Received: 20 March 2022

| Revised: 11 June 2022

| Accepted: 13 June 2022

DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13110

POLICY INSIGHTS

Presidential diplomacy meets science diplomacy

Diego Lawler1 | Miguel Fuentes1,2

1
IIF-­SADAF/CONICET, Buenos Aires, Abstract
Argentina
2
Santa Fe Institute, Santa Fe, New
In this article, we analyze science diplomacy, for the first time, as a new type
Mexico, USA of political tool that can influence and nurture the functioning of presidential di-
Correspondence plomacy. We conduct this analysis in the context of the global crisis produced
Miguel Fuentes, Santa Fe Institute, Santa
Fe, New Mexico, USA.
by COVID-­19, considering the struggle to obtain both vaccines and the tech-
Email: fuentesm@santafe.edu nology to develop them. We discuss the Russian-­Argentine relationship during
the pandemic emergency in the Southern Cone. This case provides a valuable
framework to make valid recommendations to incorporate and coordinate sci-
ence diplomacy actions concerning presidential diplomacy.

1 | T H E ROAD TO T H E VACC I N E As a result of these actions, during July 2021,

The COVID-­ 19 pandemic has shown that local and
global challenges cannot be addressed without sci-
ence, technology, and innovation. The analysis of the
pandemic and the search for a direction to confront and
manage it has shown that the design and articulation of
foreign policy with these “scientific” areas has strategic
value. In August 2020, the prediction was that countries
like the United States and the United Kingdom would
have up to four doses of the vaccine per capita. The
European Union would have around three doses per
capita. At the same time, Latin America would reach
only a third of dose per capita, with a possible expan-
sion to close to one dose per capita (Callaway, 2020).
In this context, and to obtain vaccines in a complex
and challenging scenario where some countries mo-
nopolized almost all the available doses, the Argentine
Republic deployed an early scientific and techno-
logical diplomacy strategy concerning the Russian
Federation. Figure 1 shows a timeline of this strategy.
Strengthening a strategic alliance that went from re-
ceiving Sputnik V vaccines, produced by the Russian
laboratory Gamaleya, to the agreement to produce lo-
cally, that is, in an Argentine private sector laboratory
(Richmond laboratory) in association with the Russian
laboratory, the necessary doses to cover domestic
needs and even export Sputnik V to other countries in
the region.
Argentina received more than 15 million doses to com-
bat COVID-­ 19, totalling 41,033,430 vaccines since
the beginning of the immunization campaign. In total,
between December 2020 and July 2021, 41,033,430
vaccines arrived in Argentina, of which 14,000,000
corresponded to Sinopharm; 11,868,830 to Sputnik V,
(9,375,670 of component 1 and 2,493,160 of compo-
nent 2); 9.140,600 to AstraZeneca and Oxford whose
active ingredient was produced in Argentina; 3,500,000
to Moderna; 1,944,000 to AstraZeneca for the WHO
COVAX mechanism; and 580,000 to AstraZeneca-­
Covishield (Government of Argentina, 2021a).
The strategy employed by the Argentine govern-
ment falls within what is called “science diplomacy”
(Berkman, 2019; Copeland, 2016; Ruffini, 2017;
Turekian, 2018), but with an important twist: “pres-
idential diplomacy.” Indeed, presidential diplomacy
(Danese, 1999; De Núñez, 1997; Malamud, 2005, 2010)
is behind the anticipated acquisition of significant quan-
tities of Sputnik V vaccines from the Gamaleya labora-
tory and enabled an agreement for their production in
the local private sector (Richmond laboratory).
In this paper, we argue that in this case, with a
strategic alliance between Argentina and the Russian
Federation regarding the Sputnik V vaccine, we can
observe that when scientific and technological collab-
orations play a role, science diplomacy can have a di-
rect impact on presidential diplomacy. Notwithstanding

© 2022 Durham University and John Wiley & Sons Ltd.

Global Policy. 2022;00:1–8.  wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/gpol | 1

2 |    LAWLER and FUENTES
the clear benefits of international scientific cooperation
(Sharma et al., 2022), attributed in specific opportu-
nities to the action of science diplomacy, we want to
emphasize the action of presidential diplomacy in con-
junction with science diplomacy as a relevant form in
the international system of the Southern Cone.
However, this interaction (presidential and science
diplomacy) is far from being optimized in its current
form. This paper examines the advantages and disad-
vantages of presidential diplomacy for the exercise of,
and in conjunction with, science diplomacy. To illustrate
this issue, we analyse the case of the Sputnik V vac-
cine in the bilateral collaboration between the Argentine
Republic and the Russian Federation in the context of
the global crisis generated by the COVID-­19 pandemic.
This blend, according to our knowledge, has not been
discussed yet in detail eeither in the presidential diplo-
macy literature or in the science diplomacy literature.
Finally, using the Sputnik V case as a frame of reference,
we suggest some policy lines to make presidential diplo-
macy exercises more efficient in science diplomacy.
2 | PRES I D E N T IAL
D I PLO M ACY M EE T S SC I E N CE
D I PLO M ACY: ADVAN TAG ES
AN D D I SADVAN TAG ES
Science diplomacy is an umbrella concept that encom-
passes a wide range of policies, instruments, activities,
spaces, and processes in which science and foreign
policy interact, both at bilateral and multilateral levels
(Rungius et al., 2018). The diplomatic agenda and foreign
policy objectives of countries are mixed with cooperative
and competitive scientific research to pursue scientific
discoveries and produce technological innovations.
On the other hand, presidential diplomacy can be
functionally defined as follows: the highest authority of
the executive branch has a central role in the design, for-
mulation, and execution of the state's external actions.
This type of diplomacy questions the usual model
where the foreign policy actions are delegated to the
diplomatic corps of the ministry of foreign affairs. The
president concentrates the decision-­making on foreign
policy. Thus, in the conception promoted by presidential
F I G U R E 1 Timeline showing the path to vaccine production in Argentina. The strategy used is framed within the framework of
presidential diplomacy
diplomacy, the president is perceived as more capable,
accessible, sensitive, informed, effective, and faster
than any other actor to reach the necessary decisions
related to the satisfaction of national interests in the
design and exercise of foreign policy.1 Presidential di-
plomacy shows advantages and disadvantages in the
context of science diplomacy.
2.1 | Advantages
First, presidential diplomacy implies the concentration of
decision-­making power in the highest government au-
thority. If certain conditions are met –­among others, the
availability of information on local capacities in science,
technology, and innovation –­there is a direct harmoniza-
tion of a country's scientific, technological, and innovation
agenda with its foreign policy agenda. This harmonization
translates into the construction and exploitation of stra-
tegic opportunities for the socio-­economic development
of a country and its increased reputation on the global
stage. Of course, the basic condition for this harmoniza-
tion is that the state's functioning is oiled, and that infor-
mation flows between the different actors and agencies.
Second, summit diplomacy is a modality whose
added value, taken as a whole, is sometimes more rel-
evant than the issues and objectives contained in the
formal agenda of the respective bilateral or multilateral
meetings. This strategy has a direct impact on the de-
velopment of agreed projects. In particular, it helps de-
velop and intensifies political communication and trust
at the highest level.
Third, presidential diplomacy implies effectiveness
and efficiency in the decision-­making process and the
construction of agreements, cooperation, and the re-
duction of bureaucracy in the execution of agreements.
There are occasions where this impact is directly felt,
for example, when presidential diplomacy resolves
conflict situations or opens stalled negotiations.
2.2 | Disadvantages
First, presidential diplomacy implies a single point of
information gathering and decision-­making in a context
PRESIDENTIAL AND SCIENCE DIPLOMACY
of intense interpersonal interaction. In complex scenar-
ios concentrating all the information in a single node
has a high risk in terms of the possibility of incomplete
information, and important errors can be made when
taking decisions for various reasons. When it comes
to science diplomacy, this risk seems to become more
acute since dealing with specialized technical informa-
tion linked to scientific and technological capabilities
deployed in a wide range of possibilities, both installed
and potential.
Beyond the reports received by the highest political
authority of an administration:
• Can he/she adequately process all the information?
• Does he/she fully understand the possible scenarios
in a subject requiring high specialization levels?
• Does he/she have a map of the local, regional and
global scientific and technological sector?
• Does he/she recognize and understand the impact
that the decision will have on that sector?
These questions portray part of the difficulties presi-
dential diplomacy faces when meets with the problems
of science diplomacy.
Second, presidential diplomacy can lead to an im-
poverishment of the usual institutional diplomatic
mechanisms in bilateral relations. Given that decision-­
making power is concentrated at the top of the hier-
archy, specialized bureaucratic bodies at lower levels
may see their functions distorted and even paralysed
in the absence of clear messages or direct orders from
the top. The higher or middle diplomatic commanders
may suspend their activities until they can figure out
what the highest authority wants in a given situation.
Communication may or may not be oiled. If it is not, as
it is one-­way and one-­directional, it operates as an ob-
stacle to the routine work of the diplomatic corps.
Third, presidential diplomacy suffers the vicissi-
tudes of personal relationships, namely, trust can be
generated or confrontation can occur for reasons as
adventitious as those that can occur between any two
people.
Finally, the fact that the permanence of the highest
government authority in the exercise of its function is
limited in time, this may be an obstacle for the gen-
eration of permanent critical institutional capacities for
the management of foreign policy and, particularly, for
decision-­making in science diplomacy.
3 | PRES I D E N T IAL D I PLO MACY I N
AC T I O N: T H E S PU T N IK V CAS E
Argentina is the first country in Latin
America to approve Sputnik V and the sec-
ond in the world, Alberto Fernández 2021
(Telam, 2021a).
    | 3
3.1 | The presidential imprint on
communication
On 11 August 2020, Argentine President Alberto
Fernández sent a letter to his counterpart from the
Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin (Telam, 2021b),
being this a more or less immediate reaction to the an-
nouncement of the Russian president. At a government
meeting on Tuesday, 11 August 2020, Putin indicated
that the vaccine, named Sputnik V, was registered after
2 months of human trials. The vaccine was developed
by the Gamaleya Research Institute of Epidemiology
and Microbiology (in honour of Nikolay Gamaleya, pio-
neer of microbiological research in Russia).
The letter from the Argentine President showed a
deep sense of respect for the science of that country.
In it, he not only congratulated the Russian President
for registering the world's first coronavirus vaccine but
also indicated “a grateful sense of hope,” adding: “On
behalf of myself and my compatriots, I beg you to kindly
convey to the Russian men and women of science who
worked on the coronavirus vaccine that has been reg-
istered today, congratulations for an achievement that
will remain between the indelible pages of the history
of world medicine.”
The letter was sent at a time of political tension be-
tween the United States and Russia, and it also men-
tioned a shared global view: “You know that my country
together with yours is among those who posed in the
multilateral forums and specifically in the G20, that the
fight against the pandemic should be governed by the
principle of solidarity.” The President of the Argentine
Republic also stated: “our governments are in favor of
equitable and non-­discriminatory access to medicines
and vaccines for all states.”
From that moment on, both countries have been
moving in harmony. These gestures show a clear be-
ginning of efforts within the framework of presidential
diplomacy. As we will see below, this type of exercise
would continue until local production of the vaccine
was assured.
By that date, the Russian ambassador in Buenos
Aires, Dmitri Feoktístov, points out: “Relations between
Argentina and Russia, which are 135 years old, are
based on mutual interest and the desire to achieve a
fairer and safer world” (Sputnik News, 2021). On the
other hand, on the same occasion, Feoktístov stressed:
“We hope that Argentina in the near future will be able
to return to the path of stable development, which will
undoubtedly require a large amount of clean, safe and
cheap electric energy.”
3.2 | Strengthening commercial relations
Following this line of events, during the same month
(29 August 2020), a meeting took place between
4 |    LAWLER and FUENTES
Feoktístov and Argentine Vice President Cristina
Fernández de Kirchner. At that meeting they agreed
to strengthen the strategic nature of bilateral relations
between Russia and Argentina. This comprehensive
strategic partnership between the two countries has
its origin in the joint declaration signed in 2015 by
Cristina Fernández and Vladimir Putin, during an offi-
cial visit of the then president of Argentina to Moscow,
Russia.
On 10 October 2020, Argentine President
Alberto Fernández announced an agreement with
Russia to acquire Sputnik V Vaccines (Argentine
Chancellery, 2021a; Telam, 2021c). The announcement
was made in the office of the President of Argentina,
Casa Rosada: “We will be able to have enough doses
to vaccinate 10 million Argentines between January
and February.” Delivery times are estimated in the first
batch of 600,000 doses to vaccinate 300,000 people
before the end of the year, in January with enough
doses for 5 million people, and in February the rest of
the doses necessary to reach the vaccination of the 10
million people that we are anticipating”.
The possibility of supplying Argentina, and as we
will see later, the opportunity to supply the region,
constituted for the Russian Federation a state priority.
The possibility of carrying out a high-­impact action, in
a global crisis context, which would allow that coun-
try to establish a strong presence in South America,
was by itself an important specific geopolitical back-
ground. More than half a million vaccines were sent by
Russia to Argentina in the first phase of the agreement,
demonstrating a clear personal decision of Vladimir
Putin. The Argentine President recognizes the ges-
ture of the Russian President. Thus, during the days
around Christmas in 2020, he makes a personal gift to
President Putin. The gifts sent were transported on the
Argentine plane in charge of shipping vaccines –­these
objects were representative of the Argentine eques-
trian culture (El Observador, 2021).
Once again, Fernandez sends clear signals of broth-
erhood between both nations, using forms of diplomatic
communication that place these actions within presi-
dential diplomacy. On 21 January 2021, he became the
first Latin American president to be immunized against
COVID-­19. He uses Sputnik V, even before Vladimir
Putin (La Vanguardia, 2021).
3.3 | Memorandum of understanding
(MOU) and the “life” project
On 2 February 2021, Fernández and Putin main-
tained a communication where they analysed the pan-
demic situation faced by the two countries (Argentine
Chancellery, 2021b). Issues such as the existing ne-
gotiation between Argentina and the International
Monetary Fund (IMF) were addressed, as well as the
provision of vaccines to Argentina. In this meeting,
Fernández thanked the Gamaleya Institute as well as
the Russian Fund (RDIF) for the efforts made in the
provision of Sputnik V vaccines. Also, Putin indicated
that his nation “appreciates the way Argentina values
Sputnik V vaccines.” And assured “to be aware that
both President Fernández and Vice President Cristina
Fernández de Kirchner have applied the first dose of
Sputnik V." During this meeting, Putin invited President
Fernández to visit Russia, and the Argentine president
assured that he would travel soon since the link be-
tween both nations was a priority.
Due to these presidential efforts, the agreements
were moving forward. The signing of an MOU between
Laboratorios Richmond Argentina and the Russian
Direct Investment Fund (RDIF) in February 2021 marks
another important milestone in the global race to fight
COVID. The MOU aims to promote cooperation be-
tween the parties to ensure that in the short term the
vaccine will be manufactured in the Argentine Republic.
This milestone was explicitly underlined by the direc-
tor of Scientific and Technical Affairs of Richmond
Laboratories, who pointed out the importance of the
agreement given that it “guarantees the future supply
of vaccines in the fight against the global pandemic”
(AA, 2021). Finally, during the month of April, Argentina
became the first country in Latin America to produce
the Sputnik V vaccine against COVID-­ 19. The an-
nouncement was made on 20 April 2021, by the RDIF.
Kirill Dmitriev, executive director of RDIF, presented
it in the following way: “Today we are pleased to an-
nounce that Argentina has become the first country in
the region to launch Sputnik V production thanks to the
alliance between RDIF and Richmond Laboratories”
(France24, 2021).
As a result of the agreement with the Russian fund
(RDIF), the Argentine laboratory Richmond launched
“Proyecto VIDA” (“LIFE project,” Immunization Project
for Argentine Development),” with the participation
of Banco de Valores, which is a financial trust quali-
fied as a Sustainable Bond (Project with Positive
Environmental and Social Impact) and through which
investors will receive the benefits of the production
and commercialization of vaccines that Laboratorios
Richmond will produce for over 20 years. This trust,
which sought to reach the sum of 70 million dollars
before June, would be aimed at the construction of a
biotechnological production plant, oriented not only to
produce vaccines such as Sputnik V, but also to pro-
duce Messenger RNA (mRNA) vaccines –­analogous
to those of Pfizer or Moderna, among others. On the
other hand, the Argentine state will be the main buyer
of the locally produced Sputnik V vaccines. Beyond en-
suring the provision of vaccines for its population immu-
nization policy and smoothly developing the Strategic
Vaccination Plan. Argentina uses its purchasing power
of the local production of Sputnik V to encourage
PRESIDENTIAL AND SCIENCE DIPLOMACY
investment in science, technology, and innovation in
the private sector of the pharmaceutical industry and
generating a spill-­over effect in other sectors of the bio-
technology industry and the local scientific and techno-
logical system.
These agreements of understanding are finally
sealed in a joint teleconference held between both
presidents, Putin and Fernandez (Government of
Argentina, 2021b). In this meeting, held on 4 June 2021,
the beginning of production in Argentina of the Sputnik
V vaccine was announced. The Richmond Laboratories
produced it under the name of Sputnik V.I.D.A. –­an
acronym that reflects the name of the aforementioned
trust launched by the company to support its invest-
ment. Putin affirmed that the Russian drug “is one of
the most effective vaccines in the world, with 97.6 per-
cent effectiveness,” and indicated: “We can make this
possible through dialogue and cooperation at a global
level.”
Likewise, Fernandez expressed that “Russia is a
country that has known how to develop research, sci-
ence, and technology and we always had confidence
in that capacity for the development of such an import-
ant vaccine that the world was waiting for.” The CEO
of the Russian Direct Investment Fund, Kirill Dmitriev,
and the president of Richmond Laboratories, Marcelo
Figueiras, also participated in this teleconference. By
virtue of this alliance, Argentina, through Richmond
Laboratories, would not only be able to produce the
vaccine for domestic use but would also be able to ex-
port it in the future to countries in the region.
After these announcements, the Russian am-
bassador in Argentina Dmitry Feoktistov stated (El
Cronista, 2021): “Ties between both countries are on
the rise. And we are fully confident that with the arrival
of the Sputnik V vaccine, relations between Argentina
and Russia will be further strengthened.” This import-
ant announcement is reinforced with good omens from
the ambassador, who is convinced that both countries
should give “an additional impulse to continue moving
forward,” and indicates: “The cooperation for vaccines
brought our people closer and that can be a foundation
to move forward in other areas of relations. If we in-
crease mutual trust, it is easier to move forward in other
areas.” Specifically, Feoktistov referred to the commer-
cial area, nuclear energy projects and cooperation in
cultural or scientific matters (El Cronista, 2021).
However, a month later, presidential diplomacy was
again activated to unblock the delays in the delivery
of vaccines. On 7 July 2021, one of the President's
Council of Advisors members addressed a letter, via
email, to Anatoly Bravermanm, senior advisor to Kirill
Dmitriev, CEO of the RDIF. In this letter, the presidential
advisor demands the delivery of the remaining millions
of doses. The advisor, who represented the will of the
president and played an active role in the negotiation of
the contract with the Russian Direct Investment Fund,
    | 5
associated with the Gamaleya laboratory, speaks on
behalf of the Argentine government. She portrays the
Argentine efforts made, points out that the contract
risks being cancelled if the delays extend beyond what
is reasonable (Bloomberg, 2021), and mentions the
Argentine government's commitment to the local vac-
cine production by the private laboratory Richmond.
She also requests the approval of the doses pro-
duced locally by this laboratory and sent to Russia for
certification.
Concerning the current conflict between Russia and
Ukraine, on 28 February 2022, the Argentine Foreign
Minister condemned the invasion of Ukraine by the
Russian Federation in his speech before the Human
Rights Council of the United Nations. Also, it called
on the Russian Federation to immediately cease the
illegitimate use of force and military operations on
Ukrainian territory (Argentina holds the presidency of
the Council this year). At the same time, the Argentine
Foreign Minister subscribed to the defence of the prin-
ciple of territorial integrity, the defence of the universal
system of human rights, and multilateralism as a mech-
anism to solve challenges, crises, and conflicts among
the countries of the international system (Argentine
Chancellery, 2021c).
It is still too early to judge the outcome of science
diplomacy in the context of presidential diplomacy
between the Argentine Republic and the Russian
Federation due to the war in Ukraine.
At the end of February 2022, the Russian Direct
Investment Fund (RDIF, financial sponsor of Sputnik V)
was included among the Russian entities sanctioned
by the US Treasury Department. The Council of Europe
and entities from the rest of the world also joined in
sanctions (BMJ, 2022). The sanctions imposed on
Russia may have a significant impact.
Russian Direct Investment Fund's response assures
that the agency has not been involved in political issues
(concerning the armed conflict with Ukraine) and that
the sanctions are the result of Western pressure groups
(Vaidya & Barry, 2022), mainly pharmaceuticals, and
that the restrictions imposed would have negative con-
sequences for the distribution of Sputnik vaccines glob-
ally (BMJ, 2022).
Uncertainty is growing in the Global South, where
several countries, not only Argentina, are waiting for
doses for their health immunization programmes. The
binding contract with UNICEF focused on countries in
Africa (such as Zambia, Uganda, and Somalia), the
Middle East (Yemen) and South America (Paraguay)
has been halted due to the World Health Organization's
decision to consider Sputnik as a vaccine for emer-
gency use (Vaidya & Barry, 2022).
On the other hand, the Richmond laboratory's con-
tract does not seem to have been affected severely by
the war. According to official communication from the
laboratory itself, its efforts are focused on completing
6 |    LAWLER and FUENTES
the technology transfer process to inaugurate the
new manufacturing plant for biotechnological prod-
ucts, including Sputnik V (Sputnik News, 2022a). The
new facilities will allow the laboratory to supply the
public and private demand shortly and to export to
countries in the region such as Peru, Bolivia, and
Colombia.
However, the picture is different from the initial
agreement between the Argentine government and
the Gamaleya laboratory. In this case, more than 9
million doses remain to be delivered. However, this is
not a cause for concern for the Argentinean govern-
ment, since the payment for this batch of vaccines is
reimbursed upon arrival of them to the local country
of destination. In any case, the development of the
armed conflict, initiated by the invasion of Ukraine by
the Russian Federation, has paralysed the shipment
of the pending vaccines. Presidential diplomacy has
not been reactivated on this point, because, among
other reasons, according to the Minister of Health, in
a recent press conference with the Argentine Network
of Scientific Journalism, Argentina currently has suf-
ficient stock assured to offer the necessary reinforce-
ments according to the current pandemic situation,
which is internationally recommended in terms of pro-
tection. Besides, this stock can be renewed by other
suppliers.
In addition, it should be recalled that in February
of this year, the National Administration of Medicines,
Food and Medical Technology (ANMAT, Argentina)
authorized the registration of the Sputnik V vac-
cine produced locally by this laboratory. The pro-
longation of the war in Ukraine creates uncertainty
about Russia's production and logistical capacity
for its Sputnik V vaccine and its active ingredient,
making vaccination campaigns uncertain in the 71
countries currently applying the immunizer (Sputnik
News, 2022b). At the same time, the World Health
Organization (WHO) recently decided to postpone
the eventual approval of Sputnik until after the end
of the war, this is an additional source of uncertainty.
To assist citizens wishing to travel to countries where
the Sputnik V vaccine is not accepted, the Argentine
government will make an exceptional fourth dose
of another vaccine, for example, Moderna or Pfizer
(Government Argentina, 2021c).
However, in Argentina's case, the scientific commu-
nity's confidence in the Russian vaccine has not dimin-
ished. The Consejo de Investigaciones Científicas y
Técnicas (CONICET), the country's largest and most
prestigious science and technology organization, has
carried out different studies to test the immune response
produced by the Sputnik V vaccine (CONICET, 2022).
Finding very robust and satisfactory results; CONICET
researchers published the first study on the immune
response induced by this vaccine done outside Russia
(CONICET, 2021; Rossi et al., 2021).
4 | D I SCUS S I O N
AN D CO N CLUS I O N S
The development of the armed conflict in the Ukraine
region, initiated by the invasion of Ukraine by the
Russian Federation, constitutes an exceptional circum-
stance. As the war extends over time, it is not easy to
foresee the impact of all political developments on the
agreement between Argentina and Russia regarding
the Sputnik V vaccine.
However, the COVID-­19 pandemic crisis has allowed
us to observe how the highest authorities of all coun-
tries adopted leading roles in foreign policy actions to
promote research and development, to obtain supplies
to fight the pandemic, and to solve the different prob-
lems of purchase and distribution of vaccines and other
essential elements to face the pandemic.
Due to the political tool condition played by science
diplomacy, presidential diplomacy allowed Argentina to
have early access to Sputnik V vaccines and, subse-
quently, closed the negotiation to produce them locally.
At the same time, Russia strengthened its presence in
the region and increased its prestige and soft power as
a scientific and technological leader. In the end, the re-
lationship between the two countries was consolidated
and strengthened as a strategic relationship as well.
The time of crisis serves as a magnifying glass to per-
ceive the emergence of science diplomacy as a new kind
of political tool. It has a relevant impact on how presiden-
tial diplomacy works when scientific collaborations play a
role. If we accept that there are other problems with global
impact, for example, global warming, water, food, and mi-
gration crises, then we can expect presidential diplomacy
to become a widespread practice. In this sense, the emer-
gence of articulated science diplomacy also represents a
challenge for presidential diplomacy. In particular, science
diplomacy demands structural changes in the design
and exercise of presidential diplomacy. Below we pres-
ent some of these changes that impact the architecture
of the daily management of foreign policy. Although these
considerations are made for the case of the Argentine
Republic, they can be transferred to other countries with
similar systems of presidential diplomacy in the region.
4.1 | Team of experts
The presidential diplomacy exercised by the Argentine
Republic does not involve teams of scientists and/or tech-
nologists or diplomats with expertise in science, technol-
ogy, or innovation. In a way, this constitutes an obstacle
to generate a virtuous institutional dynamic that leaves a
pool of efficient mechanisms and installed capacities to
face future challenging events. The Ministry of Foreign
Affairs must devise and implement a new human re-
source training policy so that future diplomatic personnel
acquire skills for the development of science diplomacy.
PRESIDENTIAL AND SCIENCE DIPLOMACY
4.2 | Interdisciplinary view
The participation of experts in science and technology
and the intervention of diplomatic personnel is a condi-
tion for enriching the diagnosis of the problems and their
possible interdisciplinary approaches. They combine
domestic and international issues and require scientific
and technological capabilities intertwined with diplomatic
skills. However, in the case of the Sputnik V vaccine, and
probably in future events if nothing changes, the negotia-
tions were conducted by a team composed directly by
the President, a member of his Council of Advisors, and
the head of the Ministry of Health. The two negotiators
acted as a natural extension of the President's will.
4.3 | Concentration of informations
Decision-­ making, and their execution in a restricted
nucleus made it possible to effectively accelerate the
purchase of vaccines and quickly negotiate their local
production. At the same time, it was an obstacle to con-
struct a specialized work team with a certain perma-
nence in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for the design
and execution of science diplomacy actions for the long
term. The concentration of information and decision-­
making may entail fragilities of different roots. Since tra-
ditional diplomacy is not directly involved, there are more
possibilities for committing procedural and other errors
that reduce the robustness (organic and temporal), the
richness of the agreement, or the parties' confidence.
4.4 | Technology transfer capabilities
In addition, the non-­incorporation of the scientific and
technological community in a negotiation process of this
kind, through the usual diplomatic institutional articula-
tions, may mean an obstacle to evaluate the relationship
of the transferred technology vis-­à -­vis to the local scien-
tific and the technological capacities to absorb or repro-
duce it, etc. That is to say, when it comes to the transfer
of complex technologies, having a rigorous diagnosis
allows to evaluate it (“open” the technological pack-
age) and to examine what is being purchased. At the
same time we can diagnose which local scientific and
technological capacities can absorb that technology,
master it, reproduce it and/or improve it. In this way, the
transferred technology can achieve a relevant impact on
local productive capacities (Sábato & Mackenzie, 1982).
In any case, presidential diplomacy provides a quick
and effective response to a crisis. However, as formu-
lated in the case analysed, it is not the best alternative
for dealing with a crisis and enriching a bilateral rela-
tionship, at least not when science diplomacy plays a
relevant role. Also, in the second stage, even more in
crisis times, presidential diplomacy should leave room
    | 7
for diplomatic officials and incorporate relevant actors
from the scientific and technological sectors. In this
way, the doors opened by presidential diplomacy can
be properly exploited, and a more lasting and beneficial
effect can be achieved.
Science diplomacy constitutes a new political tool
that pushes presidential diplomacy to a redesign for
enriching its scope.
AC K N OW L E D G E M E N T S
We thank Francisco Castiglioni, Atilio Berardi, Alberto
D'Alotto, Martín Granovsky and Marina Mantecón for
comments that improved the manuscript. However, the
views and opinions expressed in this article are those
of the authors.
DATA AVA I L A B I L I T Y S TAT E M E N T
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new
data were created or analyzed in this study.
ORCID
Diego Lawler https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9746-2196
Miguel Fuentes https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0833-1245
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AU T H O R B I O G R A PH I E S
Diego Lawler (Ph.D.) is a Permanent Researcher
at CONICET (National Council for Scientific and
Technical Research) and a member of the Institute
of Philosophical Research at SADAF (Argentine
Society of Philosophical Analysis). Formerly
Academic Director of the National Foreign Service
Institute, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, International
Trade and Worship of Argentina.
Miguel Fuentes (Ph.D.) focuses his work on diplo-
macy, social dynamics, including optimization, man-
agement, and crisis. He uses several convergent,
interdisciplinary methodologies coming from the so-­
called complex systems science. He is an External
Professor at the Santa Fe Institute (USA), and a
Researcher at SADAF-­IIF (Argentina).
How to cite this article: Lawler, D. & Fuentes,
M. (2022) Presidential diplomacy meets science
diplomacy. Global Policy, 00, 1–­8. Available from:
https://doi.org/10.1111/1758-­5899.13110