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INTRODUCTION
- Among the first to identify the inverse correlation between socioeconomic status and
mental illness were Faris and Dunham who found a disproportionate rate of mental
illness in the poorest parts of Chicago (Faris and Dunham, 1939) The social
disorganization hypothesis was proposed by Faris and Dunham (1939), who observed
that the majority of psychiatric patients admitted to a mental hospital near Chicago, in
the United States, came mainly from inner-city areas. Based on this observation, they
speculated that extreme social disorganization, characterized by poverty,
communication breakdown, high mobility and transiency, racial conflict, social isolation
or other unfavourable social conditions that were often observed in urban settings may
contribute to high rates of psychopathology, particularly schizophrenia. The social-
disorganization hypothesis was questioned by many scholars, who pointed out that it was
not undesirable social conditions that contributed to major mental disorders, but that
severe mental patients, who have difficulty surviving in ordinary communities, tended to
drift into poor, disorganized community settings.
- Social attraction hypothesis was stated by Robert Hare which pointed out that the
inner city of Bristol contained both rich and poor people. Hare found that there were
areas where schizophrenic patients congregated. This phenomenon led him to
hypothesize that social disorganization in some inner-city areas can attract
schizophrenic individuals who find social contact aversive.
- Chance in 1964 focused on social cohesion instead of social disintegration. He
reported that there was a significant correlation between social cohesion and
depression, namely, severe feelings of worthlessness and guilt tended to occur among
members of highly cohesive groups.
- After World War II the landmark study by Hollingshead and Redlich examined rates
of psychiatric disability in New Haven, Connecticut. They found that 1% of their
psychiatric cases were in the upper class, while this class consisted of 3.1% of the
population; in contrast, 36.8% of the psychiatrically disabled were from the lowest
class, while this group consisted of 17.8% of the population (Hollinghshead and
Redlich, 1958, p. 199). The inverse correlation was subsequently attributed to the
disproportionate numbers of mentally ill in the lowest two classes rather than
differences between the other three groups (Mishler and Scotch, 1965, pp. 258-305).
- A total of 21 studies conducted throughout the world between 1950 and 1980 reported
rates of psychiatric disorders according to class. While 10 of the 15 non-United States
(US) studies found the highest rates in the lowest class, five out of the six US studies
obtained the same finding. In the US studies the lowest class had 2.37 times the rate as
that in the highest, on average. Across all studies there was an average rate of
psychopathology in the lowest strata 2.73 times that which was found in the highest
class (Dohrenwend, et al., 1980, pp. 55-58).
- The relationship holds up not only between occupations of various prestige levels but
within occupational categories as well (Blauner, 1964). Blauner and Kornhauser both
found that lower status employment, that which is repetitive and menial and which
offers little opportunity for advancement, is associated with high rates of mental illness.
- The relationship of educational level with psychopathology is also fairly consistent.
Eaton found that while 3.8% of those with grade school education developed
schizophrenia, only 1.9% of those with a high school education, and 0.3% of the
college educated developed the same condition, and that this did not vary by urban or
rural location.
- Rushing and Ortega, similarly, found an inverse relation between education and both
schizophrenia and organic brain disorders, and that this did not vary by sex. They also
reported an inverse relationship between education and manic depressive psychoses,
neuroses, and personality disorders, and one which was of a more complex curvilinear
nature.
- Most notable finding is that of a positive relationship between socioeconomic status and
the neuroses,
- a strongly negative relationship with the psychoses and personality disorders
(Hollinghshead and Redlich, 1958).
- It was suggested that while lower classes externalize their pathology in the development
of "anti-reality" alloplastic psychoses and personality disorders,
- the upper classes tend to internalize conflict in the development of "anti-instinctual"
autoplastic neurotic conditions.
- Recent findings, however, have failed to confirm Hollingshead and Redlich
conclusion that there is a positive socioeconomic status-neurosis relationship.
However, the relationship does vary with type of psychopathology, with the strongest
relationship occurring with the most severe conditions, the personality disorders and
psychoses, in particular, schizophrenia. The correlation has typically been characterized
as being linear.
- Individuals who experience poverty, particularly early in life or for an extended period,
are at risk of a host of adverse health and developmental outcomes throughout their
life. Poverty in childhood is associated with lower school achievement; cognitive,
behavioral, and attention related outcomes; higher rates of delinquency, depressive and
anxiety disorders; and higher rates of almost every psychiatric disorder in adulthood.
Poverty in adulthood is linked to depressive disorders, anxiety disorders, psychological
distress, and suicide.
- Poverty affects mental health through an array of social and biological mechanisms
acting at multiple levels, including individuals, families, local communities, and nations.
- Individual-level mediators in the relationship between poverty and mental health
include financial stress, chronic and acute stressful life events exposure, hypothalamic-
pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis changes, other brain circuit changes (e.g, language
processing, executive functioning), poor prenatal health and birth outcomes, inadequate
nutrition, and toxin exposure (e.g, lead).
- Family-level mediators include parental relationship stress, parental psychopathology
(especially depression), low parental warmth or investment, hostile and inconsistent
parenting, low-stimulation home environments, and child abuse and neglect.
- The evidence is strong for a causal relationship between poverty and mental health.
However, findings suggest that poverty leads to mental health and developmental
problems that in turn prevent individuals and families from leaving poverty, creating a
vicious, intergenerational cycle of poverty and poor health.
- Economic inequality affects mental health independently of poverty. Both
internationally and within countries including the US, area-level income inequality has
been associated with mental health outcomes including more depression, poor self-
reported mental health, drug overdose deaths, incidence of schizophrenia, child mental
health problems, juvenile homicides, and adverse child educational outcomes.
- The relationship between unemployment and poor health has been well documented.
The unemployed tend to have higher levels of impaired mental health including
depression, anxiety, and stress, as well as higher levels of mental health hospital
admissions, chronic disease (cardiovascular disease, hypertension, and musculoskeletal
disorders), and premature mortality. Some longitudinal studies have shown that higher
levels of depression and unemployment are not just correlated, but that higher levels of
depression are a result of unemployment. Other prospective studies have found that
poor mental health contributes to unemployment. A study by Montgomery et al.
showed that subjects who had recently become unemployed had an adjusted relative
risk for depression and anxiety compared to those who had not recently become
unemployed. Additionally, unemployment is associated with unhealthy behaviors such
as increased alcohol and tobacco consumption and decreased physical activity.
CONCLUSION
Mental health is a key pathway through which social inequality impacts health. There is
overwhelming evidence that inequality is a key cause of stress in itself and also exacerbates the
stress of coping with material deprivation. Mental health itself is produced socially.
Opportunities for individuals and communities to retain or achieve social recognition and to stay
or become connected contribute significantly to resilience, but are frequent casualties of adverse
economic and cultural trends. The presence or absence of mental health is above all a social
indicator. Therefore policies and programmes are needed to support improved mental health for
the whole population.
REFERENCES
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