Starting out with Visual C 4th Edition

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Starting out with Visual C 4th Edition Gaddis Test Bank

©2016 Pearson Education, Inc. Upper Saddle River, NJ. All Rights Reserved.

Starting Out with Visual C#, 4th Edition

Chapter 2: Introduction to Visual C#

Multiple Choice

1. Which one of the following Button control names is not a legal C# identifier?
a. _calculateTotalButton
b. printSalesReportButton
c. clear_customer_names_button
d. 1stPlayerStartButton

ANS: D

2. Which one of the following Button control names is a legal C# identifier?

a. _DisplayOption5Button
b. Exit!Button
c. *Clear*Button*
d. delete Record Button

ANS: A

3. The ____________ naming convention gets its name because the uppercase characters
that appear in a name are sometimes reminiscent of a camel’s humps.
a. camelCase
b. Pascal
c. Hungarian notation
d. CaMeL style

ANS: A

4. When learning computer programming, it is traditional to start by learning to write a

____________ program.
a. Simple
b. Hello World
c. Pseudocode
d. K&R Style

ANS: B

5. The PictureBox control’s ____________ property determines whether the image stored
in the control will cause the control to be shrunk or expanded.
a. DisplayMode
b. Visible
c. SizeMode
d. Render

ANS: C

6. Programmers commonly use ____________ in their code to create a sense of visual

organization.

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©2016 Pearson Education, Inc. Upper Saddle River, NJ. All Rights Reserved.

a. different font colors

b. documentation comments
c. blank lines and indentation
d. bold images, such as photos

ANS: C

7. To close an application’s form in code, you use the statement ____________.

a. me.Quit();
b. this.Close();
c. form.Exit();
d. app.Stop();

ANS: B

8. When you enter a statement into the code editor, Visual Studio analyzes it, and if a
syntax error is found, it is ____________.
a. automatically corrected
b. underlined with a jagged line
c. crossed out
d. highlighted

ANS: B

9. The ____________ shows a description of the error, the name of the source code file
containing the error, the error’s line number and column number, and the name of the
project.
a. Debug dialog box
b. Crash pop up
c. Error List window
d. Just In Time debugger

ANS: C

10. The ____________ file contains an application’s start-up code, which executes when the
application runs.
a. Main.cs
b. Code.cs
c. Program.cs
d. Source.cs

ANS: C

11. The file named ____________ contains code associated with a form named Form1.
a. Form1.cs
b. MainForm.cs
c. Control.cs
d. Window.cs

ANS: A
©2016 Pearson Education, Inc. Upper Saddle River, NJ. All Rights Reserved.

12. A ____________ is a declared block in a program between braces {…} that holds classes.
a. method
b. program
c. namespace
d. list

ANS: C

13. A(n) ____________ is a logical container in a program that holds methods (as well as
other program elements).
a. event
b. namespace
c. queue
d. class

ANS: D

14. A(n) ____________ is a sequence of one or more programming statements (code) that
performs some operation.
a. algorithm
b. method
c. class
d. namespace

ANS: B

15. The ____________ directives appearing at the top of a C# source code file indicate
which namespaces the program will use. Usually, these namespaces belong to the .NET
Framework.
a. include
b. namespace
c. public
d. using

ANS: D

16. Code containers, such as namespaces, classes, and methods, use ____________ to
enclose code.
a. braces ({})
b. asterisks (**)
c. parentheses (())
d. brackets ([])

ANS: A

17. An easy way to switch between the Designer and the code editor is to click the
____________ for the desired window. This only works if both the code file and
designer file have already been opened.
a. icon
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There are a great many persons who think that the regular consumption
of great quantities of alcohol is not harmful, who even believe that
alcohol has nutritive value, and that consequently the consumption of it
is even useful. 194

From another point of view, however, ignorance, the lack of culture,

emptiness of life, are very important causes if not the most important
causes of alcoholism. The desire for pleasure is innate in every man,
including the working-man, whose life is a hard one in every way. But
for him there are almost insurmountable difficulties [363]in enjoying all
that is truly beautiful, all that nature, art, and science can offer to man.
This is due first, and principally, to material difficulties. In our present
society one can enjoy these things only with plenty of money. The wages
of the working-man are not enough for this. Often he is too tired when
the day is over to take up anything which requires effort, and his abode is
too small and too badly arranged for reading or any other form of
distraction. However, the principal reason why the proletarian enjoys the
products of civilization but little is that his intelligence is not prepared
for it. His capacities have not been cultivated in this direction, for
capitalism has developed in a great number of people only the capacity
for manual work to the detriment of everything else. Dr. Augagneur, in
his article already cited, has expressed it as follows: “The true cause of
alcoholism is entirely of the intellectual and moral order; it is the
insufficiency of cerebral activity, the intellectual indigence and distress,
the mental unemployment.

“Every individual who, after the business of his calling is completed, is

incapable of busying himself with something else, is a fruitful soil for
alcoholism. How many, aside from their technical efficiency, are unfitted
to think, to comprehend, to explain anything whatever. When the
workman, after ten or twelve hours of mechanical work, leaves the
factory, he is confused, does not know how to kill the time that must
elapse before he goes to bed; he drinks.…

“Sundays and holidays ordinary labor is suppressed, the laborer wanders

about the streets, objectless, adrift, embarrassed by his liberty, and runs
fatally aground upon the dram-shop. The days of rest are days of
drunkenness.

“Our society suffers from this intellectual inaction, which is the true
cause of alcoholism. Most men, as soon as their trade no longer makes
them work their arms and in some cases their brains, know not which
way to turn. Alcohol is their refuge, because it procures for the nervous
system sensations which take the place of the absent ideas.” 195

It is for this reason that the abuse of alcohol is greatest among unskilled
laborers 196 and that it decreases everywhere that the workmen begin to
organize in unions and political parties, since these lead to the
amelioration of conditions, material, intellectual, and moral. In other
words, drinking diminishes wherever the proletariat [364]is animated by
an ideal. And it is also among those workmen who foresee the future of
their class and know what there is to do, that the ranks of total abstainers
are mainly recruited. 197

There are persons who maintain the thesis that poverty is not the
principal cause of alcoholism among the working classes. As a proof
they say that the laborers who earn the least (farm hands among others)
are not those who drink the most, and that an increase in wages often
brings about a higher consumption of alcohol. They are deceived,
however. They lose sight of the fact that most agricultural laborers earn
so little that they cannot consume alcohol regularly, that beside the
material poverty there is an intellectual poverty, and that a slight
amelioration of the one does not produce simultaneously a diminution of
the other. The abuse of alcohol has, on the contrary, decreased regularly
everywhere that the labor movement has brought about a continuous
amelioration of material and intellectual conditions. 198

To close these remarks upon alcoholism among the workers I will quote
the following from Engels in which the causes are concisely set forth:
“All possible temptations, all allurements combine to bring the workers
to drunkenness. Liquor is almost their only source of pleasure, and all
things conspire to make it accessible to them. The working-man comes
from his work tired, exhausted, finds his home comfortless, damp, dirty,
repulsive; he has urgent need of recreation, he must have something to
make work worth his trouble, to make the prospect of the next day
endurable. His unnerved, uncomfortable, hypochondriac state of mind
and body arising from his unhealthy condition, and especially from
indigestion, is aggravated beyond endurance by the general conditions of
his life, the uncertainty of his existence, his dependence upon possible
accidents and chances, and his inability to do anything towards gaining
an assured position. His enfeebled frame, weakened by bad air and bad
food, violently demands some external stimulus; his social need can be
gratified only in the public-house, he has absolutely no other place where
he can meet his friends. How can he be expected to resist temptation? It
is morally and physically inevitable that, under such circumstances, a
very large number of working-men should fall into intemperance. And
apart from the chiefly physical influences which drive the working-man
into drunkenness, there is the [365]example of the great mass, the
neglected education, the impossibility of protecting the young from
temptation, in many cases the direct influence of intemperate parents,
who give their own children liquor, the certainty of forgetting for an hour
or two the wretchedness and burden of life, and a hundred other
circumstances so mighty that the workers can, in truth, hardly be blamed
for yielding to such overwhelming pressure. Drunkenness has here
ceased to be a vice for which the vicious can be held responsible; it
becomes a phenomenon, the necessary, inevitable effect of certain
conditions upon an object possessed of no volition in relation to those
conditions. They who have degraded the working-man to a mere object
have the responsibility to bear.” 199

As for the causes of alcoholism in the lower proletariat they are the same
as for the proletariat (if we except the two first named), only they are
much more intense. A very insufficient diet, frightful housing conditions,
the demoralization consequent upon inaction, ignorance, and the absolute
lack of any intellectual life have made of the man a brute who can forget
his misery only by drinking.
The same is true of prostitutes, among whom the abuse of alcohol is very
wide spread. Parent-Duchatelet says: “The taste of these women
(prostitutes) for strong drink may be considered to be general, although
in different degrees; they contract it early, and this taste ends by plunging
some into the last state of brutishness. All the information that I have
gathered proves that they began drinking only to blunt their sensibilities;
gradually they become accustomed to it, and in a little while the habit
becomes so strong that it resists any return to virtue;…” 200

Dr. Bonhoeffer says: “In many cases alcoholism is the result of the
manner of life of prostitutes.” 201

The etiology of the abuse of alcohol in the well-to-do class is principally

as follows:

a. A part of the well-to-do class, those who live exclusively upon the
income from their invested capital, consider one of their occupations
[366]to be the spending of a part of the surplus-value that they receive.
Among the means they make use of for this end is alcohol, which has
also the faculty of dissipating the ennui resulting from the emptiness of
their existence.

“Many persons, belonging for the most part to the well-to-do classes,
have no fixed occupation and feel the need of none. These persons do not
know what it is to love work for work’s sake. Having all that they need
to live upon they imagine that work exists only for those who have to
earn their bread, and they themselves are created for ‘dolce far niente.’
Unfortunately the ‘far niente’ is not always sweet! Having nothing to do,
these individuals do not know how to use their time; they are bored, they
seek distractions and pleasures. Alcohol presents itself to them as
procuring the pleasure sought for, but as this enjoyment is only
momentary, they are forced to renew it and to prolong it.…” 202

b. Another part of the bourgeoisie is composed of those who pass their

lives in the fierce combat of competition, who are bent under the burden
of material cares, and whose mind is occupied with a single idea, that of
getting money. This is why in these surroundings also they frequently
have recourse to alcohol to dissipate their vexations, especially when
things go badly.

Having treated of alcoholism among the idle portion of the bourgeoisie,

Kautsky says in the study quoted above: “Not all, of course, and perhaps
not even the majority, of the moneyed class are idlers. Many work as
long and hard as any working-man, even if the work they do is often
superfluous. But it is always one-sided nervous work. Muscular exercise
among the property-holding class has been constantly pushed ever
further into the background since the sixteenth century, and the demands
upon the nervous system have correspondingly increased. Besides the
continual struggle with the working-class, from whom the surplus-value
is taken, there is going on an equally uninterrupted battle of the spoilers
among themselves for a share of this surplus-value. All these battles are
carried on today by nervous, not muscular, energy, and the contests
become constantly more bitter, the crises more tremendous, the
battlefields more colossal, the forces involved more incalculable.

“Thus the nerves of the bourgeoisie become wrecked through their

activity as well as through their idleness.… If part of the bourgeoisie
befuddle themselves out of wantonness, another part grasp [367]for
stimulants or for means of benumbing themselves, alcohol, morphine,
cocaine, any thing to take away their feeling of sickness, to conquer their
pains, to make them forget their cares; and as it is with the proletariat, so
is it with the moneyed class, the power of resistance to these agents
declines.” 203

Finally, we must notice some causes of alcoholism which influence the

whole population.

a. Imitation. This is reckoned among the important causes. In the first

place there are many children (for whom alcohol even in small quantities
is extremely harmful) who are accustomed to the use of alcohol as a
consequence of the example set by their families. Dr. R. Frölich
mentioned the following facts at the 8th International Congress against
Alcohol at Vienna: 204

Out of 81,187 children from 6 to 14 years of age going to school in

Vienna, there were:

49.5% who already drank beer and 32.1% who drank beer regularly
82.1% 11.2%
wine wine
,, ,, ,, ,, ,, ,, ,,
94.2% 4.1%
brandy brandy
,, ,, ,, ,, ,, ,, ,,

But imitation is also important among those who have attained their full
development. In the course of time certain circles have taken up the habit
of drinking, and any one who frequents these circles must do the same
under penalty of being looked down upon. However, I think that the
importance that abstainers give to imitation is exaggerated. The number
of those who are guilty of the abuse of alcohol from force of example
and nothing else is certainly not very great. The other factors which have
been at work at the same time to bring about this result are not so
obvious. Finally we must not forget that imitation is not an independent
factor; what does not exist cannot be imitated, and consequently there
must be other causes primarily responsible.

b. The climate. Although so much importance is not attached to climate

as formerly, it is nevertheless certain that a cold climate, especially if
damp, favors the consumption of alcohol, since this dissipates
temporarily the discomfort resulting from cold and humidity. It is for this
reason that the inhabitants of the northern countries (for example,
England, Denmark, and Holland) consume on [368]the average greater
quantities of alcohol than southern countries (like Spain and Italy).
However the facts show that the social environment is a much more
important factor, and is apt to modify or overcome entirely the influence
of climate. In Sweden and Norway, for example, the consumption per
capita is smaller than in countries farther south, like Denmark and
Holland. The great changes which occur at different times in the same
country, where the climate remains a constant factor, are a further proof
of the truth of this. And notwithstanding the climate the abuse of alcohol
increases greatly in the southern countries in which industrialism
becomes more and more prevalent (like northern Italy). 205

c. Race. There are many persons who attribute much importance in the
etiology of alcoholism, as in other social phenomena, to the influence of
race. Where two nations differing racially have not the same
consumption of alcohol, they think they can explain the difference by
race. But in reasoning thus they forget that two nations may present great
differences in their manner of life, and that the greater or less
consumption of alcohol may be explained better by these than by race
(without counting that racial difference in the tendency to alcoholism is
still to be accounted for somehow). To cite an example; the peoples of
the Germanic race are more intemperate, than the peoples of the Latin
race (a fact already explained by the climate, and further accounted for
by the cheapness of wine); this difference it is said is to be explained in
part by race. And yet the use of brandy in northern Italy increases with
increasing industrialism, northern industrial France gives a very high
figure for brandy-consumption, and the Belgians of the Latin race do not
yield to their Germanic compatriots in the use of alcohol. 206 The
proverbial temperance of the Jews is often attributed to their race, while
we should ask whether this temperance is not rather to be attributed to
their manner of life, which differs from that of other peoples. It is
probable that the Jewish industrial workers, for example, who have
broken with the habits of their coreligionists, have also become
consumers of spirituous beverages. As far as the diamond-cutters of
Amsterdam are concerned this fact is at least averred. 207 The tendency
[369]which is observed among the Slavic peoples of becoming intoxicated
periodically in an extraordinary fashion, is attributed to race, but the
same thing is observed in other countries where wages are very low, thus
preventing regular drinking, and limiting the consumption of alcohol to
paydays. 208

I believe that the influence of race upon alcoholism is enormously

exaggerated, which does not, however, imply that I deny its influence.
The slight expansion of the use of alcohol among the Mongolians
(among whom, it is to be added, this is replaced by other narcotics,
principally by opium) is to be explained in part perhaps, by race.

d. The psycho- and neuro-pathic condition of some persons enters into

the etiology of alcoholism in three ways. In the first place, the regular
use of small quantities of alcohol may, with the said persons, result in
alcoholism. Secondly, quantities of alcohol which have results
imperceptible in the normal man, may cause drunkenness in a very
neuropathic person. Thirdly, alcoholism is present as the principal
symptom with dipsomaniacs, and as a secondary symptom in the case of
persons suffering from mania, melancholia, or paralytic dementia. 209

After what we have said concerning the causes of the consumption of

alcohol, we must add something about the production of it. As is the case
with most articles, the production of alcohol is capitalistic, that is to say,
for the sake of profit. Consumption is only a condition for attaining this
end. If the profits could be greater without production it would cease. 210
Aside from the producers, the state also has a great interest in the
consumption of alcohol, since it derives considerable revenue from it.

The consequences of the fact that the production of alcohol is capitalistic

have a great social importance. To instance only some of these:

First. The number of places where liquor may be drunk is very great. The
more there is consumed, the more profit there is for the producers and for
the retailers. As a consequence there is much advertising, and many
dram-shops, in which the wages are often [370]paid and workmen hired.
These two things increase the profits of the dealer, but exercise an
indirect pressure upon the working-man to make him drink. 211

Second. The constantly decreasing price of alcohol. As we have seen

above there is a tendency in the present economic system to lower the
price of commodities, since each producer tries to increase his profits, if
only temporarily, by seeking to improve the processes of production.
This is applicable to alcohol also.
Third. The adulteration of alcoholic drinks. Under the capitalistic system
the object of production is not to furnish as perfect a product as possible,
but to make as great profits as possible. Hence comes the tendency
among producers to adulterate their wares, to deliver goods of poorer
quality than they are supposed to be, for the purpose of gaining greater
profits. The adulteration so frequent with alcoholic beverages has
physical and psychical consequences most harmful to the consumers. 212

The exposition which I have just given of the etiology of alcoholism

points out the principal causes of it, and proves that they are to be found
in the last instance almost wholly in the present constitution of society. It
is possible that some one will interpose the objection that this cannot be
the case, that there must be, besides pathological causes, individual
causes, since it happens that among persons living in the same
environment some become alcoholics and others do not.

This last fact is incontestable, but it is partly to be explained by the fact

that, while there are persons who live in environments that are very
similar, there are no two individuals whose surroundings are exactly the
same. Take, for example, two workmen. The one may have passed his
youth in circles where they drink little or no alcohol, and where it is
pointed out to him that abstinence is very salutary, while the other sees
only examples of intemperance. It may be that here is the explanation of
the fact that the first has remained temperate, while the second has not,
although the two live in surroundings almost alike.

But suppose that the environment is and has always been exactly the
same for a group of persons, we shall see then that the tendency toward
alcoholism is not the same for each individual. No one will be able to
dispute the fact, however, that it is the environment [371]that is the cause
of the abuse of alcohol. Individual differences bring it about that one
man is more drawn to the use of alcohol than another, but circumstances
explain why the first has become alcoholic. These differences can never
explain why, at a certain period, the abuse of alcohol has, or has not,
become an almost universal phenomenon.

The proofs are plain. In examining, for example, a period like that in
which capitalism took its rise in England, as it is described by Engels in
his “Condition of the Working Class”, a period, that is to say, in which
the working class found itself in very disadvantageous material and
moral conditions, we see that the workers, with rare exceptions, were
consumers of alcohol, and largely abused it. Since that time conditions
have improved. The moral and material plane having been raised, those
whose tendency toward alcohol was less strong and who had more
marked innate moral qualities, ceased misusing alcohol. As conditions
improve still further those who are weaker follow little by little the same
road to temperance. This process may be observed going on among
unorganized workmen, with whom the tendency to drink is generally
great. As soon as they begin to organize, and in measure as their
organization is developed, we see that first the most intelligent, etc.,
among them become temperate, and that little by little these are followed
by the others.

It is a biological fact that men always and everywhere present qualitative

differences. But this constant factor does not give an explanation of the
changes which society undergoes, and is not, therefore, of great
importance to sociology, which, while taking it into account, has for its
task the explanation of the changes in question. And it is just those
changes in the use of alcoholic beverages which have taken place during
the course of the centuries, which show that the social environment is the
principal cause of alcoholism.

In ancient times alcoholism was unknown. It is true that among the

Israelites, for example, the abuse of alcohol at times occurred, but the
fact that no importance was attached to it proves that alcoholism
properly speaking did not exist. 213 Nor was it to be met with among the
ancient Greeks. At every meal, and at their reunions they drank wine
diluted; it is unnecessary to say that these “symposia” were not looked
down upon by the Greeks, but on the contrary were highly regarded.
“Greek opinion found nothing improper in intoxication, only a certain
self-control in drunkenness was held to [372]be indispensable. Gross and
violent conduct was, like the drinking of unmixed wine, a custom of the
barbarians, and unworthy of a Greek.” 214 Nor was ancient Rome any
more acquainted with alcoholism, though among the Romans, coarse in
comparison with the Greeks and demoralized by their immense wealth,
the abuse of alcohol was often met with. But it was only the very small
group of the rich who were addicted to it. When the barbarians
annihilated the ancient world they were not capable of assimilating the
civilization of the peoples whom they had just subjugated, while they
adopted their pleasures, a thing which did not require so high a state of
development. This is the cause of the great abuse of alcohol among the
Germans. 215 The uncertainty of existence, and the miserable conditions
during the migrations of these peoples were favorable to this abuse.

In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the abuse of alcohol had reached a
high degree of development among the rich. The cause of this was the
birth of capitalism, by which great wealth was accumulated in the hands
of a few without their having occasion to place a great part of it as new
capital. To this fact was joined a low degree of culture, and it thus came
about that the wealthy of the period spent enormous sums for eating and
drinking. 216

The discovery in the middle of the sixteenth century of the distillation of

spirits from grain brought about a considerable cheapening in the price
of strong drink, which thus came within the reach of the poor. (Arab
physicians had long before discovered how to extract brandy from wine,
but this in the beginning was only used medicinally.) The great poverty
occasioned by the Thirty Years’ War increased the use of liquor
enormously, and the birth of the industrial proletariat contributed equally
to the same result. Mention is made for the first time of the regular use of
liquor to increase the amount of work done, in 1550 among the
Hungarian miners, the first category of workmen who lived under
conditions almost identical with those of the modern industrial
proletariat. With the continually increasing development of capitalism
King Alcohol began his triumphal march, which has continued without
any great obstacle to the present day. Alcoholism has its deeper causes in
the material [373]intellectual and moral poverty created by the economic
system now in force. It is with reason that Professor Gruber has said:
“We cannot shut our eyes to the truth that alcohol is not without basis in
our present order of society. Without it life would long ago have become
unendurable for the suffering part of the population.” [374]
[Contents]

CHAPTER V.

MILITARISM.

We may be very brief upon the correlation of militarism and the present
economic system. This correlation is so clear that there are few persons
who deny it. The motives which, under all earlier modes of production,
have engendered wars are principally of an economic nature. But besides
these there have been at times others; but we have not to enquire here
what was in the last analysis their correlation with the mode of
production of that day. The relation between capitalism and war is
always so close that we can find in the economic life the direct causes of
the wars waged under the empire of capitalism.

As we have seen above in our exposition of the present economic

system, a part of the surplus-value that comes to the moneyed class is
invested as new capital. The continually increasing amount of capital
does not readily find investment in full in a country where capitalism is
already in force. This is why the moneyed class desires to invest a part of
the surplus-value in countries whither capitalism has not yet penetrated.
If the inhabitants of the country chosen as field of operation are opposed
to this, or if the same country is coveted by other capitalistic powers, the
resulting antagonism generally leads to war.

In the second place, the producers can sell in their own country only a
part of the increasing quantity of their products; whence come their
efforts to find an outlet into other countries. But as capitalism expands
with increasing rapidity over the whole world, the difficulty of finding a
country in a position to buy, or to which capitalism has not yet
penetrated, becomes greater and greater. Encounters with other
capitalistic powers pursuing the same end are the inevitable
consequence.

It is upon the State that the task is imposed of finding new territories
[375]where capital may be invested, or new outlets for goods which do
not find purchasers in the country where they are produced. Beside the
duty of the State to maintain a certain order in a society confused and
complicated through the nature of our economic life (civil and criminal
jurisprudence), there is its more important duty of warding off other
groups of competitors, or even at need attacking them by force of arms.

But the army serves not only to act against the foreigner, it has equally a
domestic duty to fulfil. In the cases where the police cannot maintain
order the army reinforces them. The army must especially then be active
at the time of great strikes, when so-called free labor is to be protected,
that is when employers are trying to replace the striking workmen with
others who, in consequence of their poverty, or their lack of organization,
put their personal interests above those of their comrades. Also it has its
part to play in connection with great political movements, like that to
obtain universal suffrage, for example.

Our present militarism is, therefore, a consequence of capitalism. The

double duty of the army proves it; for its function is to furnish the
bourgeoisie with the means of restraining the proletariat at home, and of
repulsing or attacking the forces of foreign countries. [377]
1 This sketch is based upon Karl Marx’s “Kapital” and K. Kautsky’s works primarily, with some
indebtedness to Marx’s “Oekonomischen Lehren”, and “Das Erfurter Programm.” ↑
2 Marx, “Kapital”, I, p. 4. ↑
3 “Kapital”, I, p. 6. It is plain that in this exposition it is needless to add why this law is discarded
under a developed system of capitalism. The exception in no way diminishes the fundamental
truth of the proposition. ↑
4 In his work “The Condition of the Working-class in England”, F. Engels, after speaking of the
condition of the English proletariat, says, “The working-class has gradually become a race
wholly apart from the English bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie has more in common with every other
nation of the earth than with the workers in whose midst it lives. The workers speak other dialects,
have other thoughts and ideals, other customs and moral principles, a different religion, and other
politics than the bourgeoisie. They are two radically dissimilar nations.” (P. 124. [In original, p.
127].) ↑
5 Upon the petty bourgeoisie see the excellent article of Dr. B. Schönlank, “Zur Psychologie des
Kleinbürgerthums” (“Neue Zeit”, 1890). ↑
6 Alcoholism being of great importance for criminality I shall treat the etiology of this social
phenomenon separately (see Chap. IV). ↑
7 It is plain that I cannot cite proofs in support of this exposition; I should go beyond the proper
limits of this discussion of the present economic [273]system and its consequences.
Furthermore it would be useless; for those of my readers who do not know from having seen it that
the situation is as I have stated, can be convinced by reading the rich literature upon the subject. I
will refer here only to the more noteworthy books; For England: F. Engels, “The Condition of the
Working-Class in England” (1845); K. Marx, “Das Kapital” (1867); M. Schippel, “Das moderne
Elend und die moderne Ueberbevölkerung” (1888); Chas. Booth, “Life and Labor of the People in
London” (1892–1897); R. Blatchford, “Merrie England” (1894), and “Dismal England” (1901);
B. S. Rowntree, “Poverty, A Study of Town Life” (1901). For Germany: Dr. H. Lux,
“Sozialpolitisches Handbuch” (1889); P. Göhre, “Drei Monate Fabrikarbeiter” (1891); Dr. R.
Hirschberg, “Soziale Lage der arbeitenden Klasse in Berlin” (1897); H. Herkner, “Die
Arbeitsfrage” (1894), treating also of Austria and Switzerland. For Austria: T. W. Teifen, “Das
soziale Elend und die besitzenden Klassen” (1894). For Holland: “Rapport der Commissie belast
met het onderzoek naar den toestand der kinderen in fabrieken arbeidende” (1872); “Enquête
betreffende werking en uitbreiding der wet van 19 September 1874 en naar den toestand van
fabrieken en werkplaatsen” (1887); “Enquête gehouden door de staatscommissie benoemd volgens
de wet van 19 Jan. 1890” (1800–1894); “Een vergeten hoofdstuk” (1898); H. Roland-Holst,
“Kapitaal en arbeid in Nederland” (1902).
Upon the conditions of women’s work see: L. Braun, “Die Frauenfrage.” Upon the housing of
working-men in the great cities see: A. Braun, “Berliner Wohnungsverhältnisse”; E. von
Philippovich, “Wiener Wohnungsverhältnisse” (“Archiv f. soz. Gesetzgeb.” u. Stat. VII).
[N A E : The literature upon the social condition of the proletariat has
increased considerably in recent years. It would be impossible and also superfluous to cite the
whole of this literature; I note only certain works that seem remarkable for one reason or another.
For England: L. G. Chiozza-Money, “Riches and Poverty” (1905). For Germany: K. Fischer,
“Denkwürdigkeiten und Erinnerungen eines Arbeiters” (1903–04); M. W. Th. Bromme,
“Lebensgeschichte eines modernen Fabrikarbeiters” (1905); and Fr. Rehbein, “Das Leben eines
Landarbeiters.” For the United States: R. Hunter, “Das Elend der neuen Welt” (1908). For Russia:
K. A. Pashitnow, “Die Lage der arbeitenden Klasse in Russland” (1907). For the Netherlands: J. J.
Moquette, “Onderzoekingen over volksvoeding in de gemeente Utrecht”, 1907; “Arbeidersleven in
Nederland” (1908); “Onderzoekingen naar de toestanden in de Nederlandsche huisindustrie”,
1911–1912. Upon the condition of working-people in general see especially the very interesting
and original work of Niceforo, “Anthropologie der nichtbesitzenden Klassen” (1910). Upon the
condition of working-women, see “Die Jugendgeschichte einer Arbeiterin” (1909); R. Kempf, “Das
Leben der jungen Fabrikmädchen in München” (1911); the official investigation into the work of
married women in the factories in the Netherlands (1911). Upon child-labor: “Das proletarische
Kind.”] ↑
8 See the proof cited by K. Kautsky in his “Sozialreform und soziale Revolution” (pp. 22–25), in
support of the assertion that the distance between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat has
increased. ↑
9 What the Germans call “Lumpenproletariat.” [The French is “le bas Prolétariat.” “Submerged
class” is perhaps our most common English equivalent.—T .] With the lower proletariat
we must include prostitutes and a part of the criminals. These two groups we shall naturally treat in
detail later. ↑
10 Pp. 213–215. (“Neue Zeit”, 1884). ↑
11 Op. cit. p. 215. See also, as regards the condition of the lower proletariat in Germany, Dr. H.
Lux, “Sozialpolitisches Handbuch”, pp. 32 ff.; for Austria: T. W. Teifen, “Das soziale Elend,
etc.” IV, pp. 122 ff.; for Russia: O. Zetkin, “Die barfüssige Bande” (“Neue Zeit”, 1885); for
England: Ch. Booth, “Pauperism” and “Life and Labour of the People in London”, VIII; for all
Europe: L. M. Moreau-Christophe, “Du problème de la misère,” III; for North America see R.
Hunter, “Das Elend der neuen Welt”, pp. 51 ff. ↑
12There may be found in Dr. L. Woltmann’s “Die Darwinsche Theorie und der Sozialismus” (pp.
81–135) a detailed résumé of the works of the authors who hold this opinion. Cf. also Herkner,
“Die Arbeiterfrage”, pp. 178 ff., where also the literature upon this point is to be found. ↑
13 P. 527, op. cit. I. ↑
14 P. 529, op. cit. I. ↑
15 As is well known, Galton is one of the authors who denies this thesis. One of the rare examples
which he produces as proof is d’Alembert, who, notwithstanding an unfavorable educational
environment, became a celebrity. (See “Hereditary Genius,” pp. 34–39). Unfortunately for Galton
Professor Odin proves that d’Alembert received an excellent education and was brought up in
relatively favorable economic conditions. (See “Genèse des grands hommes,” p. 538, I.) See also
Professor Odin’s criticism of Galton (pp. 192 ff., op. cit., I). ↑
16 Op. cit., I, p. 562. ↑
17 P. 80. ↑
18 Cf. especially the excellent refutation of the pseudo-Darwinian theory by Professor Bücher in
the chapter “Arbeitsgliederung und Soziale Klassenbilderung” from his “Entstehen der
Volkswirtschaft.” ↑
19 See Woltmann, op. cit., pp. 32–81 and pp. 334 ff., where he cites a number of authors who are of
this opinion. Upon the whole subject see Dr. A. Ploetz, “Die Tüchtigkeit unsrer Rasse und der
Schutz der Schwachen”, and Dr. D. van Embden, “Darwinisme en Demokratie.” ↑
20 “Menschliche Auslese”, p. 10 (Zukunft, 1894). ↑
21 Under this heading are included all the children below 14, and the women who live with the
person assisted. It is enough to point out that the indigence of these co-assisted persons does not
proceed from any cause in the persons themselves, but in their circumstances. ↑
22 “Statistisches Jahrbuch für das Deutsche Reich”, X, 1889, pp. 206–208. ↑
23 Read the following taken from “Illustrations of the Manners, Customs, and Conditions of the
North American Indians”, by G. Catlin: “This cruel custom of exposing their aged people,
belongs, I think, to all the tribes who roam about the prairies, making severe marches, when such
decrepit persons are totally unable to go, unable to ride or to walk,—when they have no means of
carrying them. It often becomes absolutely necessary in such cases that they should be left; and
they uniformly insist upon it, saying as one old man did, that they are old and of no further use—
that they left their fathers in the same manner—that they wish to die, and their children must not
mourn for them.” (I, p. 217.) ↑
24 The figures given by J. S. in “Aus den Ergebnissen der sächsischen Armenstatistik” (“Neue
Zeit” 1894–95, II), confirm those in the table I have given, if we do not lose sight of the fact
that J. S. does not give the “co-assisted” persons separately. The figures of Charles Booth in his
“Pauperism” show that alcoholism forms a more important factor in the two districts that he has
studied (12.6% and 21.9%); for laziness the figures are [288]1.9% and 10.6%. Statistics of the
Netherlands confirm in general those of the German Empire:
A A
1898 1899 1898 1899
T . C .
Causes of Indigence. % % Causes of Indigence. % %
Illness, etc. 42.3 45.1 Illness or bodily defects 18.6 18.9
Lack or shortage of 30.7 28.9 Old age 45.4 47
work
Alcoholism 2.6 2.6 Death of breadwinner 20.0 19.2
Other causes 24.4 23.4 Alcoholism 1.8 1.5
Other causes 14.2 13.4
100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

(Verslagen over de verrichtingen aangaande het armbestuur over 1898 en 1899. Bijlage E.
Handelingen 2e Kamer der Staten-Generaal 1899–1900, 1900–1901.) ↑
25 P. 490. “Biologie und Kriminalstatistik.” (“Zeitschr. f. d. ges. Strafrechtswissenschaft”, VII.) ↑
26 See K. Kautsky’s “Das Erfurter Programm”, p. 64. ↑
27 Upon the period without class see, among others, L. H. Morgan, “Ancient Society”, and upon
the origin of classes H. Cunow, “Arbeitstheilung und Frauenrecht” (“Neue Zeit”, 1900–01, I, p.
178 ff.). ↑
28 It is well known that sociological studies upon the subject of marriage date from 1861, when
Bachofen’s “Das Mutterrecht” came out. Since then a very extensive literature on the subject
has appeared, without by any means exhausting the subject. (See Dr. Steinmetz, “Die neueren
Forschungen zur Geschichte der menschlichen Familie”, “Zeitschr. für Sozialwissenschaft,” 1899.)
[N A E : The literature upon the origin and evolution of marriage and the
family has recently been considerably increased. The following books seem to us to be the most
important: H. Schurtz, “Altersklassen und Männerbünde”; M. Weber, “Ehefrau und Mutter in der
Rechtsentwicklung”; A. Vierkandt, “Das Problem der Familien- und Stammesorganisation der
Naturvölker”; E. Westermarck, “Ursprung und Entwicklung der Moralbegriffe”, II; F. Müller-Lyer,
“Formen der Ehe”, “Die Familie”, and “Phasen der Liebe”; H. Cunow, “Zur Urgeschichte der Ehe
und Familie.”] ↑
29 Westermarck (in his “History of Human Marriage”, pp. 51–133) has led the opposition to the
promiscuity theory. It is also combated by Starcke in his “Die primitive Familie” and by Grosse
in his “Die Formen der Familie und die Formen der Wirthschaft” (pp. 41–45). For a résumé of the
arguments for and against see Dr. C. J. Wynaendts Francken, “De Evolutie van het huwelijk” (pp.
57–65). ↑
30 See Ch. Letourneau, “L’évolution du mariage” (pp. 46–48). ↑
31 See Fr. Engels, “Der Ursprung der Familie, des Privateigenthums, und des Staats” (pp. 17–18)
[Translated as “The Origin of the family, etc.” Page references are to the original.]; and C. de
Kelles-Krauz, “Formes primitives de la famille” (pp. 303–304 of the “Revue Internationale de
Sociologie”, VIII). ↑
32 The following discussion is based upon material drawn from Grosse (op. cit.), and from H.
Cunow (“Die ökonomischen Grundlagen der Mutterherrschaft” (“Neue Zeit”, 1897–98). ↑
33 Op. cit., pp. 60–61. ↑
34 L. H. Morgan, “Ancient Society”, p. 424; Fr. Engels, op. cit., p. 21; and others. ↑
35 Westermarck believes that there is an innate aversion to sexual relationships between persons
who have lived together from childhood; and that the sexual aversion that exists between near
blood-relations is in consequence of the fact that these persons have always lived together. This
instinct would thus have been acquired by natural selection, since those who did not have it would
run more danger than the others of disappearing in consequence of the injurious effects of such
unions. (Op. cit., chaps. xiv and xv.) Cunow on the other hand makes the point that there cannot be
an innate aversion between persons who have been raised together, for marriages between such
persons do take place, and are not thought at all immoral or contrary to nature. (“Die
Verwandtschaftsorganisationen der Australneger,” pp. 184 ff.) ↑
36 See Steinmetz, op. cit., p. 817. ↑
37 Upon the origin of agriculture see H. Cunow, “Arbeitstheilung und Frauenrecht” (“Neue Zeit”,
1900–1901; I, pp. 102 ff.). ↑
38 See C. N. Starcke, “Die primitive Familie”, pp. 106–107. ↑
39 The “metronymic” system by which the mother has the right to transmit her name to the child
(Mutterrecht) is quite distinct from the matriarchate. As to the origin of the matriarchate see Dr.
L. v. Dargun, “Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht”, pp. 67 ff. ↑
40 L. H. Morgan, “Ancient Society”, p. 345; Dargun, op. cit., pp. 131, 132. ↑
41 See Morgan, op. cit., Pt. II, chap. X and XIII, and F. Engels, “Origin of the Family, etc.”, chap.
V, VI, VIII; Gumplowicz, “Grundriss der Soziologie,” pp. 190 ff.; and F. Oppenheimer, “Der
Staat.” ↑
42 Engels, op. cit., p. 51. [Paging of original.] ↑
43 See Engels, op. cit., pp. 47 ff. [Paging of original.] ↑
44 See A. Bebel, “Die Frau und der Sozialismus”, pp. 265 ff. ↑
45 See “Neue Zeit”, 188, p. 239; G. v. Mayr, “Statistik und Gesellschaftslehre”, II, p. 384; F. v. d.
Goes, “Socialisme en Feminisme” (“Tweemaandelijksch Tijdschrift”, VI, 1900) pp. 430–445;
Braun, “Die Frauenfrage”, pp. 166 ff.; C. Zetkin, “Geistiges Proletariat, Frauenfrage und
Sozialismus”, pp. 4, 5. ↑
46 See Bebel, op. cit., chapter entitled “Ehehemmnisse und Ehehindernisse”; v. d. Goes, op. cit.,
pp. 445–458; Braun, op. cit., pp. 166–170; Zetkin, op. cit., pp. 5–6. ↑
47 See Bebel, op. cit., p. 159; v. d. Goes, op. cit., pp. 458 ff.; and Braun, op. cit., pp. 165, 166. ↑
48 See Bebel, op cit., pp. 223 ff.; v. d. Goes, op. cit. (Année VII, 1901), pp. 120 ff.; Zetkin, op. cit.,
pp. 3, 4, and “Die Arbeiterinnen- und Frauenfrage der Gegenwart”, pp. 3 ff. ↑
49 See Braun, op. cit., p. 181. ↑
50 See Braun, op. cit. Pt. II, chaps. IV and V. ↑
51 [N A E : There has appeared, especially recently, an extensive
literature criticising the conditions of modern marriage. Cf. among others: Forel, “Die Sexuelle
Frage”; M. Weber, op. cit., chap. vi; T. Bloch, “Das Sexualleben unserer Zeit”, chap. x; Havelock
Ellis, “Geschlecht und Gesellschaft”, II, chap. x; A. Moll, “Handbuch der Sexualwissenschaften”;
F. Müller-Lyer, “Die Familie” and “Phasen der Liebe.”] ↑
52 “Das Weib und der Stier.” (“Neue Zeit”, 1900–1901, II, p. 6–7.) ↑
53 Upon marriage in the bourgeoisie see Fourier, “Théorie des quatre mouvements” (Complete
Works, I, pp. 162 ff.); A. E. F. Schäffle, “Bau und Leben”, etc., III, pp. 36, 50; Nordau, “Die
conventionnellen Lügen der Kulturmenschheit”, pp. 263 ff.; Bebel, op. cit., pp. 103 ff.; and Dr. E.
Gystrow, “Liebe und Liebesleben im XIX Jahrhundert”, pp. 26 ff. ↑
54 It is unnecessary to go into the question of marriage in the petty bourgeoisie, which does not
differ fundamentally from that which we have been treating. See Dr. B. Schönlank, “Zur
Psychologie des Kleinbürgerthums”, pp. 123–124 (“Neue Zeit”, 1890). ↑
55 Engels, op. cit., pp. 59, 60, and Dr. A. Blaschko, “Die Prostitution im XIX Jahrhundert”, p. 12. ↑
56 See “Englands industrielle Reservearmee”, pp. 215–216 (“Neue Zeit”, 1884). ↑
57 Engels, op. cit., pp. 63–74 [paging of original]. ↑
58 E. Grosse, “Die Formen der Familie und die Formen der Wirthschaft”, pp. 49–53. ↑
59 See Grosse, op. cit., pp. 78–82, 120–123. ↑
60 Grosse, op. cit., pp. 183–186. ↑
61 See Grosse, op. cit., pp. 220–223, 226–228, 230–234. ↑
62 See v. Dargun, op. cit., p. 12. ↑
63 See M. Kovalewsky, “Tableau des origines et de l’évolution de la famille et de la propriété”, pp.
150–161. ↑
64 The law does not produce much change in the situation which would exist without it, since most
parents would perform this duty without being compelled. ↑
65 L. Ferriani, “Entartete Mütter”, pp. 24–50. ↑
66 “Der Selbstmord im kindlichen Lebensalter”, p. 48. ↑
67 Op. cit. This quotation follows directly upon the one given above. ↑
68 Dr. A. Baer, op. cit., p. 49. See also pp. 58, 59. ↑
69 [N A E : Cf. M. Kauffmann, “Die Psychologie des Verbrechens”, pp.
235 ff.] ↑
70 C. Zetkin, “Die Arbeiterinnen- und Frauenfrage der Gegenwart”, pp. 23–39. ↑
71 See J. Stern, “Thesen über den Sozialismus”, p. 24; and C. Zetkin, op. cit., pp. 30 ff. ↑
72 C. Zetkin, op. cit., p. 24. ↑
73 L. Ferriani, “Schlaue und glückliche Verbrecher”, pp. 34, 35. ↑
74 To name one among many: M. Kovalewsky. See his “Tableau des origines et de l’évolution de la
famille et de la propriété”, pp. 160, 161. ↑
75 The number of births is constantly decreasing, and the consequent decrease in the size of
families accentuates the tendency to develop egoism in the child. ↑
76 Compare, among others, E. Key, “Das Jahrhundert des Kindes”, p. 316. ↑
77 “The Book of the New Moral World”, Pt. III., pp. 9–11. ↑
78 K. Kautsky, “Die Entstehung des Christenthums” (“Neue Zeit”, 1885). ↑
79 L. Ferriani, “Schlaue und glückliche Verbrecher”, p. 48. ↑
80 P. 144 [In original, p. 147]. See also L. Braun, “Die Frauenfrage”, pp. 318 ff.; C. Zetkin, op. cit.,
p. 26; Herkner, op. cit., pp. 36 ff.; and especially Rühle, “Das proletarische Kind”, pp. 42 ff.
Upon the education of children of the working class in general, see also: G. Schönfeldt, “Die
heutige Arbeiterfamilie und die öffentliche Erziehung vorschulpflichtiger Kinder” (“Neue Zeit”, I,
1898–1899). ↑
81 [N A E : Upon the situation of illegitimate children see Rühle, op. cit.
pp. 63 ff., and especially the interesting works of Dr. Spann, “Untersuchungen über die
uneheliche Bevölkerung in Frankfurt a/M.” and “Die unehelichen Mündel des
Vormundschaftsgerichtes in Frankfurt a/M.”] ↑
82 Dr. C. Hugo, “Kind und Gesellschaft”, p. 562 (“Neue Zeit”, 1894–1895, I). See also L.
Ferriani, “Entartete Mütter.”
[N A E : At this moment I have before me the “Annual Report, 1912–
1913”, where it is shown that the total number of children for whom the society in question has
cared has increased to 2,101,130 in 29 years, an annual average, therefore, of about 75,000. For the
year of the report the number was 159,000.
Cf. Rühle, op. cit., and especially the report upon Austria of Dr. J. M. Baernreither, “Die Ursachen,
Erscheinungsformen und die Ausbreitung der Verwahrlosung von Kindern und Jugendlichen in
Oesterreich.”] ↑
83 For a criticism of the present educational system see A. C. F. Schäffle, [321]“Bau und Leben des
sozialen Körpers”, I, p. 262; Ch. Letourneau, “L’évolution du mariage et de la famille”, p. 444;
E. Key, “Das Jahrhundert des Kindes”, pp. 109 ff.; Th. Schlesinger Eckstein, “Die Frau im XIX
Jahrhundert”, pp. 54–56. ↑
84 [N A E : There has also appeared in recent times a considerable
literature upon the etiology of prostitution. We note the following: A. Forel, “Die sexuelle