BOOK REVIEW ‘The Blood of the People: Revolution and the End of Tradaional Rule in Northern Sumatra by Anthooy Reid, Kusla Lumpur, Oxford University Press, 1979, xx-> 288 pp. ‘The Indonesian atonal revolution, parcularly in is ealy stages, evolved from myriads of revolutions which occurred throughout Tndonei, This book focuses on the revolutions in northern Sumatra (Aech and East Sumatra), which have been regarded the most complete social revolutions of all the early averse revolutions, and attempts to clarify the aetual courses of the revolutions In onder to explain what the revolutions in nomhern Sumatra aetally were. In thir way, the book ‘ries to cexpleate what kind of evolutions ever occurred in these space regions at this very specie tine, and why they were to converge into the Indonesian national revolution, Consequently, the study thus Wluminates some hiorsat orgie of Indonesian political system as we Know i today. ‘The author, Anthony Reid ie presently a senor fellow io Southeast Asan history at the Australian National University. In 1969, he also publabed The Contest for North Sumatra: Arjeh, the Netherlands end Briain, 1858-18983 In thie book, he ‘examined the process in which Acth, an independent sutamate in northern Sumatra, Ihad come under the Dutch contol through the long Aceh-Dutch Wet, The Blood of the People follows the history of Aceh after this period, ttt i, the transformation fof Aceh from a subordinate part of the Dutch East Indies t tht of the Republic of Indonesia, “This book, however, discusses not only the revolutions in Aceh but also the revoie tions in Hast Sumatra. Tt has been coasiéered thatthe nature of the revolutions in ‘Acch and East Sumatra difered greatly. Therefore Reid povides the categories of pemuda ("youth") for the main body of the revoltons,pergerakan (poitial move rents) for the nationalist leaders, Zslane Islamic movement”) for religious leaders, and Ferjoan ("traditional rulers) forthe antirevoluionary polial force, in order to compare those dstint revolutions. This particlar subject is presented in Rela's previous papers! ‘The Blood of the People is composed of nine chapters. Chapters 6-8 prove the book's core and deserlbe the courie of the revolutions in 1945-46. The preceding Chapters 4 and 5 discuss the period of the Japanese occupation In these chapter, [Reid proposes « new interpretation es to the efcts of the Japanese cccupation on AL Reid, The Contet for North Sumatra Ach, the Netheronds and Briain, 1858-1898 (London: Oxiord Univesity Pres, 1963) 2 AV Reid, "Te Birth ofthe Repo n Sumatra” ndonei, No.12 (197%), ad “The Jap ‘ese Occopaton and Riva Ionian Ele: Northern Sumatran 192,” Journal of Aan Shuts, Vol. 35, No.1 (Noverber 1975)24 ‘THE DEVELOPING ECONOMIES these revoltions® Ta Chapters 1-3, the author examines the transformation process of traditional kingships in northern Sumatra under the Dutch eoloal rule. Tn this context, the author bascally agrees o.James T. Slopes ansysis of prewar Acch presented in The Rope of God ‘A brief summary of the contents of The Blood of the People is st follows, AX already mentioned, Chapters 1-3 describe the trnsfomation of traditional Kingships under colonial rule. Previously, there were thre majer pola cultares in northern Sumatra: Acchnese, Batak, and Malay. The feature of tational Malay sultsnates was thei sacred aura of sovereignty, which enabled ther to build up flexible alliances with any ethie groups. On the other hand, the Batks who lived in ioland areas traditionally lacked a cetralized poliieal system. Ar 3 result, the Malaye who lived in coastal areas maintained superiority as eulturl, ecenomic, and poieal mediators lover the Bataks in thir transactions with the ouade world Under the Dutch colonial rule the East Coast of Sumatra inhabited by the Malays and the Batak, became the center forthe planation economy. ‘The Dutch used the Malay sultans both plically and economically at thee ideal ales for indirect role, while the sultans eecumulated wealth under the putrozge of the Dutch. Yet, their amicable system begun to disintegrate in the depression yeas, and the problem of nd came tobe the main issue of socal conf, Meanwhile, the cites such as Medan and Pematang Siantar began to develop and 2 new “Indonesian culture” to emerae Nationalist movements appeared in ths cultural setting, The nationalists, capital ing the land less, tried to extend their influence to rural and agricultural regions and in time they found themselves opposing the sultans, It was the agricultural population fof the Bataks who suffered both the bresk down of tadionsl ownership of land in ‘the Dutch colonization process and the restrictions on lané cultivation imposed in the epresson year. In rettion to this, the Batsk, espcaly the Karo Batak, joined ‘nationalist poieal paris or sought for some other fms of organied oppositions 48 is shown by the formation ofthe aron "seeret society.” ‘Acchnete tradiional authority, the sltante, onthe othe hand, was much centralized and had its power fly based on royal monopoly of trade, There also existed over 1 hundred uldzbalang a8 war leaders and eatrepreneur. In the couse of the Aceh Dutch War, however, the Dutch abolished the sultanate in Aceh and adopted a policy, hereby wleébolang “endal lords” ware fully made we of fm the administration of ‘Aceh, Thus, under colonial rule, wlatbalang Were able to expand both their ezonomie and poliical power, although tredtionally they had never been feudal lords. In this manner, ulbolong accumulated land and virally ame to monopolize the rice, ‘specially in the most densely-settled ricegrowing area in Acth the plain of Pile, ‘The small summber of Acehnese who received Western education were mainly the children of wzdbalong. The masses usually received Ilamic education conducted by lara Cslamie teachers". A movement called PUSA (Persatuan Ulama Seluroh Acch for All-Acch Ulama Association) was formed in 1939 to reform Islamic education, § Previous research on the Jpunese occupation in Acdh wos cared out by A.J. Pekar in UAveh en de Oorog met pan (Aceh and the war ith span) C-Graveabage/ Bending an Hoere, 196). «17 Sigal, The Rope of God (Berkeley: Univesity of Ciiforia Pres, 196)OOK REVIEW 245 PUSA\s importance dis not le in its organization as such, however, rather, in its appeals for sci reform through the ealightenment, which succeeded in subsuming iver social forees and movements, Thos PUSA became the nucleas of the widely ivered antstablishment soci free ‘Chapters 4 and 5 deal with the poical changes in northern Sumatra during the petiod of Japanese military occupation. The Japanese militry invasion of Sumatra in March 1942 meant the end of the Dutch-kerejaan rule, and the opening of a new fra to both Aceh PUSA and all the nationalist political parties in East Sumatra, ‘The Acehnese drove the Dutch out of Aceh Besar in a revolt against them on the ve of Japanese landing, and the Japanese army was hence able to make a triumphal entry without any bloodshed, In East Sumatra, there was a notable upsurge of the fron moverent in the petiod between the Dutch reeat and the gradual establishment ‘ofthe Japanese miltry administration, ‘The arom organized the attacks on the Dutch- ‘supported village chefs who had tied to prevent th “legal” cultivation of the aron members, In both regions, Aesh and East Sumstra, the vulrrablity of the Aerjaan ‘vas revealed, and dissatisfaction accumulated under the Dutch-terjaan rule behind the supercal peace and order became apparent. This outbreak of violence, however, ‘was repressed once again by the establishment of the forceful Japanese military administration, “The autor examines the relation between the Japanase occupation and the revoi- tion as follows. ‘The enuses of social revolutions had already been fostered under the atch colonial rule. The Aceh uprisings and avon rebellions, once surfaced in the confusion created by the Japanese landing, came Gna ac tei full wing atthe time Of the Japanese reteat es the socal revolutions. Past research conducted by Pickaae Fegurded the “vide and rule” policies of the Japanese miltery administration asthe tlzecteause of the conflict between ul2ebalang and PUSA, and the subsequent Acch evolution. In contrast fo this interpretation, Reid sees thatthe Japanese "divide and rule” was merely the resultant ofthe proces fn which various Indonesian socal forces ‘were mobil according tothe somatines contradictory polices inated by mutually Independent elements of the Japanese military administatior. Moreover, he implies tha, it was utilized by the two contesting force in Acch, FUSA and uldzboang, in sirenthening thee powers, Therefore, following Benedict Anderson's argument, Reid finds tht the sgaigeance stacked to the Japanese military ministration Just prior to the revolution fies in the mobilization of Indonesian pemufa into the wat efforts In the latter tages ofthe Japanese occupation, many young mea were channelled! ito ivieun (voluntary corp”), tho (auxiliary sldiers), TALAPETA (Young Farmers’ ‘Training Schoo), other aulitary and. paramilitary organizations, and propaganda setivites, Apart from their military trainings, they were aso put through a spiritual trainings which heavily emphasized self-sacrifice, patriotism, and discipline. In this ‘vay, the Japanese occupation eiulated the formation of pemuda as a potential political free. On the other hand, kerajaan became alienated from the masses because the Japanese forced them to comply with ther harsh demands, This was alo a time 5B Anderton, Janina Time of Revolution: Occupation and Rexitance, 1944-1946 Mar: Cornel University Dress, 1972,246 ‘THE DEVELOPING ECONOMIES ‘when pergerakan and Islam were expanding their influence through the propaganda ‘The ceotral section of the book, Chapters 6-8, descibes the process ofthe northern ‘Sumatran reolutions. When the Japanese surrender became known, Farjoan sd ‘minstrators believed inthe Dutch return and began te prepate to welcome the Dutch ‘The pergerakon propagandists were at 2 lost Know what 10 do in ths situation. 1k was pemuda who, following the revolutionary sitstion of Java, began to strive towards independenes. In October, the Dutch returned to Medan from detention camps and the Allied forces landed on Belavan. ‘The national fags of the Republic of Indovesia ware flown atthe very same time, and the massive march in support of independence took place. At this erteal momeat, the Aubon ex-soldars of the Dutch colonial army (KNIL) clashed with pemuia. The aftr led the pemuda movement Ito the armed strugee. In 1946, following Java the Sumatran Persatuan Perjuangan (struggle unica) was established in Hast Sumars, under the infuenee of Tan Malaka ‘The revolutionary spirit rose to yet a greater beght at the six-month anniversary of the revolution of February 17. The cites overBowed with ant-terajaan slogans, and fon March 3, the Sumatran Persatuan Perjuangan caucus ordered a simultaneous eoup 1 HiguidateKerajan throughout all of East Sumatra In Aceh, particulary in Pid, antagonism batween uldbelang and PUSA escalated, resulting in both parties competing for the arms and repeating clashes. The nationalistic turban penuda (Ali Hasimy, et) who had participated in propaganda activites during the Japanese occupation, reformist PUSA, and Pid farmers who had been dissatsed with ultzelang oppression, overthrew the Pidie w2ébolang in the Cumbok War in Sanuary 1946. Only two of the twenty-five uldzbalang in Pdie survived inthe Kiling. ‘The Amy of the People’s Struggle (TPR), wel supported by the Islamic armed force, Mojahidin, drove on to tiquiénted wldebolang from a parts of Acch. ‘Kerajaon Snappeare from northern Sumatra. In Acth, and in Kast Sumatra, pation larly in the Karo Batak region, the character of the rvolution can be Seen as 2 true tecial revolution, eupported by pestants, which wiped out the remnant of the colonist ‘stem. However, the revolutions in East Sumatra other than the Karo Bake were spontaneous in lis nature without any strong leadership, and ended in the disruption fof social onder and embiterment of ethnic confcts. Pemuda as feuding warlords sought for the booty from the revolution 'As this summary has indicated, the descriptions of the revolutions in northern ‘Sumatra in The Blood ofthe People have succeeded in sating out relevant historical facts in the revolution. The author vised northern Sumatra, Java, the Netherlands, ‘Malaysia, Britain, and Japan in order to collect historical documents of the Dutch ‘colonial ers, the Japanese occupation, and the revouionary period, aswell at con dveting interviews with those people who had lived though these years. ‘The book should be highly recommended for its thorough conclusive factual presentation, ‘And yet, the question zemains whether the autha’s atlenpts to compare the revolutions in Acch and East Sumatra by employing such eategories of kersiean, pergerakon, Islam, and pemuda have succeeded. It i clear that they are meant ‘© be culturally defined categories since they have all been writen in their Indonesian spelling forms in this Enlshveiten work. Despite this the book offers no explanations200K REVIEW 247 ofthe cultural meanings of the categories, Moreover, as thei substation inthe tile Of the lat chapter by “Princes, Politcane and Peasants" shows, itis not clear a8 19 jst why the author had fo choose thee cuturlly defined categories, However, the tndentanding of the symbolic proces i crucial, paticulerly for the revolutionary period when all the words and deeds assume symbolic and deeply cultural meanings. “The title The Blood of the People (arah rakia), and merdeka, the prinipal symbol of the Indonesian revoition, are perfect examples of thi. And yet the book offers no explanation of the cultural meanings babind darah rar, and in the case of mereka, the translation given is freedom, that is, national independence. ‘Benedict Anderson devoted an tire chapter for the analysis of pemuda as fa culturally defined concept, and described the penruda movereat as ‘an engine running at bresk-neck speed without s diver to put it in gran.” 1 is infeesing to tote here that Xarim MS, one of the most prominent leaders of the revelution in East Somatra, ied a very similar metaphor forthe revolus! sola. Whit driving his var booty eas, be sid “What isthe use of Merdeka [freedom] if it Is not t0 be njoyed? ‘What ie the significance of Maybach (his booty sportear) by comparison With the Tsar's Palace Lenin occupiod?™ The seemingly contradictory expression “ated inthis book, “The more chaotic the situation in Sumatra became. the greater vas the pemude determination to support a national identity” (p. 253), is well explained ‘within the very words of Xarim who enjoyed merdeka to the fll Farther analyses of revolutionary symbolism soch a6 that etempited in Java would contribute o deepening our understanding ofthe revolutions ip Aceh and Bast Sumatra, fand consequently 49 0ur understanding of the Indonesian rational revolution as a shoe, (Saya Shiraishi) #11 Mohammad Seid, “What Was the ‘Sosial Revlon of 1946 a Bast Sumatra? tas B. Aaderon and Totnggsel Sina, Indonesia, No. 18 (1973), p18.