Cities 140 (2023) 104448

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Cities
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/cities

Social, commercial and economic diversity. Poverty and expectations

among street vendors in Florencia, Caquetá, Colombia
Johanna Peláez-Higuera *, Gregorio Calderón-Hernández, Héctor-Mauricio Serna-Gómez
University of Manizales, Colombia

A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T

Keywords: In Colombia, over 50 % of the working population is employed in the informal economy, including street
Informal economy vending. This research aimed to analyze the socioeconomic conditions of street vendors located in public spaces
Street vending of Florencia, Department of Caquetá, Colombia. The study examined the vendors' socioeconomic and commercial
Intermediate city
heterogeneity through gender, age, educational level, migratory status, income, type of goods and services they
Colombia
Perspectives on relocation
offer, and use of public space. To address this objective, we conducted 190 surveys and 39 interviews. This study
shows the multifaceted nature of street vending and the vendors' perspectives on possible relocation, which is
important for the development of public policies, especially since the research was carried out in an intermediate
city.

1. Introduction
The dynamics of modern cities in the Global South are shaped by
internal migration processes (Freier & Zubrzycki, 2021), which can be
explained by a push–pull paradigm. Push factors include poverty, social
conflicts, and institutional precariousness (Molinero-Gerbeau & Aval­
lone, 2020), while pull factors may be associated with perceived op­
portunities to improve quality of life, income, and employment
(Hoffmann et al., 2019; Sridhar, Reddy, & Srinath, 2013).
This leads to population saturation and poverty and creates slums,
among other situations that urban planners and policymakers have tried
to correct through regulation and control systems that usually do not
solve the problem, but instead increase it due to a lack of strategies that
address the root of the problem. One of the effects of the foregoing is an
increase in the informal economy, understood as one that is little or not
at all covered by formal institutional systems (ILO, 2017). This can be
thought of based on economic units and defined as the informal sector,
characterized by little or no organizational structure, incipient devel­
opment of management processes and low capacity for accumulating
capital; or based on informal employment, focusing on people and their
work activity (ILO, 2015). It is characterized by high levels of vulnera­
bility, self-sufficiency, lack of social security systems and barriers to
accessing financial systems.
These two aspects are not mutually exclusive and, and in fact, often
coexist within economic systems. Martínez et al. (2017) and Williams
(2015) identify the informal economy by a relationship between sector
and employment, dividing it into three categories: informal employment
in the informal sector, informal employment in the formal sector, and
formal employment in the informal sector. This study focuses on the
informal economy, specifically on informal employment in the informal
sector, where street vending is one of the most visible expressions of the
informal economy (Bernal-Torres, Peralta-Gómez, & Thoene, 2020).
This phenomenon is common in many cities around the world, partic­
ularly in regions with low levels of development and low levels of formal
employment (Juta & Olutade, 2021).
Colombia is a country where this phenomenon is not uncommon and
has been studied, especially in large capitals such as Bogotá (Vargas-
Falla & Valencia, 2019), Cali (Martínez, Short, & Estrada, 2018) and
tourist areas such as the Caribbean region (Freire, 2020). This circum­
stance is also due to the condition of forced displacement that in
Colombia is caused by various factors. This has led to setting up a city
model of high socio-spatial segregation in which strong social and eco­
nomic contrasts endure and coexist, evidencing profound inequities and
social fragmentation that have given rise to the capitalist system's very
nature (Ruiz, 2011, p. 155).
Our study has two objectives: to describe the social, economic, and
commercial variability of street vending in an intermediate city, and to
interpret the reactions of street vendors to proposals by local authorities

* Corresponding author.
E-mail addresses: jpelaez@umanizales.edu.co (J. Peláez-Higuera), gcalderonh@umanizales.edu.co (G. Calderón-Hernández), hserna@umanizales.edu.co
(H.-M. Serna-Gómez).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2023.104448
Received 20 November 2022; Received in revised form 3 June 2023; Accepted 18 June 2023
Available online 27 June 2023
0264-2751/© 2023 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
J. Peláez-Higuera et al.
for relocation or formalization. To this end, two questions were
formulated: What is the social, commercial, and economic composition
of street vendors (SVs) in the city of Florencia, Colombia? And What are
the reactions of the SVs to the relocation-formalization attempts pro­
posed by the local authority?
Our research is novel because it takes into account the multifaceted
nature of street vending, transcending the traditional view of a homo­
geneous phenomenon (Martínez et al., 2018; Martínez & Short, 2022),
as well as trying to understand the feelings and thoughts of SVs
regarding regulatory alternatives, to overcome the effects of seeing it as
a uniform phenomenon, which has led to ineffective, generic public
policies (Linares, 2018; Lindell, 2019; Recchi, 2020). Lastly, the study
focuses on an intermediate city in an emerging country from the Global
South impacted by various types of violence such as guerillas, para­
militaries, and drug trafficking (Casanova & Higuera, 2018; Vásquez,
2014), highlighting that most studies of this type focus on megacities
(Bernal-Torres et al., 2020; Kawarazuka, Béné, & Prain, 2018).
2. Literature review
2.1. Conception and characteristics of an informal economy
Given that street vending is considered one of the most visible ac­
tivities of an informal economy (Martínez & Short, 2022; Recchi, 2020),
and that the latter is a very broad concept, since it is understood as one
that is little or not at all covered by formal institutional systems (ILO,
2017), this review begins with an approach to its conception and
characteristics, conceiving of street vending as an activity and work that
is part of the informal economy.
Concepts and terms of informality have evolved. Initially, the ILO
(1972) coined the term informal sector to refer to those who work in
activities not recognized by public authorities. Later, it was adjusted to
small-scale economic activities made up of self-employed workers, who
might or might not hire other workers (ILO, 1991). At the ILO (2002)
International Labor Conference, a new framework was defined that in­
corporates some unincluded aspects of informality, and Recommenda­
tion 204 describes it as “all economic activities by workers and economic
units that are – in law or in practice – not covered or insufficiently
covered by formal arrangements; and does not cover illicit activities”
(ILO, 2015, paragraph 2).
The informal sector refers to the economic units that operate outside
the regulatory scope. In the ILO's Fifteenth International Conference of
Labor Statisticians, it was defined as follows:
“The informal sector may be broadly characterized as consisting of units
engaged in the production of goods or services with the primary objective
of generating employment and incomes to the persons concerned. These
units typically operate at a low level of organization, with little or no
division between labor and capital as factors of production and on a small
scale. Labor relations – where they exist – are based mostly on casual
employment, kinship or personal and social relations rather than
contractual arrangements with formal guarantees […] The fixed and
other assets used do not belong to the production units as such but to their
owners […] The owners have to raise the necessary finance at their own
risk and are personally liable, without limit, for any debts or obligations
incurred in the production process. Expenditure for production is often
indistinguishable from household expenditure” (ILO, 1993, paragraph
5).
In this sense, the informal sector analyzes the economic unit, un­
derstanding how it is related to the legal and administrative framework
of the country in which it is located, and where organizational and
management structures that do not allow significant accumulation of
capital prevail (ILO, 2015).
In turn, it is considered informal employment if “their employment
relationship is, in law or in practice, not subject to national labor legislation,
income taxation, social protection or entitlement to certain employment
2
Cities 140 (2023) 104448
benefits (advance notice of dismissal, severance pay, paid annual or sick
leave, etc.)” (OECD/ILO, 2019, p. 156). In other words, informal workers
participate in the labor market outside of regulatory systems, which
leads to the lack of social protection, the difficulty of achieving the
minimum wage established by law, and a higher level of social
vulnerability.
The ILO's Seventeenth International Conference of Labor Statisti­
cians describes a wide range of jobs within the category of informal
employment (ILO, 2003, paragraph 3). One type of informal employ­
ment is own-account work, where individuals produce goods exclusively
for their own household use. This type of work is relevant to the street
vendors studied in this research, as they operate within the informal
sector. Own-account workers have obligations and assets that are
distinct from the economic unit they work for, as they are tied to their
personal households. Their production expenses are closely linked to
their household expenses (ILO, 1993; ILO, 2015).
In Colombia, own-account workers are also called independent or
self-employed workers and are considered to be any natural person who
carries out an economic activity or provides their services personally
and at their own risk, with contracts other than employment contracts
(Decreto 2663, 1950).
Self-employed workers – and most employers – in informal econo­
mies face insecure and vulnerable physical, financial, social protection
and welfare conditions, especially the lack of decent work (ILO, 2002;
ILO, 2020). They are a heterogeneous group in terms of income, activity
and social protection and are characterized by high degrees of de­
pendency and vulnerability, where women, youth, migrants, and older
workers are the most vulnerable. They lack decent working conditions,
and in addition, they face limitations in developing professional skills in
their activities (ILO, 2002; ILO, 2017).
2.2. Characteristics of street vending: variability, vulnerability,
precariousness and risks
As shown in the previous section, an informal economy is hetero­
geneous and diverse. Diversity in SVs is expressed in socio-demographic,
commercial and economic aspects (ILO, 2018; Martínez & Short, 2022).
As Crossa (2016) suggests, it is important to move away from a ho­
mogenized understanding of this phenomenon to acknowledge the di­
versity of street vending and formulate policies that go beyond control,
regulation or use of exclusionary practices (Linares, 2018; Roever &
Skinner, 2016).
In socio-demographic terms, street vending is segmented by origin
(migration), gender, age, and educational level. “In some urban areas,
street vending comprises both native and migrant populations” (Martí­
nez et al., 2018). While studies have explored differences in character­
istics and conditions between foreign and local emigrants (Akintola &
Akintola, 2015; Sidzatane & Maharaj, 2012), we did not find any studies
that examine differences among internal migrants.
An aspect of special interest in this study is understanding the causes
of SV migration and identifying differences in their dynamics based on
the push–pull paradigm. Poverty, environmental degradation, and vio­
lent conflicts are push factors, while pull factors include quality of life
opportunities (income, employment, education, health), among others
(Hoffmann et al., 2019).
Variability in other socio-demographic variables is also wide, such as
vulnerabilities and risk. Although in general terms there are more men
than women in an informal economy (in emerging and developing
countries the situation is reversed), women are in a more vulnerable
situation than their male counterparts (OECD/ILO, 2019; ILO, 2018).
Studies indicate that women in street vending have a lower educational
level (Roever, 2014) and are limited in the types of products they sell
due to gender roles imposed by society (Hermawati, Herawati, Paskar­
ina, & Rejito, 2021). As in the formal economy, women have simulta­
neous responsibilities for income, domestic activities, and childcare
(Onodugo, Ezeadichie, Onwuneme, & Anosike, 2016; Özateşler, 2014;
J. Peláez-Higuera et al.
Trupp & Sunanta, 2017). Furthermore, policies and regulations that aim
to regulate informal economic activities often negatively affect this
vulnerable population (Gautam & Waghmare, 2021). But the fact that
this activity has given women some autonomy, social dignity and
improvement of their life projects (Freire, 2020; Guha, Neti, & Lobo,
2022) should not be ignored.
Studies have identified wide variability in street vending in terms of
age and educational level. In developing countries, it is generally con­
ducted by people with a low educational level, few specific skills or with
low resources to invest (Roever & Skinner, 2016). Street vending is
rarely chosen voluntarily, since most of the time it arises due to the lack
of opportunities in the formal economy and scarcity of other means of
livelihood, and vendors are almost always deprived of decent work
conditions (ILO, 2018). Precisely one of the restrictions on accessing
formal employment is the lack of schooling and skills development
required in formal jobs (McHardy, Fram, & Guotai, 2010).
Previous studies provide background data to this study. Roever
(2014) found that 48 % of street vendors studied in five cities around the
world have complete or incomplete primary education. Perception of
the positive effect of a higher level of education to access formal
employment is low among independent workers (ILO, 2018). Young
men are more likely to enter this activity (73 % were between 15 and 40
years old), while women often enter later in life, particularly if they are
widowed or heads of household (Steel, Ujoranyi, & Owusu, 2014). There
is a relatively high number of people with no training or only a primary
education level (Guesné & Ménascé, 2014; Kinyanjui, 2013; Özateşler,
2014).
Commercial variability can be analyzed by type of goods or services
offered and by type of use of public space. The most vulnerable vendors
are those who sell perishables. Vulnerabilities occur due to abuse of
authority, regulatory restrictions, and difficulty in accumulating capital
(Roever, 2014). Recchi (2020) identified three categories of street
vendors: static, semi-static and mobile. While mobile vendors have the
advantage of flexibility that allows them to evade authorities, they also
face a new type of vulnerability as they may lose motivation to reinvest
in their businesses (ILO, 2018). Unpredictable environments and un­
stable incomes reduce the ability of street vendors to accumulate assets
over time, which is a typical vulnerability associated with street vending
(Roever, 2014).
Finally, many street vendors face economic vulnerability and food
insecurity (Bell & Loukaitou-Sideris, 2014), with irregular income that is
often only enough to achieve basic subsistence and made more serious
by the fact that for many it is the only income option for survival (Lyons,
Brown, & Msoka, 2012; Rodríguez & Díaz, 2015).
This is not a universal trend; there is also evidence of groups that
leverage low operating costs to generate profits and maintain an
acceptable standard of living (Al-Jundi, Basahel, Alsabban, Salam, &
Bajaba, 2022; Amoah-Mensah, 2016; Dube, 2021), and even of some
that are “relatively privileged” (Martínez & Short, 2022, p. 15).
2.3. Street vending and intermediate cities
It is estimated that 75 % of the global population lives in urban
settlements of fewer than 500,000 inhabitants, and that there are at least
2400 cities with fewer than 750,000 inhabitants, of which more than 60
% are in developing countries (Roberts, 2014). A recent report by the
European Committee of the Regions (European Union, 2022) estimates
that 70 % of the European population lives in urban areas and that
around 66 % live in settlements of less than 500,000 inhabitants. An
intermediate or secondary city may have a population or economy that
ranges between 10 and 50 % of the largest city in the respective nation
(Roberts, 2014).
Although the New Economic Geography recognizes the potential of
intermediate cities to balance local and national development and
respond to new opportunities in globalized trading systems (Mainet &
Racaud, 2015), many challenges remain as they receive less attention
3
Cities 140 (2023) 104448
than large cities in public policies and in attracting private investors,
which underscores the challenges of rapid urbanization (Roberts, 2014).
Furthermore, there is limited research by academics and social scientists
who are often unaware of the contribution of these settlements to the
understanding of urban phenomena (Andreasen & Møller-Jensen, 2017;
Riley & Crush, 2023).
Research on street vending is no stranger to this situation. It has
focused on large urban centers: Barcelona (Espinosa & Contijoch, 2022),
Bogota (Porras-Santanilla, 2022), and New Delhi (Sekhani et al., 2019),
just to mention three different geographic contexts. Only two recent
studies were found that have a secondary city as a determining variable
(Resnick et al., 2019; Hannah et al., 2022). Although there are other
studies carried out in secondary cities, this characteristic was not
considered as an intervening variable (Gogoi & Thakur, 2022; Lyngwa &
Sahoo, 2022). For this reason, in this work we adopt for street vending
what was expressed by Riley and Crush (2023): “The implications of
secondary urbanization have recently been described by the Cities
Alliance as ‘a real knowledge gap,’ requiring much additional research
not least because it poses new intellectual challenges for academic re­
searchers and governance challenges for policymakers” (p. 1).
3. Methodology
To collect information, three instruments were applied: cartography,
surveys and interviews. The population under study were vendors
located in public spaces of Florencia, Department of Caquetá who
conduct street sales in the downtown sector, at roads 10 to 14 and be­
tween streets 13 to 16. This area was selected because it is the location
with the greatest commercial activity in the city and where informal
activity is concentrated during the day.
A total of 316 SVs offering 14 types of goods or services were
referenced. To facilitate the analysis, they were grouped into five cate­
gories: food and beverages, jewelry and perfumes, clothing (clothes,
footwear and shoeshine service), home, and other goods and services.
A convenience sampling was used for the survey. A female pollster
visited all the stalls, inviting vendors to participate, explaining the aim
of the survey and emphasizing the confidentiality of the information.
Out of the 316 vendors visited, 190 agreed to participate. Each survey
was conducted at the sale stall with an average duration of 30 min.
Those who refused to answer cited interference in their daily work or
fear of providing information, or they asked for compensation to answer.
The following dimensions were addressed in the survey: general in­
formation about the vendor and place of residence; work-related infor­
mation; work characteristics; vendor's perceptions of local authorities,
employment, sales, area and institutions; and georeferencing of sales
stalls. Table 1 provides information on the composition of the sample.
Participation in the interview was also voluntary, and it was carried
out after the survey, re-visiting all the stalls. Thirty-nine (39) SVs agreed
to participate in the interview conducted directly by one of the re­
searchers. They were asked for consent to record the interview, which
was performed at the sales stall, with an average duration of 45 min
each. There was greater acceptance from men (69 % male versus 31 %
female), and the arguments women gave for refusing were the same as
those given by the survey respondents. Participation by age group and
type of good offered was achieved with a percentage structure similar to
the population surveyed.
During the interview, the researchers asked about two main topics:
(1) the street vendor's life history, with emphasis on the motivations for
choosing this activity and their family background; and (2) the vendor's
experiences regarding institutions and initiatives by the Mayor's Office
regarding informal sales.
To analyze the information collected from the surveys, three types of
calculation were used: a description using cross tables, a cluster analysis
with the Ward method and a squared Euclidean distance measure (Hair,
Black, Babin, & Anderson, 2010), which yielded three clusters with
significant differences within 0.001 in income and age (ANOVA
J. Peláez-Higuera et al. Cities 140 (2023) 104448

Table 1
Percentage composition of surveyed vendors.
Age groups Educational level Type of good or service Gender

Years % Level % Type % Gender %

Less than 18 years 3.7 None 8.4 Food and beverages 57.8 Men 46.3
Young people (18–30) 23.7 Some year of primary 40.0 Jewelry and perfumes 15.0 Women 53.7
Adults (31–60) 62.1 Some year of high school 36.9 Clothing 9.8
Older than 61 years 10.5 Some year of higher education 8.4 Home 12.1
Does not know/no answer 6.3 Others 5.2
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

parametric tests and Kruskal-Wallis non-parametric tests were used). 4. Results

Tukey's post-hoc test was used for the paired comparison. An inferential
calculation to investigate the difference in income means was also used,
which allowed the identification of significant differences by age group
and educational level.
Analysis of the interviews involved transcribing the recordings, fol­
lowed by data reduction at two levels, primary codes and conceptual
code (Vaismoradi, Jones, Turunen, & Snelgrove, 2016). Four categories
were obtained: forced displacement, education, relocation and formal­
ization. Interviews were coded in order to identify citations and include
them in the results. The code has the following elements: interview
number (E#), gender (woman W, man M), type of product (food F, ac­
cessories A, clothing C, and communication or entertainment services S).
Based on the integration of survey findings and interview responses,
the research results are presented below in six sections. These include:
georeferencing of street vending including types of goods, social, com­
mercial, and economic variability, relationship of itinerant sales with
conditions of poverty, and reactions to the possibility of relocation and
formalization.
4.1. Georeferencing of street vending in the city's downtown area
Results showed that the best goods in terms of income (considering
income in relation to the Colombian legal minimum wage) are, in order,
toys, which are concentrated in downtown municipal parks; perfumes,
which are sold at the entrances of supermarkets and the Simón Bolívar
park; flowers, due to lack of competition in the sector; books, with

Fig. 2. Georeferencing of street vendors located according to the predominant goods in their sales stall.

4
J. Peláez-Higuera et al.
vendors concentrated at the entrance of the supermarket and sur­
roundings of the Banco de la República Library; home products, located
near the downtown china shops, which offer lower prices than those
found inside the stores. Meanwhile, goods such as mobile phone calls
and CDs and movies, which in the past had a heyday in sales due to the
high cost of accessing them in formal businesses, now represent the
lowest income.
Two aspects are to be highlighted. First, the only vendors with
operating permits from local authorities are lottery sellers, who obtain
them through procedures conducted by a formal organization that
provides these sellers with this product; and people providing shoeshine
services, who have special permits obtained through their union and
therefore cannot be approached by those who administer public spaces.
Second, it was also shown that although they have sales stalls, most
vendors move constantly throughout the downtown area of the city.
Fig. 2 details the location of vendors in public spaces of the downtown
area, and the types of goods or services offered.
4.2. Social variability of street vendors
The sample analyzed accounts for a considerable diversity of vendors
based on social variables such as gender, origin, educational level and
age.
4.2.1. Diversity by gender and age
As can be seen in Table 2, the composition of SVs in the city studied is
heterogeneous according to gender and age. Ninety-one percent (91 %)
of the SVs are young people and adults.
Of the people surveyed, 53.7 % are women, characterized as follows:
(a) they have entered street vending late in life compared to men, and
retire earlier (see Table 2); (b) 84.3 % are heads of household, and this
does not seem to depend on their marital status (48.8 % of them were
single or separated, the other 51.2 % were married or in a free union);
(c) 59 % of female vendors reported being financially responsible for
their children (by marital status, 70 % of the separated, 58 % of the
single women and 55 % of those married or in free union recognized this
responsibility); (d) there are more women who have completed a pri­
mary level of education, compared to men (see Table 4); and (e)
regarding the type of product or service they offer, an extension of
homemaker activity is observed, since 61.1 % of the women sell food
and beverages (see Table 5), mostly perishable goods that require
preparation.
The significant role of women in street vending can be inferred. For
the heads of household, this activity constitutes a source of income to
support their families, and a means to contribute to the economy and
regional development. Despite having some degree of training in formal
education – higher or at least equal to that of men – gender roles are
emphasized, and they also declare a lower average income than their
counterparts (Table 7).
4.2.2. Diversity by origin (migration)
Sixty-six percent (66 %) of the respondents (125 of the 190) state
that they come from a region other than Florencia. A high share (63.5 %)
come from places other than the region (Caquetá) and only 36.5 % are
from municipalities located in the department of Caquetá. In addition,
Table 2
Percentage composition of vendors by age group and gender.
Age groups % Gender
(in years)
Men Women
Less than 18 (− 18) 3.7 2.3 4.9
Young (18–30) 23.7 23.9 23.5
Adults (31–60) 67.6 55.7 67.6
Elderly adults (+60) 10.5 18.1 3.9
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0
5
Cities 140 (2023) 104448
40 % migrated from rural areas.
This high proportion of migrants from outside the region is under­
standable since Caquetá has always been considered a colonization area:
first because of the exploitation of cinchona tree bark and rubber, then
due to the conflict with Peru, and in the mid-20th century as a conse­
quence of partisan political violence. After the 1970s, drug trafficking
attracted the emergence of legal establishments, and almost simulta­
neously, the guerrillas and the paramilitaries created forced displace­
ments towards Florencia (IGAC, 2016).
Caquetá became the epicenter of the Colombian armed conflict, but
also a socio-political laboratory with important experiences in building
local citizenship, community infrastructure, and its own rules of coex­
istence (Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica, 2017). The region is a
sample of the push–pull paradigm of migration, since specific conditions
turned it into a very attractive zone for people from the rest of the
country, but pressure from the armed conflict generated factors of
expulsion – forced displacement – towards the capital (Florencia).
Table 3 shows the push–pull results.
Those who come from regions other than the Department of Caquetá
perceived a push effect in the city in relation to employment and income
alternatives (53.8 % of the total), while for those from other munici­
palities in Caquetá, the region had a pull effect (70.7 % of the total) that
led them to migrate to Florencia. It should be noted that environmental
threats that have been significant in other studies (Paul, Deka, Gujre,
Rangan, & Mitra, 2019) were insignificant (a single case) in this
research.
Looking at the total of SVs (190), 28.4 % are displaced by violence
(54). This migration due to violence, displacement and inequitable
development of the region has left indelible marks in the country and
feelings of frustration and pain for the loss of what they once had, ac­
cording to what they expressed in the interviews: “I had a little piece of
land, I had a little ranch and I had to come against my will. They threatened
me, they gave me three hours. They said that if they found me, they would kill
me” (E23, M, A); “I had a small farm on the Remolinos side (region) and I
had problems, those in charge there kicked us out, I had to leave and I had to
work in whatever I could” (E2, M, F); “I had to leave Teruel (region) dis­
placed by violence, and then when I was working in Cartagena del Chaira
(municipality) as a teacher, I also had to leave displaced” (E15, W, F).
Military factors, from a more-than-70-year war, have affected
migration by displacement “due to a lot of violence, looking for better well-
being for life, we arrived since 1962, it was the period of violence between
liberals and conservatives (traditional political parties in Colombia)”
(E17, W, S). This includes displacement from regions very distant from
Florencia and even distant from the Department: “we lived in San José del
Guaviare and we left displaced, and then we came to Caquetá” (E29, M, F);
“I arrived displaced from Cartago-Valle, we had to come here” (E14, W, C);
and “I am from Medellín, but I had to come here displaced by the violence”
(E18, M, F).
4.2.3. Diversity by educational level
Social variability of SVs is also observed in their educational level.
The findings of Table 4 allow us to conclude that: (a) the illiteracy rate is
not high taking into account that for the same year in the region, it was
11 % (DANE, 2020); there are no differences by gender; and by origin
there is greater illiteracy in locals; (b) approximately half (48.4 %) of the
Table 3
Causes of migration of SVs.
Cause of migration % Region of origin
Caquetá Others
Forced displacement 50.9 70.7 32.1
Job opportunity 27.3 22.0 53.8
Family reasons 9.1 4.9 5.1
Others 12.7 2.4 9.0
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0
J. Peláez-Higuera et al. Cities 140 (2023) 104448

Table 4 and of jewelry and perfumes in stationary sales.

Percentage composition of vendors by educational level, gender, and origin. Regarding the use of public space, 60.5 % state that they are located
Education level % Gender Origin on sidewalks, either at a fixed point or at a mobile point. Even though
the appropriation of public space is illegal in the country (Constitución
Men Women Locals Migrants
Política de Colombia, 1991), 83 % have made settlements without town
None 8.4 7.9 8.8 10.7 7.2 hall authorization, which creates constant disputes between the gov­
Some year of primary school 40.0 46.6 34.3 38.5 40.8
Some year of high school 36.9 26.1 46.1 38.5 36.0
ernment and street vendors.
Some year of higher 8.4 11.4 5.9 9.2 8.0
education 4.4. Economic variability
Without information 6.3 8.0 4.9 3.1 8.0
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100 100.0
Economic variability was studied through cluster analysis using
Illiteracy rate 9% 8% 9% 11 % 7%
three numerical variables: monthly income, age and number of hours
worked, resulting in three clusters (Table 6).
participants did not pass primary education; (c) women have more ed­ This shows that there is a small group of vendors (8) who have a high
ucation than men, contrary to the findings of Roever (2014); and (d) it income, made up of young people (24.3 years old) and who work a few
cannot be deduced that there are important differences in formal edu­ more hours a day than the rest of the vendors. A second group, declaring
cation between migrants and locals. the lowest average income, is made up of 105 people with the highest
This is perceived by vendors as one of the main limitations forcing average age (45.6 years) and working 9.5 h a day. The third group, in­
them to stay in street vending. As expressed by some of the interviewees: termediate in monthly income and age (39.8 years), is made up of 66
“for someone who has not studied, there are few opportunities” (E19, M, F); vendors who work 9.4 h a day.
“I was a woman with no education, so nothing” (E35-W-F); and “I don't have As a complement, and independent from the clusters, an analysis of
education, let's say, not even to handle a computer”(E17, W, S). But this average income by gender, origin, age group and educational level was
does not limit their ability to dream, achieve quality training and carried out on the total SVs (Table 7).
improve their living conditions: “to study at the university, finish high From a statistical perspective, there are only significant differences
school first, to study accounting” (E2, M, F); “I want to study and walk away in monthly income by age group and by educational level. However, and
from this” (E37, W, S); and “I would like to be a technician” (E38, M, F). from a descriptive perspective, it can be observed that men receive, on
Here appears a coincidence with the findings of Roever (2014), who in a average, 16.5 % more monthly income than women, and that migrants
study in five cities in different parts of the world found that vendors report 5.3 % more income than natives.
were aware of the limitations that low educational levels impose on their
ability to compete in the market and interact with authorities. 4.5. Poverty indicators

As an approach to poverty level, five indicators were studied. First,

4.3. Commercial variability
the classification obtained in Sisbén, which is a Colombian system that
identifies people with higher levels of poverty and facilitates access to
Variability of street vending was also observed from a commercial
state aid (Bottia, Cardona, & Medina, 2008). The percentage of people in
point of view, analyzing the type of goods or services offered and the
level 1 or extreme poverty was used as an indicator. The second indi­
relationship with public space.
cator is the socioeconomic level, a categorization of the Colombian State
to classify families according to the neighborhood of residence, through
4.3.1. Type of good or service
which it gives access to subsidies in public utilities to people from lower
There is a wide variety of goods and services offered by the city's
levels (Bonilla, López, & Sepúlveda, 2014). The percentage of vendors
street vendors. In the grouping performed, participation of food and
who declare themselves to be in socioeconomic level 1 and who reside in
beverages is evident, as well as a marked predominance of women in this
peri-urban areas or squatter settlements, was used.
type of good or service, with a high participation of men in jewelry and
Although homelessness cannot be exclusively associated with the
perfumery (Table 5). Regarding food – when analyzing the surveys – an
level of poverty, some relationship is recognized between owning a
important cultural behavior is observed: women focus on the sale of
home and poverty reduction (Ruprah, 2010). The share of vendors who
processed perishable foods and men on the sale of beverages.
say they have their own home was used as an indicator. On the other
hand, despite the restrictions that subjective indicators may have, they
4.3.2. Use of public space
have been increasingly positioned in human development analysis and
In relation to the type of vendor, semi-stationary predominates (46.3
studies of well-being and inequality (OCDE, 2021; PNUD, 2021). For this
%), which is anyone who, due to the characteristics of the goods offered,
reason, two self-perception indicators of street vendors were included:
must temporarily occupy a site (Sentence T-386 of 2013 of the Colom­
percentage of those who perceive themselves as poor and percentage of
bian Constitutional Court). In practice, this is a consequence of the need
those who perceive themselves as having insufficient income for
to appropriate an area to create loyalty. However, given constant evic­
survival.
tions carried out by the local government, they must be in constant
These indicators were crossed with socioeconomic and commercial
movement. There is a prevalence of food and drinks in itinerant sales,

Table 6
Table 5 Clusters of street vendors by income, age and hours worked.
Percentage composition of vendors by type of good or service.
Cluster Quantity % cluster Age Hours worked Income
Group of goods or services % Gender %
1 8 4.5 24.3 11.0 2.53 SMMLV
Men Women 2 105 58.6 45.6 9.5 0.62 SMMLV
Food and beverages 57.9 54.3 61.1 3 66 36.9 39.8 9.4 1.39 SMMLV
Jewelry and perfumes 15.0 20.5 10.0 Total 179 100.0 43.1 9.5 0.98 SMMLV
Clothing 9.8 9.6 10.0 Parametric test (ANOVA, F) *** – ***
Home 12.1 12.0 12.2 Nonparametric test (Kruskal-Wallis, Chi) *** – ***
Entertainment and culture products or services 5.2 3.6 6.7
SMMLV: Current Legal Monthly Minimum Wage.
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 ***
Significant differences at 0.001.

6
J. Peláez-Higuera et al. Cities 140 (2023) 104448

Table 7 2014). The Colombian government has established public policies aimed
Average difference in income according to socioeconomic variables. at creating conditions for formalization, association and/or relocation
Variable Average Standard Significance (Ley 1988 de, 2019). In the case of Florence, a shopping center was
deviation created for relocation, but according to SV opinions, it only benefited
Gender Man 1.06 0.59 No other social groups: “although they said it was for us, those who are there
Woman 0.91 0.50 are the lawyers' mothers, the engineer's wife, the city's high society” (E3,W,
Origin Florencia 0.95 0.51 No S).
(natives) Regarding future relocations, 46.8 % neither accept nor reject a
Other (migrants) 1.00 0.45
Cause of Displacement 0.88 0.48 **
proposal in the abstract because they consider that they would need to
migration Opportunity 1.09 0.62 be sure of the place and conditions to evaluate them. Thirty-nine point 4
Age group Under 18 1.10 0.72 *** % (39.4 %) consider any relocation negative since it would affect their
Between 18 and 1.26 0.68 market and their clientele. They specifically believe that they would be
30
in unattractive places: “they don't let us work where we want to or in the
Between 31 and 0.90 0.48
60 downtown, only in some parts of certain neighborhoods” (E38, M, F); and
Older than 60 0.79 0.34 “it's far, where people don't go” (E8, W, A).
Educational None 0.85 0.46 *** For 13.8 %, a relocation would be beneficial because they would stop
level Primary 0.83 0.38 moving, they would be given permission to work, and they would be in
Secondary 1.11 0.62
Higher 1.30 0.60
better climatic and security conditions. They hope that “we can have a
much better way of working without having to run from the law or public
**
Significant differences at 0.05. space officials” (E27, M, F).
***
Significant differences at 0.001.
In addition, considering the trend towards formalization (ILO, 2017),
this alternative was researched. The probability of abandoning street
variables. To complement the analysis, two quantitative variables vending and the possibility of formalizing it was asked. In relation to
already considered in the previous section were included: income and change of activity, 56.8 % have thought about it, arguing insufficient
daily hours worked (Table 8). income, having a fixed income, or reducing vulnerabilities of the ac­
The information in Table 8 allows us to conclude the following: tivity. It should be noted that some of the vendors consider street
vending as a temporary activity: “I don't want to continue working in this,
(1) Difference in income between the different groups analyzed I'm looking for a full-time job” (E2, M, F); and “I want to continue studying
cannot be explained by the amount of time worked daily, since and be a nurse” (E4, W, F).
there are no differences between the categories proposed. The remaining share (43.2 %) has arguments for remaining in street
(2) By origin, there are no marked differences between local vendors vending. Independence and autonomy: “It's an easier, independent way of
(Florencia) and migrants, but there are for those who migrated working, without anyone bossing you” (E4, W, F); and “It's better for me, I
due to forced displacement: their average income is lower than don't keep to a schedule; if I want to leave, I leave; and if not, I don't” (E37-
that of the locals and of the total number of migrants; their W-S). Characteristics of informal activities that reduce some costs: “taxes
perception of poverty and income insufficiency is high; a high are not paid… because every day you get some money, it's a cash business”
proportion is categorized in level 1 of Sisbén; and the proportion (E15-W-F).
of homeowners is low compared to locals. Regarding expectations for formalization, 78.2 % would accept it as
(3) By gender, discrimination against women can be concluded: in long as the proposed strategies maintain their current income and ach­
average income and self-perception of sufficiency of said income; ieve social security: “if there was a job opportunity that pays what the law
in Sisbén classification; and in socioeconomic level (remember offers, well, of course, I would grab it; a permanent job would suit me” (E19,
that 84 % are heads of household and 60 % are responsible for M, F). Expectations, projections, and illusions are latent: “I am close to
children). being a teacher, and our life project is that I want to be a school or college
(4) By age, young people have a significantly higher income than principal, even of a university; Why not?” (E-13-M-F). An entrepreneurial
adults. attitude is observed, waiting for an opportunity “to have a store, better
income and more comfort” (E9-M-A); and “My plan for the future is to have
4.6. Possibilities of relocation or formalization my own business” (E32-M-H).

For some governments, street vending constitutes a problem of

appropriation of public space, and they therefore consider that recovery
solutions must be generated (Donovan, 2004; Hopfgartner & Vidosa,

Table 8
Poverty indicators in the population studied.
Variable Category Sisbén level S.E. level Homeowner Perception of Perception of Average income Average hours per
1% 1% % poverty % insufficiency % (SMMLV) day

Origin Locals 91.3 89.1 61.5 55.6 56.3 0.95 9.6

Migrants (total) 94.2 85.7 34.4 66.4 52.8 1.00 9.5
Displaced 96.8 92.0 40.7 83.3 70.4 0.88 9.1
migrants
Gender Men 91.2 84.9 44.3 63.2 51.7 1.06 9.6
Women 94.7 88.7 43.1 62.2 56.0 0.91 9.5
Type of Food 91.7 90.6 50.0 61.2 54.6 1.01 9.2
good Others 95.0 82.8 36.7 64.4 53.3 0.95 9.9
Age groups Youth 96.4 93.0 37.8 48.9 34.1 1.26 9.4
Adults 92.9 87.8 45.8 67.5 64.7 0.90 9.5
Total 93,2 86.9 43.7 62.7 54.0 0.98 9.5

S.E. level: socioeconomic level; SMMLV: Current Legal Monthly Minimum Wage.

7
J. Peláez-Higuera et al.
5. Discussion of results
5.1. Contributions to literature
Our study contributes to literature on four aspects. First, the research
was carried out in an intermediate city, which have been little studied in
terms of informal economy and street vending (Andreasen & Møller-
Jensen, 2017; Roberts, 2014). The tendency of social sciences has been
to conduct research in capitals and megacities, overlooking the role of
secondary cities (Yankson, Gough, Esson, & Amankwaa, 2017), which
are becoming an urbanization alternative in countries of the Global
South, given the saturation of capitals and pressure from rural
immigration.
In addition to being an intermediate city, the case study has other
characteristics that make it sui generis. Located in an emerging country
classified among the most important economies in Latin America (Dutta,
Lanvin, & Wunsch-Vincent, 2017), Florencia is marked by different
types of violence (drug trafficking, guerrilla, paramilitarism). It is a
point of attraction for forcibly displaced immigrants, but also for im­
migrants in search of opportunities, despite the fact that its industrial
bases are weak, which leads migrants and a significant share of natives
to resort to the informal economy, especially street vending (Roever,
2014).
Second, our study allowed for the analysis of the push–pull paradigm
in SV migration. Two-thirds of the vendors studied are immigrants, a
percentage higher than that found in the capital (60 %) (Bernal-Torres
et al., 2020). This confirms what was hypothesized by Roberts (2014),
that hyper-urbanization of large cities is leading to a selective migration
towards intermediate cities.
Unlike previous works that affirm that migrants linked to street
vending are people with very low educational levels and in general tend
to be the poorest (Bell & Loukaitou-Sideris, 2014; Kambara & Bairagya,
2021), our study shows that they have lower illiteracy rates and a formal
education very similar to the locals. They are not the poorest either. On
average they report a monthly income 5.3 % higher than the natives, and
a great percentage live in socioeconomic levels 2–3, although not
necessarily as homeowners.
But there is a group that is the most vulnerable segment among the
population studied. Immigrants due to forced displacement constitute
half of the migrants. They have lower incomes than migrants in search of
opportunities and locals, and they declared the lowest share of home
ownership and the highest percentages in self-perception of poverty and
insufficient income. They register the highest share living in socioeco­
nomic level 1 and with Sisbén 1. In conclusion, they have the highest
poverty indicators, and therefore processes that reinforce their vulner­
ability are being generated.
Third, knowledge is added to the accumulated literature on the social
variability of SVs. From a gender perspective, more than half are
women, and there is clear discrimination that is seen in: lower income
despite registering a higher educational level and working the same
hours daily, and in the type of goods they distribute. This agrees with
Guha et al. (2022), in which sales of food on the street interacts with
social dimensions (gender and division of labor). A vast majority of them
are heads of household with children, live in marginalized socio-
economic levels (level 1) and consider their income insufficient. In
this regard, Mezzadri (2019) proposed a discussion on the relationship
between productive work and social reproduction as a generator of
value, to understand the role of women in informal economies and in
developing countries, among other contexts.
It is surprising that despite the recognition of women in many
spheres (ILO, 2018; Kinyanjui, 2013), their role in the economy in
general and in street vending activities in particular continues to be
underestimated, and that there is still hostility in politics and regula­
tions, which accentuates their vulnerability and marginalization (Gau­
tam & Waghmare, 2021).
Variability by age group is also clear. Most are adults, but young
8
Cities 140 (2023) 104448
people make up about a quarter of the street vendor population, and
elderly adults about a tenth. Diversity by educational level was also
observed, from people without any educational level to professionals.
Fourth, it contributes to the discussion on poverty among SVs, where
we find significant variability. The average monthly income is close to a
legal minimum wage; however, there are extreme cases. A small cluster
(4.5 %) has an income that doubles it (2.5 times), while a large group
(59 %) has an income equivalent to 0.6 of the minimum wage. In other
words, a high share of SVs live with unsatisfied basic needs (ILO, 2016).
In addition, two-thirds of the vendors have a self-perception of poverty.
We are aware that although there is a relationship between poverty and
informality, there are limitations in the findings since two different
theoretical constructs are being compared: workers (individuals) and
poverty (households) (ILO, 2018).
And fifth, with respect to relocation, a low share accepts this strategy
(14 %), in which we agree with Onodugo et al. (2016). The predominant
reason is distrust as a result of previous experiences or because they
think that the authorities only want to relegate them to marginalized
areas. For street vendors, location is everything, so the most pressing risk
is eviction or displacement (Uddin, 2021).
As to change in activity, more than half have thought of quitting
street vending due to the efforts and risks involved in this activity, which
coincides with Roever (2014), who identified abuse of authority, lack of
a safe workplace, evictions and relocations as the main threats for SVs.
Therefore, it is understandable that three-quarters of the vendors would
be willing to formalize if they were guaranteed at least the current in­
come and social security, which is consistent with national public policy
(MinInterior, MinTrabajo, 2020).
5.2. Contributions to public policy and practical actions
Understanding the heterogeneity of this social phenomenon will
enable rethinking public policy beyond relocation or formalization,
since control and sanction mechanisms will only achieve geo-territorial
displacement of the problem and make the activity more costly (Roever
& Skinner, 2016; Crossa, 2016; Linares, 2018).
The significant share of vendors who want to continue in their ac­
tivity if conditions improve is a message for public policymakers to
consider generating decent work conditions, even more so when it has
been argued that the informal economy tends to coexist with the formal
one (ILO, 2013; ILO, 2020). That is, given the low level of industriali­
zation in the region and the limited capacity of the formal labor market
to absorb the entire labor force, formalization is a partial alternative,
since many families survive on income from informal economy.
Considering that working conditions in the informal economy are
associated with quality of life (González-Baltazar et al., 2019), simul­
taneously with formalization, public policies should first address
improving and developing the social and human conditions of the
population in this sector.
It is advisable to incorporate street vending into the city's economy
not only due to its contribution to local development, but also because of
the possibility it offers to a considerable number of people who have no
other income alternative. In this regard, Roever (2014) proposed
recognizing this population as workers and using regulations that
contemplate the diversity and vulnerabilities of each group into which it
is segmented.
Although in Colombia some efforts are aimed at creating skills in
vendors, allocating microcredits, and supporting and simplifying pro­
cesses for paying taxes and social security (MinInterior, MinTrabajo,
2020), the strategy must be reconsidered since it lies exclusively in
encouraging formalization and in reducing inequalities or conditions of
social, economic and cultural vulnerability.
6. Conclusions
In this study we used information from surveys of 190 vendors and
J. Peláez-Higuera et al.
interviews with 39 vendors to answer two questions: What is the social,
commercial, and economic variability of street vendors in the city of
Florencia, Colombia? And would street vendors accept relocation and/
or formalization processes proposed by the local authority, and under
what conditions would they do so?
The results show considerable variability in the social, commercial,
and economic structure of street vendors, evidencing the vulnerability of
women and those displaced by violence. The composition by educa­
tional level does not reflect significant differences by gender or origin.
Regarding the use of public space, semi-stationary vendors, the use of
sidewalks to locate stalls and unauthorized settlements predominate.
Results in economic variability are robust when identifying three
clusters of vendors based on their monthly income, noting concentration
in a group with income well below the minimum monthly wage that
locates them in a survival profile.
Few vendors accept relocation due to the high level of distrust they
have towards local authorities and their proposals, but it is noteworthy
that a significant share of those surveyed would like to continue in a
formalized sales activity, if they are guaranteed at least the same level of
income and social security. This is precisely one of the recommendations
of the ILO (2018, p. 2): “to facilitate the transition of workers and eco­
nomic units from the informal to the formal economy, while respecting
workers' fundamental rights and ensuring opportunities for income se­
curity, livelihoods and entrepreneurship.”
The people in charge of public policy and urban planning should
consider the high diversity found for future proposals and for decision-
making in relation to SVs.
6.1. Study limitations
The research focused on SVs, but the fieldwork identified other sig­
nificant activities of the informal economy that could be analyzed, such
as motorcycle taxi drivers or the situation of formalized companies with
workers who have informal characteristics.
Although the study highlights the findings in forced displacement
due to violence and provides novel descriptive elements, there were
statistical restrictions for multivariate or inferential analysis when the
figures were taken to detailed crosses of socio-demographic variables.
Finally, it is important to bear in mind that at the time of collecting
the information, various processes of recovery of public space were
taking place, which affected the willingness of some vendors to have
their data collected.
6.2. Further research agenda
Social science researchers are invited to delve deeper into street
vending in particular, and informal economy in general, in intermediate
cities. A specific study could be a comparative analysis between a group
of intermediate cities and a group of large capitals, within the same
country.
Another topic suggested is research focused on street vendors who
are immigrants displaced by violence, with a sample size large enough to
consider multiple variables and categories of analysis. Our study opens
an important line of research to study the post-displacement conditions
of communities that, fleeing persecution in their places of origin, must
dedicate themselves to informal activities, where they are re-victimized
and forced into continuous displacement.
Studies that comprehensively address various activities of the
informal economy that are important in the dynamics of cities in the
Global South, such as street vending, recycling, motorcycle taxi drivers,
and informal vendors of formal companies, are also recommended.
9
Cities 140 (2023) 104448
CRediT authorship contribution statement
– Johanna Peláez-Higuera: Conceptualization; Data collection, Data
curation; Formal analysis; Background and Literature Review;
Writing - original draft; Writing - review & editing.
– Gregorio Calderón-Hernández: Formal analysis, Data curation,
Background and Literature Review, Writing - original draft; Writing -
review & editing.
– Héctor-Mauricio Serna-Gómez: Conceptualization, Methodology,
Background and Literature Review, Writing - original draft.
Declaration of competing interest
The authors declare that they have no known competing financial
interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence
the work reported in this paper.
Data availability
The data that has been used is confidential.
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