearly political participation and women’s representation in the
decision-making bodies both local and national. (Freedman 2002: 33).
Thus from the above discussions we have reached to the point that
Feminists are looking towards to develop a general theory (Pateman
1987) which includes women and men equally–grounded in the
interrelationship of the individual to collective life, or personal to
political life, instead of their separation or opposition and presumes
some radical changes in both the public and the private sphere.
References :
◆ Freedman, Jane (2002) Feminism. New Delhi: Viva Books Private Limited.
◆ Landes, John B. (1998) Feminism, The Public and The Private. New York: Oxford
University Press.
◆ Mahajan, Gurpreet (2003) “The Public and the Private: Two Modes of
Enhancing Democratization” in Mahajan, Gurpreet and Reifeld, Helmut
(eds.) The Public and The Private: Issues of Democratic Citizenship. New Delhi:
Sage.
◆ Okin, Susan Moller (2013) Women in Western Political Thought. Princeton and
Oxford: Princeton University Press.
◆ Pateman, Carole (1987) “Feminist Critiques of the Public/Private
Dichotomy”, in A. Phillips (ed.) Feminism and Equality. Oxford: Blackwell.
◆ Pateman, Carole (1988) The Sexual Contract. Cambridge: Polity press.
◆ Yuval-Davis, Nira (1997) Gender and Nation. London: Sage.
Calcutta Municipal Corporation:
A Historical Journey to Democracy
Debdatta Bhaduri
Assistant Professor,
Department of Political Science
Sonarpur Mahavidyalaya
Email ID: debdatta2126@gmail.com
Abstract
The city of Kolkata has a history of more than three centuries. It is still bustling with life
as a modern metropolis. Similarly, the corporation which was first established under a Royal
charter in 1726 during the initial years of the British colonial history has experienced
democracy over the time.
Any analysis of this political growth reveals the various economic and strategic considerations
of the British Government. This also highlights the various aspects of the urban local-self-
government in India in general and Bengal in particular. Any meaningful insight into this
episode will definitely begin with Lord Mayo’s proposals of 1870 and finally reach the
mayor-in-council system introduced in the mid-eighties, coming across the legendary Calcutta
Municipal Act of 1923 by Sir S.N. Banerjea. History shows how the corporation of
Calcutta became a centre of decentralization and the mechanism of self-expressions for the
natives of pre-independent India. The corporation lent a true training in democratic learning
to the natives, especially, the middle class Bengali intelligentsia. The more representative the
corporation became, greater became its involvement in the sensitive politics of Bengal. The
corporation still continues to play a diversified role in the present century in the life of
Bengal.
Key Words
Local-Self-Government, Acts, Decentralization, Participation,
Democratisation, liberalism, mayor-in-council

Only the other day there was a news report that the Indian Museum in
Kolkata is the oldest in Asia. However, Kolkata has a longer history
and so has the Calcutta Municipal Corporation. As the three insignificant
villages of Sutanuti, Kolkatta and Gobindapur laid the foundation of
a modern metropolis in 1690, the city’s first corporation was set up on
4th September 1726. As the journey of Calcutta over the centuries to
the present day touched various political and historical stages, the
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
political legacy of modern K.M.C.( KOLKATA MUNICIPAL
CORPORATION) traversed a long path of colonial and post colonial
democratic ups and downs. An insight into the story of such
explorations is an interesting area of an academic pursuit. This also
highlights the manifold aspects of incremental growth of urban local
self-government and politics in India in general and Bengal in particular
in the last two centuries. The present paper traces these developments,
in six sections, in the past hundred years, though earlier periods too
have been encompassed for references as the background.
Section - I
For Tocqueville, the schools are to liberty what primary schools are to
science. They bring it within the people’s reach and teach how to use
and how to enjoy.1 The educative value of local self government in the
last two centuries was of immense significance for democratic training
for the natives of pre-colonial days. However,” at the time of
establishment of British rule there was no self - government in towns.”2
Consequently, the Britishers had the opportunity to begin afresh on
their own. According to Dr. Pillai, the first municipal corporation was
established in Madras by a Royal Charter.3 Similarly by a Royal charter,
the Corporation in Calcutta was set up in 1726 consisting of a mayor
and 9 aldermen. These were in miniature forms as the Britishers were
not much akin to develop municipal administration in the pre-mutiny
days.
“It was only in 1813 that the provision was made for using local taxation
to meet local needs.”4 However the Act XXXVI of 1850 marked the
beginning of municipal government not only in Bengal but also
throughout India. It also allowed levying indirect taxes for carrying
municipal services, e.g. cleaning, lighting and repairing for the towns.
The Background
The Sepoy Mutiny of 1857 caused a perceptible change in colonial
rules. Imperial finances were under strain under the impact of the
war as the British government was expanding in different parts of
Asia. The resultant was the growing pressure of finance. During the
early days of the crown in the post-1857 period, the need for the basic
services like heath, sanitation, education was felt. This was also
emphasized by the Royal Sanitary Commission. Hence, Lord Mayo’s
resolution in 1870 highlighted the need for decentralization of powers
for bringing administrative efficiency and raising resources for satisfying
the growing needs of the country. That is to say, running the local
administration with the locally raised revenues was the objective.”It
was around this time that Andrew Laing, member of Viceroy’s council,
eulogized the spirit of local self governance....”5 Lord Lytton’s period
as the viceroy was characterised by discontentment and misgovernance.
Ripon’s resolution of 1882

Against this background lord Ripon’s policy of local self government
was not merely a reflection of his faith in liberalism, but at best to
some extent the” assuage the exasperated sentiments of nationalist
India.”6 There were agitations and protests throughout India for the
acceptance of the Indians in the different spheres of public life. Most
importantly, ‘Indian Association’ founded by sir Surendranath Banerjea
became an organization representing the rights of the educated middle-
class community of Bengal.
Lord Ripon’s epoch making resolution is regarded as the Magna Carta
of the local democracy in India. The resolution stated an increase in
the non-official element of the municipal government, substitution of
non-official as chairman, control from without rather than from within
and the dissolution of finance and power.
Section - II
The Corporation established in Calcutta in 1726 underwent gradual
changes over the period. The royal charter of 1763 intended its powers.
From 1794-1876, the management of the town was placed in the hands
of justices of Peace. The chairman of the Justices discharged the
duties of the Police Commissioner as well as the chief executive of the
Municipality. Lack of resources and adequate statutory authority made
it difficult for providing municipal services. Since 1793, money was
raised by means of lotteries by forming Lottery Committee. In 1863,
the Municipal government composed of justices of peace. This body
elected its own Vice Chairman, had a regular health office, engineers,
scavengers, Tax collector and assessors. The Calcutta Municipal
Corporation Act, 1876, a corporation was set up consisting of 72
commissionaires with a chairman and vice-chairman. 48 commissioners
were elected by the rate-players and 24 appointed by the government.
The major developments and achievements in the city during 1757-
1876 periods include the clearance of the maidan, construction of
Fort William, spread of European quarters at Chowranghee, Town
Hall, New Market, road Beliaghata Canal along with new drainage and
water supply lines. A large number of were also laid during this period.
In 1888, suburbs lying east and south of lower circular road were
brought under Calcutta Corporation.
Section - III
It may be recalled that in spite of the initiatives and amendments made
to expedite the efficacy of the urban Governance in Bengal in particular,
and British India in general, ‘Local Self Government’ as contemplated
by Lord Ripon remained a matter of mutual distrust. In Surendranath's
words, “The measure was reactionary prompted by the official distrust
of municipal institution.”7 It may be noted that towards the end of
19th Century, the municipal advancement came under the excessive
centralized dominance of Lord Curzon as he did not approve of the
idea of Indian administrative efficiency for running local self
government successfully.
The Calcutta Municipal Act of 1899, also known as the Mackenzie
Act, at the time of the closing of the 19th century, brought significant
changes in the system. The administration of Kolkata rested in the
hands of three coordinating authorities- the corporation, the chairman
and the general committee. The corporation consisted of a government
appointed chairman and 50 Commissioners of whom 25 were elected.
However, the Chairman was the sole executive authority while the real
authority rested with the European Community dominated General
Committee. “The people of Calcutta took very little interest in the
administration of the city under this act; in all seven elections held
under this act until this was scrapped by the legislation of 1923, the
people showed little enthusiasm.”8 In protest the native commissioners
resigned which” deprived the new body of the services of several able
and experienced men.”9
Section - IV
It is worth mentioning that the political situation in Bengal and other
parts of India at the outset of the 20th century became tensed. Lord
Curzon’s partition of Bengal in 1905 unleashed a wave of movement.
In 1906 ,the Calcutta session of Indian National Congress which was
established in 1885 as a ‘safety valve’ resolved that the powers of local
and municipal bodies should be extended and the control over them
should not be more than what was being executed in Britain over the
local bodies. Finally, the Surat session of I.N.C. announced “self-
government within the empire as its goal”
A Royal commission was set up in 1907 to suggest ways and means to
transfer excessive powers to the local bodies. This commission is
popularly known as the Decentralization Commission and its report
was published in 1909. The recommendations of the Commission were
“sound and cautious in terms of administrative improvement, rather
than of national political aspiration.”10 The commission suggested the
‘Bombay system’ consisting of a nominated official commissioner with
an elected chairman at the corporation. All the ward commissioners
of the corporation agreed to the provision of an elected chairman of
the commission in place of the nominated official chairman. However
Calcutta Corporation was not proposed to enjoy the fullest autonomy
in finance or administrative matters like the Bombay Corporation.
Government’s reaction to the report of the Decentralization
Commission was not very prompt. Six years after the report was
published, during the time of the world war, the British government
showed eagerness to implement the proposals of the commission. The
Indians made a positive contribution in the first word war and the end
of the war brought hope among the Indians of drastic changes in
power structure with adequate devolution of power. The following
years noticed greater devolution of powers in the local governing bodies.
The Calcutta Municipal Bill of 1917 was framed for “further
liberalizing”11 the constitution. The main features of the Bill were the
restoration of the old number of the commissioners to 75, the election
of Mohammedan representatives by separate electorates, the abolition
of plural voting, the appointment of a commissioner by the government
as the head of the executive, the election of a chairman by the
corporation to preside its meetings. Bengali opinion was unanimous in
the matter of increasing the number of membership. However, instead
of ” a uniform representation of two members from each ward”, the
Bill raised the number of elected representatives to 37 from 25, the12
bigger wards would send two representatives while the others each
only. The demand of the provincial Congress Party for more numbers
of Municipal commissioners went useless. Regarding finance the Act’s
proposal was the amalgamation of rates of four municipal funds-
general, water supply, lighting, sewage into one rate.
Another interesting fact regarding this Act is related to the constitution
of an “entirely separate electorate on the principle by which
Mohammedan representation was secured by the Legislative council
of Bengal Morley-Minto reforms scheme of 1909.”13 Though the
central Mohammedan Association preferred a separate electorate, public
opinion sought on the subject of communal representation,
disapproved a separate electorate. The Indian Association held that,
“Municipal interests of Hindoos and Mohammedans have always been
identical; and before a departure from the existing practice was
sanctioned, it ought to be proved that those interests were in conflict.”14
The Bengal provincial Congress committee was also against the
introduction of separate electorates in the municipal affairs.
Section - V
Nevertheless, the 1917 Bill could not be incorporated in the statute
book. After the First World War the political expectations of the Indians
remained unsatisfied and they “quitted the path of social reform for
the direct path of mass action and non-cooperation”15. The August
announcement of 1917 by the British parliament held that their basic
policy would be establishment of responsible government in India as
an integral part of British Empire. In the words of Tilak, “The Montagu
scheme is entirely unacceptable.”16 Lord Chemsford made a fresh
statement on 14th May1918 related to more democratisation in local
governance. It also introduced diarchy in provincial administration.
The Bengal Legislative Council was reformed and a diarchic executive
comprising of the ministers responsible to the council and governor’s
executive council, was constituted under the recommendations of
Montagu – Chemsford Reforms of 1919. Thus local self–government
became a transferred subject. Sir S.N.Banerjea became the first Indian
minister, in-charge of local self government who introduced the famous
Municipal Bill, 1921, as per the reform. To him, it was “if the reforms
were to succeed at the top, it was necessary to strengthen the local
institutions at the base.”17
The Calcutta Municipal Bill introduced by S.N. Banerjea in 1921, became
Bengal Act III of 1923. So far as the constitutional provisions are
concerned, major policies were - a) the size of the membership of the
corporation was raised from 50 to 80 out of which 55 were to be
elected by general electorates. 13 seats were marked for Mohammedans,
12 were to be institutional councillors, 5 were to be aldermen elected
by corporation and 8 were to be government nominees. The number
of members fixed by the Act of 1876 was 75 and this continued till
1899 when it was reduced to 50. It was advancement towards
democratization of the corporation. However, the constitution which
was finally framed provided for 75 elected councillors out of which to
be 15 to be Mohammedans, 10 government nominees and five aldermen
to be appointed by the corporation.
There was a controversy related to the Mohammedan representation
in the corporation since their membership had been more than five
between 1911 and 1921 period by election or even by nomination.
“No principle of safeguarding the interests of any community appeared
to have been followed by government in making appointments in the
corporation”19.Sir S.N. Banerjea opposed communal representation.
To him, “it divides our community into water tight compartments and
makes us think and act as partisans and not as citizens”20.The spokesman
of a mixed electorate raised their voices saying that the civic interests
of the Hindoos and Muslims could not be different. Any proposal for
separate electorates would only create a cleavage in the social fabric.
The Montagu – Chemsford report also regarded, “Any system of
communal electorate as a very serious hindrance to the development
of self governing principle” 21.Finally, it was resolved that the
Mohammedan would be granted communal representation after which
it would lapse.
The Act liberalized the franchise qualification to make it more
democratic by incorporating the principle that every occupier of a
masonry building or a hut who paid a rent of twenty five rupees or
more a month, shall be eligible to vote. The Act also provided for the
abolition of plural voting. It held that every elector be given as many
votes as there were councillors to be elected, but he could not give
more than one vote to any one candidate. Under the existing system,
an elector had votes up to a maximum of 11 in any ward according to
valuation of his properties.
The act of 1923 “introduced voting by ballot and made women eligible
to vote and stand for elections” 22 . S.N. Banerjea argued that,
“Progressive government does not stop to look at demands-it goes on
under the impulses of its own beneficient and progressive policy.”23
The demand for female suffrage was not that strong those days. Hence
the Act thought much ahead of its time.
The most striking feature of had been the abolition of the Bombay
system comprising of the three coordinate authorities, the corporation,
general committee, and the chairman. Under the Act of 1923, the
corporation was made supreme and empowered to delegate its power
to standing committee and even to the chairman and to withdraw them
according to its will. Both the president and the chairman were to be
elected by the corporation .The president was to be called the Mayor.
The chairman would be called the Chief executive officer and his
appointment must be confirmed by the government. It is also interesting
to note that the Calcutta Municipal Area extended during the 20s to
Tollygunge, suburbs of cossipur - chitpur, manicktala, garden reach
and some other municipal area.
The Calcutta Municipal Act 1923, though injected the democratic spirit
in municipal administration, was amended in 1926, 1930, 1931. In 1932,
an act of the Bengal legislature deprived the Calcutta Corporation of
its power of taxing the motor vehicles. In 1932, another Act was passed
to give a fair representation to the Muslims by increasing their
membership by 2. But it was decided that they would be elected from
the mixed constituencies with the lapse of statutory 9 years. However,
separate electorates for Mohammedans was restored and increased by
the Calcutta Municipal Amendment Act, 1939.This brought to the fore
the bitter controversy over communal representation. In 1946, “An act
of the Bengal legislature fully scrapped all such acts and repealed some
sections of the Calcutta Municipal Corporation Act of 1923.”24
Section - VI
The Calcutta Municipal act though amended many times remained in
operation for more than 25 years. It became a truly rational institution
with democratic ideas. It put up a fight against bureaucracy. It welcomed
nationalist leaders like Nehru, P.C. Roy and so on with due respect
while, declined to receive any foreign king or ambassadors. The
corporation took up the causes of the poor and the common people
with the influx of migrants during and after the world war second, the
famine period of 1942-43, the corporation helped administer aid from
both public and private sources. The partition brought thousands of
refugees in the city. By 1948 the city government in Calcutta came to a
standstill.
It was alleged that the corporation had become grossly incompetent
and financially corrupt to run the city administration. So deep-rooted
where the ills in the life of the corporation that many thought that it
might be abolished. By a government notification, 15th April 1948, an
enquiry commission was set up to investigate the ills and report to the
government. Shortly before the appointment of the commission, the
corporation was superseded with effect from 24th March 1948 to 31st
March 1949. Finally it was clear that the revision of the corporation
was necessary with the new democratic ideals of the post independence
period and thus the Calcutta municipal Act of 1951 was enacted.
The Calcutta Municipal Act rested on the Council-manager form of
town management and is based on the principle of the separation of
powers between the corporation and the commissioner with the aim
of checks and balance. “The commissioner is pitted against the
councillors, the standing committees are separate and uncoordinated
cells.... the corporation is more suited to criticism than action and the
manager is necessarily more a presiding officer or a speaker than a
civic leader.”25 Despite a series of amendments, the Act of 1951, could
not provide effective administration and was superseded by the state
government in 1972.” The sixth conference of the municipal
corporation held in 1967, a resolution was adopted urging upon the
government of India to draw up model bill for the Mayor in council
(MIC) form of government.”26 The MIC model is strictly different
from the MIC as is found in the USA. In the USA, it is a small
deliberative and policy making body where the mayor’s functions
resemble the presidential form of government. On the other hand,
MIC form of city governance is a small collective body chosen out of
the bigger council called corporation. It can be identified with the
parliamentary form of government, when the mayor becomes the real
executive.
West Bengal was the first state in India to introduce the MIC form of
city governance for Kolkata and Howrah. The CMC Act of 1980 which
came into force in 1984 aims at decentralization and seeks to make the
municipal corporation predominantly responsible for looking after the
development and maintenance of civic services. It substituted the
Bombay system or the commissioner system.
Another important point to be noted here is that S.N. Banerjea through
his Act of 1923 made women eligible to vote and contest elections.
The 74th amendment of the constitution 1992 reserved 33.33% seats
for women in local urban bodies. This may be viewed as an impetus to
the good conscience of our political leaders for ratifying the women’s
reservation bill, for reservation of seats in centre and state legislatures.
The CMC Act was amended in 1994 in conformity with the 74th
constitutional amendment.
An Assessment
At the onset of the 21st century, Calcutta came to be known as Kolkata.
The age-old city which was the capital of British India till 1911, the
centre of Bengal Renaissance, the focus of Indian freedom struggle
still dominates the cultural and economic scene of modern India. The
Second World War 1943 famine, 1947 communal riots, the partition of
India and the arrival of displaced persons have all affected the city
harshly. Yet the city has sustained the woes of time and stands ahead in
social and economic developments.
So can be said about K.M.C. (Kolkata Municipal Corporation).A long
history of self- rule, the gradual induction in democratic culture, the
training in grass root democracy, decentralisation and efficiency are
the realities and achievements of this historical journey. The institution
now happily caters to the diversified needs of the cosmopolitan citizens’
charter. To Aristotle, the structure of politics is the structure of
institutions embodied in the state. A democratic state would call for a
democratic local government. K.M.C. justifies its existence historically.
NOTES AND REFERENCES

1. Democratic Governance and Decentralised Planning Rhetoric and Reality. Datta
Prabhat. 2012, Dasgupta and Co. Pvt. Ltd. Kolkata.
2. Local Self Government in West Bengal. Mukherjee Subrata Kumar. 1974,
Dasgupta and Co. Pvt. Ltd. Kolkata.
3. History of Local Self Government in the Madras Presidency, Pillay, K.K. p.119.
4. Municipal Government in India. Argal, Dr. R.P. 4.
5. Democratic Governance and Decentralised Planning Rhetoric and Reality. Datta
Prabhat. 2012. Dasgupta and Co Pvt Ltd. Kolkata. p.4.
6. Local Self Government and Finance. Sharma, M.P. p.5.
7. A Nation in Making. Banerjea, Surendranath. P. 31.
8. Calcutta : Story of its Governance. Chowdhuri, keshab. 1973. Orient Longman.
New Delhi.
9. Calcutta Municipality Administrative Report for 1902-1903. P.21.
10. Hugh.1954 The Foundation of Local Self Government in India, Pakistan and
Burma. Tinka. P-85.
11. Calcutta : Story of its Governance. Chowdhuri, Keshab. 1973. Orient Longman.
New Delhi. P. 212.
12. Calcutta Municipal Bill of 1917. Clauses 8,9,10 and 38.
13. Calcutta : Story of its Governance. Chowdhuri, Keshab. 1973. Orient Longman.
New Delhi. P.216.
14. Letter from the Secretary to the Indian Association. dated Calcutta, the
13th Dec 1913, to the Government of Bengal.
15. Hugh.1954 The Foundation of Local Self Government in India, Pakistan and
Burma. Tinka. P.191.
16. Local Self Government in West Bengal. Mukherjee Subrata Kumar. 1974.
Dasgupta and Co. Pvt. Ltd. Kolkata. P.139.
17. Bengal Legislative Council. Proceedings (Vol-V), 1921. P.124.
18. Sir. S.N. Banerjea on 2nd November, 1921. Bengal Legislative Council
Proceedings. (Vol-V) P.124.
19. Notes by S.B.R. and A.C.M. ON 28.6.1921 and 29.6.1921 respectively,
Local Self Government Department. File-M.Q.28. NOS.93-95.
20. S.N. Banerjea on 22nd November, 1921, Bengal legislative council
Proceedings (1921) VOL-V, P.127.
21. Report on Indian Constitutional Reforms, 1918, part-1, P.1.
22. Subsection 2 to section 29 of the Calcutta Municipal Act of 1923.
23. Sir S.N. Banerjea on 16th Feb, 1923, Bengal Legislative Council Proceeding
(1923).Vol-XI. P-213.
24. The Bengal Repealing Act Amending Act, 1946.
25. Calcutta : Story of its Governance. Chowdhuri, Keshab. 1973. Orient
Longman. New Delhi. Chp-VII. P. 294.
26. The Mayor in – Council Form of City Government in Calcutta : Its Nature
and Working. 1988. Nagarlok, July-September.
27. http://www.kmc.gov.in
28. http://www.kmc.gov.in/kmcportal/jsp/kmcaboutkolkata.
Appendix
CMA in 1992
Sources : "Evolution and Growth of Municipal Towns in Calcutta
Metropolitan Area" Centre for Urban Economic Studies, Department
of Economics, Calcutta University.
Bengal and the Bengalee of the
Twentieth Century in the Light of Politics
Siddhartha Khanra
Assistant Professorof Bengali
Kaliganj Govt. College
Email ID: siddhartha.khanra4@gmail.com
Abstract
In the first half of the twentieth century, the Indians had experienced the pangs and sufferings
under the British rule. Nevertheless, the people of Bengal strived to gain back their right and
identity. They also fought their best to save Bengal from partition. Sometimes they directly
attacked the British to achieve freedom, sometimes they produced revolutionary literary works
to voice their protests. In my paper, I will discuss various aspects of the politics in Bengal
under the British rule. How the Swadeshi movement and the partition of Bengal caused the
revival of patriotism and the mass awakening in Bengal will also be discussed in my paper.
In the middle of the twentieth century, how the ideas of Marxism influenced contemporary
society of Bengal will be analysed in this research paper. Besides this, I will focus on the
issues regarding the education and position of women in the society, morality, ethics, power-
structure, etc. and their relation to contemporary politics.
How Globalization and its effect on economy affected the society and culture of Bengal in the
twentieth century would also be discussed in my paper. In addition, I will focus on the politics
of separatism and terrorism and their negative impact upon the common psyche of Bengal.
In this context, I will discuss in my paper how politics influenced not only the society and
culture of Bengal, but also the mind, mentality and thought processing of a Bengalee in the
twentieth century.
Key words
Bengal, Bengalee, Politics, British, Patriotism, Marxism, Globalization
India was halfly bandaged country of twentieth century and for this
reason the political history of Bengal was full of bloodshed due to
tortures,pain,sufferings movements . On the other hand 1947 freedom
was the result of the negetiation with partition and the after the freedom
vapers of treaties and opinion made a thick layer of clouds in the sky
of Bengal politics.which at the end of the twentieth century .we,t all
people of Bengal that is way the effects of partition, markxism,
existentialism, globalization, power-expansion,socialism and terrorism
hardly surprised the badlu suffered men of Bengal. But all these
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
revolutions did not give the metropolitical minds and morality of
Bengali middle class people to be spoiled, I think that for the
development of society and culture the central.role of the twentieth
century’s political history is indispensible.
At the second phase of the 19th century Nationalsim was introduced
along with the emergence of weatern-education and capitalism which
led a great change in Bengali society and economy. culture (all over
India). National congress was formed with the help of Hume. But it
was not possible for socialists to stop the speed of history and it lighting
process. In the year 1905 in the reign of Lord Curzon to stop the
partition of Bengal there created movements Swadeshi Movement got
its origin. Burgeoise leaders took decision to boycott British goods to
express their agony this movement is also known as Boycott
Movements.
Immediately moderate leaders of Bengal proclaimed throughout Bengal
to purchase indigenious goods. This selling and buying of ‘deshi goods’
was Swadeshi Movements. Although it started on the basis of the
partition of Bengal, It stopped importing of foreign goods. It fostered
indigenous industrial and other enterprises organized by Indian
bourgeois. For the Swadeshi Boycott movement the textile mills not
only in Bengal but also in Bombay and Ahmedabad were re-
organisedand re-opened. This brought a great change in the life of
middle class people of Indian.
During the time of Non–Cooperation Movement (1920) a large number
of marginal, small and wealthy farmers collaborately stopped paying
tax. People of midnaporetook a great part in of this movement. This
movements started as an reaction against the british tax officers and
their measurement system. Santal people of the weatern part of tha
midnapore district , started revolutions against the – then Jamindar
and they captured all property jewellery and other belongings of the
jamindars santal had to light with the hired lathiwala of Jamindar.
Some wise men and learnes from Bangladesh came to Kolkata on Nov,
1925 and they formed the labour Sivaray of the Indian National
Congress. A large of partition of the concerned to was connected
with communist Movements. Eminent figures like kutubuddin Ahmed,
Hemanta kumar Sarkar and Nazrul Islaml were connected with this
party. In 1929 Nikhil Banga Proja Samittee was formed in 1936 it’s had
been changed and it was given the name of Nikhil banga proja samittee.
It started working for the development of peasants and for their
movements. Members of this samittee gave demonstration and
organised public mettings and resolutions in various villages and thus
it strengthened the proja movement of 1930.
The historical fight of Te-vaga of 1946 was out word agitation of the
deceived farmer in the pre-independent era of the British rule. The
oscialation for the demand of the Te-vaga was occurred in Krishnarajpur,
Ramnathpur of Chanditala police station. This oscialation take as
military like turnwhen it beganin shrikant baga villageof Balagarh ps in
1946. Strong thinking and committee has build up against the torture
of the jomindar of Bara kamalapur of singur p.s. To remove this
oscilation in 1947, police had been started firing , Kartik dhara and
Guiram Mondal has martyred in this firing. In 1949, 19th February police
also had had been started firing to remove the oscilation in the placee
of Bhukirery of polba thana , five no of farmers has died as martyr.
Tebhaga movement was started at north bengalo farmers of dinajpur
maymansingh Moved against the leaders and success. Somewhere
woman power dragged out the police with the leadership of farmers.
Thus this movement spread out every corner of Bangladesh. At first it
was started at the kwakdwip, mathurapur of undivided 24 parganas.
This is mainly a movement of farmers against jomindars. Tebhaga
movement was a concerned political movement. This was constituted
by the communist party. In this regard, We can rememeber a poem of
Solil Chowdhury-
Úˆ££z ¢yõyˆÏúy ˆ££z ¢yõyˆÏúy
ˆ££z ¢yõyˆÏúy îyò ˆ£y
Ñ˛yˆÏhfl˛›˛y îyÁ üyò ˆ£y
ãò Ñ˛Ó%ú xyˆÏÓ˚ õyò Ñ˛Ó%ú
xyÓ˚ ˆîˆÏÓy òy xyÓ˚ ˆîÓ òy
Ó˚ˆÏ_´ ˆÓyòy ïyò ˆõyˆÏîÓ˚ ≤Ãyí ˆ£yÛ
In this regard, We can remember a poem of Brishnu dey- ÚãˆÏß√ ì˛yˆÏîÓ˚
Ñ,˛°Ïyò ÷!ò Ñ˛yˆÏhfl˛ ÓyòyÎ˚ £zfl˛ôyˆÏì˛
Ñ,˛°ÏyˆÏíÓ˚ Óv˛z ˛ô£z§ˆÏäÈ Óyã% ÓyòyÎ˚–
Îyey ì˛yˆÏîÓ˚ Ñ˛!‡˛ò ˛ôˆÏÌ Ó˚yÖ# Óyï§y !Ñ˛ˆÏüyÓ˚ £yˆÏì˛ÈÙÈ
Ó˚y«˛¢Ó˚y Ó,Ìy£z ˆÓ˚ òÖ üyòyÎ˚Û
In 1947 division of our country is an important part of Bengal’s politics.
In twenty century its become a political problem.Our country was
divided in to two part. i.e, India and Pakisthan.
When refugee crossed the border one country to another for security
they remain suspended handling between two worlds. They can not
forget their past but should strat their present life.after Independence
the effect of division of our country effected on bengali short story.
In this regard, we can remember Narayan Gangyopaddhyay’s short
story ‘Bidisha’ ‘Natun Gan’ and of Norendranath Mitra’s short story
‘Palanko’,and Prafullo Roy’s ‘Majhi’etc.The jomindar adhigrahan law
of 1953 and alternatively West Bengal land constitution low of 1955
abolish the middleman jamindar.
The Naxalite movement of the 1970s, in one sense, was the struggle
of the marginalized agrarian people. In this movement, the marginalized
people were tyrannized by the ruling class and at the same time, the
middle class people produced literary works about this movement.
Jayanta Joarder’s ‘Evabei Egoi’, Shirshendu Mukhopadhayaya’s ‘Shayola’,
Shaibal Mitra’s ‘Agyatobas’, Syed Mustafa Siraj’s ‘Krshna Bari Fereni’,
Samresh Majumder’s ‘Kalbela’ and ‘Kalpurush’, Samaresh Basu’s
‘Mahakaler Rother Ghora’ expose the political aspects of the Naxalite
movement. The chief agendum of the movement was to form
revolutionaries and revolutionary partie
History has connected with politics. Marksist think that except soletoriet
they have not written any thing for others, which has declared by
Edmond willson in Gladit Hicks in the year 1933…the literature based
on Marksism is not possible in erlier. No any critic/reviewer can avoid
political connection from literature. A socialist artist also used the
politics as a plot of character . the conflicted realism of marks and
fascism of lenin has made an important source of Bengali literature &
Bengali socialism at that time . in the first part of the 20 th century
marksbad was the main arms to the labour classes, who are the
producers of various product. In this regard, we can remember Manik
Bandyopadhyay’s Novel ‘Podwma Nadir Majhi and also marks-centrik
novel have written in 20 century…etc.
Conclusion
Lastly, I should mention that politics of the twentieth century is chiefly
concerned with feminism and consumerism. It is also concerned with
the politics of the lower middle class or the marginalized section of
the society. When the metropolitan mindset of the middle class people
was affected by globalization, an alternate, unconventional and
unacceptable politics influenced every person and the whole society
and country as well. Consequently, the middle class people are going to
face a dynamic conflict between the home and the world.
References-
1) £z ~õ ~¢ òy¡∫ % ! î!Ó˚ ˛ ôyîñ ¶˛yÓ˚ ˆ Ï ì ˛Ó˚ fl˛∫ y ï#òì˛y ¢Ç@˘ Ã yˆÏ õ Ó˚ £z ! ì˛£y¢– ≤ÃÌõ ≤ÃÑ˛yü È Ù ÙÙÈ
!v˛ˆÏ¢¡∫Ó˚ÈÙÈ1998– òƒyüyòyú Ó%Ñ˛ ~ˆÏã™#ñ 12 Ó!B˛õ â˛ƒy›˛yã≈# fl˛T…#›˛ñ Ñ˛úÈÙÈ73
2) Georg Lukacs : The meaning of contemporary Realism : Tr.John & Necke Mander,
Mertin Press, 1972.
3) P. Sitaramayya, History of the Indian National Congress,vol-1.
4) Ó˚ˆÏíò ˆ¢ò– ÓyÇúyÎ˚ Ñ˛!õv˛z!òfi›˛ ˛ôy!›≈˛ Ü‡˛ˆÏòÓ˚ ≤ÃÌõ Î%Ü S1930ÈÙÈ48V ˜ãƒ¤˛ 1388
5) xy!ãã%ú £Ñ˛ñ òÑ˛üyúÓy!v˛¸ ≠ !ì˛!Ó˚ü ÓäÈÓ˚ xyˆÏÜ ~ÓÇ ˛ôˆÏÓ˚– !mì˛#Î˚ ¢Çfl˛ÒÓ˚í ãyò%Î˚y!Ó˚ ÈÙÈ
2001– ˆîã ˛ôyÓ!ú!üÇñ 13 Ó!B˛õ â˛ƒy›˛yã≈# fl˛T…#›˛ñ Ñ˛úÈÙÈ73
6) ˛ô!ì˛ì˛ Ñ%˛õyÓ˚ ˛ôyÓòñ !Ó°ÏÎ˚ÈÙÈÑ,˛°ÏÑ˛ xyˆÏ®yúò !Ó°ÏˆÏÎ˚Ó˚ ¢£yÎ˚Ñ˛ @˘Ãs˛i– ≤ÃÌõ ≤ÃÑ˛yü Ñ˛úÑ˛yì˛y
Ó£zˆÏõúy ãyò%Î˚y!Ó˚ 2007– ~v%˛ˆÏÑ˛üò ˆö˛yÓ˚yõñ ¶˛Óy!ò î_ ˆúòñ Ñ˛úÈÙÈ73–
7) ≤ÃÜ!ì˛ õy£z!ì˛ñ ¢õyãñ ¢y!£ì˛ƒ Á Ó˚yãò#!ì˛– ãyò%Î˚y!Ó˚ 2002– £z¢eýñ Óyîyõì˛úy ˆÓ˚yv˛ñ
Ñ˛úÈÙÈ700058–
8) R.C Majumder, Struggle for Freedom
9) !Óõú Ñ%˛õyÓ˚ õ%ˆÏÑ˛y˛ôyïƒyÎ˚ñ õy:≈#Î˚ ¢y!£ì˛ƒì˛_¥– ˆõ 2001– ˆîã ˛ôyÓ!ú!üÇñ Ó!B˛õ â˛ƒy›˛yã≈#
fl˛T…#›˛ñ Ñ˛úÈÙÈ73
10) v˛. ≤ÃÓ#Ó˚ Ñ%˛õyÓ˚ úy£y– ¶˛yÓ˚ˆÏì˛Ó˚ fl˛∫yï#òì˛y ¢Ç@˘ÃyˆÏõ ≤ÃÓy¢# ˛ô!eÑ˛y– 1349 ÓDy∑– ~Ñ%˛ü
üì˛Ñ˛ üƒyõyâ˛Ó˚í ˆî fl˛T…#›˛ñ Ñ˛úÈÙÈ73–
Voice from the below: United Movement of the
Milkmen, Peasants and Landless Labourers
in Burdwan District (Agradwip) 1947 – 1949
Dr. Kakali Mukherjee

Rishi Bankim Chandra College
24 Parganas(N)
Email ID: kakalimukherjee76@gmail.com
Abstract
Traditional peasant society came across a new world of democracy after the independence
without knowing its significance in their life. During the colonial period, indigenous people
across the social classes fought unitedly to win freedom. To accelerate freedom struggle peasantry
along with the workers acceded to an alliance with the land lords and industrialists. After
independence peasantry got the assurance of a socialist constitution with a compromised
ideology of Sarvodaya. Instead of providing new society Congress Government protected the
interest of the elite, of the old order. For the political power Congress Government and
Congress party depended on the landed gentry and emerging business classes. Lack of social
revolution created various kind of social and economic hierarchy in a new nation. At the
same time, right of universal franchise provided the marginal, the opportunity of challenging
local power and leadership. This paper would be analysing struggle of the peasants, marginal
milkmen and landless labourers of Burdwan District of West Bengal in this political frame
of India. It would be investigated in this paper that how the indigent, exploited villagers
raised their voice in resistance against the rural gentry under the leadership of local C.P.I
leaders and workers. The paper would try to explain the role of the Lefts in mobilising these
people from the below including the women of this region.
Key Words
Exploited, Social hierarchy, Zaminder, Marginal, Movement, Resistance,
Women
Introduction
Traditional peasant society came across a new world of democracy
after the independence without knowing its significance in their life.
During the colonial period, indigenous people across the social classes
fought unitedly to win freedom. To accelerate freedom struggle
peasantry along with the workers acceded to an alliance with the land
lords and industrialists. After independence peasantry got the assurance
of a socialist constitution with a compromised ideology of Sarvodaya,
which promised an equality within a hierarchical social order. Instead
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
of providing new society Congress Government protected the interest
of the elite, of the old order. Like the other third world countries,
India adopted the political system derived from the old imperialist
master. For the political power Congress Government and Congress
party depended on the landed gentry and emerging business classes.
Lack of social revolution created various kind of social and economic
hierarchy in a new nation. At the same time, right of universal franchise
provided the marginal, the opportunity of challenging local power and
leadership. This paper would be analysing struggle of the peasants,
marginal milkmen and landless labourers of Burdwan District of West
Bengal in this political frame of India. It would be investigated in this
paper that how the indigent, exploited villagers raised their voice in
resistance against the rural gentry under the leadership of local C.P.I.
leaders and workers. The paper would try to explain the role of the
Lefts in mobilising these people from the below including the women
of this region.
Exploited Villagers of Agradwip
Independence did not brought in socialism in a new nation. It was the
rural gentry in countryside who were dominating the society, economy
and politics of the local area. Matching the situation the local zamindar
of Agradwip of Katwa subdivision of Burdwan district of West Bengal
ruled the area wilfully. Life of the common villagers became miserable
due to the unquestionable dominance and hegemony of the zamindar
of Mallik family. Approximately 1500 poor families of Agradwip,
Babladanga, Kashipur, Jhaudanga area inhabited in this region. In ratio
milkmen were in majority than the cultivators. By following a crude
policy of division between the two communities zaminders maintained
their dominance over this area. Uncultivated lands were distributed
among the poor peasants by the zaminder in condition of submitting
rupees 100/200 for a year. This system was known as ‘Uthbandi’. With
intense labour and diligence peasants grew crops in these fields. At the
time of harvesting the same lands were distributed again among the
cowherds of that area as pasture by the zaminder. Cows of these milk
men were set free in these lands. This concord between the two
communities helped the zaminder to get hold of control over this
helpless people. If individual protested against this act, land was given
to more well off peasant in the coming year. Out of fear no one even
showed any kind of resistance. Under tremendous pressure they had
to work in the fields of the landlord even without any remuneration.
Inspired by this situation, contemporary writer Sauri Ghatak wrote a
novel, ‘Comrade’. In this novel one of the protagonists, Sundari, narrates
how the peyadas (the armed foot men) compelled the poor peasants to
cultivate in the lands of zaminder and collected fines forcibly from them.
This literature described that from the beginning of dawn unfortunate
cultivators took refuge in the nearby forest to get rid of this corvee
service. In reality whenever anybody tried to protest against this illegal
action of the zaminder, were brutally beaten in the office. The
unconscious body was thrown away from the area of zamindary. Even
the women of the villages were not spared from the torture of the
rural gentry. Neither the peasants got the success in having crops in
their house nor they had enough food to feed for the year. The socio-
economic hierarchy of the village successfully shattered their self-
respect to the extent that even by hearing the name of zaminder babu,
made them scared. It could be argued that peasants of Agradwip
suffered the same as the peasant societies of the larger world who
were bounded by the double chains of lordship and labour all through.
The Struggle Begins
On this backdrop a veteran freedom fighter and convict of Chattagram
armoury despoilment case, Subodh Chaudhuri came to Katwa in 1946
after release from the cellular jail. He conferred his faith on communism
through Communist Consolidation in jail. After the release he came to
his home at Agradwip with the intention of organising workers
movement in Asansol. During his staying in Agradwip he came in
acquaintance with the story of the tormented life of the marginal rural
people. By watching this kind of exploitation he decided to mobilise
these indigent people politically to achieve their right of living with
respect. It was very difficult task to organise these above said isolated
rural have nots in protest of unjust social hierarchy and torture. With
the help of district and sub divisional C.P.I. members, Subodh
Chaudhuri started mobilising the peasants through confidential
meetings and discussions during the time of evening. The novel
‘Comrade’ describes how the calm, languid peasantry became united
and undaunted through regular organisational work of the communists.
Gradually cultivators became conscious against the corvee service,
system of illegal fine collection and united in support of impound
system. For the first time in the leadership of Subodh Chaudhuri,
villagers protested against the zaminder Patal Mallick known as Choto
Babu by confiscating some of the cows of the milk men. The insolent
zaminder disregarded the protesting crowd by saying that the cows will
keep on feeding the crop of his own land. Now peasants became united
for the first time under the leadership of Subodh Chaudhuri to say ‘no,
Cows will not’. They got that courage and determination for the first
time due to continuous politicisation by the communist workers in this
area. Under the leadership of Subodh Chaudhuri, a committee was
formed, consisting of 16 members including Mahadev De, Mahadev
Biswas, Hareram Biswas, Patol Biswas, Gopinath Biswas, Dumur Nandi,
Loharam Shil, Kali Pal, Shona Pal, Rati Pal, Shona Mondal, Ananda
De, Sanatan Rajoyar and others to fight against this injustice. With the
initiative and assistance of the Krishak Sabha, peasants deposited the
cows to pinfold. Regular and relentless propaganda, meetings and
movements aroused the consciousness of these repressed people in a
way which ultimately made them confident in resistance against injustice.
By surpassing their age old fright, they became organised. It could be
argued from wider historical perspective that in this kind of villages
where illiteracy was a common phenomenon, oral communications
such as meetings and slogans played a significant role in shaping the
consciousness of the people. By surpassing their various strife,
conspiracy and habit of intoxication how villagers from different social
strata became united in their newly acquired faith, was been described
in above said novel of ‘Comrade’. The most significant aspect of this
novel is been depicted through an incident, where land less labourer
and herder Kalipada, as the representative of the most marginal and
poorest of the poor became one of the members of the committee.
Despite of his landlessness, Kalipada became the comrade of the
peasants in their battle of saving crop. As a hard working labourer he
tried to discern the positon of the peasants with himself and supported
them wholeheartedly. Being member of the committee as the poor,
exploited villagers both peasants and land less labourers became
conscious of their class interest and unity through organised movement.
From the very root of their existence these indigent people were been
shaken by the movement of Agradwip. Through protest and preclusion
for the first time, poor villagers succeeded in identifying their exploiter
properly. This perception inspired them to become united in their
struggle against the powerful enemy. With this spirit the protagonist
Kalipada firmly stated to his wife Sundari, alone he would not be able
to do anything but all the poor villagers would be fighting the battle
unitedly. He posited that there will be no body to stop the united power
of the villagers. He also argued that all the poor people should be
united in struggle to achieve the desired success. In this way C.P.I.
organised the mass and became their own party by getting the support
of the marginal people of the country side.
To resolve the rift between the peasants and the milk men, an initiative
was taken by the Krishak Sabha. Unity of the poor people was an
essential precondition in the battle against the most powerful. There
was a scarcity of meadow during this time. With the initiative of Krishak
Sabha, ‘Go Char’ (pasturage) movement was started under the leadership
of Sushil Chakraborty. Under the initiative of Krishak Sabha the
peasants of Gopinath para came in acquaintance with the milk men of
Ghosh para. In resistance against the immediate ruler and exploiter of
village society, all marginal became united by identifying their comrades
to acquire their right. It could be argued that in this way Krishak Sabha
was making an endeavour to politicise the consciousness of these
indigent rural mass through the class identity. Near about 400 men
including the peasants and the milkmen submitted a memorandum at
Katwa High court against the local zaminder along with the demands
of the protection of crop and proper pasturage. It initiated the
institutional base of organised united struggle of the exploited marginal
men of the rural society under the leadership of Krishak Sabha and
C.P.I. in this region for the first time.
In the fight against the colonialism and imperialism unity was enforced
across social classes and various political parties. In all the popular
movements against the Raj, peasants along with the other rural marginal
acceded to an alliance with the landlords. With the birth of a new state
their hope for socialistic policy concluded in despair. The actual power
remained in the hands of old elite classes as before. From their class
position perspective of these elites were the same. Understanding
between the rural gentry and the police remained the same. India, like
most of the newly emerged independent states of third world adopted
the political system derived from their imperial masters. This picture
of socio-economic inequality jolted the consciousness of these
underprivileged and exploited people in a way that they became aware
of their class position and its reaction in this hierarchical society. After
identifying their enemy in class society, many leaders of the crop
protection committee gradually became the member of Krishak Sabha
and C.P.I. Ruthless torture inflicted on the families of indigent peasants.
Bastions of Krishak Sabha were attacked in offence of submitting
memorandum in court. Most of the men folk of poor families left
their homes in fear of torture. Women were not spared though. They
were repressed in the name of searching. Situation became complex
with the ban on C.P.I. In many third world countries the Communists
were outlawed after independence in the plea of maintaining law and
order. In absence of leadership, determination of the marginal people
collapsed. In 1948 a young organiser of Krishak Sabha of Memari,
Sunil Roy was sent to Agradwip to bring back the courage among the
peasants with a fake name Rabi Roy.
The battle
With the endeavour of bringing back the stamina of the tortured people
a Peasant Conference was called in Agradwip. Undergrounded leaders
like Subodh Chaudhuri, Shantabrato Chattopadhyay, Shashanka
Chattopadhyay and peasants and milkmen in the leadership of Sunil
Roy initiated whisper campaigning among the villagers to make the
conference successful. Scared by the repressed wrath of these marginal
men police camp was deployed in front of the house of zaminder during
the preparation of the conference in 1949 just before the Autumn
festival of Bengal. The rise of these repressed mass after so many
decades endangered the very existence of this wealthy elite. Class unity
among the poor became formidable in response of ominous alliance
between the exploiter and ruler of an independent state. On 28th
September near about one pm at Gopinathpur, over thousands of
people joined the conference surpassing every kind of fright and
apprehensions of police attack. Peasants and workers of the Krishak
Sabha resisted the lethels (hired soldiers) of the zaminders when they
approached towards the stage during the meeting. They broke in scuffle
with the police. Surpassing the fear of death these repressed people
remained firm in resistance when police charged fire on air to disperse
them. Ultimately with the death of 16/17 years old young Sunil pal by
the injury of bayonet turned the peasantry furious.
Empowerment of the repressed
Peasants became militant after this incident. Tremendous torture and
comb searching began in the villages. Leader of the pasturage movement
Sushil Chakraborty and worker of Krishak Sabha, Mani Pal were
arrested. The active workers of Krishak Sabha and other male members
could not enter the villages for nearly one and half years. Police crocked
the lands of the rebel peasants and tried to sell out the cows of the
contending milk men in auction. This movement gathered the support
in a way from the mass, police failed to get any buyer for these cows.
Protest and resistance of these repressed marginal against the age old
exploitation created a social upheaval in this village. In the absence of
men folk and workers of Krishak Sabha, the women protected the
organisation in the midst of extreme repression by the police. They
shouldered all the responsibilities including protection of crops in the
field and supplying food to the hiding men. They not only became the
comrades of their men, their self-confidence and self-respect was
shaped through this movement. Women being the most backward,
exploited community of rural society raised their voice for the first
time. The novel ‘Comrade’ depicts how the women protagonist Sundari
raised her voice against her assault in the hand of her husband Kalipada
and clamoured for the respect for being a comrade of his. With the
initiative of other members of Communist Party, Kalipada admitted
and realised his guilty and acknowledged Sundari as his comrade. In
reality through the movement the women of Agradwip acquired the
identity of their own and became the comrades of their men folk.
Strong base of the Communist Party was established through the secret
propaganda by undergrounded leaders Subodh Chaudhuri, Sunil Roy,
Shantabrato Chattopadhyay, Shashanka Chattopadhyay, Ananga Rudra
and others in the areas of Kurchi, Tikarkhaji, Sribati, Depara, Singi,
Karui with the assistance of these combative women. The seed was
sown to establish the struggle of justified right of all the marginal
including small tillers, landless labourers, milkmen and women through
this movement. Depending on their own confidence these poor, forlorn
people started believing in an alternative left politics beyond the existing
frame of Congress politics.
Conclusion
Apparently this movement was a failure. In reality the way the most
backward, oppressed people of the rural society became united and
launched an organised protest against the age old social hierarchy,
created a history of the history less anonymous folk. This was a victory
of these exploited villagers who for the first time in their life raised the
voice of resistance against the most powerful in the society. In wider
aspect after independence, marginal men of many Third World
countries had to compromise with their desired hope. The class
formation of colonial era remained the same. With the continuous
assistance of the Communist Party and its organisational power
repressed masses came to realise their class position in a class society.
Politicisation of their consciousness propelled them to acquire their
justified right. Small tillers, milk men and the most oppressed women
in rural society came to identify their existence as self-confident,
politicised folk. In their struggle of existence by identifying the enemy
and ally in the hierarchical society, these people attracted towards an
alternative left politics to achieve their desired hope in a new country.
Above all voice of this exploited, forlorn people of Agradwip and
their organised movement offers a new perspective of our history from
the below.
Prasad, Vijay, The Darker Nations, Leftword, New Delhi, 2007, p.15
Hobsbawm, Eric, The Age of Extremes 1914-1991, Abacus, London,
2012, p. 347
Agradwiper Krishak Andolan : Bhaswar Atit, in Andolan Sangrame Shat Bachor,
Natun Chithi Prakashana, Burdwan, 1997, p. 100
Shahedullah, Saiyad, Bardhaman Jelay Communist Andoloner Atit Prasanga,
Natun Chithi Prakashana, Burdwan, 1991,p. 242
Ibid
Ghatak, Sauri, Comrade, unknown publisher, Kolkata, 1964, p. 40
Hobsbawm, Eric, Bandits, Abacus, London, 2012, p. 34
Ghatak, Sauri, of cit, p. 40
Agradwiper Krishak Andolan, of cit, p.101, Shahedullah, Saiyad, of cit, p.
242
Ibid
Agradwiper Krishak Andolan, of cit, p.102, Comrade Sunil Roy, EK
Pratyaee Naam, Sunil Roy Smarane Smarak Sankalan ( commemora-
tive volume of Comrade Sunil Roy OF Katwa), C.P.I(M), Memari,
Burdwan, 2009, p. 36
Rude, George, The Crowd In The French Revolution, O.U.P, Great Britain,
1958, p. 210
Ghatak, Sauri, of cit, p.109
Agradwiper Krishak Andolan, of cit, p.102, Comrade Sunil Roy, EK
Pratyaee Naam, of cit, p.37, Shahedullah, Saiyad, of cit, p.243
Agradwiper Krishak Andolan, of cit, Comrade Sunil Roy, EK Pratyaee
Naam, of cit, p.38
Prasad, Vijay, The Darker Nations A Biography Of The Short –Lived Third
World, Left Word, 2007, p.15
Hobsbawm, Eric, The Age Of Extremes 1914-1991, Abacus, London,
2012, p.347
Agradwiper Krishak Andolan, of cit, p.102
Prasad, Vijay, of cit
I.B file no.35/26, Communist Party Of India, Burdwan, proceedings
of conference, Katwa
I.B file no.35/26, Communist Party Of India, Burdwan, Proceedings
of conference, Katwa, I.B file no 95/45, History Sheet of Subodh
Chaudhuri, Agradwiper Krishak Andolan, of cit, p.103
Articulation of Community from Ethno-
Indigenous Groups :
Caste, Identity and Politics in the
First Half of 20th Century Bengal
Dr. Manosanta Biswas

Email ID : manosantabiswas@gmail.com
Abstract
In pre-colonial Bengal society was not sharply divided by Hindu-Muslim two separate or
polarized communities. On the other hand, Hindu society were divided into upper caste
dwaja and several Sudra or lower castes, were segregated by each other and Muslim society
also divided by Urdu speaking educated upper classes, converted Bengali-Muslims and Asraf
and Atraf, groups etc. A lower caste named Chandala lived in east Bengal was divided by
twelve sub-castes. With the establishment of British colonial rule, the traditional society was
sharp jerk. The present paper would have illustrated the Community formation of
Namasudraand Muslims of early 20th century Bengal that constructed through their
individual religious and socio-cultural ideologies and the constant protest against discrimination
and deprivation by the high caste Hindu elites. The Namasudra leaders were naturally
compelled to look for political power and became more interested in institutional politics with
Muslims, articulated themselves for separate political privileges from British Raj. But the
Bengal partition in 1947 shattered the unity and strength of the Namasudra and other
lower caste movement and they were displaced from East Pakistan to West Bengal and
different parts of India as refugees.
Key words
Chandal, Caste, Community, Matua, Namasudra
In the pre-colonial period, in accordance with the ‘Brahma Baibarta

Puran’ and ‘Brihat Dharma Puran’, the Hindu society was divided into
two segments i.e. ‘Brahmin’ and “Sudra’. The Sudra was again divided
into three mixed castes ‘Uttam Sankar’, ‘Madhyam Sankar’ and third
one was ‘Adham Sankar’. ‘Adham Sankar’ was described as untouchable
or chandal and was placed along with Namasudra at the lowest end of
the society.1 Brahmin, Kayastha and Vaidya accepted the Madhyam Sankar
as a community of Nabasakh and Jalachal and were not hesitant to bestow
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
them with due honour and respect. But the Antajya people were
considered as Aa-jalachal or whose who are not entitled to offer even
water to high caste people and were subjected to hatred, ridicule, apathy
and disrespect and they were compelled to stay outside the religious
social system of the high caste people. The so-called Chandals were
debarred to enter into any temple and participate in the religious events
of the high caste people, even the Brahmin priests despised to preside
over at the religious festivals of the Chandal. But the greatest paradox
was that the Chandals were the majority in the Hindu society of East
Bengal and the second largest community in the undivided Bengal.
So called Chandal or Namasudras in the districts of Faridpur, Dacca,
Khulna, Jessore, Bagerhat, and Moymonsingh lived at villages and near
the water bodies and were engaged primarily in the professions of
fishermen and peasants and due to their engagement in various other
temporary professions too, they were also divided in various sub-castes.2
All those Intra-sub-caste groups among the Namasudra were followers
of various religious cults such as Bouddhya Sahajiya group, Manasa, Chandi
and by the way of worshipping the local goddess, they tried to quench
their spiritual thrust. They were not entitled to engage themselves either
in the religious festivities or participate in the community feast with
the people of the so called high casts. In the medieval period, there
was a great exodus from the Namasudras and other menial casts of
Hindu society who were attracted by the Classless Muslim society and
got them converted as Muslim. Islam were expanded among the poor
and low caste people of Hindu society for various reasons among which
some were Muslim brotherhood in place of caste distinction, the notion
of equality among the Muslim, and specially due to total absence of
caste distinction and untouchability among the Muslims. In the sixteenth
century, Vaishnav Dharmiya bhaktibad founded by Chaitanya Dev (1486-
1533) introduced chanting the name of god and worshipping as a
community ignoring all the caste distinction and other things such as
the lower caste people were embraced as a disciple and even offered
the role of a master in the Vaishnav community made a revolutionary
change in the Hindu religious society. But in post Chaitanya period, in
the Gouriya Vaishnab religious circle, the influence of the Brahmin Guru
and Goswamis again ushered in the era of caste distinction and the caste
identity of a Vaishnav became much more important and relevant among
the Vaishnavas. The era of hatred of the erstwhile Hindu society again
loomed over the Vaishnav Dharmiya Bhaktibad and as a result, the
erstwhile low caste Hindus nee the Vaishnav created fifty-six groups of
Gouriya Vaishnav religious cults.3 Those subsidiary sectors of Vaishnavs
also created various social barriers in respect of Sahajiya Bhavdhara,
sexual customs, practice of Tantra etc to create a distinct identity of
themselves among other Vaishnav cults.
The Namasudras in the villages of East Bengal were different from
each other in respect of their profession and as the followers of different
sub-religions or secondary form of religion. And as a result they were
devoid of the social consciousness as a separate sect. In that
background, Harichand Thakur was born as a son of Jasobanto Thakur,
a Baishnab Namasudra, in Orakandi village of Faridpur district in the
year 1812. Harichand Thakur rejected Kartabhaja Vaishnabdharmiya
Gurbad, and formed a group of Harinamsankirtan who were engaged in
chanting the name of god giving up all the erstwhile rituals, they were
engaged to. Since they were engaged in the doctrine of devotion and
were almost lost while singing the carols, they were called as Matua and
the sect got recognition as Matua sect. All the disciples of Hari, the
God thought of obtaining the spiritual consciousness through singing
the carols of God in joy and in togetherness.4 On the other hand, the
togetherness of all Matuas while engaged in Namsankirtan, rejecting
the manners and customs of Brahmins priest and the protest against
all socio-religious oppression of the high caste society gave them self-
respect and necessary strength which helped them to had the
consciousness to grow as a distinct socio-religious entity. After the
death of Harichand, his son Guruchand Thakur (1847-1937) geared
up the Matua Movement to a new high. The movement crossed its
religious horizons and ventured into the new areas of spreading
education, social reforms and worked for the economic development
of the Namasudras which in totality made all round developments for
the Namasudras and their aspiration for awakening as a distinct
community grew in them.
Guruchand Thakur emphasized on the need of unity and development
of the community for which he proposed to organize Uttolani Sabha in
the villages and also to form Namasudra Kalyan Samity. He suggested
collecting one bowl of rice from every family, every day and depositing
it to the Unnayan Tahabil. The fund so collected would be utilized to
organize community social function and for the development of their
own community.5 That apart, in 1915 Matua Mahasangha was formed
temporarily in 1915, later it came into being permanently from 1933
and on the birth celebration of Harichand, Baruni Mela was organized
where through Kabigan, Harijatra and Harisabha, the ideals of Hari
Guruchand were propagated and through those functions, cultural
exchanges among the Namasudra could be made which helped the
Namasudra to form unity among themselves as a community.
Guruchand Thakur believed that education helped a man to had self-
realization and also help to remove meanness or inferiority complex in
a person and imbibe a rationalistic mind in them.6 And for that reason
he said to the fellow persons of his caste, “Be educated, wise and rich.
You may have not enough food to eat but do not forget to send your
children to school.7 Exert your total efforts to establish primary schools
in villages because without education no caste can prosper in life.
The percentage of educated among the Namasudra were 3.03% in
1901, 7.50% in 1921 and in 1941 it stood to 21.02%.8 Though the rate
of increase in spreading of education was very slow but the handful of
educated youths among the Namasudras who represented the peasant
class of rural Bengal by large took the pivotal role in the socio-political
movement of the community in the later stage. From the beginning of
the twentieth century, the Bengali Muslim and the low caste Hindus
especially the Namasudras felt the necessity to get united against the
high caste Hindus, the aristocratic non-Bengali Muslims, and the
Zaminder class on two counts.
Firstly, the Bengali Muslims and the peasant class among the Namasudras
were exploited economically by the high caste Hindus and Syed
Zaminders. Secondly, both the Bengali Muslims and Namasudras were
ignored and despised in the socio-religious field. In respect of education
and service holders, there was huge difference between high caste
Hindus, non-Bengali Muslims with those among Bengali Muslims and
Namasudras. In 1906, in a discussion between Salimullaha, Nawab of
Dacca and Shashibhusan, son of Guruchand, it was decided to support
division of Bengal and oppose the Swadeshi and Boycott movement.37
There was a series of discussions between the Namasudra Samity of
Dacca and other places, Muslim leadership and with the British
Government officials.9 On the other side, Ambika Charan Majumder,
Congress leader of Faridpur and Aswini Kumar Dutta of Barishal
though worked hard in support of the Swadeshi & Boycott movement
against the division of Bengal but failed to garner support from the
Namasudra simply due to the practical socio-economical standing of
the Namasudras. Guruchand was very clear in his statement, he said
that ‘the high caste educated, rich and powerful people who are today
trying to be close with us, never thought it necessary to enquire about
the simple, oppressed and downtrodden lower caste neighbours of
them of the same villages, never treated them like their brother, they
ill-treated and enslaved them for years. How could we believe them?’10
Guruchand Thakur and Shashibhusan highlighted the misbehavior of
the high caste people over the years and for that reason the swadeshi
movement against the partition of Bengal could not influence them.
The Bengal unit of the Nikhil Bharat Depressed Classes Association which
was established in the year 1917 and its leadership jointly demanded
for separate representatives for the lower classes in the legislative
assembly. In 1919, special rights for the lower class people were accepted
in the Indian Administrative law and it was also accepted to elect a
non-official member for the low class people in the Bengal Legislative
Council. From 1921 to 1930, the Namasudra leadership could not gain
much success as they were debarred from voting rights due to their
financial weakness. But the Muslims and the Namasudras participated
unitedly in the elections of the Local Boards and School Boards and
got remarkable success in the districts of Bakherganj, Khulna, and
Faridpur and in Jessore. During the Swarajya movemeny, Guruchand
Thakur assured Chittranjan that ‘if the leadership of the upper class
people embrace their low class brethren and cite example to face the
joy and grief of life equally, they would not hesitate to join the politics
of Swarajya Party.’11 But the reconciliation process of the nationalistic
movement was short lived and ended with the death of Chittranjan
Das. In 1926, due to the influence of the myopic and conservative
congress leaders, ‘Bengal Pact’ got abolished in Provincial Conference
at Krishnagar.12
In 1930s, the failure of ‘Swarajya Party’, opposing the movement of
‘violation of law’ and the demand for separate representative in the
legislative assembly made the situations for the Muslim and Namasudra
leaderships to come close together. In 1928, in regard to Bengal Tenancy
Bill, and Primary Educational Bill of 1929-30, the members of the ‘Swarajya
Party’ supported the interests of the Zaminders whereas the members
of the Muslim community and the members of the Namasudra
community, Bhismadev Das, Mohini Mohan Das gave their verdict in
favour of the agriculturist tenants.13 In 1930, Guruchand Thakur in his
presidential address at Khulna Namasudra Conference put his emphasis
on participating in the institutional politics with an object to of social
and material development for the community.14 The leaders of the
‘Bengal depressed Classes Association’ also made similar demand. In
the 1930-31, in the round table conference, all those demands made
due reflections.
On the background of Gandhiji’s fast unto death in protest against the
‘Communal Award’ and separate election policy, Dr.B.R.Ambedkar, the
central leadership of Scheduled Castes signed the ‘Poona Pact’ and
instead of separate election, 30 seats were made reserved for the
Scheduled Castes in the Bengal Assembly. The leaderships of The
Bengal Depressed Classes and the Bengal Namasudra Association were not at
all happy at the outcome of the decisions taken in ‘Poona Pact’ under
the leadership of Dr.B.R.Ambedkar. They criticized the Poona Pact’
and termed it as ‘a political blunder of Dr.B.R. Ambedkar.’15 In 1937
election, Congress got only 7 out of the 30 reserved seats. Among the
23 elected among the scheduled castes, 13 heads were from the
Namasudra community who were directly or indirectly followers of
Guruchand. In that election, Congress got 54 seats, Muslim League
own 39 and Krishak Praja Party could get 40 seats. 42 separate Muslim
candidates also won in the election. Fajlul Haque formed the
government with the help from separate Scheduled Castes members
and also with the help of Muslim League. Mukunda Behari Mallick of
the Namasudra community and Prasannadeb Raikat, a Rajbangsi leader
were appointed as ministers in Fajlul Haque ministry. In Bengal politics,
the Namasudra community and a part of the Bengali Muslims stood
unitedly against the supremacy and ideological stand of the Nationalistic
Hindu majority till the year 1937. The Government erected hurdles in
improving the conditions of the peasants who supported the Krishak
Praja Party in the election and also against the interests of the
Namasudras and other low caste sections.16 In the Budget proposals
of 1937, the issues like fixing of minimum price of jute, granting of
educational aid of Rs. 5 lacs for the under privileged classes were
opposed by the members of the ‘Muslim League’and the Matua leader.
Pramatha Ranjan Thakur criticized the Haque government as the
ministry of ‘Muslim League’. In 1938, the minister of Fajlul Haque
ministry, Mukunda Behari Mullick, a namasudra, himself was openly
criticized in the Namasudra conference at Kanchrapara. Due to
increasing dissatisfaction over the activities of Haque ministry, Jogendra
Nath Mondal, Pramatha Ranjan Thakur, Hemchandra Naskar and other
20 scheduled caste members unitedly formed ‘Independent Scheduled
Caste Party’. In the meantime, the central Congress leadership under
the aegis of Mahatma Gandhi through their programs of eradication
of untouchability, development of the lower caste people, and
movement to allow the untouchable in Hindu temples were made to
bring the lower caste people closer to the main stream.
On 16th March, 1938, in a meeting held at the residence of Subhas
Chandra Basu, Jogendra Nath Mondal, Pramatha Ranjan Thakur and
other 20 scheduled caste M.L.C decided to withdraw their support
from the Haque ministry and would join in the Nationalistic movement
with the Congress.17 On 29th May, 1939, Pramatha Ranjan Thakur in
his address as the President of the Namasudra conference at Tamluk
requested the Namasudra to join the nationalistic movements led by
the Congress. Before the general election in Bengal in 1946, both
Congress and Muslim League propagated with religious overtones and
tried to project the economic and political interests of their communities
in the interest of the nationalism laced with religion. The Congress
and Hindu Mahasabha tried to include the lower caste Hindus through
the Suddhi Movement and sanskritization in the Hindu electoral circle with
the clear intention of getting majority in the election. It could be
observed from the election results in 1946 that Muslim League won
113 seats, Krishak Praja Party won 3, and congress got 62 in general
category seats and 26 out of 30 in reserved seats for scheduled castes
in comparison to his earlier win of 7 seats in 1937 election.18 Later the
scheduled caste members joined Congress. From the results of the
election, the polarization of the two communities could be observed
clearly. In 1946, Muslim League formed the government under the
leadership of Surawardy in the month of April in 1946. Jogendra Nath
Mondal on behalf of ‘Scheduled Caste Federation’ joined the ministry.
In 1943, for the economic depression in Bengal, ‘the Great Calcutta
Killing’on the after 16th August, 1946, the civil supply Minister
Surawardy was blamed ny the Congress and Hinhu Mahashaba’s leaders.
After the riot, the leadership of Congress and Hindu Mahasabha jointly
demanded division of Bengal for protecting the life and safeguarding
the interests of the Hindus by making a separate state named ‘West
Bengal’ with the Hindu dominated areas within India.19 Sharat Bose,
Surawardy proposed for ‘Sovereign Independent United Bengal’ that
was supported by the Scheduled Caste Federation of Bengal. Jogendra
Nath Mondal in a statement in Delhi on 21st April, 1946 said, “The
partition of Bengal will not solve the communal problem rather it would
increase the miseries of the underdeveloped sections of the people in
East Bengal. The working committee of the ‘Bengal Scheduled Caste
Federation’ and its 1400 branches supported the proposal for creating
a ‘Independent United Bengal’.20 In his demand, the right for the real
identity of the Namasudra who lived in their mother land at East Bengal
got much more importance than their religious or community wise
identity. On the other side, the influential leadership of Matua followers,
Pramatha Ranjan Thakur, though he supported Congress, did not want
to be a party in the partition of Bengal because in the divided Bengal
i.e. in League administered Pakistan, the Namasudra would be a minority
group. And for that reason, from the initial stage, he demanded for
united Bengal (Juktabanga) within the Indian Territory. He considered
the demand of ‘Sovereign Independent Bengal’ as ‘strategic tactics of
Surawardy’21 But he was forced to support the proposal for partition
of Bengal due to unusual spurt in the communal activities of a section
of the Muslims He even placed his demand before the Boundary
commission to annex the Namasudra dominated areas of Faridpur,
Jessore and Khulna with West Bengal.22
The identity as a Bengali, the motherland, Mother Language and the
harmony as Bengalis defeated before the strong religious identity of
both Bengali Hindu and Muslims. Different sections of the lower caste
people of Bengal i.e. Rajbangsi Poundra and Namasudra were
positioned in between Hindu and Muslim as distinct scheduled caste
communities. On the first part of the twentieth century, they emerged
as a separate ‘caste ‘identity and fought against the socio-economic
supremacy of the upper caste Hindus, in collusion with the Muslim
with whom they identified themselves as of handing with the same
‘class’ character. But in the perspective of partition of Bengal in 1947,
a greater part of the Namasudra motivated by their religious ideologies
migrated to West Bengal but a larger section of them decided to stay in
their mother land at East Bengal opting against being treated as refugees
and pursuing for an indefinite future. Actually the partition of India
and Bengal divided in 1947 shattered the unity and strength of the
lower caste movement of Rajbansi and Namasudra communities and
displaced to different parts of India as refugee.
Referances :
1. Sarma,Jotirmoyee.(1980)‘Caste Dynamics Among the Bengali Hindus.’ KLM
Pvt.Ltd. Calcutta: pp.15
2. Risley, H.H. (1981) ‘The Tribes and Castes of Bengal,’Vol.I-V, London:
.Reprinted Firma K.L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta.
3. Ramakanta, ‘Chakrobarti.(1985) ‘Vaishnavism in Bengal: 1486-1900.’ Sanskrit
Pustak Bhaandar, Calcutta: p.349
4. Mahanta, Nandadulal. (2002)‘Matuo Andolan o Dalit Jagoran’ Annapurna
Prakashan, Calcutta: p.388
5. ‘Matua Mahasangha Patrika’ (Journal of Matua Mahasangha), (1397,BS)
Thakur Nagar, North 24 Pgs, 14th edition: pp.1-11
6. Biswas, Manohar.(1997) ‘Guruchand Thakur: Biswas o Juktibader Aloke’
in Thakur, Kapil Krishna’ ‘Guruchand Thakur o Antyaja Banglar Navajagoran’
Chaturtadunia, Kolkata, p.73
7. Haldar, Mahananda. (1350,BS) ‘Sri Sri Guruchand Charita.’ Bagherhat,
Bangladesh: p.108.
8. Census of India, 1901, Vol-V, Part-III, pp.370-373 and Census of India,
1901-1947, SC/ST individual.
9. Haldar, Mahananda.opp.cit.pp.205-206
10. Ibid,pp.170-175
11. Ibid,p.175
12. Sarkar, Chandi Prasad (2007) ‘Bangali Muslim, 1863-1947’ Mitram, Calcutta:
p.136 and also in ‘The Bengali’ 26th May 1926.
13. Chatterjee, Partha.(1984)‘Bengal, 1920-1947: The Land Question.’ Calcutta:
pp.81-93
14. ‘Matua Mahasangher Laksha o Karmasuchi’ 2nd edition, Thakur Nagar, North
24 Pgs,1398 Bengali Year,pp.9-10
15. Government of India, Reform Office, File nos.-199/AB,1932, BL/CP,
Vol-4i, nos-2, 14th March 1933,p.44
16. Bandyopadhyay, Sekhar. (1997) ‘Caste, Protest and Identity in Colonial India:
The Namasudras of Bengal, 1872-1942’ Curzon, Richmond: p.177
17. Hindustan Stranded 18th and 19th March 1938. Bandyopadhyay, Sekhar.
ibid, p.136.
18. Government of India, General Election, 1945-46, The Legislative
Assembly, Bengal,(Di Reform) File nos.-106/3/45
19. Chatterjee, Joya.(1994)‘Bengal Divided: Hindu Communalism and partition,1932-
1947.’ Cambridge University Press .Cambridge: pp.277-298
20. Biswas, Kapil Krishna. (2007) ‘Satchallisher Bangobhangho o Pramatha
Ranjanj Thakua’ Nikhil Bharat Patrika, Nov.-Dec., vol-29.nos-6.
Bamangachi, Barasat, North 24 Pgs, p.11
21. Ibid,p.12
22. Amrita Bazar Patrika, 17th and 18th April, 1947.
Political Participation among Women of Scheduled Caste
Community in the District of Nadia: Experiences of Last
Quarter of 20th Century: A Case Study
Manoj Kumar Haldar

Assistant Professor of Political Sciences
Email ID : manojkumarhaldar@wbnsou.ac.in
Abstract
Democracies in modern age have given a system which has government elected by all the
sections of societies. The extension of participation is one of the important preconditionof
modern participatory democracyto the successful functioning and sustenance of a democratic
system. In this context, the problem of low participation of people of scheduled caste
communities, especially women of scheduled caste communities are of special concern for
democracy and without changing that, true democracy can never be achieved. So, political
participation of backward sections as well as women of the backward communities is very
much important to establish true democracy.
This micro level study tries to find out the pattern of political participation, and identify how
far and to what extent, the women of schedule caste community of Krishnagar Sadar
Subdivision, Nadiaremainedconscious about politics and also focus on their adaptability
and obstructions to participation in politics in the last quarter of 2oth century.
Key words : Political Participation, Political Culture, Dalit Issues,
Scheduled Caste Women, Women Empowerment, Gender Politics
Introduction
The popular meaning of democracy is democracy is a government of
the people, by the people and for the people. In every
participatorydemocracy of the world, there must be a government
elected by the all section of the citizen theoretically, it is debatable
whether the government comprises of all the different sections and
importantly whether the government works for all the people of the
democracy. The shortcoming of participatory government is squat
participation of marginalized section of our society, especially women
who belongs to the Schedule caste community.
Women specially the scheduled caste women are the most
underprivileged section of Indian society in every respect. The process
(ISBN: 978-93-82112-32-7)
of socialization that the women undergo in their families does not
prepare them for non-traditional roles in general. So far as women are
the weaker and marginal section of our society in respect of socio-
economic conditions and right of entitlement. The most significant
feature is that, the women of schedule caste community are the weakest
and marginalized among all women in the society.
It is true that the role of women in democracy has been debated for as
long as democracy has existed. The debate, however, is over. According
to our Constitution, women are entitled to equality in voting, organizing,
running for office, starting a business, expressing their views, and
benefiting from the rights and protections of law. But in practice they
are not able to enjoy their own rights and freedom. It has been reflected
in real politics, in every step of political activities like, national and
state legislative body and also local political institutions and political
life in general. It is appearing in very specific form within the women
of backward sections of our society. Here rise normal questions, how
far they are able to practice their political right and activities as a citizen
of the country. What kind of political participation is seen within their
political behavior?
What is Political Participation?

Political participation is described as one of the basic conditions of
functioning democracy. Democracy is a political system based on
representative government; citizen participation in the political process;
freedom of citizens; and transparency of political acts and process in
general. All these are meaningful if the people are able to participate
properly in the decision making process of the governments in different
levels. So is important to define what political participation is. The
term ‘political participation’ refers to those different voluntary activities
by which members of a society share in the selection of rulers, directly
or indirectly, in the formation of public policy and influence those
policies through withdrawling the support from the government. Those
activities typically include voting, seeking information, discussing and
attending meetings, contributing financially, and communicating with
representatives. The more active forms of participation include formal
enrollment in a party, canvassing and registering voters, speech writing
and speechmaking, working in campaigns, and competing for public
and party office. Ralf Dahrendorf says that, political participation
affords citizens in a democracy an opportunity to communicate
information to government officials about their concerns and
preferences and to put pressure on them to respond. It means that in
any democratic system citizens have the right to express their views
and attitudes towards almost everything happening in the public sphere
or concerning their own interests in a way that governmental officials
know this and respond.According to G.A Almond and G.B Powell,
political participation is the involvement of members of the society in
the decision making process of the system. Similarly, Sidney Verva and
Norman Nie defined as political participation is to those activities by
private citizens that are more or less directly aimed at influencing the
selection of governmental personnel and/or the actions they take.
In every society woman constitute a crucial segment of the human
resources, due importance has to be accorded to the role and
contribution of women in the various socioeconomic, cultural and
political activities. Unfortunately, despite the numerical strength, the
role of women has been grossly underplayed and the developmental
efforts by the government have only ensured further marginalization
of women in the development process. It is an established fact that
Indian women, in spite of the constitutional and legal safeguards are
still in the process of struggling for equality of status and equality of
participation in the decision making process as well as development
process. Subordination of women to men in the home, in work place
and in politics is a dominant socio-political reality that has its origin in
the past. The relationship between men and women was “grounded
on force” and the law of the strongest has been the phenomena in
their relationship. The notion that men are the natural masters of
women has continued to hinder the progress of ademocratic society
when women enjoy an equal status.
The time is now, if democracy is going to put down strong and healthy
roots, it must profit from the full and equitable participation of all
section of our society and as the important part of the society women
must participate in the political process. Specially the women of
scheduled caste community must be ensuring in the democratic politics.
Because the process of socialization that the women undergo in their
families does not prepare them for non-traditional roles in general. So
far as women are the weaker and marginal section of our society in
respect of socio-economic conditions and right of entitlement. The
most significant feature is that, the women of schedule caste community
are the weakest and marginalized among all women in the society. One
of the important land mark for women in the last quarter in 20th century
is the 73rd amendment of our constitution to facilitated the increasing
number of presence of women of schedule caste community in
Panchayat Raj Institutions (P.R.I). There is a provision of reservation
of seats for scheduled castes and scheduled tribes at every level of
panchayat. The seats are to be reserved for scheduled castes and
scheduled tribes in proportion to their population at each level. Out of
the reserved seats, 1/3rd have to be reserved for the women of the
scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. And out of the total number of
seats to be filled by the direct elections, 1/3rd have to be reserved for
women also. Women members of scheduled caste community are legally
entitled to participate in the decision making process of rural self-
governmentsafter 1992.The activity and role of those members are
influence in motivating women of their community for participation
in politics despite restrictions of family and society. The present study
attempts to explore the political participation among women of
schedule caste community in the light of this development factors of
women empowerment will also be addressed.
The purposes of this study are:

To find out the pattern of political participationamong the women of
schedule caste community in the last quarter of 20th centuryii) To
enquire the contributory factor of political participation within the
women of schedule caste community. iii)To find out the socio-political
and economic condition of women of schedule caste community in
the last quarter of 20th century. iv) To identify how far and to what
extent, the women of schedule caste community are aware about politics
in the last quarter of 20th centuryv) To focus on their adaptability in
the contemporary practice of participatory governance.vi)To trace out
the obstructions faced by the women of schedule caste community in
participating the activities of politics.
Design and methodology :
The present study is mostly based on empirical methods. For this study,
data has been collected from the sample respondents through personal
inter views with structured questionnairesand spontaneous
conversations. The respondents have been selected from two different
panchayat areas under each blockof Krishnagar Sadar subdivision. The
data was collected by the investigator from the field. Simple statistical
tools were used in the while tabulation and analyses of the data. Data
were also collected from the secondary sources like Census Reports,
District Gazetteers, Government Documents, District Handbooks,
Journals and published literatures.
Sample respondents
For the purpose of the study, Investigator has selected fourteen
Panchayat area under seven block of the subdivision and one municipal
area onrandom basis. Then Investigator has selected 150 sample
respondents taking ten from each gram panchayat area and one
municipal area. Here, random sampling method has been adopted for
the selection of sample respondents. All the selected sample
respondents are above the age of forty years. To understand the socio-
economic and political background of respondents Investigator would
analysis the age, education, family type, family size, family income and
political background of the respondents. After analyzing the collected
data and secondary sources the following findings have been attained.
Area of research
Area of Research is on the district level. District Nadia has chosen for
research work. Demographic nature of the district is, total
population5168488 and density of population is 1316 per sq.km. 72.19
of the population are residents of rural areas and 27.81 % live in urban
areas. District Nadia is one of Scheduled Caste concentrated district in
West Bengal. 29.93% (Census 2011) of the total population of the district
are belongs to the Scheduled Caste community. The district occupies 4th
position in terms of Scheduled Caste population in the state.
The district Nadia is situated in the eastern part of West Bengal and
surrounded by Murshidabad in the north, North 24 paraganas and
Hoogly in the south, the international border with Bangladesh in the
east and Burdwan in west. The district consists of 17 community
developmentas well as 17 Panchayat Samiti,187 Gram Panchayats and
8 Municipalities. The district divided into four sub-divisions, namely, i)
Krishnagar Sadar ii) Tehatta iii) Ranaghat and iv) Kalyani.
Literacy rate of Nadia in 2011 were 74.97 compared to 66.14 of 2001.
If things are looked out at gender wise, male and female literacy were
78.75 and 70.98 respectively. For 2001 census, same figures stood at
72.31 and 59.58 in Nadia District. Total literate in Nadia District were
3,480,555 of which male and female were 1,878,866 and 1,601,689
respectively.
Table - 1 : Literacy Rate in respect of total population & scheduled
caste population
Focused area :
Focused area is Krishnagar Sadar subdivision under the district Nadia
in the state of west Bengal.The subdivision has its headquarters at
Krishnagar. The subdivision situated at central part of the district. It
consists of seven community development blocks namely
Krishnanagar-I, Krishnanagar-II, Nabadwip, Kaliganj, Nakashipara,
Chapra and
Average Literacy Male Female Gender Gap
West Bengal Total population 77.08 81.69 70.54 11.15
Nadia Total population 75.00 78.75 70.98 7.77
S.C population 73.34 79.01 67.29 11.72
Krishnaganj and two municipalities namely Krishnagr and

Nabadwip.The seven blocks contain77 Gram Panchayats. In the 2011
census, Krishnagar Sadar subdivisionhad a population of 15,76,836
out of which 4,57,272 belongs to the scheduled caste community. 28.99
% of the total population of the subdivision are belongs to scheduled
caste community. (Table -2)
Table: 2: Block and Municipal wise scheduled caste population

Major Findings
After analyses of the collected data some important findings appear
those are :
Data presents the age wise classification of the respondents. A review
of the data reveals that out of total sample of respondents 57.33 %
belongedto 40 to 50 years of age group, 28% belonged to 51-60 years
of age group,14.66% respondents were from the age group of above
60 years. 87.33 per cent of the total respondents are married, 12 percent
arewidow and 0.6% per cent are unmarried. (See Table - 3)
Sl.No. Name of Block & Total S.C %of S.C

Municipal area Population Population Population
1. Krishnanagar–I 314,833 113,204 35.95
2. Krishnanagar–II 139,472 25,563 18.32
3. Nabadwip 135,314, 19,612 14.49
4. Kaliganj 334,881, 50,979 15.22
5. Nakashipara 386,569 89,952 23.26
6. Krishnaganj 146,705 66,818 15.85
7. Chapra 310,652 49,252 45.54
8. Krishnagar Municipal Area 153,062 27077 17.69
9. Nabadwip Municipal area 125,543 14815 11.80
Total 15,76,836 4,57,272 28.99
Table -3: Social Status of the Respondents
Marriage Status Age Group (Years)

Married Unmarried Widow 40-50 51-60 61or above
87.33% 0.6% 12 % 57.33 % 28% 14.66%
Majority of respondents50.66 per cent were not able to reached primary

education.27.33 per cent respondents were class V passed and09.16
per cent were H.S or above,4.16 per sent were Graduate and only 1.66%
respondents have completed masters and 14.16 per cent women were
illiterate. Education level was very low in this area. Education is essential
to bring awareness in the respondents in context to politics in general.
(See Table -4)
Table -4: Educational Status of the Respondents
Illiterate Up to Class V Class VIII Madhyamik H.S or above
50.66% 27.33% 15.33% 04% 1.3%
Majority of respondents (62.26%) has no earning opportunity, they

are playing the role as either purely house wife or unemployed. Very
little percent of respondents are engaged with government and other
services (1.33%), only 7.33% per cent are engaged their small
business,17.33% are engaged with rural handcrafts and 9.33% engaged
as seasonal agricultural labour (Table -5). The special economic features
of the respondents are all the earning respondents attached with various
earning activities out of the family as well as a house wife or other
non-remunerative domestic work. 24.66% of the total respondents
are belongs to the BPL category, 44.66 % respondents has monthly
family income of Rs 3-6 thousands per month, 10.66% belongs in
between the family income of Rs 6-10 thousands per month an only
13.33 respondents are able to reached ten thousand or above family
income per month. (See Table - 6)
Table -5: Economic activities of the Respondents
Govt. Service House wife Small Handcrafts Agricultural Others

business labor
1.33% 62.26% 7.33% 17.33% 9.33% 2%
Table - 6: Economic Status of the Respondents
Family Income per months (Rs.)

BPL Rs.3000/-to 6000/- Rs.6000/- to 10000/- Rs.10000/- or above
24.66% 44.66% 20% 10.66%
Most important part of the study is political participation of the

respondents. Data shows that respondents have very less awareness
about politics in general. They have very little knowledge about the
rural self-government, as well as structure, function, policies and role
of state and national government.
Table -7: Political Participation of the Respondents
Category A B C D E
percentage 9.33% 20.66% 57.33% 8% 4.66%
A= Aware about politics in general, (i.e. know about the government

structure, formation of Union, State & local self-
governments,government policies and activities) Actively
participate in politics: like attended in rally, procession, party
meeting, campaign, voting etc.
B= Aware about politics in general, but not interested to participate
in politics, only voting
C= Not aware about politics in general, only voting
D= Not aware about politics in general but cast their vote by the
influences of party and otherfamily member.
E = Not aware about politics in general and not interested to voting
Table -7 shows very little percentage of respondents (9.33%) aware

about politics in general, (i.e. know about the government structure,
formation of Union, State & local self-governments,government
policies and activities) and actively participate in politics;like attended
in political rally, procession, party meeting, campaign, voting etc. 20.66%
of total respondents aware about politics in general, but not interested
to participate in politics, they are interested to voting only. Bulk of the
respondents (57.33%) are not aware about politics in general but they
are interested to voting. 8 % of respondents are not interested in political
activities but they cast their votes by the influence of their family
member as well. 4.66% respondents are totally out of touch of any
political activities, behavior. The political activities and political behavior
of the majorities of the respondents shaped by their family head directly
or indirectly.
An important observation is; member of schedule caste community
resides at the area which is marginal part of the village and marked as
‘malo’ para, ‘das’ para ‘namo’ para and so on. The scheduled caste
community basically backward in every respect, especially women of
scheduled caste community. Social and community value of the women
of scheduled caste community based on traditional ethics, norm and
customs of that particular community. Women are not willing to
participate in social and political life, they are preferring to attend within
family work and domestic activities generally. Women also bound to
obey their family rituals, customs, practices and other directions given
by their family head. Major respondents are suffering from early
marriage,dowry problems, child care, care of senior family members,
other family problems and huge pressure of other domestic activities.
After the fulfillment of all domestic activities and liabilities they are
not in a position to nurtureany other interest excepting their everyday
problems.
The social relation of the villagers restricted within the community
mainly. They have limited opportunity to interact each other or people
of other castes. The nature of the schedule caste community in rural
area just like closed or semi closed society. So it is not too possible to
change their traditional behavour in respect of social, economic and
political perspectives.
Actually the political participation or political culture depends on some
factor like, education, economic status, social mobility, openness of
the community. Here the statuses of women of the schedule caste
community of that particular sub division are not positive for
participatory democracy. The women of S.C community of those seven
block are totally depending on their male family head, they are directly
or indirectly maintained or directed by their male family head. The
community tries to preserving their own traditional values, which is
not supported to take part in politics. Naturally women are not able to
participate or not interested to participate in the politics in general.
Comparatively, women of new generation have a tendency to turn into
the modern education, social system and political system from their
own traditional community values. They are trying to adopt the modern
education and social systems, also they try to realize constitutional
benefits and government policies for them. These are possible for the
change of educational status and to some extend economic status. But
maximum of the senior women member of the family they are not
comfortable for modern social and political values; like, universal
education, women empowerment, social justice, women liberty and so
on. They are still comfortable with their tradition and obey the male
family head without raising any question.
Conclusion :
The present study entitled political participation among women of
scheduled caste community in the district of Nadia: Experiences of
last quarter of 20th century: a case study, is a study conducted to know
the political participationof women of schedule caste community in
the last quarter of 20th century.The study has been conducted on 150
women respondents. The result of the study shown that, Political
participation of women among the schedule caste community is not
satisfactory for the participatory democracy. They are not totally aware
of their role in the process of participation at different levels of rural
local self-governments as well as general politics. So, in the light of the
above analysis, it is quite obvious that a number of reasons like illiteracy,
poverty, traditional family values and pattern of society, male dominance
society etc. are responsible for their less participation in politics.
Influence of family member (family head) is strongly present in their
decision making about politics. They are backward in terms of socio-
economic position. They have faced much trouble to adopt modern
participatory governance as well as modern democracy due to traditional
family or community rituals, economic dependency and lack of proper
education. An effective policy for economic justice, self-dependency
and proper education can ensure their political awareness and develop
their political culture from traditional to participatory political culture.
This may help women empowerment, social development and
successful democracy.
References
• Almond, G. (1956). Cooperative Political System. Journal of Politics,
vol. 18,
• Bhattacharyya,Sukanta. (2003).Caste, Class and Politics in West
Bengal: Case Study of a Village in Burdwan. Economic and Political
Weekly, Vol. 38, No. 3 (Jan. 18-24, 2003), pp. 242-246
• Chakraborty, Dr. Alok Kumar (1889). Maharaja Krishnachandra o
Tatkalin Banga Samaj, Kolkata: Progressive Book Forum
• Closky HerbertM.C. (1968). Political Participation. International
Encyclopedia of Social Sciences, New York: Collier Macmillan.
• Dahrendorf R. (2003). The Challenge for Democracy. Journal of
Democracy. 14 (4).
• District Census Handbook Nadia, Village and Town Wise Primary
Census Abstract (PCA), Directorate of Census Operations, Ministry
of Home Affairs, Government of West Bengal,
• Formisano. Ronald. P. (2001). The Concept of Political Culture.
The Journal of Interdisciplinary History, Vol. 31, No. 3 (Winter, 2001),
pp. 393-426
• Ghosh, Binay. (2009).Paschimbanger Samskriti (3rd. Part).Kolkata:
Prokash Bhavan.
• Gopa Kumar, G, (1988). Dynamics of Indian Political Culture. The
Indian Journal of Political Science, vol. 49, No. 2, April- June, 1988, p.
221. P- 13
• Roy, Mahit (1976). Nadia Kahini. Kolkata: Pustak Bipani.
• Sarkar,Pabitra.(ed.),(2001). Banga Darpan. Kolkat: Samaj Rupantar
Sandhani Tritiyo Sahasrabdo Samite.
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Government of West Bengal
• Website: http://www.censusindia.gov.in

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Proceedings of the One-Day

UGC-DEB Sponsored National Seminar

Gender, Culture, Politics :

September 24, 2016

NETAJI SUBHAS OPEN UNIVERSITY

Open and Distance Learning

Printing Technology and Social Consciousness of

An argument about Origin of Poundra (Pod)

The Hindu Marriage Act of 1955: Divorce and

It is my great pleasure to note that the School of Social Sciences, Netaji

Professor Subha Sankar Sarkar

Historical Perspectives of Bengal

Bengal in 20th century: Mapping the Heterogeneity

Bengal in 20th Century: A Fractured Time?

In lieu of Conclusion: Viewing Bengal form Margin

Dr. Chandan Basu

Dr. Barnana Guha Thakurta (Banerjee)

Dr. Manosanta Biswas

Professor Mahua Sarkar

The status of women in modern Bengal flows to a great extent from

Women and Politics

With the arrival of Gandhi, one finds larger participation of women in

The colonized state, also presented the earlier degradation of Indian

On the other hand, the emerging consciousness of women was gradually

Women and Education

Women and Culture

Notes and References

Few Initiative in India

The Need for Women’s Empowerment

Potential of ICT for Empowering Women

Hurdles and Challenges in Empowerment

ICT and Women Empowerment

ICT in ODL as Women Empowerment Tool

Contribution of ICTS to Women’s Economic Empowerment

Conclusion and Suggestions

Dr. Rita Singha Roy

Dr. Tapas Kumar Sarkar,

Basic requirements for intercultural competence

Issues for developing students' intercultural competencies

Qualitative assessment instruments

1. Selmeski, B.R. (2007). Military cross-cultural competence: Core concepts and

Mr. Rakesh Manna

Objectives of Secondary Teacher Education System in India:

Types of Secondary Teacher Education System in India

Media Based Distance Education Model

Secondary Teacher Education in Distance Mode

Secondary Teacher Education System in West Bengal

Training of Untrained Teachers in West Bengal

Table. 1: No. of Teachers of Different Categories Requiring

Sl. No. Teacher Category No. of in-service

Article 23 of the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education

District Total Regular No. of % of

In West Bengal, the proportion of untrained teachers to total teachers

State Strategies for Ensuring Adequate Availability of Teachers:

Table .3: The number of teacher vacancies as per official records:

Sanctioned Engaged Vacancies

Table.4: Teachers Sanctioned Under SSA in West Bengal up to

Sl. No District Total Teacher (Primary +

For elementary school teachers, alternative school teachers/Para

Table.5: Annual Intake Capacity at Different Teacher Education

State Annual Annual Annual Teacher

[Source: Guidelines for Implementation, 2012 of Centrally Sponsored

West Bengal Secondary Teachers Training through Open and