The Indian Journal of Politics: A Peer-Reviewed Journal

The Indian Journal of Politics
[ISSN: 0303-9951]
A Peer-Reviewed Journal
VOL. 55, NO. 1-2, JANUARY – JUNE, 2021

https://www.amu.ac.in/nonacademic/UnitPanel1.jsp
Published by
DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY
ALIGARH – 202002, INDIA
CHIEF EDITOR
Iqbalur Rehman
EDITOR
Mirza Asmer Beg
EDITORIAL COMMITTEE
Mohd. Nafees A. Ansari
Upendra Choudhury
Arshi Khan
Rachana Kaushal
Iftekhar Ahemmed
M.Mohibul Haque
Farhana Kausar
Md Aftab Alam
Mohammad Naseem Khan
Khurram
EDITORIAL ADVISERS
Rajeev Bhargava
Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, Delhi
MahmoodMamdani
Columbia University
Mohammad Ayoob
University of Michigan
Pritam Singh
Oxford Brookes University
The Indian Journal of Politics
A Peer-Reviewed Journal
Volume 55, No. 1-2, 2021
Contents
Islam and Populism: Palembang (Indonesia) 1-15

Mayor Elections in 2018
Raegen Harahap, Yulion Zalpa and
Gonda Yumitro
India and China: Act East Policy after 16-33

Pandemic
Hm Izhar Alam
Roles and Challenges of Youth Participation 34-44

in Local Community Development in
Ethiopia: A Study of Debark Town, North
Gondar
Mosaib Ahmad, Yihenew Misrak and
Simachew Zemene
In Search of a Holistic Approach to Global 45-61

Politics: The Hegelian Perception of
Cosmopolitanism
Rifat Darina Kamal, Z.R.M. Abdullah
Kaiser
Human Rights and Minority Muslims in 62-75

Assam: An Analysis
Abdus Sabur
Sustainable Development and Ecological 76-88
Issues
Swaleha Parveen
Defying the Odds: Nigeria’s Spiralling 89-113

Insecurity and Failure of State Responses
Olasupo O. Thompson, Isiaka A Adams
Contextualising Ambedkar’s Vision of Social 114-124

Justice-With Reference to Under Privileged
Sections of the Indian Society
Zulafqar Ahmed
Islam and Populism: Palembang …. 1
Islam and Populism: The Indian Journal of Politics

Vol. 55, No. 1-2, 2021, pp-1-15
Palembang (Indonesia) https://www.amu.ac.in/
Mayor Elections in 2018 nonacademic/UnitPanel1.jsp
Raegen Harahap*, Yulion Zalpa** and Gonda Yumitro***
ABSTRACT
The phenomenon of populism has become an important

study in political discourse in relation to the last held
Indonesian democratic and general elections. The focus
of this paper is to describe and explain how the
candidate for Mayor of Palembang (incumbent)
Harnojoyo framed and imaged himself as a populist
leader with an Islamic label. This paper is the result of a
qualitative research based on literature study by taking
relevant data from documents in the form of journals,
books, mass media. The conclusion of this paper is that
the incumbent mayoral candidate (Harnojoyo)
constructs his image as an Islamic leader by making
populist policies with Islamic nuances and establishing
relationships with Islamic conservative organizations
branding himself with the label of Islamic leaders to
attract the masses and voices in the contest for the
mayoral election of the cityof Palembang in 2018.
Keywords:Populism, Islam, Harnojoyo, Mayor Election 2018,
Palembang.
INTRODUCTION
The political configuration in the contemporary democratic
tradition in various countries in the world, especially since the last 2
decades, has undergone changes. The map of the consolidation of
political power seems to shift in realizing its political interests. This shift
*Islamic State University, Raden Fatah palembang

**Islamic State University, Raden Fatah Palembang,
***University of Muhammadiyah Malang.
2 The Indian Journal of Politics 2021, Vol. 55, No.1-2
is a consequence of democratic turmoil which is marked by political

participation and a sharp system,1 unconsolidated democracy,2 to the
emergence of figures and actors for mass participation polarized between
"us" and them”.3Similarly, it transpired in the political context in
Indonesia. In 2009, Indonesia's political swing entered a new phase.4
Patterns and models in seizing, defending and persuading political
interests have shifted by presenting new "faces" that are synonymous
with populism.5The character of political leaders and elites reports
directly with populists as a consequence of the closeness of various
groups and community organizations, which are netted in the unification
of programs of the wider community's desires.6 They are pulled, forced
and even follow the political flow, which directly infects political
contentions at any levels, where a leader must be clean, transparent and
authentic.
Interestingly, phenomenon of populism in the contemporary
democracy in Indonesia, regardless of its forms and variants as well as
actors and even its manifestations, on the one hand, is very useful in
tackling the problems of oligarchic politics at various levels,7 because of
the failure political electoral, on the other hand.The highly competitive
struggle between political actors in which presidential and legislative
elections were held simultaneously also gave rise to stories about
patronage and clientelism in obtaining constituent supports,8 in which the
leader in maintaining their power, local people tend to use policies that
are in direct contact with the wishes of the community. In fact, policies
that are implemented as a form of affirmation of someone with integrity
and power glorify the general public.9 Therefore, many political actors
took advantage of populism as an engine to fulfill a consolidated
democracy that has not been achieved.10
At the local level, such as in South Sumatra province, political
configurations seem to have the same landscape with other regions in
Indonesia. In Palembang City, in the 2018 political event culminated in
realizing and instrumentalizing various religious activities and Islamic
events.Before the elections, there were various organizing events and
activities with Islamic themes, inviting ulema and involving various
ta’lim assemblies, mosque and prayer rooms communities, Islamic
boarding schools were increasingly being presented. Political policies
that are more religious in nature are played out in real terms. At the same
time, mass mobilization in the theme of religious activities and Islamic
events became clear evidence of how strong Harnojoyo's political
populism was in made succesfully. Harnojoyo is very aggressive and
massive in organizing events that include the ulama, ta'lim assemblies,
recitations, and Islamic boarding schools in the city of Palembang. From
those variousIslamic theme (tabligh akbar, the haul of ulama and the
Islamic new-year), has become a practical political field in conveying an
invitation that they communicate about leaders who understand religion
and leaders who are close to ulama and Islam are rolled out in each of
these Islamic activities and events. Furthermore, by mobilizing the
masses, religious activities and Islamic events have become a political
magnet in shaping the legitimacy of electoral politics. The consequence
is that Harnojoyo's theme is that he was a leader who is close to the
ulama and Islam as a result of the accumulation of religious activities.
In the contextof general elections which relation to populism in
Indonesia, it has attracted many attention of scholars with a number of
findings of their interesting phenomenon. Studies of general elections in
relation to populism were mostly carried out by Aspinall,11Mietzner,12
dan Margiansyah.13Meanwhile,studies on democracy, populism and
oligarchy were conducted by Hadiz, and Robinson,14 Hadiz,15 Arifin,16
and populism with marginalized Muslims middle class17in Indonesia.
These studieswere so much consensus in the literature that discusses
populism which are mainly still much focused on the reference to the
theoretical concept on leadership style, multi-class or organizational
styles at various political levels.In addition, as a comparison material in
the aspect of the same study locus. Until now, the literature that examines
political election in 2018, can be said to be nil. Even if it exists, it does
not study the concept of populism. They more examined on the context
on how the environmental communication18 and the involvement of
Malay figures aspect.19
A few discussions about political populism from the discursive
side, especially in relation to Islam are presented here. This study wants
to focus on the context prior to the Palembang Mayoral Elections,
2018.This study intends to examine the political dynamics and forms of
political populism of Harnojoyo in the political contestation of
Palembang city in 2018. In depth, this paper will also discuss the form of
mass mobilization with the theme of religious activities and Islamic
events as the goal of establishing Harnojoyo's political legitimacy.
Furthermore, the discussion will be followed by an analysis of the
problem regarding the political map in the city of Palembang and the
underlying factors, patterns of populism, as well as the context, actors,
and political competition between contestants' alliances in the electoral
contestation process. Thus, the elaboration of the series of issues above
can help broaden the reader's insight in understanding the dynamics of
populism and Harnojoyo in the 2018 mayoral election and become a
direction in seeing the political map of the city of Palembang in the
future.
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
Understanding populism is not an easy thing. The concept of
populism is greatly influenced by differences in the lens of discourse,
political realities and phenomenon being studied that finally cannot be
made a unanimous conclusion. At the same time, in the theoretical
framework, there are still various debates which directly determine as to

whether the main focus of investigation should be on discursive,
ideational, structuralist or ideological styles. Therefore, in reality it has
not yet reached a definitive ideal agreement about what is actually
populism. Nevertheless, it is mostly agreed that populism primarily
implies being manipulated as a political instrument both for gaining and
for perpetuating power.20 In fact, populism that often appears in public
spaces is always colored by "grassroots" mass mobilization movements
of charismatic leaders and campaign strategy.21 Therefore, most authors
agreed that populism is a concept which is highlydebatedand is quite
complex.22
For the first concept, most literature studies on populism are
dominated as a form of political idea, which is generally defined as a
discursive style.23 The main areas of interest of the two academics tend to
be the political construction of homogeneous “demands/aspirations” from
a heterogeneous society in the dichotomy between the unfulfilled
demands of the “people” and unresponsive power.24 In other words,
populism is not only a political mobilization, discursive style, but
populism can be categorized in terms of ideal ideological rhetoric.
Recently, however, the concept of populism has been criticized
for being too narrowly defined. Instead, a number of contemporary
writers have debated the notion of populism being extended beyond the
confines of parochial national security to include other considerations.
The study conducted by Mudde25 in his study "Populist Radical Right
Party in Europe, 2007) is classified by its characteristics as (1) Populism
as anti-establishment (anti-establishment), which means that it positions
ordinary people as the marginalized "other", who is cynical. against the
ruler or elite or government. So that the position of ordinary people is
considered qualified to replace rulers who are considered unfit to lead.
(2) Authoritarianism, a leader, who is raised personally and
charismatically who is given the authority as a leader who is able to
realize the wishes of the people. (3) Nativism, which positions all citizens
to be and live in the same culture without having a different identity,
culture. Such a populist model will support the concept of
monoculturalism and override multiculturalism. In understanding
Muddle's model, it can be understood that such populism will place the
interests of the state above everything that becomes the spirit and value
in every policy, action and movement that is implemented.
Meanwhile, Cas Mudde in his study "Populism: A Very Short
Introduction", put forward a view of populism which includes aspects of
ideas, rhetoric, and political maneuvers which are a broader term of
populism.26 This involves populism which implies “people vs elite” for
the general will of the people.27 Mudde's work raises an interesting and
important question about whether populism is an ideology that is a form
of affirmation of the sharp division between good people and corrupt

political rulers who are associated as oppressive and greedy groups that
are always public desires.28 The focus on the tension between populism
as a discursive style and ideology is not accepted by all populist writers.
It is those who argue that the emphasis on social relations ignores
the fundamental changes that have taken place in world politics
especially after the right political parties. For some, the dual processes of
integration and fragmentation that characterize the contemporary world
mean that more attention should be paid to “society security”. According
to this view, the failure of capitalism and democracy to sustain people's
lives in various regions, especially in underdeveloped countries, has
undermined the classical global North-South-based political order,
leaving countries exposed to a larger political framework (such as Asian,
African and African countries). Latin America). At the same time,
differences in the political economy of various classes, such as
Indonesia's, have created new problems in ideological organization that
have led to increased societal instability related to conflicts over power
and resources.29 This gives rise to the argument that multi-class, not
structuralist or ideological, should be the center of attention of populist
analysts.
Table 1: Political typology of populism
Form of
Typology
No Political Actors Purpose
Populism
Action
Populism as Extra- Class Representation
1 political parliamentary alliances in and advocacy
ideology movement society aspirations
Welfare state New Non-
Populism as Loyalty to the
2 policies, Oligarchic
political style government
clientelism elites
Regime
formation Middle class
Populism as
(Peronisme, community Community
3 political
Chavizmo, loyal to Patronage
communication
Soekarnoisme, government
dsb)
Source: Warsisto Rahajo Jati, 2017
Explaining Islam and Harnojoyo's populism more
comprehensively, the author borrows the theory of populism developed
by Cas Mudde as ideational populism. In Mudde's perspective, political
populism carried out by a political actor as a strategy in getting
sympathizers and support from constituents is operationalized in three

ways, namely discursive, ideational and material. In other words,
ideational populism is how a political leader or actor uses populism as a
political strategy, which is not only created from the aspect of rhetoric,
speech or narrative, but thoughts and actions must be intertwined with
actions launched in various public spaces and manifested at every
opportunitywhich exists as well as to create a cognitive of his
electoralvoters.
In relation to Mudde's perspective, ideational populism to
Harnojoyo's political strategy in Palembang is very relevant. In the
concept of ideational mode, the relationship can be seen from the
anatomy of Harnojoyo's ways, styles and efforts to build cognitive, by
building patterns in forming his image and image as a charismatic, pro-
Islamic leader, and close to the ulama. The lecturers, scholars and habaib
who participated in every event, always pinned Harnojoyo as a dreamer
who is close to Islam and, loves Islam and a leader who fights for Islamic
values. In addition, the political populism style of discursive is carried
out a lot through texts, rhetoric, public speech in the aim of reviving the
rationality, cognitive and emotional constituents for the purpose of
maintaining the status quo. In that anatomy, it can be investigated how
Harnojoyo in every religious and Islamic event held, both in the context
of giving speeches, giving speeches, lecturing and clerics at events of
Islamic studies, tabligh akbar and jiarah kubro in the city of Palembang.
Moreover, as a populist in the aspect of material mode, Harnojoyo as
Mayor at that time, had the resources and finances, even though it tended
to use constitutional and legitimate means. In this anatomy, it can be seen
how Harnojoyo provides all facilities and permits in every Islamic event
and activity.
RESEARCH METHODS
In optimizing this research, the researcher used a qualitative
approach with a descriptive design by using a literature study for
processing data collection to explain the case of populism and Harnojoyo
in the 2018 Pilkada. The researcher conducted library research by
collecting a number of written sources related to the research problem,
objectives and theoretical framework. This method is used to collect
various relevant information about the problem to be studied. In addition,
this literature study is also useful to obtain a theoretical basis that can be
used as a guide in conducting research. The use of this method also
makes it easier for researchers to study the problem to be solved or
compare the problem with existing research.30
In the analytical framework, we first start the study by
constructing theoretical assumptions, especially theories from populism.
These theoretical assumptions are important to guide the analysis of
Islam and populism in Palembang (2018-2023). Next, we observe the
context and reality of the political framework in Palembang in the 2018

regional head elections that had an impact on Harnojoyo's victory by
collecting press reports and literature findings. Several phenomena were
observed, such as widespread religious celebrations and activities and
their relationship with ulama, madrasas and mosque congregations and
mass recitation congregations for mothers and youth mosques in the city
of Palembang. This study also examines the discourse of leaders close to
ulama and Islam as the focus of the study, our main point is the decline
of Indonesian democracy.
The data analysis technique of this research uses an interactive
component model. Qualitative data analysis is carried out by processing
data, compiling data, sorting data, synthesizing data before finding
existing patterns, recording important events, and finally choosing a
perspective to explain the meaning. There are several stages such as:
First, data collection is a selection process through journal literature,
books, and online news as well as photos and banners. Second, data
reduction is a selection process with an emphasis on simplification,
abstraction, and transformation of raw data that focuses on the study of
Harnojoyo's populism. Third, displaying data is a collection of
descriptions composed of organized information that can draw
conclusions to take further action related to the focus of this research.
Fourth, Conclusion and Verification is a process in which the meaning of
each phenomenon obtained in the field is thoroughly observed to find
possible explanation patterns and configurations, such as causality flow,
and propositions.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Political Tensionbefore Election in Palembang.
The nuances of populism are very clear and can be seen in
coloring political maneuvers in various political contestations in
Indonesia, since the last decade. One of the areas affected by the
outbreak of the phenomenon of populism, namely Palembang. As the
core of the provincial capital in South Sumatra, the nuances and smells of
politics are certainly more present and grab the attention of many people
and interests. The situation and movements of sympathizers, supporters
and the success team of each candidate, get more public attention.
Moreover, Palembang, which is located at the heart of the provincial
capital city, has its own charm with various levels of needs, compared to
the political context with other districts/cities in this province.
It is interesting to see the activities before election in Palembang
in 2018. One of the candidates who is predicted to be running in the
nomination was the current Mayor (incumbent), namely H. Harnojoyo.
He himself has a unique record when he was sworn in as Mayor of
Palembang since 2015. He is the mayor who was appointed as a result of
the dismissal of Romi Herton who was involved in the bribery case of
Constitutional Court judge, Akil Mochtar. Harnojoyo, who was
previously a deputy, was later appointed as the definitive mayor. Since
then,especially 2018, it is estimated that he will run again in the
nomination for mayor of Palembang. The position as an incumbent is
certainly something that must be utilized optimally.
Publicly, Harnojoyo is also known as the successor to the decree
of the Major (Romi Harton) who still has a good mass base and
popularity. It doesn't stop there, the dawn safari, which was just
implemented in 2017, and often does mutual cooperation in every
schedule and free time when outside the office.Harnojoyo's political
modality comes from the leader of "Wong Cilik", who has a dialectic
from his past history as a trader in the markets of Palembang. From the
supporting parties (PDI-P, Democrat, PKB, PBB and PAN). This capital
is important because the conditions for political support have been met.
PDIP supports it because currently its representative is a PDIP cadre
(Fitrianti Agustinda). This becomes a strength because then the political
machine can run better and stronger. The Democrat and PDIP networks
are also believed to be strong in South Sumatra to the lowest level. At the
parliamentary level, these two parties are also included as the parties with
the most seats, so that political institutional support has been obtained.
Political party machines can move stronger and faster. In that context,
Harnojoyo can be said to have so many qualified political modalities.
However, all of the above modalities are not entirely strong and
safe for Harnojoyo to maintain his position.This can be seen from the
opposing candidate who was an "old enemy" in the previous elections,
namely Haji Sarimuda. There was competitors who already have
extensive party networks and strong mass base support. According to the
analysis of many parties, the strongest competitor would be Sarimuda.
This figure is rather phenomenal. He has already run for mayor three
times, but always fail. The last failure was against the pair Romi Herton
and Harnojoyo. Even this failure occurred because there was a vote in the
Constitutional Court. Initially Sarimuda won by a very narrow margin of
13 votes, but then he was sued to the Constitutional Court and the result
was the opposite. This means that here, Sarimuda still has a fairly solid
mass base, and it could become a serious threat later.This could be a
potential strategic threat, because H Sarimuda's mass base is quite strong
and militant. Sarimuda has a fairly solid mass base, especially from the
FAKEM (Death Charity Forum) group spread across all urban villages in
Palembang.
Besides that, there was a fierce feud between Harnojoyo and Haji
Sarimuda due to the quick qount results from various institutions.31From
the various surveys published both nationally and locally, revealing that
Harnojoyo's position and electability always being squeezed and
overshadowed by the popularity of Haji Sarimuda.Therefore, the political

contestation in 2018 became an interesting spectacle and was certainly
shrouded in the unavoidable smell of political revenge which highly very
competition. Win or lose are interesting treat between the candidates will
fight extraordinary to become the winner with a sudden death game
system.
The interesting thing about Harnojoyo is his ability to use
realistic think-thank which was many acknowledged.32 Harnojoyo, to
build his electoral political legitimacy gradually approached Islamic
organizations (FPI). As the holder of power at that time, easily provided
all the facilities and smoothed their desires. as a priority to the will of the
general public, but such implementation is also a political style in taking
sympathizers, legitimacy to gain votes in the election later. These themes
were coinciding with the FPI's political movement in the last 2016 to the
beginning 2017, who held demonstration and confrontation to the Ahok's
leadership in Jakarta.33 At the same time, Harnojoyo so far are the Subuh
Congregational Prayer program and routine mutual cooperation activities
every week to clean rivers in Palembang. Ulama, Islamic boarding
schools and Islamic religious studies by providing space for freedom in
holding Islamic religious activities and events in the city of Palembang.
These two things are indeed something that is identical with
Palembang. Since then, the dynamics and political map of the city of
Palembang have drastically changed, especially before the 2018 political
event culminates in the form of realization and is instrumental in various
religious activities and Islamic events of political interest in Palembang
City, Harnojoyo began to carry out religiously nuanced policies.
Harnojoyo asa Islamic Leader
In playing his political capital, Harnojoyo was very aggressive
and massive in organizing events that included ulama, ustazh, pious
ulama, and Islamic boarding schools in the city of Palembang as the first
step in his electoral competition.All the events held with Islamic nuances
automatically form public awareness that Harnojoyo is very close to
Islam. The theme of Harnojoyo as a leaders who are close to the ulama
and Islam is always embedded in every Islamic event in the city of
Palembang. This theme is increasingly echoing ahead of and approaching
the time for the 2018 mayoral election.
In efforts to form a political image of Harnojoyo as Islamic
leaders we describe here four standing points as identification. First,
Harnojoyo as the Mayor of Palembang when giving a speech at the
Tabligh Akbar event in 2016, with the theme fostering Ukhuwah
Islamiah towards brotherhood among Muslims. The remarks were made
at a tabligh akbar event on October 1, 2016 in the courtyard of the Kuto
Besak Fort, Palembang City which was packed and was attended by the
people of the city of Palembang. Second, with the theme "Step for Sure
in Knitting Ukhuwah Islamiah". Harnojoyo, in his opening remarks, said
that Mr. Guru Bajang is an example of a good leader, a leader who puts
forward Islamic programs because he is one of the Governors of
Indonesia who is hafiz Qur'an, of course, making his region prioritize its
area with Islamic programs ". Third, Haul Parents Kms. H. Abdul Halim.
On this occasion also attended directly by the Mayor of Palembang
Harnojoyo. In front of the famous Ulama', Habaib, and the Muslims of
Palembang City, Harnojoyo took the time to deliver a speech
representing the Palembang City Government. As the Mayor of
Palembang who proposed Palembang Emas Darussalam, Harnojoyo said
that he would always support Islamic events like this, especially in the
month of Ramadan. Fourth, the 2017 tabligh akbar event, inviting Ustazh
Abdul Somad. Although the event was not attended by Harnojoyo, the
message of the lecture delivered by Ustazh Abdul Somad was to choose a
leader who understands Islam and all the rules of Islamic law. Even
though every event organized by FPI is not always attended by
Harnojoyo, but in his remarks the chairman of the Tabligh event
committee Akbar Maspuroh as well as the Secretary General of the South
Sumatra FPI DPD, Habib Mahdi Muhammad Syahab thanked the
Palembang City Government (Palembang City Mayor H Harnojoyo) who
had allowed the Tabligh Akbar Maspuroh event to be held in the
courtyard of the Kuto Besak Fort.
The interpretation of desires is chosen and political interests are
accumulated from every Islamic event (tabligh akbar, Islamic recitation,
haul Ulama) which is attended directly by Harnojoyo. At the same time,
the presence of ulama, ustazh and governor Hafizh (Tuan Guru Bajang),
ulama and ustazh and Islamic boarding schools in Palembang city
became the momentum in giving a signal that Harnojoyo had an
emotional connection with Ulama', Habaib, Islamic organizations
especially FPI had the same thoughts. and has plans for Islamic programs
in the city of Palembang. Not only that, the activities carried out in the
courtyard of the Kuto Besak Fort Palembang, which so far have only
been used as a place for entertainment events, are filled with Islamic
events.
Harnojoyo Close to Ulama
Although basically, the organization of Islamic events and
Islamic religious activities that have been organized by FPI in order to
enliven Islamic traditions. However, looking at the momentum and time
span that are very close to political events. So, the above activities are
certain to contain elements and nuances of political interests.
In every event held Islamic activities in the city of Palembang,

generally attended directly by Harnojoyo. As stated by the chairman of
Tanfidzi DPD FPI South Sumatra (Habib Mahdi Muhammad Shahab)
with the presence of Harnojoyo in every event of Tabligh Akbar Islamic
activities, and Haul, parents of Palembang city community leaders, Kms
Haji Abdul Halim Ali, and all granting of event permits were carried out
at the Kuto Fort upgrading Besak Palembang is a sign that the DPD FPI
Palembang city will support Harnojoyo (Nurrahman, M, 2021).
With Harnojoyo's commitment as the Mayor of Palembang City
in re-nominating the Habaib Ulama, and Islamic Organizations in
Palembang City feel that all Islamic programs that have been dreamed of
by Ulama', Habaib, and Islamic Organizations are in Harnojoyo. As
stated by Habib Mahdi Muhammad Syahab, as Chairman of Tanfidzi
DPD FPI South Sumatra as well as representing the Ulama', Habaib, and
Islamic Organizations of Palembang City, that: “So far, Harnojoyo has
been committed to reviving the symbols of Islam in the city of
Palembang. Especially programs about Islam always have a positive
impact. So that the leader who has these Islamic programs is in
Harnojoyo” (Nurrahman, M, 2021). In that context, all events that always
involve ulama, habaib and FPI and invite famous lecturers such as
Ustadzh Abdul Somad, LC, MA to Islamic boarding schools, ta'lim
assemblies, and Islamic organizations throughout South Sumatra and also
in events Haul Ulama who commemorated the parents of Palembang city
community leaders, namely Kms H Abdul Halim Ali.
The event was not only attended by the Palembang city
government and the South Sumatra provincial government, but was
always attended by several Habaib, Ulama', Asatidz, and community
leaders. The Haul event was also attended by well-known Ulama such as
Ustadz Abdul Somad, Prof.Dr. Said Aqil Al Munawwar, Habib
Muhammad Lutfi bin Yahya, and Sheikh Ali Jaber. The famous Ulama
who attend every event always give lectures with sayings to vote for
leaders who understand Islam. Ustadz Abdul Somad Lc, M.A. In every
event invited as a lecturer, do not forget to always convey a message to
the Muslims of Palembang City, to continue to carry out the religious
commands contained in the Al-Quran, which is related to choosing a
leader who understands Islam and understands all the rules and
regulations. Islamic law.
In addition, the issuance of the Palembang Mayor Regulation
Number 69 of 2018 (Perwali, 2018), concerning the "Gerakan Sholat
Subuh" which binds all government officials both in BUMN and Echelon
II officials of the city of Palembang (Jawapost, 2018). Over time, FPI has
become associated with the success of a series of Islamic events and
religious activities in the city of Palembang. Therefore, FPI and scholars
throughout the city of Palembang conducted a Memorendum of
Understanding (MOU) with 25 commitment points as concrete support

for Harnojoyo in the contestation for the 2018-2023 Palembang Mayor
election (Republika, 2018). Therefore, the existence of the MoU
increases the electability and popularity of Harnojoyo.
CONCLUSION
The political strategy carried out by Harnojoyo, by organizing a
series of Islamic activities, gathering and mobilizing the masses was
massive and scheduled, starting with inviting well-known ulama, famous
ustazh and hafizh governor, recitation associations, Islamic boarding
schools as goals in legitimizing the leadership’s close relationship with
ulama and Islam and his electoral interests are not accidental, but are
created by design, especially in relation to encouraging his popularity and
electability, which is still overshadowed by Haji Sarimuda as his main
rival. Therefore, the political strategy using populism and Islamic
models, does not have distinctive characteristic, as expressed by Aspinall
in a material tendency, but tends to lead to aspirational programs of the
FPI organization known as Islamic organizations as finalization for
Harnojoyo's own electoral political goals.
REFERENCES
1
Andrew Walsh, “ Theda Skocpol and Vanessa Williamson, The Tea Party and
the Remaking of Republican Conservatism ,” Political Theology 13, no. 5
(2012): 652–55, https://doi.org/10.1558/poth.v13i5.652.
2
Steven Levitsky and James Loxton, “Populism and Competitive
Authoritarianism in the Andes,” Democratization 20, no. 1 (2013): 107–36,
https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2013.738864
3
Takis S. Pappas, “Populist Democracies: Post-Authoritarian Greece and Post-
Communist Hungary,” Government and Opposition 49, no. 1 (2014): 1–23,
https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2013.21; Laclau Ernesto, On Populist Reason,
Contemporary Political Theory, vol. 5 (London-New York: Verso, 2005),
https://doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.cpt.9300255; Stefano Fella and Carlo Ruzza,
“Populism and the Fall of the Centre-Right in Italy: The End of the Berlusconi
Model or a New Beginning?,” Journal of Contemporary European Studies 21,
no. 1 (2013): 38–52, https://doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2013.766475.
4
K. Stoke Savirani, Amalinda, Olle Tornquist, “Demokrasi Di Indonesia: Antara
Patronase Dan Populisme,” Ringkasan Eksekutif Power, Welfare, and
Democracy Project, 2014, https://doi.org/10.31219/osf.io/w5ejk.
5
Caroline Paskarina, “Menundukkan Birokrasi: Melacak Pertarungan Kuasa
Dibalik Wacana Reformasi Birokrasi,” CosmoGov 1, no. 1 (2017): 71,
https://doi.org/10.24198/cosmogov.v1i1.11799.
6
Kurt Weyland, “Clarifying a Contested Concept: Populism in the Study of Latin
American Politics,” Comparative Politics 34, no. 1 (2001): 1–22,
https://doi.org/10.2307/422412.
7
Otto Gusti Madung, “Populisme, Krisis Demokrasi, Dan Antagonisme |
Populism, the Crisis of Democracy, and Antagonism,” Jurnal Ledalero 17, no. 1
(2018): 58, https://doi.org/10.31385/jl.v17i1.129.58-76.
8
Burhanuddin Muhtadi, “Jokowi’s First Year: A Weak President Caught
between Reform and Oligarchic Politics,” Bulletin of Indonesian Economic
Studies 51, no. 3 (2015): 349–68,
https://doi.org/10.1080/00074918.2015.1110684; Yogi Setya Permana, “When
the Supporters Do Not Support: Politicizing a Soccer Fan Club in an Indonesian
Election,” Contemporary Southeast Asia 39, no. 3 (2017): 552–73,
https://doi.org/10.1355/cs39-3h.
9
Muhtar Haboddin, “Populisme, Politik Pertahanan, Dan Pemimpin Lokal,”
Jurnal Inovasi Ilmu Sosial Dan Politik 1, no. 2 (2019): 173,
https://doi.org/10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4802
10
Wasisto Raharjo Jati, “Islam Populer Sebagai Pencarian Identitas Muslim
Kelas Menengah Indonesia,” Teosofi: Jurnal Tasawuf Dan Pemikiran Islam 5,
no. 1 (2015): 139, https://doi.org/10.15642/teosofi.2015.5.1.139-163.
11
Aspinall Edward, “Politik Uang Di Indonesia: Patronase Dan Klientelisme
Pada Pemilu Legislatif 2014,” Research Centre for Politics and Government,
Department of Politics & Government, Fisipol UGM, 2015.
12
Marcus Mietzner, Contestation in Indonesia, 2015.
13
Defbry Margiansyah, “Populisme Di Indonesia Kontemporer: Transformasi
Persaingan Populisme Dan Konsekuensinya Dalam Dinamika Kontestasi Politik
Menjelang Pemilu 2019,” Jurnal Penelitian Politik 16, no. 1 (2019): 47,
https://doi.org/10.14203/jpp.v16i1.783.
14
Vedi R. Hadiz and Richard Robison, “Competing Populisms in Post-
Authoritarian Indonesia,” International Political Science Review 38, no. 4
(2017): 488–502, https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512117697475.
15
Vedi R. Hadiz, “A New Islamic Populism and the Contradictions of
Development,” Journal of Contemporary Asia 44, no. 1 (2014): 125–43,
https://doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2013.832790.h
16
Syamsul Arifin, “Islam, Populisme Dan Masa Depan Demokrasi Di
Indonesia,” Maarif 14, no. 1 (2019): 9–28,
https://doi.org/10.47651/mrf.v14i1.46.
17
Raharjo Jati, “Islam Populer Sebagai Pencarian Identitas Muslim Kelas
Menengah Indonesia.”
18
Yenrizal and Izomiddin, “Strategi Komunikasi Politik Berbasis Isu
Lingkungan Pada Pemilihan Umum Kepala Daerah Palembang 2018,” Seminar
Nasional Strategi Pembangunan Daerah Kepulauan Fisip Umrah 2017, 2018,
1–19.
19
Darmawan Zainal, “Keterlibatan Tokoh Melayu Dalam Pilkada Di Kota
Palembang Sumatera Selatan,” Nuansa 12, no. 1 (2019): 13–29,
https://doi.org/10.29300/nuansa.v12i1.2102.
20
Mustabsyirotul Ummah Mustofa, “Tinjauan Kritis Populisme Di Indonesia
Antara Gagasan Atau Cara Baru Sirkulasi Elit,” Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Dan Ilmu
Politik 3, no. 1 (2019): 70–84,
http://unibba.ac.id/ejournal/index.php/jisipol/article/view/8.
21
Ernesto, On Populist Reason; Hadiz and Robison, “Competing Populisms in
Post-Authoritarian Indonesia”;Hadiz, “A New Islamic Populism and the
Contradictions of Development”; Raharjo Jati, “Islam Populer Sebagai
Pencarian Identitas Muslim Kelas Menengah Indonesia”; Noam Gidron and Bart
Bonikowski, “Varieties of Populism: Literature Review and Research Agenda,”
SSRN Electronic Journal, no. January 2013 (2014),
https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2459387.
22
Margiansyah, “Populisme Di Indonesia Kontemporer: Transformasi
Menjelang Pemilu 2019”; Abubakar Eby Hara, “Digital Repository Universitas
Jember Populism in Indonesia and Its Threats to Democracy Digital Repository
Universitas Jember” 129, no. Icsps 2017 (2018): 106–11.
23
Gidron and Bonikowski, “Varieties of Populism: Literature Review and
Research Agenda”; Ernesto, On Populist Reason.
24
Menjelang Pemilu 2019.”
25
Cas Mudde, An Ideational Approach (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017),
https://books.google.co.id/books?hl=id&lr=&id=X8Q9DwAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&p
g=PA27&dq=Mudde,+Cas.+%22An+ideational+approach.%22+Oxford+Handb
ook+on+Populism+(2017):+27-
47.&ots=6NzsLqGSTr&sig=rnDwwzjiH_dESBkntjdMjbGk5NI&redir_esc=y#v
=onepage&q&f=false.
26
Mudde Cass, The Populist Radical Right: A Reader (London-New York:
Taylor and New York, 2016).
27
Cas Mudde, “The Populist Radical Right: A Pathological Normalcy,” West
European Politics 33, no. 6 (2010): 1167–86,
https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2010.508901.
28
Menjelang Pemilu 2019.”
29
Hadiz and Robison, “Competing Populisms in Post-Authoritarian Indonesia.”
30
John Creswell, Second Edition QUALITATIVE INQUIRY& RESEARCH
DESIGN Choosing Among Five Approaches, Design: Choosing Among Five
Approaches, vol. 3, 2012.
31
Sindonews.com, “Tukang Racik Kandidat Kepala Daerah,” Sindonews.com,
2018, https://nasional.sindonews.com/berita/1275323/12/tukang-racik-kandidat-
kepala-daerah; TimesIndonesia.com, “Survei SMRC: Harnojoyo Unggul Disusul
Sarimuda,” TimesIndonesia.com, 2017,
https://www.timesindonesia.co.id/read/news/156209/survei-smrc-harnojoyo-
unggul-disusul-sarimuda.; Newsdetik.com, “Survei Median: Sarimuda Dan
Harnojoyo Bakal Calon Paling Unggul,” NewsDetik.com, 2017,
https://news.detik.com/berita/d-3602751/survei-median-sarimunda-dan-
harnojoyo-bakal-calon-paling-unggul.
32
Beritapagi.com, “Survei LSPI: Swing Voters Pilkada Palembang 2018 Capai
79.4 Persen,” Beritapagi.co.id, accessed August 9, 2021,
https://beritapagi.co.id/2017/09/11/survei-lspi-swing-voters-pilkada-palembang-
2018-mencapai-79-4-persen-semua-kandidat-masih-punya-kesempatan.html.
33
Rangga Kusumo and Hurriyah Hurriyah, “Populisme Islam Di Indonesia: Studi
Kasus Aksi Bela Islam Oleh GNPF-MUI Tahun 2016-2017,” Jurnal Politik 4,
no. 1 (2019): 87, https://doi.org/10.7454/jp.v4i1.172; Irfan Prayogi, “Populisme
Islam Dan Imajinasi Politik Dalam Pilkada DKI Jakarta 2017,” Politeia: Jurnal
Ilmu Politik 11, no. 2 (2019): 31–43,
https://doi.org/10.32734/politeia.v11i2.1083.
India and China: Act The Indian Journal of Politics

Vol. 55, No. 1-2, 2021, pp-16-33
East Policy after https://www.amu.ac.in/
Pandemic nonacademic/UnitPanel1.jsp
Hm Izhar Alam*
ABSTRACT
The outbreak of COVID-19 has created a dilemma that

touches both public health and the political economy. The
world after the coronavirus will be different in many
ways, including economic, social, and health
consequences. Nobody will escape this storm unscathed.
As a result of the present epidemic, major countries will
rebuild the world order. This paper is an attempt to study
the recent upheaval in India-China relations. This paper
aims to shed light on India’s stance towards China under
Modi, which must be seen as growing Asian power but in
decline relative to China. As a result, India is pursuing a
blended approach towards its rival China, at the
multilateral level accommodating and cooperating;
competition at the regional level; opposing unilateral
projects like the Belt and Road Initiative and dissuading
across the Himalayas and the Indian Ocean. No other
bilateral ties are as complicated for India as their
relationship with China. Their animosity stems from an
unresolved border dispute. This paper also analyses the
bilateral relationship strained by the military
confrontation in 2017 at Doklam and China’s aggression
in Galwan Valley in June 2020. India wants to avoid the
Chinese supremacy in Asia by carving out strategic space
as a major power in multipolar Asia and preserving its
territorial integrity and sovereignty. India, on the other
hand, lacks viable economic plans to deal with China. As
a result, India’s overall position will pose a significant
*Research Scholar, Department of Political Science, AMU.

India and China: Act East Policy after Pandemic 17
diplomatic problem. A detailed discussion about Act East

policy’s further prospects in engaging China has been
included. Further, as the 2020s advances, disparities in
public health and economic policy responses among
nations have sparked a propaganda war, with the USA
and China raging a blame game around COVID-19.
Under such international situations, India should look in
the region for better cooperation through its Act East
policy to consider the regional order.
Keywords: Covid-19, India-China, rivalry, Act East Policy, Indo-
Pacific, regional order.
Introduction
COVID-19 is now rampaging across the globe, infecting 191 million
people and killing over 4.1 million. In India alone, more than 31.1
million cases were reported, and around 4 lakh deaths. Nonetheless, the
illness continues to spread with little indication of subsiding. We cannot
rule out the possibility of a third or fourth wave of COVID-19 in areas
where stringent safeguards have been eased somehow. When examining
the different developments of circumstances, COVID-19 may have a
significant impact on the direction of history. The United States, as the
world’s dominant power, despite indications of decline, may be worried
about the emergence of an aggressive China. China still has to catch up
to the United States globally, and it may take some time. As a result,
Beijing is primarily concerned with the Indo-Pacific region, while the US
has no intention of granting China any discretion and aims to restrict
China’s expansion of its predominance beyond the Indo-Pacific. Since
the 2010s, the US and China have had strained ties as geopolitical rivals.
Now, on the brink of the 2020s, the two are bickering about COVID-19.
Fortunately, or unfortunately, neither the USA nor China is not able to
take the lead. Given the hostility between China and the USA for
regional order, bilateral ties have deteriorated in the aftermath of the
COVID-19 outbreak. Both nations are embroiled in a propaganda
confrontation. While the outlines of the post-pandemic order are
unknown, one thing is sure, rather than improvement in relationship, the
US and China are poised to become more alienated and hostile1.
The foreign policy approach of Narendra Modi’s government has been
clearly defined, with all signs of consistency and gradual evolution of
India’s previous governments’ foreign policy approaches.2 Even though
Modi has injected new vigour into India’s foreign policy, the approach to
the rest of the globe has not represented a significant withdrawal from
India’s previous policies,” according to Ganguly.3 Likewise, Basrur
states that Modi’s foreign policy has seen “no fundamental shift” and
India’s upcoming direction is expected to remain foreseeable and
modest.4 Similarly, in the book, “Modi and the reinvention of Indian
foreign policy,” Ian Hall concludes that amid all the drama and
commotion, Modi’s administration accomplished nothing to change
India’s foreign policy direction, core values, or vital practices.5 The
revision of the “Look East” strategy into “Act East” is similar to the
perpetuity in the Indian foreign policy in general; it demonstrates
consistency with past governments’ policies6. Eventually, this appears to
be valid as Madan argues that “there is much more continuity than a shift
in India’s perspective of and attitude toward China since 2008” in Modi’s
foreign policy.” 7
India and China
India seeks to restrict Chinese influence in Asia while carving out a
strategic space as a significant force in a multipolar Asia and maintain its
territorial integrity and sovereignty. Nevertheless, though India has
managed its rivalry with China, it does not have a credible economic
plan. As a result, in the coming years, India’s search for suitable
solutions to an assertive China might instigate more sources of conflict in
the China-India engagement.
The main reason for the Sino-Indian rivalry is structural: their parallel
desire for prominent power position and concurrent areas of dominance
in Asia; the Tibetan de jure government-in-exile and the presence in
India of the Dalai Lama, and thousands of Tibetan exiles; the China-
Pakistan alliance; a major border issue involving huge territory; and
India’s emerging relationships with the US, Japan, and other East Asian
countries8. The Sino-Indian rivalry, on the other hand, is asymmetric.
India considers China its most potent competitor and a much more severe
threat than Pakistan, despite India being rated lower than the United
States or Japan among China’s adversaries9. The successive Modi
administrations have maintained a complex combination of internal
balance, minimal external balancing, cooperation/accommodation, and
competition dependent on the matter. Policies aimed at assisting India’s
development in a multipolar world but avoiding an open and militarised
confrontation with China. Because the rivalry is not likely to be resolved
shortly, the goal is to retain the China-India relationship as a “managed
rivalry”10. China is claiming around 90,000 square kilometres in the
eastern sector, roughly coeval with the Arunachal Pradesh state. India
claims the Aksai Chin, which is around 38,000 square kilometres in the
western sector under the Chinese part of Xinjiang. The middle sector,
which spans around 2000 square kilometres and is squeezed between the
India-Nepal-Tibet trijunction and Aksai Chin, includes many passes and
historic trade routes that remain ambiguous on the Sino-Indian border.
Although the China-India frontier is the lengthiest unmarked border
globally, it remained peaceful from 1975 until the 2020 Ladakh conflict,
when 20 Indian troops died. Although major militarised crises, such as
the 1986-87 dispute of Sumdorong Chu, the 2017 stand-off at Doklam
and the 2020 conflict at Ladakh, have periodically erupted along this
border. Even though low fistfights and stone-pelting continue to be
prevalent, the two sides have so far managed to keep the crises from
intensification to widespread warfare leading to death and destruction11.
Nonetheless, India is apprehensive about Chinese “transgressions” in the
LAC, the de facto boundary between India and China.
Indian leaders are optimist of the country’s prospects in the long run.
India confronts substantial structural economic hurdles, and even before
the COVID-19 Pandemic, the Modi government was reprimanded for its
economic mismanagement12. Nonetheless, If the Indian economy grows
faster than China’s in the following decades, India would be the only
significant global power to surge compared to China, since Japan and the
US are predicted to slow down in the following decades and therefore
“decline” compared to China13. Although the current Minister of External
Affairs and former Foreign Secretary, Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, has
approved that the performance of India in recent decades in comparison
to China has been “sobering.” However, the country’s goal looks in
creating a “multipolar world” with “a multipolar Asia at its core.” He
states that one of these poles is India, which in future will be a leading
power14. According to Vijay Gokhale, India’s then-Foreign Secretary
states, the Indian government have made it clear to the Chinese that both
nations are aspirational and shaping themselves as significant economic
and political entities, not only one but both. When dealing with one
another, each country must keep this in mind15. In other words, the
“desire” to be a major force in Asia and across the globe has been
expressed by India to the highest echelons of the government of China.
Starting with President Xi Jinping, Chinese leaders have acknowledged
the ambitions of India. Xi Jinping said India and China are “two major
powers in moulding a multipolar world and two vibrant forces driving
Asian and global economic growth” during his 2014 visit to India16.
Nonetheless, it is generally assumed that “government-affiliated elites”
of China continue to underestimate the potential of India as a great
power17. In the discussion on Sino-Indian relations, the prominent theme
is whether India will ever “catch up” to China18.
The Doklam Stand-off in 2017 to Galwan Tragedy in 2020
The confrontation in Doklam arose from India’s rebuttal to be
intimidated by the increasing assertiveness of China. The Doklam
plateau, which is being disputed, is located near Tibet, Bhutan, and
Sikkim. The confrontation began with the Chinese decision of
constructing a road through the Bhutanese territory. As part of a treaty
obligation to assist Bhutan in addressing its security concerns, India
dispatched soldiers to the disputed area, restricting China from seizing
physical control over the area19. Bhutan would have given China
territorial concessions if India had not intervened. China’s actions fuelled

speculation that its true goal was to stifle India’s rise20.
The stand-off is the tensest encounter between China and India after the
war of 1962, sparking concerns of a new military conflict between the
two nations. In 1967 and 1988, major border conflict did occur, hindering
the re-establishment of understanding between the two neighbours. The
CIA describes the conflict in Nathu La as “military manifestations of
intensified political ties,” which was prevented from escalating into a
huge armed conflict in September 1967. The four-day combat in Sikkim
remained confined, with the Indian Army overwhelming the Chinese21.
Another time when war seemed imminent was during the Sumdorong
Chu crisis in 1986-1987 when Chinese and Indian troops faced each
other eye-to-eye. Numerous reasons, military and geopolitical, including
Indian counter-demonstration of will and determination to maintain the
status quo along the disputed borderline, contributed to the de-escalation
of the crisis. The probability of an immediate conflict was removed when
both sides withdrew their troops22. China withdrew in Doklam but
declared that it would strive to exercise its legitimate rights to protect
territorial integrity following the terms of the historic boundary treaty23
indicating that Chinese attitude on the tri-junction of the border remains
the same. Bhutan, Nepal, and portions of Tibet serve as natural barriers
restricting direct engagement between China and India24.
On the contrary, China is expanding its influence in these areas.
Kathmandu is working on improving connectivity with China, and the
present Nepal government has been vocal in its criticism of Indian
policy. The potential of intrusion by China into regions where the Indian
Army was disadvantaged aftermath the Doklam conflict is genuine.
General Bipin Rawat, Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) and former army
chief of India, warned against complacency, saying that stand-offs like
the one in Doklam could “increase in the future”25. Bharat Karnad,
interpreting the escalation of India-China border hostilities in Doklam as
a sign of China’s arrogance, cautioned that “If India does not awake,
Doklam is just the beginning of territorial ego gratification”26.
Consequently, these anxieties were realised eventually in June 2020.
Pangong Tso,27 Depsang Plains,28 Galwan Valley,29 and Hot Springs30
have been recognised as Indian land for decades and have been the
subject of China’s unexpected and aggressive encroachment. It has been
the subject of alarming reports since May 2020. On June 15, 2020, the
violent confrontation between Chinese and Indian troops in Galwan
Valley marked Border tensions’ worst military escalation in almost half a
century. Twenty Indian soldiers died in the brutal scuffle, while Chinese
casualties are unknown. China has taken control of several small areas
where the UT of Ladakh meets Tibet near the LAC. The episode has
generated considerable public outrage in India, signalling a major change
in the political elite’s attitude toward China. China has breached two
crucial red lines by forcefully grabbing land and killing Indian troops31.
It is generally understood that the post-1988 arrangement for the ties
between India and China is based on recognising that despite border
conflict, both sides should preserve order along the disputed borders.
While negotiations on resolving the dispute could continue, India and
China needed to focus on building up relations in other areas.
Regrettably, this roadmap lasted only thirty years. India’s stance on LAC
is unambiguous, but its several appeals to China to clarify its position on
LAC have been ignored since it would deprive China of the opportunity
to continue changing goals and forcefully create compromises. China’s
recent declaration denying recognition to the creation of Union Territory
of Ladakh and condemning infrastructure development for military
control objectives in disputed border regions exemplifies this mentality32.
Numerous possible explanations for China’s aggressive attitude have
been advanced. India is nearing completion of the Darbuk-Shyok-Daulat
Beg Oldie (DSDBO), a strategic road that is more than a 250-kilometre
all-weather road that will significantly reduce transit time from Leh to
Daulat Beg Oldie. China was most likely considering a route from
DSDBO to the Galwan Valley as a possible “back door” in Aksai Chin.
The Chinese move seizing chunks of the Galwan Valley might well be
intended to restrict any strategic advantage India could gain from
enhanced infrastructure in the border33. China is also being criticised for
obfuscating the COVID-19 Pandemic severity. China has been
attempting to deflect attention away from its apparent delay in
announcing the Pandemic to the rest of the globe through targeted
influence operations. Military assertiveness across the LAC is understood
as a clear message for India that efforts to counterweight China would
backfire. Another cause for China’s numerous policy blunders is Xi
Jinping’s excessive concentration of power34.
China-Pakistan Entente and the Status of Jammu Kashmir
Another significant factor is the abrogation of Article 370 that has
imparted China a new point of disagreement. By requesting the United
Nations Security Council’s intervention in India’s decision to amend the
Jammu and Kashmir Constitutional status, Beijing aided Pakistan’s
internationalisation of the Kashmir issue. However, the joint efforts of
China and Pakistan failed because most UNSC members felt no
requirement for a declaration or conclusion following the discussions in a
meeting held on August 16, 201935. In January 2020, China tried again at
the UN to internationalise the Kashmir issue but failed because the other
14 members of the UNSC decided the issue did not need any
discussion36. The Indian Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) urged China
should acknowledge the international understanding on the issue of
Kashmir and avoid bringing it up at the UN, reiterating that the question
of Kashmir is a bilateral one between Pakistan and India37. In response to

a query about China bringing up the issue of Kashmir at the UNSC, Geng
Shuang, a spokesman for the Foreign Ministry of China, states that the
Chinese stance on Kashmir is unchanged and unambiguous and that if
India perceives it differently, it would be an erroneous interpretation, he
added38.
It should be noted that China has control over the Shaksgam Valley in
Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK), which was conceded under a
boundary agreement of 1963 to China by Pakistan, which India opposes.
This agreement opened the way for China and Pakistan to construct the
Karakoram Highway jointly. Since the War of 1962 between India and
China, Aksai Chin is controlled by China. Its significance stems from the
realisation that it links Tibet and Xinjiang, both under Western Theater
Command (WTC), China’s most prominent theater with the most
challenging terrain39. The Shaksgam Valley might not inflict immediate
danger to the Ladakh interests of India. During military operations,
establishing logistical connectivity between Tibet and Xinjiang could be
exploited against Uttarakhand, Ladakh, and Himachal Pradesh. With
Ladakh transformed into union territory (UT) and several Indian
politicians threatening to reclaim PoK and Aksai Chin, China’s stance on
the border dispute is expected to toughen40. India’s action has focused on
Aksai Chin, whether consciously or subconsciously, which has startled
Beijing. Chinese resistance to Ladakh alteration into UT could have acted
as a catalyst for advancing military upfront by China’s at the LAC41.
Despite disengagement dialogue, reestablishing normality remains a
struggle. Even though both sides are attempting to rebuild trust after the
Galwan incident, India’s relations with China are expected to undergo
permanent reorientation.
Act East Policy and Indo-Pacific
At this time, it is safe to assume that India’s visible strategic goal is to
become a global power. The United States of America is currently the
only superpower. China and India are both chasing it, though India is a
few lengths behind China. The other nation in the world does not seem to
be aspiring to rise from its current status as a major power to become a
superpower. The Modi government’s primary element of Indian
diplomacy can be divided into global, regional, and local interests42. In
the initial phases of its pursuit for major power globally, India
collaborated with Russia and China to promote international multipolar
order. It also seeks to enhance the country’s economic and military
capabilities. However, through coordination with the US, Japan and
Australia at the regional level, it aims to expand its influence in Indo-
Pacific and transform into a maritime power and accelerate its Act East
strategy in the spheres of economy and geostrategy. Local policies in
South Asia represents a set of regional interests to ensure supremacy in
the region. India is focusing its strategy on countering China at this

level43. India’s most significant regional problem is with antagonists
China and predominantly with Pakistan at the local level. With the
China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) development, Pakistan and
China are developing even closer relationships. India may see the quest
of the Free, Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) approach and the Quad as a
feasible approach to buffer China avoiding excessive tension. India
strives to achieve a leading position and demonstrate its relative
influence at the regional level in Asia, the Indian Ocean, the Western
Pacific, the Middle East, and Africa by partnering with Japan, the US,
and others in the face of China.
In terms of strategic implications, India’s main battleground at present is
the regional level. The enhancement and expansion of the activities of the
Indian Navy are predicated on a “diplomatic” and “benign” role in
accordance with the position of “security provider,” which the United
States desires India to fulfil. India supports freedom of navigation in its
2015 MaritimeSecurityStrategy. India is likewise attempting to
strengthen its position as a “net security service provider” and
specifically aided capacity development in Maldives, Sri Lanka,
Mauritius, and Seychelles. India has also urged ASEAN members, the
United States, and Japan to render security cooperation in the South
China Sea dispute44.
The western nations were baffled by the diplomatic and military
assertiveness of China, but India aggressively adopted a strategy of
engaging China at all levels while keeping vigilant to Beijing’s increased
assertiveness. The Chinese economic and security overtures towards Sri
Lanka, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Bhutan, Nepal, Bangladesh and Myanmar
reinforce the concerns of India about China’s encircling tactics. Even
though China and Pakistan have not declared a formal defence treaty
against India, its apprehensive of a two-cornered attack across its
northern border by Pakistan and China. The main concerns stem from the
China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, part of the Belt and Road Initiative
(BRI). The project puts India on alert because it passes through Kashmir,
and also the contentious project is putting many countries of South Asia
in unsustainable debt.
In spite of the unresolvable border issue, the relations between China and
Pakistan and concerns of strategic encirclement that moulded Indian
views toward Beijing, China’s increasing inroads into the subcontinent
have increased these anxieties. Consequently, India has concentrated on
building relations with smaller neighbours by fulfilling their economic
and infrastructural needs. The Indian Ocean, formerly a strategic
backwater, has become an area for geopolitical rivalry. In addition to its
increasing naval capabilities, China’s port developments in neighbouring
regions have prompted worries that these ports might provide tanker and
warship refuelling support that enables China to extend its naval presence
in the Indian Ocean45. As a result, New Delhi has taken China’s maritime
assertiveness seriously. As a result, bilateral and multilateral defence
cooperation with regional actors such as Japan, Singapore, South Korea,
Australia and Vietnam has reached new heights. The Indian
government’s “Look East” strategy has been enhanced to “Act East,”
with the primary goal of improving Connectivity infrastructure in Greater
Mekong, which covers Myanmar, Laos, Cambodia, Thailand and
Vietnam.
Many countries on the periphery that see China as a threat see India as a
power balancer. Several political analysts see India’s increased
engagement with regional states to counter China’s growing power46.
India could use the chance to create a relationship and have the region on
its side through Act East Policy. Prime Minister Modi’s statement on
January 26, 2018, in an op-ed published in 27 newspapers circulated in
ASEAN nations, said that ASEAN-India ties are “free from contests and
claims” and believe in “sovereign equality of all nations irrespective of
size”47. This statement may be construed as a veiled allusion to China’s
disputed South China Sea territorial claims. With a strong fleet and
current geopolitical dynamics, the geostrategic significance of India in
the Indian Ocean leaves Washington with no option but to co-opt New
Delhi as the strategic ally of America. India’s strategic preference for the
US was made reasonably apparent by India’s government, which signed
the 2016 Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA) and
the Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement
(COMCASA) in 2018. It is a big difference from India’s long-standing
stance of not joining any great power military alliances.
Together with this shift, the word “Asia-Pacific region” is now replaced
by “Indo-Pacific region” with the foreign policy terminology in India,
Japan, the US, and Australia. The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue
(QSD), which was suspended a decade earlier between India, Japan, the
US, and Australia due to Chinese apprehensions, resurfaced on the
sidelines of the ASEAN Summit in 2017 after ten years. The Modi
administration established a new Indian Foreign Ministry ‘Indo-Pacific
Division’ before the legislative elections in May 2019. The Quad
convened in New York at the end of September 2019, coupled with the
General Assembly of the United Nations, which was a significant
development. The formalisation of the discussion suggests that the
informal framework on regional security issues, such as Chinese
increased economic influence, military might, and the Indo-Pacific
diplomatic presence, will be institutionalised48. The quad cooperation
expanded to Quad-plus, including three additional Indo-Pacific countries
following the COVID-19 pandemic, namely South Korea, New Zealand
and Vietnam. New Delhi’s support for the process reflects the country’s
growing acceptance of an American vision of the world that seeks to
preserve and reinforce a liberal international order while creating an

Indo-Pacific narrative challenged by the emergence of a “revisionist”
China49. The Galwan Valley stand-off is supposed to propel India farther
down this road.
Several Chinese academics assessed that neither the US vision of the
Indo-Pacific nor the Quad fascinates India because of its cautious
attitude. According to Ling Shengli, secretary-general of China Foreign
Affairs University’s International Security Study Center, India wants an
open and inclusive Indo-Pacific region because it does not want to
confront China. Instead of focussing just on China, it favours an Indo-
Pacific policy that emphasises security and economic growth50. However,
Chinese infrastructure improvements in Tibet have rendered India more
susceptible to political tactics in the Himalayas after the Galwan incident,
and this ambiguous stance appears to be changing. Jinping has been
pursuing a progressively expansionist foreign policy, leveraging China’s
vast resources at its peak. Although India often confronts harsh economic
circumstances, early observation shows New Delhi’s readiness to
evaluate and restructure ties with China. Several projects undertaken by
China were terminated or cancelled in India. Some 60 Chinese apps now
have been removed from the market51. An effort is taking shape to
strengthen bonding with the United States. The US Secretary of State,
Mike Pompeo, applauded India’s prohibition on such mobile apps. The
clean App stance of India would strengthen the country’s sovereignty,
national security and integrity, as claimed by the government of India52.
Act East Policy after COVID-19
Since Prime Minister Narasimha Rao promoted the “Look East Policy”
towards Southeast Asia in 1992, India has engaged the area on many
fronts, including diplomatic, security, economic and people-to-people
interactions. Prime Ministers Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh
have strengthened their connection to ASEAN, based on the framework
of Narasimha Rao, to the extent that Lee Kaun Yew, Singapore’s
founder-mentor, a long-time India sceptic, in 2007 named India and
China as the two engines accelerating economic development in Asia.
Following this strategy, Prime Minister Narendra Modi transitioned from
Look East to Act East. Nevertheless, three happenings have placed
Indian diplomacy in the region to test in the last seven years. First,
China’s increasing prominence coupled with developing tensions
between India-China; second, the dissatisfaction with India’s economic
low performance; and third, India’s treatment of its minorities,
particularly Muslims and Christians. Since the trans-Atlantic financial
crisis, China’s rapid growth and the Xi Jinping regime’s increasing
aggressiveness have sparked a significant pro-India attitude in the area,
with several ASEAN countries turning towards India to counter the
expanding influence of China. However, regional businesses were
disappointed by India’s economic slowdown and inward orientation, as

shown by its decision to pull back from the Regional Comprehensive
Economic Partnership agreement53. While the governments of ASEAN
and India attempted to preserve cordial ties, vital corporate interests in
Southeast Asia, mainly ethnic Chinese, started to lose interest in India.
On the other hand, arrogance in China’s development has grown among
the Chinese diaspora across the region. It was sparked by Beijing
organising the 2008 Olympics remarkably, giving ethnic Chinese
throughout Southeast Asia, a nationalistic pride. China’s reaction to the
financial crisis of 2008-09, as well as its increasing economic importance
in the area, have helped it gain favour among local companies and civic
society. However, during the Doklam stand-off in 2017, several ASEAN
countries quietly expressed support for India, anticipating a strong
reaction from India to keep China’s geopolitical aspirations under
pressure in the area. There seems to have been a shift in Southeast Asia’s
perception of China and India between Doklam and Galwan. It is
debatable how much of this is due to a desire among the region’s elites to
accommodate Chinese interests, a rising appreciation among the Chinese
diaspora of Beijing’s assertion of power in the region, or disillusionment
with India.
If one element of Southeast Asian civil society is determined by ethnic
Chinese allegiances, the Islamic faith shapes another. Concerns about
Hindu majoritarianism in India have influenced views in civil society in
nations such as Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and Singapore. India used
“Buddhist diplomacy” as a soft power tool, but not much momentum has
been created as interreligious conflicts in the area have grown. Chinese
Diaspora in most ASEAN nations follows Islam, Buddhism, or
Christianity. India’s soft power, both internationally and in this area, has
been damaged by the current governing dispensation’s increasing
assertion of a Hindu personality54. The overall conclusion is that in spite
of the best aspirations of the Act East strategy, India has suffered in its
status and reputation in Southeast Asia.
In terms of economics and security, blaming China’s growing hard power
is not enough. India had successfully deterred this with its own hard and
soft power till a few years ago. Southeast Asian governments and civil
society, on the other hand, seem to be less fascinated by the hard and soft
power of India in recent years, and their apprehension or adoration for
China has grown. Chinese and Chinese diaspora influence in the region is
rising. In addition to these changes, the narrative of the pandemic’s
origins and management has sparked pro-China feelings among the
Chinese diaspora in the region, with China being perceived as having
handled the crisis well. India, on the other hand, seems to have made a
blunder. These developments indicate that Indian diplomacy should
rethink its Act East strategy and its limitations at home due to poor
economic performance and sectarian and religious politics. Diplomats

can only do so much when politicians adopt policies that weaken rather
than strengthen a country’s global position.
The Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore conducted a recent
survey on Southeast Asian perceptions of China that revealed some
intriguing findings which may have ramifications for the Act East
Strategy and assist policymakers in calibrating their regional approach.
“Two opposing trend lines affecting Southeast Asian views on Beijing, as
concurrently the most influential and most distrusted force in the region,”
according to “the State of Southeast Asia 2021”55 survey report, which
tracks trust ratings of big powers in the region. Contrary to declining trust
in China, the United States’ image in Southeast Asia has improved,
especially in nations that are strongly pro-China. China’s cloud and
ground diplomacy, as well as its relative accomplishment in stabilising
the pandemic internally, its “mask and vaccine diplomacy,” could not
overcome the trust deficit created primarily by the former’s aggression,
seizing territory, and creating artificial-island, and most recently, Beijing
adopting laws enabling Coast Guard troops to all appropriate actions
towards foreign ships that deem invaders, including the use of arms 56. In
the face of this perceived shift, Indian foreign policymakers must determine
how they may calculate their efforts to approach Southeast Asia in the
future.
The pandemic is already causing new paradigms, with nations
considering tightening borders to avoid a spike in infections and protect
their economy. It implies that nations would be more deliberate in their
search for strategic partners, and alliances would be formed based on
closer proximity. It is where India’s Act East strategy has to be
redeployed. The majority of East Asian nations have had exceptional
success in coping with the crisis. Through the ASEAN+3 framework and
the RCEP, ASEAN is already working with Japan, China, and South
Korea. In the aftermath of the epidemic, ASEAN has shown intent to
expand its international involvement. In the backdrop of COVID-19, the
fact that the members of the RCEP issued India a new proposal to return
to the negotiation table indicates a clear desire to have India as a strategic
partner. In contrast, India remains reluctant to join the economic bloc due
to post-pandemic concern about China. Given the shifts and dynamics
that the globe will experience, India must alter its perspective on the
RCEP. As a result, while concentrating on the AEP, the government
should prioritise controlling the spread of COVID-19 and post-pandemic
rehabilitation and development.
Conclusion
The coronavirus pandemic imparts a big lesson. In the post-modern
development of humanity, there is a new struggle for survival of the
fittest. It suggests that if a person or a country lacks the power to
overcome the economic, financial, and social constraints surrounding

them, the lease on survival in a rapidly evolving world will expire soon.
The world is in an uncertain period as it attempts to control the spread of
a deadly virus. It will have a significant effect on the current global order,
among other things. This epidemic provides an excellent occasion for
India to re-emphasise its position in the international sphere, and Acting
East is only one of many things that India has to emphasise. Being in
China’s vicinity, COVID-19 struck quite early in Southeast Asian
nations. The attempts by China to showcase their response to the virus
did not impress the people of Southeast Asia. While these countries may
not publicly criticise China for the spread of coronavirus, they have
demonstrated their loss of trust in China in many ways. India’s assistance
for Southeast Asian nations during the pandemic in the form of medical
equipment and medications showed its resolve to cooperate with the
neighbours in the time of crisis. Cooperation in pharmaceutical and
vaccine research may be an essential aspect of our Act East approach in
the future. Two connectivity projects, notably the trilateral highway
connecting India, Myanmar, and Thailand; and the Kaladan multimodal
transport project, should be completed at the earliest. These are also
important to the Northeast region. Delaying such initiatives lend China
the edge in the competition.
The long-standing Chinese-Indian border conflict seems irreconcilable at
this time. First, India attempted to balance collaboration and competition.
After the informal meeting in Wuhan, China, between Modi and Jinping
in China in April 2018 and in October 2019, the second informal meeting
in Mamallapuram, Tamil Nadu, relations between India and China had
improved. Given the turbulent bilateral relations and changing
geostrategic dynamics, there exist no clear-cut solutions for the issues
with China. Because of the numerous CPEC projects presently ongoing
in Pakistan, China will not abandon Pakistan. The Indian Ocean has also
become a more disputed geostrategic region owing to China’s expanding
aspirations, capabilities, and influence in several South Asian coastal
nations. Despite certain convergences, Chinese-Indian relations are
expected, besides the border issue, to be essentially hostile. Following the
Doklam crisis, the constant dialogue of the “Wuhan spirit” and the
“Chennai connection” could not avert relationships from spinning out of
control. Therefore, India should draw its logical conclusion from the
current re-balancing approach towards China by adopting adequate
economic and geopolitical steps to reduce the power imbalance with
Beijing. Chinese increasing economic and military capacity has led to
dramatic shifts in regional power structures, which must force India to
choose a different path since Beijing’s recent moves have pushed back at
least half a century of bilateral relations.
Notes & References
1
Minxin Pei, “COVID-19 is finishing off the Sino-American relationship,” The
Japan Times, May 01, 2020,
https://www.japantimes.co.jp/opinion/2020/05/01/commentary/world-
commentary/covid-19-finishing-off-sino-american-relationship/.
2
Narendra Modi became India’s Prime Minister in 2014 and was re-elected in
2019
3
Sumit Ganguly, “Has Modi Truly Changed India’s Foreign
Policy?,” TheWashingtonQuarterly40, no. 2 (2017): 131-
143, https://doi.org/10.1080/0163660X.2017.1328929.
4
Rajesh Basrur, “Modi's foreign policy fundamentals: A trajectory
unchanged,” International Affairs 93, no.1 (January 2017): 7-
26, https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiw006
5
Ian Hall, Modi and the reinvention of Indian foreign policy (Bristol: Bristol
University Press, 2019), 7.
6
Manjeet S. Pardesi, “The initiation of the Sino-Indian rivalry,” Asian Security
15, no. 3 (2019): 253-284, https://doi.org/10.1080/14799855.2018.1471060.
7
Tanvi Madan, “Managing China: competitive engagement, with Indian
characteristics,” ‘Global China: Assessing China’s Growing Role in the World’
project of the Brookings Institute, February, 2020, 3,
https://www.brookings.edu/research/managing-china-competitive-engagement-
with-indian-characteristics/.
8
John W. Garver, Protracted contest: Sino-Indian rivalry in the twentieth
century (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2001)
9
Manjeet S. Pardesi, “Modi: From ‘Look East’ to ‘Act East’: Semantic or
substantive change?,” International Studies Perspectives 20, no. 1 (2019): 29-
33.; T.V. Paul, ed. The China-India rivalry in the globalization era (Washington,
D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 2018).
10
T.V. Paul, “Explaining conflict and cooperation in the China-India Rivalry,” in
The China-India rivalry in the globalization era, ed. T.V. Paul (Washington,
D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 2018), 6.
11
Manjeet S. Pardesi, “India’s China strategy under Modi: continuity in the
management of an asymmetric rivalry,” International Politics (2021),
https://doi.org/10.1057/s41311-021-00287-3
12
Raghuram Rajan, “I’m Worried by the Extent of Economic Catastrophe India
is Facing,” The Wire, May 27, 2020, https://thewire.in/economy/raghuram-rajan-
lockdown-india-economic-catastrophe.
13
Luis Enriquez, Sven Smit, and Jonathan Ablett, “Shifting tides: global
economic scenarios for 2015-2025,” McKinsey&Company, September 01, 2015,
https://www.mckinsey.com/business-functions/strategy-and-corporate-
finance/our-insights/shifting-tides-global-economic-scenarios-for-2015-25#.
14
“S Jaishankar at RNG Lecture full text: ‘How do you reconcile Howdy Modi
and Mamallapuram? Look beyond dogma’,” The Indian Express, November 16,
2019, https://indianexpress.com/article/india/full-text-how-do-you-reconcile-
howdy-modi-and-mamallapuram-look-beyond-dogma-says-s-jaishankar-
6122001/.
15
Committee on External Affairs (2017-2018), Sino-Indian relations including
Doklam, border situation, and cooperation in international organizations,
Report no. 22 (New Delhi: Sixteenth Lok Sabha, September 2018), 3,
http://164.100.47.193/lsscommittee/External%20Affairs/16_External_Affairs_2
2.pdf.
16
Xi Jinping, “Let Us Become Partners in Pursuit of our Dreams,” Daily News,
September 18, 2014, https://www.mfa.gov.lk/exclusive-xi-jinping-president-
peoples-republic-of-china-to-daily-newsreaders-let-us-become-partners-in-
pursuit-of-our-dreams/.
17
Minxin Pei, “Dangerous misperceptions: Chinese views of India’s rise,” India
in Transition. Center for the Advanced Study of India, University of
Pennsylvania, May 23, 2011, https://casi.sas.upenn.edu/iit/pei.
18
Mohan Guruswamy and Zorawar Daulat Singh, Chasing the Dragon: Will
India catch up with China? (Delhi: Pearson, 2009).
19
Sumit Ganguly, “The Doklam dispute in context: China Is Drawing India's
Neighbors Closer to Beijing,” Foreign Affairs, August 09, 2017,
https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/asia/2017-08-09/doklam-dispute-
context.
20
Sumit Ganguly, “India and China: On a collision course?,” Pacific Affairs 91,
no.2 (2018): 231-244, http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2018912231.
21
Sutirtho Patranobis, “Lessons for India and China from 1967 Nathu La clash,”
Hindustan Times, July 01, 2017, https://www.hindustantimes.com/world-
news/lessons-for-india-and-china-from-1967-nathu-la-clash/story-
IjZMtQb92D98pFgiCFN3ON.html.
22
Manjeet S. Pardesi, “Managing the 1986-87 Sino-Indian Sumdorong Chu
crisis,” India Review 18, no.4 (2019): 534-551,
https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2019.1703364.
23
Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Hua Chunying’s Regular Press Conference on
August 28, 2017, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of People’s Republic of China,
https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/xwfw_665399/s2510_665401/t1487932.sht
ml.
24
Andrew J. Nathan & Andrew Scobell, China’s search for security (New York:
Columbia University Press, 2012), 159.
25
Prabhas K. Dutta, “Doklam standoff: Why Indian Army must prepare to beat
back more Chinese incursions,” India Today, August 07, 2017,
https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/general-bipin-rawat-doklam-india-china-
indian-army-1032230-2017-08-27.
26
Bharat Karnad, “China is the villain,” The Week, February 23, 2019,
https://www.theweek.in/theweek/cover/2019/02/23/china-is-the-villain.html.
27
Pangong Tso is an endorheic lake that extends over East Ladakh and West
Tibet. About half of the total length of the lake is in Tibet's China, 40% in
Ladakh India and the remainder, which is a de facto buffer zone between China
and India. Pangong Tso is in controversial territory and the LAC runs through
the lake. A portion of the lake about 20 km east of the LAC is controlled by
China but is claimed by India. Pangong Tso is strategically important since it is
extremely near to Chusul Valley, which during the 1962 war was one of the
battlefronts.
28
At the north-western part of the disputed Aksai Chin area of Kashmir, the
Depsang plains is gravelly plain area in high altitude, split between Chinese and
Indian portions across the LAC. India holds the western section of the plains as
part of Ladakh, but China controls the eastern part and India claims it.
29
The Galwan River runs from China's disputed Aksai Chin to the Ladakh region
of India. A flashpoint between China and India in its border dispute is a small
valley of the Galwan River which runs through the Karakoram Mountain. In
April 2020 India began its own building operations to create a DS-DBO road on
the LAC side over the remainder 4-5 km of Galwan Valley. On 5 May 2020,
China launched a deployment across the Galwan Valley, putting soldiers in
tented stations. India reacted equally by sending its own soldiers to the region.
30
Hot Springs is the campground located in the Chang Chenmo Valley on the
Indian Border Checkpoint in Ladakh near the disputed China border. It's so
called since there's a hot spring here. The LAC near Kongka Pass is only 3
kilometers east. The region is located north of the Karakoram Range mountains
to the north of Pangong Tso Lake, and south-east of Galwan Valley, a significant
site for the deadly clash in June 2020.
31
Dan Altman, “What the history of modern conquest tells us about China and
India’s border crisis,” War on the Rocks, July 09, 2020,
https://warontherocks.com/2020/07/what-the-history-of-modern-conquest-tells-
us-about-china-and-indias-border-crisis/.
32
Pushkar Banakar, “Bejing never accepted 1959 perception of LAC: India calls
out Chinese doublespeak,” New Indian Express, September 30, 2020,
https://www.newindianexpress.com/nation/2020/sep/30/bejing-never-accepted-
1959-perception-of-lac-india-calls-out-chinese-doublespeak-2203677.html.
33
Altman, “What the history of modern conquest tells us about China.”
34
Minxin Pei, “Strongman rule inhibits internal debate and makes poor decisions
more likely,” Japan Times, July 13, 2020,
https://www.japantimes.co.jp/opinion/2020/07/13/commentary/world-
commentary/political-logic-chinas-strategic-mistakes/#.XwyzTChKjIU.
35
“Lost battle due to China’: How Pak’s effort to internationalise Kashmir issue
was broken piece by piece at UN,” News18, August 17, 2019,
https://www.news18.com/news/india/pakistans-efforts-to-internationalise-
kashmir-snubbed-as-unsc-consultations-endwithout-outcome-2273895.html.
36
Geeta Mohan, “China isolated on Kashmir issue at UNSC, 14 nations refuse
discussion in big win for India,” India Today, January 16, 2020,
https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/china-pakistan-isolated-on-kashmir-issue-
at-unsc-1637238-2020-01-16.
37
Associated Press, “Avoid raising Kashmir dispute at United Nations, India asks
China,” South China Morning Post, January 16, 2020,
https://www.scmp.com/news/china/diplomacy/article/3046450/avoid-raising-
kashmir-dispute-united-nations-india-asks-china.
38
Press Trust of India, “China defends raising Kashmir issue at UNSC to de-
escalate Indo-Pak tensions,” Economic Times, January 17, 2020,
https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/defence/china-defends-raising-
kashmir-issue-at-unsc-to-de-escalate-indo-pak-
tensions/articleshow/73330246.cms.
39
K. McCauley, “Snapshot: China’s western theatre command,” China Brief 17,
no.1 (January 13, 2017), https://jamestown.org/program/snapshot-chinas-
western-theater-command.
40
Subir Bhaumik, “Kashmir casts a long shadow on India-China relations,” The
Telegraph, September 12, 2019,
https://www.telegraphindia.com/opinion/kashmir-casts-a-long-shadowon-india-
china-relations/cid/1704482.
41
Ashley J. Tellis, Hustling in the Himalayas: The Sino-Indian border
confrontation (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, June 04, 2020),
https://carnegieendowment.org/2020/06/04/hustling-in-himalayas-sino-indian-
border-confrontation-pub-81979.
42
Takenori Horimoto, “Explaining India’s foreign policy: From dream to
realization of major power,” InternationalRelationsoftheAsia-Pacific 17, no.3
(September 2017): 463-496, https://doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcx011.
43
Takenori Horimoto, “Relations between Japan and India in the Indo-Pacific
Age-Transcending the Quad framework,” Japan Review 3, no.2 (Fall 2019): 54-
70, https://www.jiia-jic.jp/en/japanreview/pdf/JapanReview_Vol3_No2.pdf.
44
Mari Izuyama and Masahiro Kurita, “Security in the Indian Ocean region:
Regional responses to China’s growing influence,” in East Asian Strategic
Review, ed. Shinji Hyodo (Japan: The National Institute for Defense Studies,
2017), 39-69,
http://www.nids.mod.go.jp/english/publication/east-asian/e2017.html.
45
Same Bateman, Rajni Gamage, & Jane Chan, “ASEAN and the Indian Ocean:
The key maritime links” (Monograph No. 33, S Rajaratnam School of
International Studies, July 2017), https://www.rsis.edu.sg/rsis-
publication/idss/mn33-asean-and-the-indian-ocean/.
46
Reuters, “India eyes ‘Act East’ policy, plans closer ASEAN maritime ties to
counter China,” Hindustan Times, January 24, 2018,
https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/indiaplans-closer-asean-maritime-
ties-to-counter-china/story47qO3x4scI18H9yGiHxIbL.html; Udai Bhanu Singh,
“Significance of India’s act east policy and engagement with ASEAN,”
InstituteofDefenseStudiesandAnalyses, December 04, 2018,
https://idsa.in/backgrounder/significance-india-act-east-policy-and-engagement-
with-asean-ubsingh_041218.
47
“On Republic Day, PM Modi writes op-ed, says India, ASEAN relations ‘free
from contests, claims,” Indian Express, January 26, 2018,
https://www.hindustantimes.com/indianews/covid-19-fm-nirmala-presents-first-
batch-of-supplementary-demands-seeksadditional-rs-2-35-lakh-crore/story-
82wPS2uNLSfdcqzB9LJWhI.html.
48
Jason Scott and Isabel Reynolds, “India, US, Japan, Australia come together to
give impetus to ‘anti-China’ Quad,” The Print, September 27, 2019,
https://theprint.in/world/india-usjapan-australia-come-together-to-give-impetus-
to-anti-china-quad/297520/.
49
Jagannath Panda, “India and the ‘Quad Plus’ Dialogue,” Royal United Services
Institute(RUSI) Commentary,June12, 2020, https://rusi.org/explore-our-
research/publications/commentary/india-and-the-%E2%80%98quad-
plus%E2%80%99-dialogue.
50
Ling Shengli, “Complex ties confound Indo-Pacific strategy,” Global Times,
September 24, 2019, https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1165392.shtml.
51
Shweta Sunil & Vrishti Beniwal, India’s growing economic reliance on China
may be tough to break, Bloomberg, July 01, 2020,
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2020-07-01/india-s-growing-
economic-reliance-on-china-may-be-tough-to-break.
52
“After India, US looking at banning TikTok, other Chinese apps,” Outlook,
July 07, 2020, https://www.outlookindia.com/website/story/world-news-us-
looking-atbanning-tiktok-other-chinese-apps-mike-pompeo/356199.
53
Jeffrey Wilson, “India’s RCEP exit a setback, but not a disaster,”
TheInterpreter, Lowy Institute, November 06, 2019,
https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/india-s-rcep-exit-setback-not-
disaster.
54
Sanjaya Baru, “What’s going wrong with India’s Act East policy?,” The Indian
Express, May 26, 2021, https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/india-
singapore-relationship-southeast-asia-policy-7330227/.
55
Sharon Seah, Hoang Thi Ha, Melinda Martinus and Pham Thi Phuong
Thao,The State of South East Asia: 2021 Survey Report(Singapore: ISEAS-
Yusof Ishak Institute, 2021), https://www.iseas.edu.sg/category/articles-
commentaries/state-of-southeast-asia-survey/.
56
Baladas Ghoshal, “India’s ‘Act East’ must factor this in: Post-pandemic,
Southeast Asia increasingly distrusts China and trusts the US,” Times of India,
March 12, 2021, https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/blogs/toi-edit-page/indias-
act-east-must-factor-this-in-post-pandemic-southeast-asia-increasingly-distrusts-
china-and-trusts-the-us/.
Roles and Challenges of The Indian Journal of Politics

Vol. 55, No. 1-2, 2021, pp-34-44
Youth Participation in https://www.amu.ac.in/
Local Community nonacademic/UnitPanel1.jsp
Development in Ethiopia:
A Study of Debark Town,
North Gondar
Mosaib Ahmad*, Yihenew Misrak** and Simachew Zemene***
ABSTRACT
Associating community development with youth

participation has become one of the principal areas in
today’s research literatures. Community development
involves strategies where people involve in solving local
problems with the ultimate goal of achieving a quality
life for their community. It is highly believed that
participation at grass root levels enables to meet
community needs through local development initiatives
since national-global enterprises and state capitalists
alone cannot bring development. Various international,
regional, and national authorities recognized that youth
can play an important role in bringing development and
hence have spearheaded policies, strategies and plans of
action in the area of youth and development. This study
was intended to examine the major role of youth in
community development and to scrutinize major
challenges that affect their participation. Qualitative
approach was employed in the study where participants
were selected by means of non-probability purposive
samplings. Data were collected through semi-structured
interview, FGDs and analysis of literature. The collected
data were analyzed thematically. The study indicated
*Assistant Professor, (Contractual) Department of Political Science, Aligarh

Muslim University, Aligarh.
**Lecturer, Department of Governance and Development Studies, School of
Law, Bahir Dar University, Bahir Dar, Ethiopia.
***Lecturer, Department of Civics and Ethical Studies, Faculty of Social
Science, Debark University, Debark, Ethiopia.
Roles and Challenges of Youth Participation in …. 35
that youth can contribute for development through

participation in environmental protection, sustaining
peace and stability, combating maladministration,
fostering economic growth and social-cultural values.
On the other hand, the study showed that unemployment,
low participation of stakeholders, depreciated moral
values, regressive work habits are the main challenges
that affect youth’s participation in development activities
which necessitate the involvement of all stakeholders to
overcome such problems.
Key words:Challenge, Roles, Community Development, Participation,
Youth
Introduction
Associating community development with the development of youth
has become one of the central areas in today’s research literatures.1
Community development is a way of achieving a higher standard of
living and more equitable conditions for poor people; to ensure their
fundamental needs, and to be involved in political decisions which
determine the way society develops2. It is a process where local people
create more jobs, income, and infrastructure which enable their
community to manage changes properly.3
Local community development is a social process by which individuals
become more competent to live with and gain some control over local
conditions and the changing world with the aim to improve local living
standards, productions, and the village environment.4 It consists of
strategies to make people involved in improving their community and
increasing local citizens’ capacity to solve local problems with the
ultimate goal of achieving a quality life.5 In community development,
main actors gain due to opportunity to control local conditions and to
harness resources effectively.6
Local communities can serve their own needs through local
development initiatives since national-global enterprises and state
capitalists alone cannot bring economic and social development.
Deepening participation at grass roots levels can strengthen the exercise
and assimilation of democratic principles on the public life since local
democracy and local development are inseparable.7 Accordingly, all
over the world, many development policy makers have shifted their
development paradigms from bureaucrat-oriented to community-
oriented.8
Community development everywhere is facilitated by the extent to
which the local people can mobilize their resources to address local
needs.9 The role of youth in this regard has been recognized,
particularly, in local communities where they have played pivotal role
in education, health, environmental sanitation, mass mobilization,

religious, and the like.10 There are variations in defining the concept of
youth depending on the specific socio-cultural, institutional, political,
and environmental factors.11 In this study the term youth is used based
on the definition of Ministry of Youth, Sports, and Culture of
Ethiopian/EMYSC (2004) where youth people include individuals
whose age are between 15-29 years since defining youth based on age
is most suitable for the purpose of research and policy making. It is
estimated that young people accounts almost one-third of the world’s
population who increasingly taking as central stage in discussions of
sustainable socio-economic developments.12
Youth’s participation is “…the involvement of youth in responsible,
challenging action that meets genuine needs, with opportunities for
planning and/or decision-making affecting others in an activity whose
impact or consequence is extended to others”.13 It refers to youth’s
involvement and real influence in decisions that affect their lives
measured in terms of its scope (like the number of young people who
attend a number of activities or involved in a program), and by the
quality of their contributions14.Youth have the necessary resources,
skills, competencies and a potential to use such assets to achieve
necessary development.15 Community participation is effective when
young people have a positive effect on the community development
process, influence a particular decision, and produce favorable
outcomes.16. They are among the world’s greatest assets which bring
energy, talent and creativity which are foundation for future
development.17 Thus, many innovative community leaders considered
youths as essential contributors to the well-being and vitality of the
community.18
For achieving effective and sustainable development, young people
have to involve in all stages of the project life cycles as planning,
designing, and implementing.19 Youth’s engagement will improve
structural development challenges; enhancing the cohesiveness of
families and communities; reducing health risks, advance livelihood
opportunities, and hence they are bridge between effective development
policy and valuable practical action on the ground20. However,
irrespective of their contributions for community development, youth
have not been viewed as essential contributors to society due to
stereotypical images and misconception of their age and developmental
capacity.21 Although youth in the community are potential actors,
resources and assumed important responsibilities, they are often viewed
more as a problem.22
African Heads of State and Government adopted the 2006 African
Youth Charter to create a framework to develop supportive policies and
programs for the participation of youth which provides a platform for
youth to assert their rights and fulfill their responsibility in the

continent’s development. Accordingly, African governments and their
partners have spearheaded policies, strategies and plans of action in the
area of youth and development.23
Ethiopia has the second-largest youth population in Africa next to
Nigeria where out of 102 million people, an estimated 30 million are
youth aged 15-29 years which is projected to rise to 40 million by
2030.24 Following the establishment of federal and decentralized
system in the country, local development stakeholders including youth
have got space and opportunity to determine their development.25 The
system is intended to create public aspirations and ambitions to
participate on their local and national developments and to empower
grassroots governance where the communities mobilize their potential
resources to address their own local matters26. The government has also
undertaken measures that enable youth citizens to have democratic
outlook, professional competence, skill and ethics so that they can
actively, efficiently and widely participate in and benefit from the
countries ongoing activities.27 Within such contexts, the study is aimed
to achieve the following objectives.
To examine the role of youth in community development activities
at Debark Town;
To scrutinize the main challenges that affect youth’s participation in
community development at Debark Town.
Materials and Methods
To attain the proposed objectives, the study employed a qualitative
approach. This approach was helpful to gain in-depth information and
understanding related to the meaning that individuals have experienced
in relation to the study phenomenon. Participants of the study were
selected based on non-probability purposive sampling techniques which
enabled to select participants which represent a typical sample from the
appropriate target population. Interviews and focus group discussions
were held with participants who were selected from different sections
of the society including prominent individuals, youths and experts and
officials from police and security offices, youth league, youth and sport
office, civil society associations, technique and vocational centers and
municipal. Secondary sources of data were also collected from related
studies and literatures. The collected data were analyzed through
thematic analysis which enables to organize and describe sets of data by
identifying, classifying, presenting and reporting themes within the
data.
Result and Discussion

Here, the collected data were analyzed and results were integrated and
discussed in line with other related empirical studies and literatures.
i. The Role of Youth Participation in Community Development
The study indicated that one of the contributions of youth for
community development is their participation in preserving and
protecting the environment. Youth have actively participated in the
areas of environmental sanitation activities particularly during holidays
and other national festival days. In relation to this.28 It is stated that
young people are the future custodians of their environments and
leaders of their peers. One of the participants explained that:
Youth are important contributors in community development since they
involve in environmental hygiene activities particularly through cleaning
of our town at large and religious institutions in time of holidays and
cultural celebrations. When there are religious festivals for both Christian
and Muslim society, youth are actively participated in cleaning churches,
mosques and other places for celebration (Interviewee 06, December 10,
2019).
The investigation also showed that youth in the study area are strongly
involved in preserving and protecting tourist destination areas. When
there are disasters (more frequently firing) on tourist destination cites,
youth sacrificing their resources unreservedly. They are active in
disseminating information to stakeholders through Social Medias while
calamities occurred. Participants stated that since youth considered
tourist destination areas as their own property and sources of income,
they do a lot for its survival.29 The study indicated that community
development everywhere is facilitated by the extent to which the local
people can mobilize their resources to address local needs. Youth have
been recognized as important actor who have played pivotal role in
education, health, environmental sanitation, mass mobilization,
religious, and the like. Generally, hence from the above participants’
explanation, we can understand that youth can help for harmonious life
and development for the surrounding society through their participation
in environmental protection.
The study showed that sustaining peace and stability is the other
contribution of youth for their surrounding community. Participants
indicated that youth were practically engaged to sustain peace and
stability in various ways. Youth are active in giving information to the
security personnel and to the community when they saw unfamiliar
individuals. Youth are more conscious in exposing and fighting
activities that results insecurity in their environment. Interviewee 02
(November 12, 2019) discussed as:
Youth have a role to establish peaceful and stable life in the community
since they participate in preventing stealing and robbery. They
participate in keeping peace in collaboration with security agents during
demonstration. Youth are also leading in settling the problem when
crisis occurred.
Accordingly, it is clear that youth can contribute for community
development through their participation in building and sustaining
peace and security.
The study also pointed out that youth are instrumental for community
development by eliminating malpractices in the public administration
areas. In this regard, participants of the study described that, youth do
not regret to expose malpractices in public administrations. Through
peaceful demonstration, social media campaigns and other informal
communications, youth strived to reveal corruptions and unnecessary
bureaucracies in public offices.30 It also indicated that deepening
participation at grass roots levels can strengthen the exercise and
assimilation of democratic principles on the public life since local
democracy and local development are inseparable. Hence, the activities
of youth are unquestionably important to bring local development. One
of the participant from FGD two explained that:
Youth showed unreserved efforts to prevail good governance in public
institutions. They need reform in public offices and are actors in such
processes. Among other, they demand democracy and resection of
human rights. They quest infrastructures and employment opportunity
for themselves and for their community. Youth are engines in bringing
any change in public administrations of any aspects (November 09,
2019). Hence one of the areas that youth can contribute for local
community development is through promoting good governance and
fight against maladministration in public offices.
The study revealed that youth in the study area also have their own
contribution in the area of economy as they have engaged in various
economic activities like service deliveries and small scale industries.
Concerning to this, participants discussed that the attitudes of youth
towards entrepreneurship and their participation in economic activities
has improved. The study found that some youth have been involved in
small scale industries like garment and powder factories, agricultural
productions, coble stone industries, hotels and lodge services. In such
areas of investment, youth investors can create job opportunities for
other individuals. They also actively involved in tourism activities like
tour guide activities, receiving and accommodating tourists.
Therefore, it reasonable to argue that youth’s participation in various
economic activities can be seen as important contribution in community
development.
Moreover, the study further showed that youth have their own
contribution in developing the socio-cultural values of the communities.
In time of religious and other cultural celebrations, it is witnessed that
youth are front runners in arranging programs and presenting shows
that reflect their community norms and values. They participated in
voluntary services like helping the poor, elders, orphans and evicted
persons in the area. Interviewee 10 (December 20, 2019) explained
that: ‘‘youth’s experience in providing voluntary services are
interesting. They help the needy people during holidays and they
organize and facilitate different religious and cultural celebrations’’.
Accordingly, we can conclude that youth’s role in community
development can also be manifested in sociocultural activities.31In line
with this it is stated that young people is increasingly taking as central
stage in discussions of sustainable socio-economic developments.32
Moreover, AU (2011) explained that youth have important roles
towards social advancement.33
ii. Challenges to Youth’s Participation in Community Development
The study indicated that low access for job opportunity in the study
area is one of the challenges that restrict youth’s participation in local
community developments. Participants explained that when there are
job opportunities in the area, the government gives priority for investors
which in turn resulted to increase the number of youth unemployment.
Government’s effort in providing training to youth towards
entrepreneurship is very low. As a result, many youths are not willing
to engage in low level activities. They do not want to grow gradually.
Hence, unemployment is one of the challenge that impedes the
contribution of youth in community development.
The study showed that, low participation of stakeholders is the other
challenge that reduces youth’s role in community development. As
participants discussed, to bring community development, stakeholders
including government, family, school, investors and religious
institutions have to work in creating responsible, ethical and rational
youth. However, such stakeholders did not discharge their duties fully
in shaping youth. Interviewee 08 (November 15, 2019) stated that:
parents are not in a position to grow their children in an ethical manner;
schools have not designed programs to create role model citizens;
religious and other government institutions have also not utilized their
full efforts to create productive youth.
The study showed that government’s activity to answer youth’s
questions in the area of employment, good governance, infrastructure
and the like is very limited. According to Israel and Ilven overlooking
the young people from making contributions to community affairs
unnecessarily limits a community’s capacity to solve local problems. 34
The government is not efficiently working to produce responsible,

industrious and visionary youth. Participants demonstrated that the
Ethiopian educational policy has failed to create responsible youths at
school and at university levels. The action of the government and
school administrators is not well articulated. There is no public
computer and internet cafe. There is only one public library which is
not fully furnished. The absence of entertainment centers caused youth
to waste their time in undesirable and unproductive activities. In
general, we can argue that the low commitment of government in
producing responsible citizens and ignoring youth questions
conclusively reduces their participation development.
The study also showed that deteriorated social-cultural norms and
backward work ethics are the other challenges that affect negatively
youth’s role in development. Participants pointed out that many youths
were against the valuable cultural norms of the community. Some
Youth’s attitude toward work ethics and saving were not developed yet.
Some youth are not interested to participate in low level economic
activities. Instead, they want to growth in a short time without
scarifications. Interviewee11 explained that: ‘‘some youth are eager to
earn money in a short way without contributing their energy, talent and
time. They have negative outlook on small scale economic activities.
Unless they involve in small business activities, they will not be able to
improve themselves in economic areas’’ (December 20, 2019). By and
large, youth’s low concern for social norms and work ethics reduces
their contribution for community development.
Conclusion
In relation to the roles of youth towards community development, the
study indicated that youth have significant contribution in preserving
and protecting the environment. They were active participants in
indifferent sanitation activities during holidays and national festival
days. Furthermore, youth have a role in sustaining peace and stability in
their surrounding areas. The other contributions of youth on
development can also be seen in fight maladministration. They are
helpful in struggling malpractices in the public offices by using various
channels of communication. The other role of youth in local community
development is fostering economic growth and socio-cultural values.
Concerning the challenges, the study showed that unemployment is one
of the main constraints against youth involvement in development
activities. The limited participation of stakeholders such as government,
schools, religious institutions and investors is also the other challenge
on youth’s participation in development activities. The activity of these
stakeholders in producing responsible and productive youth is not
sufficient. On the other, the study showed that the low concern for
social norms and deteriorated work habits on the part of youth were
other challenges that hinder their contribution in development.
References
1. J. C., Iwuchukwu, O. I. Ogbonna & O. I Agboti, ‘Roles of youth’s groups
in Rural Community Development in Ebonyi State, Nigeria’, Journal of
Agricultural Extension and Rural Development, vol. 7(2), 2015 pp. 41-47
2. W. Kadmiel, ‘Local Government and Local Economic Development in
Southern Africa’. Commonwealth Local Government Forum, Midlands
State University, 2014.
3. Gebrehiwet Haileleul, ‘Assessing the Status of Community Participation in
Local Development’ International Journal of Engineering Development
and Research, vol. 4(4), 217-228, 2016m.
5. G.D., Israel and T.W. Ilvento, ‘Building a Foundation for Community
Leadership: involving youth in Community Development Projects’.
Mississippi State, Southern Rural Development Center, 1996, Pp.146-160
9. L.O. Udensi, G.L., Daasi, D.S. Emah, S.A. Zukbee, ‘Youth Participation in
Community Development (CD) Programmes in Cross River State:
Implications for Sustainable Youth Development in Nigeria’. Journal of
Humanities and Social Science/IOSR-JHSS, vol. 13(5), 2013, pp. 61-67.
13. G.P. Cornwall, ‘Youth Participation in Local (Community) Level

Development: A Development Strategy’, paper for presentation at the 11th
Annual Salises Conference, St. Augustine Trinidad, March 24-26, 2010.
15. Zeru Desta, A, Bitga, and J. Boyson, ‘USAID/Ethiopia Cross-Sectorial
youth Assessment Situational Analysis’. United States Agency
International Development/ USAID, 2018.
17. African Union, ‘State of the African Youth Report’, 2011.
19. G.P. Cornwall, ‘Youth Participation in Local (Community) Level
Development: A Development Strategy’, paper for presentation at the 11th
Annual Salises Conference, St. Augustine Trinidad, March 24-26, 2010.
20. R. Stepney, ‘Challenges of Youth Participation, Australian infant, child,
adolescent and family mental health association’, National youth
participation strategy scoping project report, 2008.
24. Zeru Desta, A, Bitga, and J. Boyson, ‘USAID/Ethiopia Cross-Sectorial
youth Assessment Situational Analysis’. United States Agency
International Development/ USAID, 2018.
26. Moshago, Melkamu, Negash Worku and Asfaw Melesse. A Critical
Assessment of Decentralized Public Governance Features and Challenges
in Ethiopia: Insights from Self-Governance in Guraghe Zone Districts.
Public Policy and Administration Research, Vol. 5(1), (2015) pp. 6-21.
27. Ethiopian Ministry of Youth, Sports and Culture/EMYSC. Federal

Democratic Republic of Ethiopia National Youth Policy (EMYSC), Addis
Abeba, Ethiopia, 2004.
32. Udensi, L.O., Daasi, G.L., Emah, D.S., Zukbee, S. A. Youth Participation
in Community Development (CD) Programmes in Cross River State:
Implications for Sustainable Youth Development in Nigeria. Journal of
Humanities and Social Science/IOSR-JHSS, 13(5), 61-67. (2013)
In Search of a Holistic Approach to Global…. 45
In Search of a Holistic The Indian Journal of Politics

Vol. 55, No. 1-2, 2021, pp-45-61
Approach to Global https://www.amu.ac.in/
Politics: The Hegelian nonacademic/UnitPanel1.jsp
Perception of
Cosmopolitanism
Rifat Darina Kamal*, Z.R.M. Abdullah Kaiser**
ABSTRACT
Political thinker Hegel is known for his philosophical

concepts of history, society, and state. His work,
however, does not limit itself to national boundaries;
rather, it reconstructs a universal thought of the world
state. Hegel's philosophy has sparked a debate about
Hegel's position between the two opposing extremes of
cosmopolitanism and communitarianism. This paper
examines Hegel's view of constitutive patriotism and
universalism. Here, we will argue that Hegel is a
cosmopolitan thinker, and explain how Hegelian thought
posits a valuable notion of global politics. Additionally,
the paper critiques his partial view of world politics.
Keywords: Hegel; Communitarianism; Cosmopolitanism; International

‘we’;War; International trade; Western and Eastern view of global
politics.
INTRODUCTION
In the history of western philosophy, Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel is
one of the most renowned philosophers. In his work, Hegel exclusively
explored the science of logic, the philosophy of nature, and the
philosophy of spirit. As a social and political thinker, he grappled with
the concepts of freedom, reason, self-consciousness, and recognition. In
spite of some critics believing that Hegel is a philosopher of states and
*PhD Candidate, Department of Politics, York University, Canada

**Assistant Professor,Department of Public Administration, University of
Chittagong, Chittagong, Bangladesh.
that his ideological standpoint is communitarian due to his concept of

'state individuality,' our perceptions of his dialectics extend beyond the
scope of states. Hegel's concept of the 'world spirit' is not specific to any
one nation-state, but rather implies a typical system or the emergence of
political communities on a global scale. Therefore, our argument is based
on the negation of a commonly held view that Hegel was not a
cosmopolitan thinker.
Hegel's historical explanation indicates that world history is a
history of nation-states that started in the 'oriental' world and included the
Persian Empire, the Greek system of city-states, and the Roman Empire,
as well as Hegel's own Germanic and northern European empires.1
Furthermore, Hegel’s ‘realism’ about inter-state relations is compatible
with global cooperation and commonality, as well as his well-known
acknowledgement of war being consistent with a broader account of
international comity.2 In lieu of these points, we contest the prevailing
misconceptions concerning Hegel’s philosophy and present some
features of Hegelian thought, which will clarify his stance as a
cosmopolitan thinker. However, Hegel's enlightenment thought of 'world
politics' was not without flaws or untouched by criticism. His concept of
the 'political community (i.e., supranational organizations) was not
exclusively focused on the world-state, but rather indicated a more
limited institutional structure of Eurocentric political sovereignty. During
his global discourse, he had something else in mind, specifically the
emergence of a peaceful and cooperative Eurocentric political federation.
We therefore further argue that Hegel's cosmopolitan philosophy should
not be regarded as universal political thought since it lacks a holistic
understanding.
Our argument begins with a discussion of Hegel's notion of the 'Idea of
State.' In the ‘Philosophy of Right,’ Hegel discusses the state in a triadic
fashion.3 His approaches are summed up in the following:
1. The individual state is a self-dependent organism. According to Hegel,
the state is the realisation of spirit and moral completeness, in which each
person has free will and rights. The constitution and constitutional laws
of a state establish these rights and liberties.
2. An 'Idea of State' implies that the affairs of one state will spill over into
the concerns of other states. International law is a result of the interaction
between autonomous states.
3. As per the 'Idea of state,' there exists a spirit of the world-state beyond
national states, which ultimately engenders an absolute sense of global
power over particular states. The term world history refers to the
necessary progress of mankind through time, which includes the actions
of individuals, states, and world-historical actors who work towards the
unified progress of the world.4
In these triadic approaches, the concept of the state can be

understood as an isolated, independent or even self-sufficient entity, but
in an internationally interrelated world, it is also dependent on the
existence of other states in order to achieve recognition and self-
awareness. And above all, there is a mind or spirit of the world that
signifies universal sovereignty.5
First and foremost, Hegel’s ‘constitutive theory’ traces the
universality, particularity, and individuality that are initially developed
through institutions such as the family, civil society, and the state.6 This
‘constitutive theory’ reflects the initial logic of ‘the Idea of the State.’ In
the family, members are treated as members of one unit, not as
independent entities, but as integral members who are essentially related
to one another. The ethical family provides a loving community within
which self-consciousness and personality can first emerge. Similarly,
civil society comprises an association of individuals within which the
individual takes responsibility for setting and achieving their own goals
in the sphere of private property and a market economy, which are both
sustained by political institutions. To be more specific, political
institutions are required to safeguard and enforce property rights at a base
level in order to protect property so that it can be exchanged in a
market.7Finally, the political state is the realization of spirit and the
ethical totality in which a person attains complete recognition and the full
realization of their individuality. Hegel associates the features of
individual states within their constitution and the principles of
constitutional law. The source of this constitutional law derives from a
state’s history, customs, and traditions. However, we partially agree with
his first approach. While Hegel had incisive concepts about the state, his
first analysis completely neglected the relationship of a state with the rest
of the world, as well as the universality of freedom of thought.
Secondly, the state, as a whole constitutes a higher form of
individuality. Here, the individual is conceptualized as the awareness of
one’s existence as a unit in sharp distinction from others. The political
state is the manifestation of spirit and ethical totality in which an
individual achieves complete recognition and realisation of their
individuality. The necessity of the international law springs from the
relationship between autonomous states. It is impossible for a state to
avoid having relationships with other states, since its recognition and thus
its self-awareness are dependent on the existence of other
states. This, in turn, fosters the second approach of the 'Idea of the State.
Each state has a primary and absolute right to be recognized as a
sovereign and independent state by others. When a state gets into
interactions with other states as an individual entity, its conduct must be
governed by some universal principles.8 As a result, the necessity of
international law stems from the interaction between independent states,
which supports the second approach of the ‘Idea of the State.’ The
second way of interpreting the 'Idea of the State' and international law
according to Hegel, is also dogmatic. This is because it completely
ignores the significance of the historical features of individual states.
Therefore, Hegel's logic is entirely justified, since a state cannot engage
in the international sphere if it does not recognize its unique historical
features.
Finally, the third approach establishes a concept that a state is an
isolated and autonomous entity, but regarding the relationships with other
states, each state is considered to be a component or part of some higher
totality or whole. At this juncture, Hegel argues that there must be a third
abstract factor that stands above the relationship between the two
individual states in the international arena that can bind them together.
He presumes that this third factor can be associated with the ‘world-
mind.’ Hegel interprets the ‘mind’ as giving itself actuality in the world’s
history and is the absolute judge of states.9 In Hegel’s opinion, this third
approach to understanding ‘the Idea of the State’ contains the strengths of
the first two approaches and the weaknesses of neither. Hegel, as a
strong cosmopolitan thinker, believes in an overarching totality that
indicates the potential of a cosmopolis or a world-state. In this
cosmopolis-state, he envisions that the relationship between nations will
be based on mutual respect, acknowledgement, and peaceful
collaboration rather than conflict and war.
In short, these three Hegelian approaches are associated with a
different perspective of Hegel’s thought on global politics; each of
which constitutes a distinct position within the communitarian versus
cosmopolitan debate. The discussion in the following part will be based
on this constructive debate concerning Hegel's stance between these two
extremes. Our main aim is to find which extreme will be best suited to
his ideas on global politics.
Hegel as Communitarian
The debate over ‘Hegel as a communitarian’ begins with definite
claims made by some commentators who believe that Hegel's political
thought is largely linked with communitarianism. According to
Thompson10, Hegel asserts that people’s moral lives are necessarily
intertwined with their participation in a particular political society. Also,
philosopher Brown11 in his survey of international theory chose Hegel as
the classic representative of communitarianism. He apparently asserts
that Hegel offers a complete account of the world from the
communitarian position. Similarly, philosopher Heater12 claims that
Hegel affirms the moral primacy of the community and considers society
as the source of ethical and political standards of life.
In ‘Philosophy of Right,’ Hegel claims that the community is
established by those individuals who are its member citizens, and he
describes this community as a modern nation-state. Moreover, he

describes the political community from two essential aspects. One is the
origin of the state and its convention, and the other is its political
identity.13
In his profound thought about the individuality of states, Hegel
attaches a considerable degree of importance to history, culture, custom,
and tradition. His features of an individual nation-state mostly derive
from the past and are very much the products of the history of a
particular nation. They are appropriately described as being ‘pre-modern’
or ‘traditional.’ Besides these features, Hegel also asserts that the
political community could rightly possess a certain unity. This certain
unity constitutes the allegiance of its citizens, which Hegel calls a ‘Volk’
or ‘people,’ with a shared language, culture, customs, and traditions.14
They could belong to the same political identity, which also functions at
the same time as the national identity. For making this conceptual
connection of togetherness, Hegel strongly supports the existence of
nationalism. So, if there is a concern regarding what Hegel calls a
communitarian, one can find the answer within his fundamental unit of
analysis: the nation-state. Hegel argues that there is no global politics, but
only international relations between states. 15
Moreover, there are two strong logical explanations
underpinning Hegel’s concept of communitarianism. One is ‘war,’ and
the other is ‘solidarity of the citizens’ in a political community. In his
critical remarks about Kant, he claims that Kant is enthusiastic about the
idea of a world-state. He states that Kant’s moral criteria of
universalizability are a ‘shapelessness of cosmopolitanism’.16 Hegel
believes that such strong cosmopolitan ideas are unrealistic, given Kant's
belief that war between nations is not only ethically desirable but also
practically feasible.17 In Hegel’s perception, ‘war’ is something that is
healthy or vital for the well-being of any state. Therefore, Hegel is
offering a rational explanation and justification of war. He said the war is
necessary for struggle in achieving state recognition and self-
consciousness. For instance, in the ‘Philosophy of Right’ Hegel remarks
at one point that: “…successful wars have checked domestic unrest and
consolidated the power of the state at home.”18In light of this, war cannot
be regarded as an absolute evil, despite the destruction it causes to
humanity and development.19
The second logic of ‘solidarity’ is likewise related to the conflict
in this context. Hegel contends that struggle and war abroad build and
perpetuate domestic solidarity, cohesiveness, peace, order, and stability.
The idea of solidarity, or the creation of a feeling of ‘we’ and ‘us,’ can
only be realized through the existence of something which is ‘other.’20 It
postulates the idea that society needs solidarity to protect it from the
invasion of a foreign power. Therefore, solidarity is best achieved
through the presence of an enemy abroad, which will unite 'us,' or the
citizens of a certain state, against 'them,' or the citizens of other states.
These two logics of communitarianism make Hegel sceptical
about the possibility of the emergence of a cosmopolis or world-state, in
which all human beings are member citizens. If every citizen in the world
banded together to form a universal community, then ‘war’ and
‘solidarity’ of an individual state would become a vague concept, which
Hegel rejects with his rational logic. Instead, he explains that even if
some states make peace with one another and form a group, such an
alliance as an individual entity must engender an opposing force and
create an enemy.21 So, this strong communitarian logic supports the
notion that Hegel is unquestionably a communitarian thinker.
Hegel as a Cosmopolitan Thinker
Even though Hegel may oppose the international political
thought of a world-state, he does, however, recognize the need for a just
global order that promotes the freedom of individuals, the mutual
recognition of diverse national-states and cultures, and a global
commitment to the ideas of right and justice.22 In this way, Hegel
emphasizes a more rational and unique view of cosmopolitanism. His
logic comprises an idea that the unity of nation-states is “historically
suited and institutionally rooted.”23 Hegel’s historical explanation
suggests that world history is a history of nation-states where the
individual state maintains a diplomatic relationship with other states for
their existence. Moreover, the history of society and state articulates the
demand for global processes ranging from the effects of economic
globalization to the global expansion of supranational organizations.
Therefore, his juxtaposing perspective emphasises the need for
transnational legal systems, global institutions, sub-political cultural
groupings, and independent nation-states.24 Here, we will present some of
his valid judgments of moral and economic cosmopolitanism.
Hegel has always espoused the moral cosmopolitanism of the
Enlightenment, emphasizing the ethical value of individuality. In his
view, the acknowledgement of that person as a human is the cornerstone
of ethical living. As such, Hegel insisted that a modern state cannot be
bound by its territorial edge or by a narrow notion of ethnicity or
nationality.25In contrast, it must be multicultural or multinational, with
the state tolerating and protecting ethnic, cultural, and religious
distinctions. It is significant because it shapes one’s identity as an
emancipated soul or as an absolute human being. Freedom is the value
that Hegel most greatly admires, and this value can be best ensured by a
secular or modern state. For instance, if we look at Canada as a modern
state, we can see Hegel’s logical explanation of moral and ethical
cosmopolitanism26. In Canada, multiculturalism means that all Canadians
can maintain their identities, be proud of their ancestors, and have a
feeling of belonging. Acceptance of this multiculturalism gives

Canadians a feeling of security and self-confidence, making them more
open to, as well as accepting of diverse cultures. The Canadian
experience has demonstrated that diversity promotes cultural and social
harmony, as well as a reciprocal understanding that contains the
underlying gist of Hegel's perception of the ‘idea of freedom.’
Furthermore, under his notion of protecting human rights, he
argues that cosmopolitanism can develop humanitarian organisations
capable of providing the necessary assistance to the world’s
disadvantaged people, regardless of their nationality. Hegel’s alternative
type of cosmopolitanism thus claims that the global moral force of
human rights becomes realized only through the emergence of a global
scheme of social institutions, which he calls a ‘global civil society.’27In
the contemporary world, we find a practical implication of this universal
civil society through regional organizations, sub-political groupings and
cooperatives, transnational corporations and financial institutions, and
various multinational governmental organizations. Organizations such as
the United Nations, UNICEF, World Bank, World Health Organization,
International Labour Organization (WTO), and various non-
governmental organizations contribute to the fulfilment of human
rights.28
Critically, Hegel focuses on regional and global interdependence,
which helps to bring forth a plethora of concrete sub-state and trans-state
organizations, institutions, and groupings that serve to mediate relations
between states and contribute to connecting them in ever more peaceful,
cooperative, and unified ways29. In this sense, Hegel predicted the
emergence of supranational political communities that work at the
intermediate level; someplace between the individual nation-state or at
the universal level.30 In today’s modern world, we also realize how
interdependent states develop and preserve global order and how the
presence of multilateral fora strengthens global collaboration. For
instance, a wide range of international non-governmental organizations
like the Red Cross, Amnesty International, and Greenpeace are working
at the transnational level to promote the public interest in areas of
development, health, environment, charity, and among many others.
Therefore, Hegel’s perception of global politics and interdependence is
impeccably justifiable.
The global economy is also a focus of Hegel’s alternative
cosmopolitanism. He explains that modern trade, commerce, and industry
move us beyond the limited circles of civic life with its pleasures and
desires in the ‘System of Needs.’31 Modern economics establishes trading
linkages between nation-states via communication networks. This inter-
state trade and commerce imply a universal interaction and formation of
humankind which leads to a reciprocal recognition.32 Furthermore, this
legal relationship between states is a contractual agreement that broadens

the domain of actualized abstract rights of person, property, and contract.
In this way, international trade induces the need for respect for another
person as a human being. Such that, the individual becomes a
universality for the other in the same way that the other is for him. Hegel
acknowledges that global trade serves to forge ties between people
worldwide, thus, contributing not only to the global education of
humanity but also to the realization of a world spirit.33
Most importantly, Hegel’s recognition of the existence of an
inter-state law, international law and even law of people again situate
him as a cosmopolitan thinker. He believes that moral and economic
cosmopolitanism can be best ensured by some global rules, order, and
principles that he calls international law or global principles. This
international law is an important part of the modern state that is based on
a number of considerations. Firstly, international law is the underlying
source of a useful and effective rule of conduct between independent
states, and such a rule of conduct offers the best means of establishing
and promoting a stable international order.34 Secondly, a contract is
necessary for maintaining such a stable order. This contract is a
sovereign agreement among independent states, which ensures that every
state abides by certain rules, practices, and principles of international
conduct.35 Lastly, these specific rules are compulsory for the sovereign
states not only because the states have voluntarily agreed to observe
them, but also they express the general interest of the welfare of the
international community.36 It is true that Hegel rejects abstract
cosmopolitan principles and political schemes for a world government or
a peace federation. However, Hegel does emphasize reciprocal, cognitive
relations, and interactions between states based on a just system of
international law. This, he believes, is the only way to achieve a shared
ethical life and to cultivate a durable bond of international cooperation.
Finally, the most important reason why critics label Hegel a
communitarian is the inevitability of war in inter-state interactions.
However, his reasonable interpretation regarding war clearly indicates his
position as a cosmopolitan. Hegel exclusively focuses on some
conventional rules and norms between states, even in times of crisis and
war. As a result of these shared rules and standards, states have gradually
come into an existence that helps to ensure that war is less prolonged,
less brutal, and more compassionately waged. Moreover, Hegel says,
“wars ought not to be fought against domestic institutions, against the
peace of private and family life, or on private individuals.”37 Similarly,
diplomatic envoys should be respected and assured safe passage during
times of war. Martial conflicts between states should also be restricted to
battles between professional armies. Hegel also emphasizes that, before
embarking on war, soldiers should be trained in the norms and rules of
engagement. All of these mutual conditions, in theory, make war less
about personal animosity and hatred.38 So then, it is rather simple to

comprehend that Hegel begins with the likelihood of war, but ends with
the vision of a cohesive society in which laws, rules, and culture are
unified. His cosmopolitan thought is mainly based on the concrete
concepts of human rights, international law, and global justice.
In short, Hegel’s moral basis and the ethical significance of the
modern nation-state is fully compatible with the sovereignty and
individuality of a particular state, as well as global justice and
cooperation for peaceful international relations39. In our perceptions,
Hegel's moral and economic cosmopolitanism never advocate the
replacement of local or national cultures and traditions with a global and
cosmopolitan identity. Instead, he would support a historically
enlightened universalism and institutionally situated cosmopolitanism by
which we can understand ourselves as free rational beings and engage
our entity within a new intercultural global situation. In this way, Hegel
endorses the need for a more rationalized global order that promotes the
freedom of individuals, the reciprocal recognition of diverse national
states, and a global commitment to rights and justice. Hegel is therefore a
rational cosmopolitan thinker who ought to be recognized as an
‘Enlightenment Cosmopolitan.’
The Hegelian Concept of Global Politics: Does Hegel Provide a
Holistic Approach to Global Politics?
According to Hegel, a ‘new world order’ would create a new
idea of a global state. However, Hegel is critical to his viewpoint
regarding the terminology of the world-state. There are two different
interpretations of the Hegelian thought of cosmopolitanism. One is
abstract cosmopolitanism or universalism, and the other is global
communities. Hegel’s first idea lies in the logic that at the ‘end of
history,’ we will witness the end of the nation-state and the emergence of
a world-state, which will unite the world in its excellence. This
homogenous state may include all human beings as its member citizens.
Alexander Wendt also adopts much the same view regarding the world-
state and argues that it is inevitable. There is, of course, an empirically
verifiable movement towards a certain type of world-state under a new
hegemonic power.
Nevertheless, the global state is empirically elusive in the
realistic vision of world politics. Realists are sceptical about the role of
the world government as an emerging institutional reality and argue,
instead, for the problem of egoism and corruption within humanity, as
well as for the logic of anarchy that characterizes nations in a world of
states.40According to realism, international politics is an anarchistic, self-
help realm.41 In this anarchic system, states are focused on survival.
However, anarchy does not refer to constant chaos and disorder. Instead,
it indicates an absence of central authority in defining and imposing rules
of conduct in international politics. The lack of a central authority

implies that each unit in this system is responsible for its existence, and
each unit is free to identify its priorities. In this sense, international
politics is competitive. Realists believe that collaboration or cooperation
is feasible but that it is tough to maintain due to the anarchic nature of the
international system. In this competitive anarchic system, a state seeks to
maximize its power in relation to rivals.42 As a result, war is a natural
occurrence in the realist world. For instance, the current tensions between
the United States and Russia, as well as Iran and China, could erupt into
all-out war and worldwide devastation at any time.
However, in some instances, chaos is also required. Rule by one
government means living under a kingdom, where total power will be in
the hands of one ruler and could become a dynastic form of
authoritarianism, arguably similar to the colonial regimes of the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The British empire is one of the best
examples of a genuinely global, formal empire that lasted from roughly
the late 16th to 20th centuries, with its power and influence almost being
unrivalled for much of the 19th century.43 Particularly during that period,
imperialism and colonialism intensely exploited colonial ‘possessions’
and their inhabitants for the benefit of a very narrow elite. Arguably then,
the world state is infeasible as a solution to global problems because of
the inevitable difficulties of establishing ‘impartial authoritative
hierarchies’ at the global or international level.
On the other hand, if we explain Hegel's interpretation of the
world state in a different way, we get a discrete explanation. Here, Hegel
envisages the emergence of a new kind of ‘political community,’ which
will be neither a nation-state nor a world-state. Instead, when he uses the
term world-state, Hegel implies a peaceful federation of the states. In the
‘Philosophy of Right,’ his explanation was clear about the need for a
global community; which would be originated on the principle of mutual
recognition, trust, and peaceful cooperation between nation-states.44Yet
the question is how these political communities would function on a
global scale, and to which kind of institution should they belong. In fact,
with the term global community, Hegel anticipates the emergence of
supranational political institutions which would operate at a regional and
intermediate level. In a supranational organization, member states'
authority and influence transcend national boundaries, and each member
nation votes on a policy that affects every member. By integrating social
and economic policies, this construct results in synergies and a stronger
international presence. For instance, the European Union, World Trade
Organization (WTO), the G7 (i.e., the Group of Seven and is built up of
leaders from Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the UK, and the
United States), and the International Criminal Court replace or extend
national functions to facilitate international agreements.
While Hegel was more convinced by the ‘blessings’ of these

cosmopolitan institutions for maintaining reciprocal relationships
between nation-states, the empirical evidence doesn’t fully support his
partial logic of global community. The contemporary world experiences
both the benefits and the drawbacks of the existence of these
supranational organizations. Although it is true that these international
institutions have not intensely defied the enduring general nature of
citizenship, cultural miscegenation is the unintentional consequence of
these supranational institutions that also becomes the cause of a
democratic deficit of national identity.45Despite the fact that the majority
of these non-state actors come from the developed world, their activity
inside the framework set by powerful nations, international agencies, and
regimes could be seen as a promotion of 'cosmopolitan values.' However,
the greatest concern is that these actors are becoming as powerful as the
world's hegemonic powers, which can undermine a single state's
sovereignty or democratic authority.
In this sense, international organizations can be the cause of the
denationalization of politics, markets, and jurisprudence. So, the greatest
fear associated with cosmopolitanism is that in the near future, it might
be that countries are unable to control their own issues and development.
For instance, under the guise of Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs),
International Financial Institutions (IFIs) such as the International
Monetary Fund, WTO, and World Bank are attempting to influence the
internal policies of impoverished and emerging countries. Specifically,
SAPsreduce governments’ ability to organize and regulate their internal
economies, allowing multinational corporations to enter states and
exploit their resources. The creation of a sound policy requires state
intervention on the policy issues since the state knows its best interests,
thus making foreign dominance undesirable.
Having taken on foreign debts and failing to pay them back,
many undeveloped and developing countries lost control of their precious
natural resources to foreign multinational enterprises based on SAPs
rules. In order to repay interest, these countries are forced to incur
additional foreign debt, resulting in an ongoing circle of financial
subjugation. Similarly, these policies impose retrenchments in social
funding in receiving countries, regardless of a country's ability to pay its
debt. Poor countries, for example, have been urged to reduce spending on
important sectors such as health, education, and development while
prioritizing debt repayment and other economic measures. In doing so,
the donor agencies have indirectly forced underdeveloped and
developing nations to lower their living standards. Therefore, Hegel’s
understanding of these global institutions did not anticipate the
disadvantages that they may bring in the modern world.
Moreover, one of the major concepts of the world-state is the

market economy. Hegel envisaged that inter-state trade, commerce, and
communication imply a universal interaction and formation of
humankind. Trade, commerce, and industry are also an integral part of
the development of the world economy. However, global trade also
contains many risks. International trade can develop an economy through
its supreme medium of communication, but it can also have a detrimental
effect on domestic industries.46 Certain state-grown sectors in
underdeveloped and developed countries can be outperformed by
financially stronger multinational companies and forced to close down or
get merged with these international companies, which inevitably leads to
unemployment and recession. These international companies can become
so influential, especially in underdeveloped countries, that they can
dictate political terms to the government for their benefit, which often
results in enduring poverty and underdevelopment.
Recently, developed countries have also voiced their concern
about global trade and unfair trade relations. For instance, former U.S.
President Donald Trump has attempted to reformulate a stringent trade
policy. His administration had imposed tariffs on imports from China due
to its unfair trade practices and also used tariffs on Mexico and Canada
during the renegotiating of their trade agreements. Under the Trump
administration, it was widely argued that the USA would become isolated
and would cause a global trade war. This is being underpinned by
Trump’s argument that: “When a country (e.g., the USA) is losing many
billions of dollars in trade with virtually every country, it does business
with, trade wars are good and easy to win.” In short, Trump was pursuing
a more restrictive trade policy, which ultimately affects other countries in
a transactional way at times. Trump, like many realists, eschewed
universal ideals in favour of a strict economic policy that, in his opinion,
would make America more powerful.
Finally, the most crucial aspect of Hegelian cosmopolitanism is
the western-biased view of global politics. Hegel demonstrates a
philosophical notion of cosmopolitanism that equates globalism and
growth with Westernization. Hegel, in particular, proposes a Eurocentric
concept of cosmopolitanism. Hegel devalued ‘nature’ and asserted
European domination over Asians and Africans in his lectures titled, ‘The
Philosophy of History,’ because non-western philosophers had failed to
understand the significance of spirit47. Throughout this way, Hegel
dismisses the benefits of Eastern philosophies since they were more or
less in accord with nature. Hegel was a total Eurocentric, believing that it
was: ‘‘…the necessary fate of Asiatic Empires to be subjected to
Europeans.”48 In a western realist fashion, he believes that: “the British
had already conquered India and China, and these regions should be
obliged to submit to this fate.”49
Hegelian ‘enlightenment philosophy’ was most closely

associated with Dutch or British world hegemony. Buchwalter50 has
argued that Hegel’s idea of a global community has affinities, not with
the idea of a world-state, but rather with the more limited:
“…institutional structure of the European Union.” Hegel’s universal
community concept postulates the idea of: “…divided and limited
sovereignty,” and: “…an account of transnational interconnectivity,”
which is: “…rooted historically and structurally in the interests and self-
understanding of the member states of the European Union.” Steven V.
Hicks has also claimed that the European Union as it exists today, is very
similar to the concept of unity, cooperation, and universalism that Hegel
envisioned in his ‘Lectures of Philosophy.’51 In this context, Hegel’s
ideas regarding the reciprocal interaction between states and their
‘movement toward uniformity’ might well be viewed as having a
narrower application.
Therefore, Hegel’s universalism could not be taken as a
reference to the possibility of a global state, but rather it could indicate
the states of Northern and Western Europe that might come together into
some kind of uniformity. From this aspect, the Hegelian cosmopolitan
approach has also lost its comprehensiveness; as it conceives global
politics as a movement of global Westernization. He does not believe in
the equality of all nations but instead seems to argue for a certain
hierarchy by which Europe can dominate the whole world.
There is no doubt that Hegelian cosmopolitanism views the
global world as a great prospect for the expansion of Western power,
which would restructure the whole world along European civilizational
lines. This distorted understanding of universalism implores a question,
“does cosmopolitanism imply Eurocentric cosmopolitanism?” In this
case, empirical evidence provides the best response. In the present world,
as cosmopolitanism refers to the enhancement of the interaction and
interdependence between people in different countries, it requires global
interconnections, and this connection has often been very prolific in the
advancement of different countries.52
Thus, there is nothing significant here that indicates European
influence. Instead, while Hegel was dubious of Asian countries’
affluence in his time, the current world has seen a resurgence of Asian
countries' power and dominance. For instance, in less than four decades,
China has progressed from a modest global actor to one of the key
drivers of the global economy through its production and distribution of
raw materials, intermediate inputs, and other items to countries all over
the world. China is currently the world’s second-largest economy, and its
estimated contribution to global economic growth is expected to remain
between 25 and 30 per cent. India and Japan are also two significant
Asian actors in the world system. Accordingly, global hegemonic power
is no longer limited to the Western world and is relocating to the Eastern

citadel, which Hegel's ideology overlooked.
In conclusion, it is quite evident that Hegel's political thought can be
best understood from the perspective of different cognitive aspects.
Although his cosmopolitan view contains some partial weaknesses, his
concept of global community helps to clarify the need for a more
rationalized global order that promotes individual rights, reciprocal
relationships between states, mutual recognition of diverse cultures, and a
global commitment to the ideas of freedom and justice. Most
importantly, Hegel’s view on a global order that promotes security and
peace by checking war is indeed praiseworthy. Hegel envisions global
commonality as an international ‘We’ or ‘unity of people,’ which both
presupposes and necessitates a strong commitment to reducing global
differences. This community can serve as a venue for social harmony and
help to reduce worldwide violence, which is the key cause of anarchy and
chaos in the present world. Hegel also believes in the moral
cosmopolitanism of the Enlightenment, which emphasizes human rights
and dignity. According to him, people, regardless of their nationality or
ethnicity, are at the center of analysis. In addition, Hegel argues that the
maintenance of human rights and world peace requires a political
community. He is likely to support an alternative multilayered
government symbolised by the current configuration of the political
community. Today’s world is most acquainted with these entities under
the guise of international or supranational governments. Hegel’s
philosophy will continue to be a good source of ideas and motivation for
individuals who want to see the world become more unified and
peaceful.
References:
1
David Boucher, Political Theory of International Relations- From Thucydides
to the Present, (Oxford University Press: Oxford, 1998).
2
Ibid.
3
G.W.F Hegel, Philosophy of Right (trans. TM Knox), (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1979 [1821]).
4
G.W.F Hegel, Lectures on the Philosophy of World History: Introduction (trans.
HB Nisbet), (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984 [1830]).
5
G.W.F Hegel, Hegel: Elements Of The Philosophy Of Right, (Cambridge
University Press, 1991).
6
Mervyn Frost, Ethics in International Relations: A Constitutive Theory,
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
7
Op. Cit. I
8
Tony Burns, Hegel and Global Politics: Communitarianism or
cosmopolitanism. Journal of International Political Theory, 2014, Vol- 10(3), p.
325–344.
9
Alexandre Kojève, Introduction to the Reading of Hegel: Lectures on the
Phenomenology of Spirit (ed A Bloom), (Ithaca, NY, and London: Cornell
University Press 1996 [1947]).
10
Janna Thompson, Justice and World Order: A Philosophical Inquiry,
(London: Routledge, 1992).
11
Chris Brown, Practical Judgement in International Political Theory: Selected
Essays, (Routledge: London, 2010).
12
Derek Heater, World Citizenship: Cosmopolitan Thinking and Its Opponents,
(London: Continuum, 2002).
13
Op. Cit. 8
14
Shlomo Avineri, Hegel and nationalism, Review of Politics, (1962), Vol-
24(4), p.461–482.
15
Op. Cit. 3
16
S.V. Hicks, “Hegel on cosmopolitanism, international relations, and the
challenges of globalization. In: Buchwalter A (ed.) Hegel and Global
Justice,”(Dordrecht, Heidelberg, New York, and London: Springer, 2012), p.
21–47.
17
G. K. Browning, “Hegel on war, recognition, and justice. In:Buchwalter A
(ed.) Hegel and Global Justice,”(Dordrecht, Heidelberg, New York, and
London: Springer 2012), p.193–210.
18
Op. Cit. 3
19
Op. Cit. 17
20
Carl Schmitt, The Concept of the Political: With Leo Strauss’s Notes on
Schmitt’s Essay (trans. G Schwab and JH Lomax), (Chicago, IL: University of
Chicago Press, 1996).
21
Andrew Buchwalter, “Hegel’s Concept of an International ‘We.’ In: Grier PT
(ed.) Identity and Difference: Studies in Hegel’s Logic, Philosophy of Spirit and
Politics,” (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 2007), p. 155–176.
22
Sean Sayers, Individual and society in Marx and Hegel: Beyond the
Communitarian Critique of Liberalism, Science and Society, 2007, Vol-71(1), p.
84-102.
23
Op. Cit.1
24
Op. Cit. 8
25
G.W.F Hegel, Hegel: Elements Of The Philosophy Of Right, (Cambridge
26
L. L. Moland, “Evolving nationalities: Ethical cosmopolitanism: Hegel beyond
the nation-state. In: Moland LL (ed.) Hegel on Political Identity: Patriotism,
Nationality, Cosmopolitanism,”(Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press
2011), p. 149–175).
27
Hans M. Jaeger, Hegel’s reluctant realism and the transnationalization of civil
society, Review of International Studies, (2002), Vol- 28(3), pg. 497-517
28
Alexander Wendt, Why a world state is inevitable, European Journal of
International Relations, (2003). Vol- 9(4), p. 491–542.
29
Andrew Vincent, The Hegelian state and international politics, Review of
International Studies, Vol- 9(3), (1983), p.193–205.
30
Op. Cit.3
31
Op. Cit.16
32
Andrew Buchwalter, Hegel and Capitalism, (State University of Newyork
Press, 2015).
33
Takeshi Nakano, Hegel's theory of economic nationalism: Political economy in
the Philosophy of Right, The European Journal of the History of Economic
Thought, 2006, Vol-11(1), p. 33-52.
34
H. M. Mitias, Hegel on International Law, (Millsaps College Jackson,
Mississippi, 1980).
35
James L. Briely, The Basis of Obligation in International Law,( Oxford:
Oxford University Press 1958).
36
T. M. Knox, Introduction in Hegel's Political Writings, (Oxford: Oxford
University Press 1964).
37
Op. Cit. 16
38
Errol E. Harris, “Hegel’s theory of sovereignty, international relations, and
war. In Hegel’s social and political thought: The philosophy of objective spirit,
ed.”(D.P. Verene, Atlantic Highlands: Humanities Press,1980), p.123–150.
39
Daniel Woodley, Globalization and Capitalist Geopolitics: Sovereignty and
State Power in a Multipolar World, (Routledge, Taylor, and Francis Group:
London and New York, 2015).
40
Stephen Krasner, Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy, (Princeton: Princeton
41
Christopher Layne, Kant or Cant: The Myth of the Democratic Peace,
International Security, (1994), Vol-19(2), p. 5–49.
42
Ibid.
43
Philippa Levine, The British Empire: Sunrise to Sunset, (Pearson Education
Limited, 2007).
44
Op. Cit. 3
45
Op. Cit. 27
46
Op. Cit. 16
47
S. A. Gunaratne, Globalization: A Non-Western Perspective: The Bias of
Social Science/Communication Oligopoly, Communication, Culture & Critique,
(2009), Vol- 10(29), p. 60-82.
48
Stephen P. Halbrook, Left Hegelianism, Arab Nationalism, and Labor Zionism,
The Journal of Liberation Studies, 1982, Vol- VI(2) p. 181–199.
49
Alison Stone, Hegel and Colonialism, The Hegel Society of Great Britain,
Hegel Bulletin, (2017), p- 1-24.
50
Andrew Buchwalter, “Hegel, Global justice, and Mutual Recognition. In:
Buchwalter, A. (ed.) Hegel and Global Justice,”(Dordrecht, Heidelberg, New
York, and London: Springer 2012), p. 211–232.
51
Op. Cit. 8
52
Richard Mullender, Hegel, human rights, and particularism. Journal of Law
and Society, (2003), Vol- 30(4), p. 554–574.
Human Rights and The Indian Journal of Politics

Vol. 55, No. 1-2, 2021, pp-62-75
Minority Muslims in https://www.amu.ac.in/
Assam: An Analysis nonacademic/UnitPanel1.jsp
Abdus Sabur*
ABSTRACT
Human Rights are those rights without which human

beings cannot enjoy a normal life. These rights are
regarded as moral and natural rights. After the Second
World War, the United Nations Charter has declared
human rights as universal rights because these rights
are applicable everywhere and at every time. Human
Rights are also regarded as ‘Egalitarian’ because they
are the same for everyone. The term ‘Human Rights’
include a large variety of rights like: right to a fair trial,
protection against enslavement, prohibition of genocide,
If anyone looks into the human rights scenario in Assam
with an impartial attitude, he will definitely come to
know that there is a wide range of gaps between
majority and minority people, more specifically the
minority Muslims in Assam. It is known from various
data that minority Muslims are deprived from human
rights in almost all sectors of public as well as private
field. If we look into the Economic, employment,
Education, Health, land ownership and other allied field
of livelihood, it is seen that the Muslims are the worst
sufferers in so far as human rights are concerned. Again,
there is lots of discrimination against minority Muslims
with an allegation of illegal foreigners most precisely
the ‘Bangladeshi’. Interestingly, it is learnt that the
Foreigner’s Tribunals in Assam which is set up to detect
illegal foreigners lawfully; but it has been creating
*Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Rajiv Gandhi Memorial College,

Assam
Human Rights and Minority Muslim in…. 63
havoc among a section of people who are labelled as ‘D’

voter in Assam. The criteria of selection and
appointment of Tribunal’s members are political
considerations. Besides, they are appointed on
contractual basis. The Tribunal member’s performance
is evaluated by a monitoring committee and he, who
have declared the maximum number of persons as
foreigners is eligible to retain his post as Tribunal
member; while the low scorers are terminated.
Therefore, it is a well- established fact that, to retain the
post, Tribunal members try to satisfy their masters,
keeping aside impartiality.
Keywords: Human Rights, Minority Muslim, Foreigner.
INTRODUCTION
Human Rights are defined as those rights without which no man can
enjoy a normal and meaningful life. These rights include the Right to
Life, Liberty of People, Freedom of Speech and Expression and also
from Slavery, Torture, To Choose Profession, Acquire Education and
other civil facilities to enjoy a healthy and civilised life. Each and Every
citizen in the Globe is provided equal status of enjoying human rights
without any discrimination of caste, creed, religion, sex, region, etc.etc.
To ensure this the ‘United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) has
proclaimed in Paris on 10th December 1948 (under Resolution No.217 A
which is also known as Universal Declaration of Human Rights) as a
common standard of achievement for all peoples and all Nations’.1 It
works as a protection against abuse to the poor people by those who are
more powerful.
Let us come to discuss the minority Muslim’s rights in the light of the
above. In Assam, there are two types of minorities. They are (i) Religious
and (ii) Linguistic minority. The Religious Minority is determined on the
basis of religion they perform and which is separate from other
recognised religion. On the other hand, Linguistic Minority is regarded to
those people who speak a different language other than the language
spoken by the majority of people of a particular region or a province.
But as a whole they are not minority in the country in so far as their
religion is concerned. Muslims in Assam (as well as in India) is regarded
as religious minority whereas the Bengali Hindus, Christians, Buddhists,
Jain, Sikhs etc. are the linguistic minorities in Assam. The following
table will show the religion wise population pattern in the state.2
Table-1
SL. NO Religion percentage
1 Hindu 61.47
2 Muslim 34.22
3 Christian 3.74
4 Sikh 0.07
5 Buddhist 0.18
6 Jain 0.08
7 Others 0.16
Source: Census Report in Assam, 2011.
The above census data shows that Muslims in Assam is the second
largest group of people and also the primary religious minority group in
the state. If we go through the proper meaning of minority, we must read
the definition provided by Louis Wirth. According to him, “ Minority is
a group of people who because of their physical or cultural
characteristics, are singled out from the others in the society in which
they live for differential and unequal treatment and who therefore regard
themselves as objects of collective discrimination.3
This definition of Louis Wirth is probably the most appropriate definition
in so far as the minority Muslims in Assam is concerned because there
are vast differences of culture, language, traditions, rituals, dresses, etc.
between the indigenous Assamese people and other caste community
people as stated above. TheMuslim’s are mainly migrated people who
have come from neighbouring Bangladesh.
HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATION AND MINORITY MUSLIMS IN
ASSAM:
It is said that Assam is a land of Red rivers and Blue Hills. It has huge
beautiful sceneries and fertile land useful to cultivation. Usually
Assamese people are peaceful and cultured. But when any threats come
to this brave community, they come together to resist that and to establish
their supremacy. It is in this context, mentionable that the demographic
pattern of Assam has drastically changed in the previous years due to
external and internal migration to this fertile land. The following table
will depict a clear picture to this regard.4
Table-2
Period Total Interstate Total Foreign Immigrants
Immigrants Immigrants (estimated)
Total Legal Illegal
1951-61 1067846 260636 807219 314183 493027
(75.60) (75.60) (29.42) (46.18)
1961-71 835937 495461 495461 330015 165446
(59.27) (59.27) (39.48) (19.79)

1971-91 976969 686344 686344 40803 646641
(70.25) (70.25) (4.18) (66.07)
Total 2880752 1989015 1989015 685001 1304014
(69.04) (69.04) (23.78) (45.26)
The huge immigration to Assam has created chaos and havoc among the
indigenous Assamese people. They became apprehended of losing their
identity and cultural heritages. Therefore, the Assamese people in the
state staged several agitations in the state. Most notable among these is
‘the Assam Movement, 1979-85.’
The Assam movement was led by All Assam Student’s Union (AASU),
Axom Jatiyatabadi Yuba Satra Parishad (AJYCP), Axom Sahitya Sabha,
Sadou Axom Karmachari Parishad, etc, etc. The demand of the agitators
was to deport illegal outsiders of Assam. The outsiders meant illegal
Bangladeshi nationals as well as people came from other states of India,
etc. The agitation was so organised that it was spread almost all corner of
Assam. During this agitation thousands of innocent people especially
Bengali speaking Muslims and Bengali Hindus were brutally killed.
According to print media report, about 3000 people were killed in Nellie,
Nagaon district on 18th February 1983.5 Besides Nellie, innocent people
were killed in Barpeta, Samaria (kamrup), Lakhimpur, Darrang etc. etc.
After the killing of Nellie, the Government set up an enquiry commission
headed by TP Tiwary, an IAS Officer. The commission enquired into the
incident, but no fruitful conclusion has come out. The commission
submitted its report in 1984. But it is not published yet now.6 Only a few
pages of the report are leaked. The guilty officers, Police personnel’s,
Administrative Officers and other responsible people did not play proper
role to provide safeguards to the victims. Later, the Government of Assam
offered next to kin of victim’s family a sum of Rupees 3000/ and few
bundle of GI Sheets.7The killers were identified but trial is not held till
date. Interestingly the same type of massacre was held in 1984 in Delhi
and the victims were provided justice after a long gap. In this context, it
may be said that justice delayed is justice denied.
A big question arises here that the leaders of the Assam movement
formed the next government in the state in 1985. Mr. Prafulla Kumar
Mahanta (the erstwhile President of AASU) became the Chief Minister in
the State. This government came to power with a major promise to deport
illegal foreigners. Accordingly, they formed Foreigners Tribunal Court in
the state. Since then, the successive governments in Assam have been
trying to detect and deport illegal foreigners from Assam through
Foreigners Tribunal (FT) Court. Various Tribunals have since 1985
declared 61,774 persons as foreigners, both from the 1966-71stream and
the post 25th March, 1971 stream.8.A table indicating the stream to which
these foreigners belong on being so declared by appropriate tribunals at
various phases is placed below:
TABLE-3
Period 1966-1971 Post 1971 Total ‘D’ Voters Total with
Stream declared as ‘D’ Voters
Stream
foreigners
1985- 14801 6724 21525 - 21525
1990
1991- 4005 2577 6582 - 6582
1995
1996- 6026 902 6928 6590 (1998 to 33667
2000 31.7.2012)
2001- 4593 2643 7236
2005
2006- 3112 9801 12913
2012
(July)
Grand 32537 22647 55184 6590 61774
Total
But, it is in this context, needed to mention that many declared foreigners

have appealed to the Gauhati High Court and thereafter in the Supreme
Court of India for review of their documents relating to citizenship. After
reviewing of documents, the appropriate court has modified some
judgements of the FT Court and retained the petitioner’s citizenship as
prayed for. An example to this field may humbly be cited for clarification
of such modification.
On January 30, 2019, FT III Barpeta had declared a Haider Ali, a
resident of No.12 Kawaimari village, Sarthebari, a “foreigner” because
he could not able to establish proper link with other ancestors of a pre-
1971 resident of Assam, the cut off as per Assam accord of 1985.After he
received a notice, Ali, appeared before the FT on June,11, 2018submit
his written statement and supporting documentation to defend his Indian
citizenship. Ali furnished documents - including voters’ list of 1965 and
1970 with his grandparents’ name, voters’ list of 1988 with his father’s
and grandparents’ names, voters’ list of 1997 and 2010 with his and his
parents’ names, birth certificate, high school certificate, Gaon
Bura/village headman) certificate - that linked him to his father, Harmuz
Ali and his grandparents Nadu Miya and Aymona Nessa, both of whose
names appear on pre-1971voters’ lists (1965 and 1970). Yet, the FT
declared him a “foreigner” since he could not establish “the linkage in

proper manner” to five other names (apart from his grandparents)
mentioned in the voters’ list of 1970. These included the names of three
uncles and two aunts, who were his father, Harmuz’s siblings. After
reviewing the documents of the said person the Gauhati High Court has
awarded a land mark judgement and retained hiscitizenship.9
Here is another example of violation of human rights in Assam in the
name of detection and deportation of Illegal migrants. The Amnesty
International’s India head Aakar Patel alleged that the FT’s that
determined the paramount right to citizenship in Assam were often
dismissive, used derogatory language, controlled their own procedures
and applied them in arbitrary ways.10In this regard, the world human
rights observer body have cited examples and made it clear about the
violation of human rights in Assam. Interestingly the victims are mainly
minority Muslims and Bengali Hindu community in the state. But one
thing is different that except Muslims, others are included in the
Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA); and that is why they are not
apprehended to loss citizenship.
On 9th July, 2019, in reply to a question (vide question No. 3804) the
Minister of State of Home Affairs declared in the Parliament that up to
March,2019,1,17 Lakh people have been declared as foreigner by the
FT’s. Out of this, 63959 have been declared foreigners by Ex-Parte
order.11 The Border police never enquire the documents before sending
foreigner’s letter to the accuse person. Instead, they send the same to the
FT Courts for judicial procedure; which is direct violation of the norms
of determination of a foreigner. But none is there to examine it.
In 1997, the Assam government took initiatives to verify Electoral Rolls.
All the documents of the citizens/ voters were rigorously checked and
verified. Documents were submitted of 1951, 1966, 1971, Certified
copies of Voter Lists, Marriage Certificates, Panchayat Documents and
so on. A mini revision was done; still no illegal migrants were traced.
Another important thing has come to light that the Election Commission
in Assam has been putting ‘D’ against the name of some people who are
mostly the Muslim and Bengali speaking Linguistic minorities in Assam.
Any person having ‘D’ against his name in voter list cannot cast vote and
have to prove his citizenship in FT (Foreigners Tribunal) Court. Those
who fail to prove citizenship are sent to Detention Camp; which is like
‘DACHAU’ Concentration Camp of Nazi Germany.12
There are some other issues in Assam which has been going against the
interest of certain particular caste-community people of Assam. The
Bengali Hindus, Muslims, Christians etc. of Assam are not provided
sufficient opportunities in government sector job facility against their
population percentage. A mere negligible percent of government jobs and
other facilities like contracts, industrial loans, Administrative posts,
Police services, etc. are provided to them. There is about 61.47 percent of
Hindus, 34.22 Percent Muslims, 3.74 Percent Christians, 0.07 percent
Sikhs in Assam. Out of the 61.47 percent Hindus, there is about 18
Percent Bengali speaking Hindus in Assam.13 Let us look into the
following data on distribution of job share scenario in Assam.
*Distribution of workers in each Socio-religious category by enterprise
type in Town Area’s in Assam. 14
Table No. 4
SECTOR HINDU MUSLIM OTHER
MINORITIES
Public Sector 15.4 5.6 15.5
company
*Distribution of workers in each Socio-religious category by enterprise

type in Rural Area’s in Assam.15
Table No. 5
SECTOR HINDU MUSLIM OTHER
MINORITIES
company
*Data concerned with 2004-05 session as per the record in the book.
The table No’s 4 & 5 show that employment facility is poor among
minority Muslims in both public and company sectors in Assam.
It is obvious to mention that the political leaders of the state have been
commenting continuously against one particular community people here
and there. They offer derogatory remarks and label baseless allegations
against religious minorities in the state frequently in the name of
Bangladeshi. Communal and hatred speeches are also delivered in open
public meetings and press conferences in Assam. But unfortunately
government do not take any action against them as because they belong
to the ruling party. For instance, Mr. Shiladitya Dev, a former legislator
in Assam Assembly commented that Late Padmashri Syed Abdul Malik,
a renewed Literature and President, Axom Sahitya Sabha (the highest
civilian body in Assam) was a “intellectual jihadi”.16Similarly,
Satyaranjan Bora, a BJP linked youth has been offering derogatory
remarks against minority Muslims in Assam continuously since the BJP
led government take over the charge of the state in 2016. In a statement
as published in the News Papers in Assam, he remarked, “personal
remarks should be inside the room. In the gathering with us, we have the
Bajrang Dal, Yuba Morcha, BJP, Ram Sena, all with varied interest. It
does not matter as whoever does what and can have to. We have to stay
united and divide our work as Hindu and we have to punch Islam with
our whole fist and not with our fingers”, said Satyaranjan Bora.17This is
the violation of Fundamental rights of Muslims in Assam, as guaranteed
by the Indian Constitution under Article 25-28 as right to Religion.18
It is in this context needed to mention that the BJP led coalition
government in Assam has prepared and published National Register of
Citizens (NRC) on 31st August, 2019 under the direct supervision of the
Supreme Court of India. All political parties, Student Organisations,
intellectuals and others were too much happy during the preparatory
period of NRC. But after the final publication of the same, it is seen the
welcoming parties of NRC are getting disappointment and the minority
people have become the target of extreme nationalists in Assam on the
ground that they have entered their name by forgery. But it is a well-
known fact that the NRC is prepared with the direct guidance of the
Supreme Court of India. Now some organisations are asking for complete
revision of NRC. The story is not ended here. A section of so called
people including some ruling party members in Assam have been making
some rubbish remarks against the minority people specially the Bengali
speaking Muslims questioning their citizenship again and again. But no
action is taken against those rebuke and hate speech makers. But at the
same time; it is an admitted fact that migration has posed a serious
challenge in Assam. The Assamese society has come under threat due to
migration from both internal and external migration. It is a serious matter
and none should overlook it. But at the same time, it is to be kept in mind
that while checking migration, we shouldn’t go beyond humanity. The
government should check the issue by law. Besides, birth control scheme
with strict legislation must be implemented among the legally migrated
people (prior to 24th March, 1971).
The livelihood of minority people in Assam is basically dependable on
agriculture and small scale business scattering here and there. While the
religious minorities are mostly farmers and hard labourers, the linguistic
minorities have been engaged in business and commerce sector in the
state. Everything was running in fine tune. But since the BJP led
coalition government has come to power in the state in 2016, the things
are going to be changed drastically. The new land policy as evolved in
2019, the use of the word ‘ khilanjia’(indigenous) instead of ‘Axomiya’
or ‘citizen’ has been creating fear among the minority groups. Amidst the
apprehension and suspicion situation among this section of people, the
eviction in many places in Assam including ‘Dhalpur-Garukhuti’ in
Sipajhar Legislative Assembly Constituency in Mangaldoi District has
created a fear and apprehension among the minority Muslim’s in the
state. It is a well-known fact that in the late 1970’s and 1980’s, some
Bengali Speaking Muslim families purchased land in the Dhalpur-

Garukhuti area. These people were the victims of River erosion and six
years Assam movement. In this eviction drive, more than 960 families
have become homeless. Hundreds of Student’s have lost schooling
facility. They have been living in open sky. It may be mentioned that on
23rd September, 2021, the Darrang District administration had evicted
the villagers forcefully. During the eviction drive that day, Assam Police
had mercilessly opened fire on the villagers, in which two persons were
killed and more than 20 person’s injured.19
Education is said to be the key elements of success and development for
human being. But it is unfortunate to say that the Muslim’s in Assam
have been lagging behind other caste community people in the field of
education. According to Sachar committee report as extracted by Prof.
Abdul Mannan (a retired professor of Gauhati University), the following
data can be cited for information.20
Table-6
Percentage Percentage of Literacy Rate
of total all caste-
population community Hindu SC ∕ Muslim Other
of Muslim people ST Minority
Assam
people
30.9 69.1 70.0 64.0 48.4 71.3
(Source year 2004-05)
Interestingly the tea tribes of the state are another most backward
community and the literacy rate among this section of people is just 46
percent.21 The socio-economic condition of this community is too poor.
But it is a welcome gesture on the part of the State Government that 119
model High School is set up in the tea garden areas in Assam.22Muslim’s
are not provided such facility although their literacy rate is slide better
than the tea garden community people.
In the matter of health services, it is seen that there is almost non-
existence of health care facilities in the ‘char’ areas of Assam. There are
some sub-centres in the char areas without doctor and sufficient staff.
Therefore, these centres cannot cater the need of the scattered people of
those areas. This has made them unaware about birth control, health
maintenance, contaminated water, pollution, etc. Besides there is high
rate of illiteracy in those areas which has ultimately made them second
class citizens of the state. Their dresses are nonstandard, speeches are not
proper, culture is backward and overall they belong to minority
community people who are always being labelled as suspected
Bangladeshis. Government is not doing any special steps to uplift the
livelihood of these categories of people. If we say in just one word about
the life style of these minority people, we can easily say that their life is
almost like the beast. But for this under development, the political leaders
are responsible because they are used as vote bank of some political
parties. Even the leaders who belong to this community are also
suppressing them since long past. No higher education institutions are
there for char area people. Medical facilities are ceased to exist. Mother
care, child care facilities are like dream for the people of char areas in
Assam. In 2000, the United Nations (UN) has declared sustainable
development goals (SDG) to be achieved by 2030. Health service was in
seventeenth position in SDG where it was announced that the highest
attainable standard of health is a fundamental right of every person. It
gives me immense pleasure to state that the Assam Government has
formally accepted this goal in 2016 and launched “Assam Vision 2030
Initiatives.” Significantly it has selected Char areas under the SDG.23
But no mentionable or noticeable work is done in this regard. The
declaration is remained within the closed chapters of the Assam vision
2030 Initiatives. In a study, it is found that about 92 % delivery cases in
the Char areas take place at home. It is to be mentioned that there is
about 2251 Char villages in Assam.24 But there is no any Hospital facility
or doctors. This people have to go to the Town areas for treatment which
is not a easy matter, because the road communication is almost unseen in
those areas. Therefore, sicked people are carried to Hospital by cart or by
other people in a ‘Changari’ (which is like a casket pulled by two or four
persons). No floating Hospitals are there in the vast Char areas in Assam.
If Government want to do something, it will happen. But for this purpose
will power is necessary. But this is not done so far. Only Majuli, the
largest river island in the World is lucky enough of having almost all
civil facilities. Majuli is protected from erosion. It is welcome. But at the
same time Government has not paid proper attention to other ‘Char-
Chapori’ area of Assam. Erosion heated people are not provided safe
place for livelihood.
In the Banking sector, there is a huge gape of offering Loan to minority
Muslim’s in Assam. A comparative discussion to this field may be cited
for example.
Average Loan paid to persons belonging to various caste-community
people by Commercial Banks in Assam25
Table-7
Religious Groups Muslim Other Minorities Hindu and others
Assam 28176 39381 68742
The above table clearly shows that the Banking sector has been playing
dubious role to offer loan to the minority Muslim. There may be some
procedural difficulties, but as a whole, the gap is identical.
The poverty scenario among Muslims is higher than that of other caste-
community people in Assam. The poverty ratio is too high among
Muslims in Assam in both urban and rural areas. The data shown in the
following table will provide an idea on poverty among various caste-
community people.26
Table-8
Assam All All SC OBC Caste Muslim Other
community Hindu ∕ Hindu Minorities
ST
Urban 3 3 4 5 1 5 0
Poverty
Rural 18 12 14 16 7 27 20
Poverty
The above comparative data indicates that a section of people namely

the minority Muslim’s are obviously deprived of various rights and that
is why the poverty ratio among them is too high than others in Assam.
By and large it may be called that the minority people in Assam has been
facing severe hardship in their daily life. But the major problem in their
livelihood is to prove their citizenship in regular intervals. For example,
in the long past they had to appear in the citizenship test in1950, 1966,
1997 and recently during the period of 2015-19. Although they pass the
test with sufficient documents but still the label of illegal Bangladeshi
never washes out from their skin. I wish to say that the Political Parties
are behind this gambling whereas the Assamese people as a whole and
many other intellectuals have been with the genuine minority people to
establish their legal rights.
SUGGESTIONS:
The above discussion regarding the problems of minority people in
Assam needs to be addressed with positive outlook. For this purpose,
following measures may humbly be taken.
1. Minority dominated areas should be given top most priority in
the matter of spread of Education specially on female education
because according to statistical data it is seen that the average
literacy rate in Assam is 73.18% whereas the same rate in
minority dominated areas is 48% only. This is a matter of fact of
their backwardness. If we really want a prosperous Assam we
must develop the level of our education system. In one sentence
it should be all inclusive and scientific.
2. Frequent awareness programmes for birth control should be held
in such areas where there is high birth rate. They should be aware
about the utility of small family. Volunteer organisations are to

be encouraged to work in such remote areas to educate people
with some skill development works.
3. Health sector to be made public oriented with special features.
Floating Hospital facilities may be provided with modern
equipment and facilities. The Assam Vision 2030 Initiatives need
to gear up with proper planning. Timely execution of such plans
may be effective in this regard.
4. Foreigner’s TRIBUNAL Court should be more Judicious rather
than biased. The appointment of Members of such Tribunals
should be permanent instead of Contractual basis.
5. Citizens should be provided Identity Cards based on recently
published NRC in Assam to avoid misunderstanding and
suspects from the society.
6. Communal and biased politics should be transformed into
Development politics.
7. All caste community people should come forward to make the
state prosperous. For this purpose, Positive attitude should be
adopted in all spheres.
CONCLUSIONS:
From the above discussion it is seen that Assam has been testing many
ups and downs in the form of movement, agitations etc. This beautiful
land is enriched with natural wealth and other resources. Mass people are
very much easy going and simple. They want peace and prosperity of all
section of people. Therefore, the respective Governments should pay
positive response to work for all-round development of all section of
people in the state. In the words of Helen Keller, “Alone we can do so
little; together we can do so much”. If we adopt this type of methods in
our community life, we will get success in our mission of development.
The government should pay equal attention to all caste-community
people. None should left away because the society needs the service of
all. At the same time, minority Muslim’s must be aware about high rate
of birth and try to assimilate with the culture of the Assamese society.
They should try to walk with mainstream politics rather than isolating
policy.
REFERENCES:
1. Extracted from: htpp:// www.un.org/en/universal-declaration-human-
rights/
2. Census of India-2011 extracted from: www.population in Assam.in
3. Wirth L (1945); The Problem of Minority Groups , Bobbs Merrill, New
York
4. Goswami et.al (2003): Population Growth in Assam 1951-91 with focus

on Migration, Akansha Publishing House, pp-114
5. Rehman, T.(1983) : The Horror Nagging Shadow; Retrieved from
www.google search in
6. Ibid
7. Ibid
8. Extracted from: http://onlineedistrict.amtron.In>web> White Paper on
Foreigners issue>Home- Government of Assam.
9. Extracted from: http://indianexpress.com-landmark judgement on
foreigner’s case in Assam.
10. Extracted from: www.thehindu.com dtd.27Nov. 2021. Amnesty Says
Tribunal’s created havoc in Assam for last 15... Pp-143
11. Sobur,A (2020) (Ed): Rupalim, A Sovenir published by Union Book
Publication, S.C. Goswami Road, Pan Bazar, Guwahati-1; Pp-147
12. Retrieved from: “Holocaust Encyclopaedia- Dachau” > United States
Holocaust Museum, Washington DC.
13. Extracted from: http:// www.google search. in censusassam2011.in
14. Mannan, A (2007): Sachar Pratibedonor Alokot Bharotio Musalmanor
Artha Samajik aru Shaikhik Obostha: Eti Bislekhan, Ekta Trust Society,
Guwahati-14, pp-39
15. Ibid
16. Extracted from: https://www.thehindu.com,dtd 10th August, 2020
17. Extracted from: https://www.insidene.com,dtd 7th December, 2021
18. Paul.K.C.& Nayak. P.C. (2001): Indian Political System, Arun
Prakashan, Guwahati-1, Pp-42-64
19. Extracted from: htpp:// www.siasat.com>India>Brutality of BJP
Government still at Assam’s Dhalpur
Guwahati-14, pp-30
21. Extracted from: htpp://en.mwikipaedia.org>wiki>Tea Garden
Community of Assam
22. ibid
23. Zaman R, Baruah M.P & Kalita, B (2014): Contemporary Political
Issues,Asom Book Depot, Panbazar, Guwahati-1, Pp-60-66
24. Ahmed, N (ed.) (1997): KAHUA>Abibhakta Goalparar Musalman
Samaj by Medini Choudhuri> a Bi-lingual Souvenir of Bishesh Char
Conference held in Khan Khowa Char of Goalpara District in
Assam,published by erstwhile UMF,Pp-7-9

Guwahati-781014, pp-57
26. Ibid, Pp- 69-70.
Sustainable Development The Indian Journal of Politics

Vol. 55, No. 1-2, 2021, pp-76-88
and Ecological Issues https://www.amu.ac.in/
nonacademic/UnitPanel1.jsp
Swaleha Parveen*
ABSTRACT
Sustainable development is a development which meets

the needs of present generations without endangering
the abilities of future generations in supplying their
needs. It also means that valid and efficient management
and exploitation of the basic, natural, financial
resources as well as human force for accessing to an
accepted pattern of consumption along with using
technical possibilities in order to meet the needs of the
present and future generations in continual and
satisfactory way.
Sustainable development that causes the conservation of
lands, water, genetic, plant and animal resources not
only is not the destructor of the environment, but also is
suitable technically, worthwhile economically, and
acceptable socially. This paper is an attempt to assess
some of the major environmental problems facing
developing and developed regions of the world, and
suggests solutions for resolving them.
It also discusses environmental education projects that
help to raise awareness in young people about the
interrelationships between pollution, the environment
and society. Multidimensionality of the objectives is
another aspect of this study that includes: to promote
human development goals, environment conservation,
decreasing poverty, eliminating hunger and inequality
*Ph.D., Department of Political Science, AMU, Aligarh

Sustainable Development and Ecological …. 77
through empowering people and developing democracy

and participation.
Keywords: Sustainable Development, Environmental problems, Human
Development, and Ecological issues and Environment degradation.
INTRODUCTION
Human beings and other living things each affect their surrounding
environment. It should be said that primitive human being’s effect on
environment was less by far and having an unpolluted environment had
provided him with a more secure place for living. The life of mankind in
the earth due to the development of polluting industries and its lack of
proportion with environmental relations, qualitative change of
civilization tools as well as ignoring safe relations between human needs
and the status of environment has experienced increasing dangers.
Nowadays destructing habitats directly affects the economic, political,
and social process of world countries as its unfavourable effects on
human’s life are obvious.
The word “sustainable development” which was introduced for the first
time by the commission of Brundtland in a report titled “Our common
future” in 1987 indicates of this undeniable fact that the lessons of
ecology can and should be used in the economic processes. These lessons
include: strategic ideas of global environment conservation and creating a
reasonable setting in which the claim of development is tested and
challenged in promoting all aspects of life. Sustainable development
means valid and efficient management and exploitation of the basic,
natural, and financial resources as well as human force for accessing to
an accepted pattern of consumption along with using technical
possibilities and suitable structures in order to meet the needs of the
present and future generation in a satisfactory way. Brundtland
Commission Report, Our Common Future, which defines sustainable
development as “development that meets the needs of the present without
compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs”
(Brundtland Commission Report). Although sustainable development
serves as the stated objective of many development initiatives, such as
the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), ecosystems worldwide are
deteriorating. A summary of the report of the Millennium Ecosystem
Assessment by its Board entitled, Living Beyond Our Means: Natural
Assets and Human Well-Being identified the failure to value ecosystem
services as a major contributing cause to this problem1. The influential
World Commission on Environment and Development (commonly
referred to as the Brundtland Commission) recognized the need for
integrated environmental and economic accounting in 1987 when it
called for “an annual report and audit on changes in environmental
quality and in the stock of the nation’s environmental resource assets.”
The Commission noted that such a report was “essential to obtain an
accurate picture of the true health and wealth of the national economy
and to assess progress towards sustainable development”.
Economic and Environment conservation aspects in sustainability,
sustainable development will become an anti-development tool. The
aspect of sustainability in this definition according to
Lahsaeezadeh(2005) and Lellah(1995) consists of social, environmental,
and physical aspects, that to somehow come back to the sustainability of
things, conserving the natural environment, and social balance through
processes of growth and change in supplying reasonable needs of human
beings. Multifaceted of the objectives is another aspect of this that
includes: unity in aspects of human development, environment
conservation, decreasing poverty, eliminating hunger, and power
inequality through empowering people and developing democracy and
participation. The main focus of the concept of sustainable development
is “decreasing social inequalities”2 which so far has been ignored by
older patterns of development. Sustainable development implies attaining
a balance between environmental protection and human economic
development and between the present and future needs. It means equity
in development and sectoral actions across space and time. It requires an
integration of economic, social and environmental approaches towards
development. The research is focuses on the important of sustainable
development in global era. Human development is essentially what
sustainability advocates want to sustain and without sustainability,
human development is not true human development. In the last half of
the twentieth century, four key themes emerged from the collective
concerns and aspirations of the world’s peoples: peace, freedom,
development, and environment.
The process of globalizing the capitals and socio-economic benefits
which is called” Globalisation” due to the lack of providing essential
provisions for compensating its damages will lead to growing cultural,
economic, social and political gap between the developed countries and
the developing ones. The process of globalization in the conditions of
structural differences resulting from industrial gap not only rises social
inequalities and intensifies the gap of widespread poverty both in local
and international level, but also aggravates environmental challenges and
the crisis inside the society and outside it, especially in adjacent countries
of world system (as Wallerstein has argued).
The process of globalizing with respect to the economic, social, and
cultural implications connotes of integrating local and national societies
in international markets and unifying common cultural characteristics of
all societies is interrelated with the new wave of reconstruction. It is now
clear that economic, social and environmental implementation efforts
need to be reintegrated, and the tracks of discussion currently unfolding
under the rubrics of the Millennium Development Goals and future
sustainable development goals need to be thought of as dimensions of the

sustainable development paradigm. An important sustainable
development challenge arises from unsustainable consumption and
production patterns that have evolved in developed countries, a pattern
that is increasingly being followed by developing countries. For example,
per capita greenhouse gas emissions levels in developed countries are 20-
40 times greater than needed for stabilization of the atmospheric
greenhouse gas concentration. The per capita ecological footprints in
developed countries are 4-9 times greater than their bio-capacity. The
high World Economic and Social Survey 2013 degree of inequality that
accompanies and promotes these patterns makes them socially
unsustainable and constrains achievement of the human development
goals. Without an effective global agenda, high-income households, in
developed as well as developing countries, are likely to continue to adopt
unsustainable consumption practices3.
Need of the Sustainable Development in the Global Era:
In August 2002, South Africa hosted the World Summit on Sustainable
Development (WSSD). The Summit wrestled with the problem that huge
imbalances in wealth between countries provide the biggest challenge for
global development. Mineral deposits are vital to the development of
many poorer nations as well as to the continuance of rich countries'
lifestyles.
Extracting these sensitively allows these poorer countries to develop their
education and health systems and other forms of human and social
capital. The United Nations set out the Millennium Development Goals
for the year 2015. These include:
 Developing a global partnership for sustainable development.
 Halving the numbers of people living on less than $1 a day or
suffering from hunger
 Ensuring all children complete primary schooling
 Halting the spread of AIDS and other major diseases
Many businesses accept they have a responsibility to work with
international bodies (e.g. the United Nations or the World Bank),
governments, Non-Governmental Organizations (e.g. Sight savers
International, Oxfam or Save the Children) and communities worldwide
to work towards sustainable development. In mining, this typically
involves using natural capital (the rewards from extracting raw materials)
to build social and human capital (e.g. schools, hospitals and worthwhile
jobs and skills) Sustainable development strives for reducing poverty and
equitable use of resources. The means adopted consist of minimization of
depletion of environmental dilapidation, social unsteadiness, economic
resources and cultural disorder. It also aims to use the resources in a

judicious way so that present as well future needs be met.
Now a day’s biggest concern is rapidly diminishing of natural resources,
whether it is oil, minerals, energy sources or food etc. Because of the
rapid industrialization, natural resources have suffered the most4.
Global Environmental Concerns and reasons of Environmental Problems:
1. Population growth
2. Unsustainable resource use
3. Poverty
4. Excluding environmental costs from market prices
5. Widespread Population Increase
6. Ozone Depletion
7. Climate Change
8. Desertification
9. Deforestation
10. Biodiversity Loss
11. Freshwater Sources
12. Marine Environment Degradation
13. Toxification
14. Acid Rain
It also constantly is facing with environmental and ecological issues.
World has taken notice to this grave scenario and has started to address
the issue by focusing upon economic as well as environmental and socio-
political sustainability so that future generations can meet their demands.
Different means of energy conservation, alternate energy resources,
nature protection and equal distribution of income have been taken to
ensure sustainable economic development. The global financial and
economic crisis in 2009 has exacerbated the situation: Growth rates are
falling, unemployment is rising, poverty in deepening, Climate change,
heavy population rate, hunger and malnutrition are on the increase again,
and the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals is in
jeopardy. Problems of sustainable development are rooted in issues of
resource use and their pattern of distribution and ownership. Thus a
policy towards sustainable development cannot be framed in isolation to
politics and state regulations. The United Nations Environment
Programme (UNEP) 1975 explains “environmental management implies
sustainable development’. Since then the challenge as expressed in the
Brundtland Report also as ‘the process of economic development (which)

must be more soundly based on the stock of capital that sustains it.”
The overall goal of sustainable development (SD) is the long-term
stability of the economy and environment; this is only achievable through
the integration and acknowledgement of economic, environmental, and
social concerns throughout the decision making process. In the
application of this definition of sustainable development, one issue
concerns the substitutability of capital. There are several types of capital:
social, natural, and man-made. The definition of weak sustainable
development explores that only the aggregate level of capital matters:
man-made, or manufactured, capital is an adequate alternative to natural
capital. Strong sustainability, on the other hand, recognizes the unique
features of natural resources that cannot be replaced by manufactured
capital. The achievement of sustained development defined in terms of
improving people’s present requirements while preserving nature’s
productive capacity for the future remains the greatest challenge to the
world community. More than one billion people still live in acute poverty
and suffer grossly inadequate access to the resources; education, health
services, infrastructure, land and credit- required to give them a chance
for a better life. It is concerned with evolution over a long period of
time, focusing on stability issues and especially structural changes, that is
changes that result in qualitatively different characteristics of states or
behaviour of the system under consideration5. Long-term stability of the
environment and the economy is the foundation of the field of sustainable
development.
Sustainable Development Challenges and Ecological Issues:
Many challenges threaten progress towards sustainable development
goals. The spike in food and energy prices in 2008 led to a severe food
crisis. The subsequent fall of energy prices has eased some of the
pressure on energy importing countries. Yet, food prices remain high.
The global financial and economic crisis in 2009 has exacerbated the
situation: Growth rates are falling, unemployment is rising, poverty in
deepening, Climate change, heavy population rate, hunger and
malnutrition are on the increase again, and the achievement of the
Millennium Development Goals is in jeopardy.
Sustainable development of urban areas requires integration and
coordination, including regarding land-use issues, food security,
employment creation, transportation infrastructure development,
biodiversity conservation, water conservation, renewable energy
sourcing, waste and recycling management, and the provision of
education, health care and housing.
Synergies can be identified, e.g., between waste and recycling
management (environmental management) and access to water and
sanitation (social development), between air quality conservation and

green public transportation, and between production and distribution of
renewable energy sources and green energy access, as well as between
the goal of reducing inequities (effective urban governance) and access to
education and health care (social development). The Survey proposes an
integrated set of investments in infrastructure, public services and
capacity development for different groups of countries. An integrated
approach to rural and urban development is critical. Investment in
economic and social infrastructure in rural areas might improve
productivity, reduce poverty and inequity and create additional
opportunities for sustainable livelihoods.
Sustainable development of cities in poor countries entails investment in
infrastructure such as roads, water, sewers, electricity and services such
as schools, public transportation and health care. Leapfrogging
investment in a green industrial transformation can generate youth
employment. In cities of middle- and high-income countries, investment
in infrastructure, renewable energy, buildings, and improved electricity
and water efficiencies is important. Investment in the reduction of waste
production and improvement of waste collection and recycling systems is
needed in most cities across the world. Providing access to modern
energy services is a real challenge to urban authorities in developing
countries which often do not have enough capacity to respond, nor the
ability to raise the needed long-term financial resources for investment.
(Department of Economic and Social Affairs, 2013, United Nations p.
X). The precautionary principle establishes that “where there are threats
of serious or irreversible damage, lack of full scientific certainty shall not
be used as a reason for postponing cost effective measure to prevent
environmental degradation” (United Nations Conference on the Human
Environment, 1992). Therefore, the proponent of an activity bears the
burden of proving that this action will not cause significant harm.
Explicitly stated in the Rio Declaration, the notion of common but
differentiated responsibilities recognizes that each nation must play their
part on the issue of sustainable development. This principle also
acknowledges the different contributions to environmental degradation
by developed and developing 3 nations, while appreciating the future
development needs of these less developed countries; United Nations
Conference on the Human Environment, 1992). Developed nations,
therefore, bear greater responsibility in light of the resources they require
and the pressures they exert on the environment. The key principle of
sustainable development underlying all others is the integration of
environmental, social, and economic concerns into all aspects of decision
making.6
Recent agricultural practices are a leading source of greenhouse gas
emissions, while also leading to other problems, such as loss of soil
fertility and water pollution from run-off. Increased temperatures and
more volatile weather patterns caused by climate change may already be

affecting crop yields, affecting incomes and agricultural production.
Increased land use for biofuels will increase constraints on the supply
side and may lead to higher food prices, further affecting the most
economically disadvantaged. Similarly, current urbanization trends
accelerate the diversion of land use from agricultural production. The
transformation of the energy system needs to be a core element of the
sustainable development agenda, in order to improve the living standards
of people with equity and environmental sustainability. Under the
Secretary-General’s Sustainable Energy for All Initiative and in other
contexts, explicit energy goals (or targets) have been suggested to end the
dependence on traditional biomass as a source of thermal energy; to
improve access to reliable, adequate and high-quality electricity; to
facilitate convergence to best practices in the provision of energy
services; and to ensure that unreliable or low-quality energy sources do
not compromise the opportunities of the working poor who are self-
employed or run household enterprises7.
Conceptually, government organizations are typically organized into
sectoral ministries and departments. This works fairly well until the
system encounters something very comprehensive and highly integrated
in nature, such as sustainable development. In practice, sustainable
development requires the integration of economic, environmental, and
social objectives across sectors, territories, and generations. Therefore,
sustainable development requires the elimination of fragmentation; that
is, environmental, social, and economic concerns must be integrated
throughout decision making processes in order to move towards
development that is truly sustainable. The sustainability aspect requires at
least that environmental administrators aim:
1. To maintain ecosystem and related ecological processes essential for
the function of the biosphere;
2. To maintain biological diversity by ensuring the survival and
promoting the conservation in their natural habitats of all species of
flora and fauna;
3. To observe the principle of optimum sustainable yield in the
exploitation of living natural resources and ecosystem;
4. To prevent or abate significant environment pollution or harm;
5. To undertake or require prior assessments to ensure that major law
policies, projects, and technological contribute to sustainable
development;
6. To organize adequate environment protection standard.
The challenge for water supply and sanitation will be meet the backlog of
demand while meeting the needs of increasing populations. At present
one -third of the world’s population has inadequate sanitation, one billion
people lack safe water. Making safe drinking water available to everyone
in the next generation will require an additional service for 3.7 billion
people living in urban areas and for 1.2 billion people in rural areas. For
sanitation, the problem is even serious; the number of urban dwellers
recently served is little more than one billion. There is increasing
recognition that current approaches are not adequate to meet the needs of
the coming years. Changes are needed in present policies dealing with
water and sanitation.
Seek for Inclusive Strategies and Technological Innovation in
Achieving Sustainable Development:
This concept of conserving resources for future generations is one of the
major features that distinguish sustainable development policy from
traditional environmental policy, which also seeks to internalize the
externalities of environmental degradation. The overall goal of
sustainable development (SD) is the long-term stability of the economy
and environment; this is only achievable through the integration and
acknowledgement of economic, environmental, and social concerns
throughout the decision making process. Components of a healthy
environment, such as clean air and water, are considered public goods in
that they are non-rivalrous and non-excludable. Thus, it is up to the
public sector to maintain the provision of these goods and services. More
recently, nations have moved towards the implementation of these
market based mechanisms to internalize the complete costs of pollution
and ensure long-term stability of the environment; in other words, to
ensure sustainable development.8
The outcome document of the United Nations Conference on Sustainable
Development provides guidance for achieving the transition to
sustainable development as a means of increasing the well-being of
current and future generations in all countries. Sustainable development
strategies need to be inclusive and take special care of the needs of the
poorest and most vulnerable. Strategies need to be ambitious, action-
oriented and collaborative, taking into account different national
circumstances. (Department of Economic and Social Affairs, 2013, p.
Viii). They will need to systemically change consumption and production
patterns, and might entail, inter alia, significant price corrections;
encourage the preservation of natural endowments; reduce inequality;
and strengthen economic governance. Such a process will need to
minimize the types of consumption and production that have negative
externalities, while simultaneously seeking to maximize the types of
consumption and production that create positive externalities. Examples
of minimizing negative externalities include reduction of environmental
pollution, while examples of positive externalities include, for example,
technology adaptation, reduction of food waste and enhanced energy
efficiency. Technology will certainly play a major role in this

transformation. Changes in consumption patterns can drive the creation
of new technologies necessary for sustainability and their adoption and
diffusion at the desired pace. Success in bringing about these changes
will require substantial reorganization of the economy and society and
changes in lifestyles. Economic and financial incentives for the creation
and adoption of new technologies will be needed which may include
innovative policy reforms. Poverty eradication, changing unsustainable
and promoting sustainable patterns of consumption and production, and
protecting and managing the natural resource base of economic and
social development are the overarching objectives of an essential
requirement for sustainable development. In this broad context,
protection of climate and environment will need to be pursued as a
universally shared goal.
Sustainable development strategies of developing countries will continue
to give priority to human development, with the elimination of poverty as
its central goal. Human development requires more attention to be
directed towards quality issues as well as coherence at the national level.
Fresh water is vital to human life and economic wellbeing, and societies
draw heavily on rivers, lakes, wetlands, and underground aquifers to
supply water for drinking, irrigating crops, and running industrial
processes. The benefits of these extractive uses of fresh water have
traditionally overshadowed the equally vital benefits of water that
remains in stream to sustain healthy aquatic ecosystems. There is
growing recognition that functionally intact and biologically complex
freshwater ecosystems provide many economically valuable commodities
and services to society. Ecological services are costly and often
impossible to replace when aquatic ecosystems are degraded. Yet today,
aquatic ecosystems are being severely altered or destroyed at a greater
rate than at any other time in human history, and far faster than they are
being restored. Debates involving sustainable allocation of water
resources should recognize that maintenance of freshwater ecosystem
integrity is a legitimate goal that must be considered among the
competing demands for fresh water. Coherent policies are required that
more equitably allocate water resources between natural ecosystem
functioning and society’s extractive needs. Clearly, new management
approaches are required9. In this paper we explain the requirements for
water of sufficient quality, amount, timing, and flow variability in
freshwater ecosystems to maintain the natural dynamics that produce
ecosystem goods and service.
Sustainable forest development and management require the partnership
of all the nations of the world, the only capable of ensuring a
comprehensive and efficient economy. The protection and sustainable
development of forests represent a concept that has gained multiple
valences in recent years, because of the importance given to the forest by

the participants in the social process. The great importance of sustainable
development of forests is also given by the overall economic
development and political transformations that take place both at the
global and national levels. Environmental protection problems are a
challenge for which there is no single policy, but the combination of
existing opportunities and increase of efficiency in all social and
economic areas of states would contribute to solving the problem of
resources and distribution. Environmental protection is currently a
principal area of cooperation and international regulations, which
assumes a global or across borders dimension. The persistence, purpose
and inter-temporal nature of environmental problems, call for global
actions of prevention. The great importance of sustainable development
of forests is also given by the overall economic development and political
transformations that take place both at the global and national levels10.
Energy efficiency and demand-side management-doing more with less,
reducing energy consumption by substituting fuels and technologies and
altering consumer behaviour-is clearly the most environmentally benign
way to address increases in demand for energy services. Energy
efficiency can include practices as diverse as switching from
conventional coal power plants to combined heat and power units,
lowering thermostats, better maintaining industrial boilers, and walking
or cycling instead of driving. These actions not only involve very little
damage to the environment, they can be cost effective as well as long as
they are strategically implemented to avoid the rebound effect11.
Equilibrium among various eco-systems can resist only to certain amount
of pressure in form of natural resource use, ill atmospheric composition,
over exploitation of any components and so on. Thus, prior to going for
exploitation of natural resources, do have adequate knowledge about
composition and interrelation between and among the constituent factors
of environment.
Conclusion:
The research is highlights the important of sustainable development in
global era. Human development is essentially what sustainability
advocates want to sustain and without sustainability, human development
is not true human development. In the last half of the twentieth century,
four key themes emerged from the collective concerns and aspirations of
the world’s peoples: peace, freedom, development, and environment. The
concept of sustainable development is the intellectual, democratic,
reasonable and human connection among three elements of human
resources (environment), and technology. If human and his green and
environmental insights are the dominant agents of this process, we can
expect a promising future for catching sustainable development owing to
mass participant, responsible organizations, and public and specialized
trainings. Environment has emerged as a dominant force influencing

development planning efforts. Sustainable development is the process of
judicious use and conservation of natural resources for the overall
improvement in the quality of life for the present and future generation
on long term basis.Now it is time for humans to proceed with the
remaining steps to truly achieve sustainability for both present and future
generations.
References:
1. Baron, Jill S., et al. (2003). “Sustaining Healthy Freshwater Ecosystems”.
Issues Ecological Society of America, (10). 1-3. Retrieved on 14 November
2020, from
https://www.esa.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/issue10.pdf
2. Brodhag, C., & Taliere, S. (2006). Sustainable development strategies:
Tools for policy coherence. Natural Resources Forum, 136-145.
3. Cerin, P. (2006). Bringing economic opportunity into line with
environmental influence: A Discussion on the Coase theorem and the Porter
and van der Linde hypothesis. Ecological Economics, 209-225.
4. Dogaru, Lucretia. (2013).”3rd World Conference on Learning, Teaching
and Educational Leadership (WCLTA-2012): The importance of
environmental protection and sustainable development.” Procedia - Social
and Behavioural Sciences (93): 2013 1344 – 1348.
5. Sakmar, S. L, et al. (2011). Sustainable Development and Environmental
Challenges in the Mena Region: Accounting for the Environment in the 21st
Century, Egypt: The Economic Research Forum (ERF). 6. Retrieved
November 11. 2020 from
https://www.footprintnetwork.org/content/images/uploads/Sakmar_et_al_20
11.pdf.
6. Sapru, R.K. (1994). Development Administration. New Delhi: Sterling
Publishers, 42-46.
7. Singh, Vineeta. (2014 June). “An Impact and Challenges of Sustainable
Development in Global Era.”Journal of Economics and Development
Studies, 2(2),327-337. Retrieved on 12 November, 2020
fromhttp://jedsnet.com/journals/jeds/Vol_2_No_2_June_2014/19.pdf
8. Sovacoo, Benjamin K. (2014). “Environmental Issues, Climate Changes,
and Energy Security in Developing Asia”.ADB Economics Working Paper
Series.Manila:Asian Development Bank. P. 10. Retrieved on 14 November
2020. fromhttps://www.adb.org/sites/default/files/publication/42604/ewp-
399.pdf
9. “The Concept of Sustainable Development: Definition and Defining
Principles.”(2015). Rachel Emas, Florida: International University.p.2.
Retrieved on 13 November 2020 from
https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/content/documents/5839GSDR%202
015_SD_concept_definiton_rev.pdf
10. Valadbigi, Akbar, Ghobadi, Shahab. (2010 March). Sustainable

development and Environment challenges. Ontario, Canada: The Summer
Congress, 2010. 5.Retrieved on November 11. 2020
fromhttps://www.researchgate.net/publication/211482175_''_Sustainable_de
velopment_and_environmental_challenges_
11. “World Economic and Social Survey: Sustainable Development
Challenges”. (2013).Department of Economic and Social Affairs,50(Rev. 1)
ST/ESA/344. New York:United Nations publication. Vii-viii.
Defying the Odds: Nigeria’s Spiralling…. 89
Defying the Odds: The Indian Journal of Politics

Vol. 55, No. 1-2, 2021, pp-89-113
Nigeria’s Spiralling https://www.amu.ac.in/
Insecurity and Failure of nonacademic/UnitPanel1.jsp
State Responses
Olasupo O. Thompson*, Isiaka A Adams,**
ABSTRACT
Nigeria plays vital roles in regional and global security

affairs. Yet, the county faces enormous insecurity
challenges. This article examines the numerous security
challenges and state response as well as the assessment
of the responses in Nigeria. The article relies majorly on
secondary sources. The findings of the study are that
Nigeria’s spiraling insecurity ranges from terrorism,
banditry, secessionist agitations to the covid-19
outbreak. These insecurity issues have defied the odds
for numerous reasons such as politicization of security
issues, ethnicity, religious bigotry, poor leadership,
nepotism, criminal sympathisers, inadequate weaponry
and external reliance, loss of morale and interest, lack
of security reforms, unemployment, and poverty. The
study concludes that a multi-faceted approach which
among other things include improving the economy,
strengthening institutions, looking inwards, imbibing
good governance, espousing true federalism, addressing
conflict triggers such as poverty, unemployment,
illiteracy, shoring up its porous borders and promoting
environmental sustainability are all needed in curbing
these numerous insecurities and strengthening the
various state responses.
*PhD, History & International Studies, Federal University of Agriculture

Abeokuta, Abeokuta. Ogun State, Nigeria.
**PhD, Political Science Department, University of Lagos, Akoka, Lagos State,
Nigeria
Key words: Banditry, Boko Haram, Farmer-Herders, Coronavirus

(COVID-19), Insecurity
INTRODUCTION
The global community is suffering from one form of insecurity or the
other at the moment. From, terrorism, immigration, population outburst,
food insecurity, famine, environmental degradation, climate change,
protest against racism, hunger, drug abuse, to Corona Virus (COVID-19)
pandemic among others, no nation seems to be immune from one of these
challenges.1 These states have devised several means to deal with their
peculiar security challenges.
In Nigeria, insecurity issues including its impacts has gained
scholarly attentions.2 In spite the avalanche of these studies, the
analytical assessment of state response, more importantly, ways to tackle
these challenges and the barriers to these responses have not been given
adequate attention.
This study examines these insecurities, state responses as well as the
assessment of these responses. The significance of this study will not
only add to existing knowledge on security studies on the continent, but
also show what heterogeneous societies and fragile states can learn from
Nigeria’s experience in responding to similar challenges. India, with
many similarities with Nigeria has a lot to learn from Nigeria’s
conundrum. As Caroline Cohn puts it “the nations of Nigeria and India
both have exceptionally diverse populations, endured the deliberate
divide-and-rule strategies executed by British colonizers who sought
thereby to exacerbate existing differences, and experienced peaceful
transfers from colonial rule to independence.”3 This article relies majorly
on secondary sources. This includes journals, books and media reports.
The structure of the article is divided into five headings: Introduction,
Security: Conceptualisation and its Structure in the Nigerian State,
Spiraling Insecurity and Responses, Defying the Odds: Why Insecurity
Persists and Conclusion.
Security: Conceptualisation and its Structure in the Nigerian State
Security means the state of being free from danger or threat in whatever
form. A foremost security expert, D. A. Baldwin noted that in defining
and redefining what security means, features such as for whom, by who,
for which value, how much security, for which values, for what threat, by
what means, at what cost and at what point in time must be considered in
our nomenclature of security.4 Some argued that security is complex and
multifaceted as it spans from political, economic, and social to cultural
and international dimension.5 Nevertheless, the working definition of
security for this article is the absence of threat of any kind from
anywhere and by whatever means on the citizenry by state and/or non-
state actors. These threats could be hunger, shelter, health, poverty, poor
environment, or environmental hazards, unhygienic water, etc.
Nigeria is a heterogeneous society with over 450 languages, 374
ethnic groups and a land mass of 923, 768 km. The country has a
population of about 200 million and divided into six geo-political zones.
These are, North-west, North-central, North -east, South-east, South-
south and South-west. Three major religions are practiced in Nigeria—
Islam, Christianity and African Traditional religion. However, while the
north is dominated by the Muslims, the south is dominated by the
Christians and pockets of traditional religion exists in both regions.
However, the country is constitutionally a secular state.6 The major
ethnic groups are the composite Hausa-Fulani of the north, the Yoruba of
the southwest, and the Igbo of the southeast. These three ‘hegemonic’
ethnic groups are popularly referred to by the generic term ‘wazobia.’7
Nigeria has involved in international peace keeping missions
across the globe and particularly in Africa.8 Yet, the country battles with
numerous security challenges perpetrated by both State and non-state
actors. Nigeria has depended more on her security forces to confront
these threats. Ball and Fayemi viewed the security component as
encompassing all those state institutions that have a formal mandate to
ensure the safety of the State and its citizens from fear of violence.9 The
components of the Nigerian security comprised of the following: The
Armed Forces, the Nigerian Police Force, paramilitary bodies including
Customs and Excise, the Immigration Service, the Intelligence Services-
including military intelligence and the State Security Service; judicial
and public security bodies/governmental oversight organisations –
judiciary, justice ministry, correctional service prisons); private security
outfits; militia groups – including, for examples, the Odua People
Congress, Bakassi Boys, Hizba Corps and community vigilante groups.10
Although a look at the country’s constitution reflects federalism; in
practice it practices unitary system. Thus, the security structure or
architecture is designed in such a way that the directives are strictly top -
bottom. That is, only the President who is also the Commander in Chief
of the Armed Forces is entitled to give an order to the security agencies.11
Security Architecture of the Nigerian State
Although, directives flow via Federal- State-Local Government.
However, all the security agencies get orders from only the Presidency,
particularly the President. States and Local Governments which are
supposed to be autonomous also depend on the Federal Government for
security except they create an outfit which are not even allowed to carry
arms. In a case of threat, such outfits usually do not succeed as they are
not allowed to carry arms. Additionally, such outfits must get clearance
from the Federal government through the National Security and Civil
Defence Corp (NSCDC). The Ministry of Defence, Ministry of Interior,
Office of the National Security Adviser and the Office of the Secretary
General of the Federation, heads the major security and intelligence units
in the country are immediately under the jurisdictions of the President.
Spiraling Insecurity and Responses
Nigeria, since the return to democracy in 1999, has been battling with
various security challenges. From Niger-Delta crisis, Boko Haram,
secessionist threat, banditry, poverty, Farmer-herders’ crisis to the recent
Coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic; these security threats seem to be
overwhelming the Nigerian State. This article focuses on three of these
security challenges. These are Boko Haram, Farmer-Herders conflict, and
banditry amid the pandemic.
The History of the Boko Haram has been well documented.12
State response as well as its the history of poor governance and poverty
level in the north heightened the activities of the insurgents. The agenda
of the group is to forcefully Islamise the country. A faction led by the son
of Muhammad Yusuf, Abu Mus'ab al-Barnawi, broke away in 2016 in
opposition to Shekau's indiscriminate targeting of civilians. The splinter
Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) group has the backing of
IS. The conflicts apart from spreading to other regional States through
Nigeria’s porous borders,13 it has further led to the death of more than
38,781 people and led to the displacement of more than three million
people, about 292,510 Nigerian refugees in Chad, Cameroon and Niger,
about 550,000 displaced in Chad, Cameroon and Niger, with about 3.5
million people in dire need of food.14 The farmers-herders’ conflict
which had been a menace since the 1980s was not too much of a threat
before 2015, but it got to an alarming stage from the inception of
President Muhammadu Buhari, particularly in the north-central. Some
analysts opine that the clashes were also fueled by the Fulani factor
inspired by the sentiments that one of their own is in power. The causes
of violence orchestrated by the farmer-herders’ clashes are environmental
degradation, desertification of the Sahara, rapid urbanization, fear of
cattle rustlers, diminished cattle route among others.15
Another security challenge facing the Nigerian State is rural
banditry. Though originated from Zamfara State, it has spilled into other
states including geo-political zones namely Kaduna, Katsina, Sokoto,
Kebbi, Niger, northwest and the last of which is in North-central. It has
created instability, resulted in loss of lives, property, livelihood, human
rights abuse, hampered socio-economic development, widened poverty
and undermined democratic governance in the North-West region.16
Moreover, it has had enormous impact on out- of -school children.17
Although a report earlier indicated that about 6,319 lives have been lost
since 2011 in Zamfara State alone.18 A recent study show that more than
8,000 people have been killed – mainly in Zamfara state – with over
200,000 internally displaced and about 60,000 fleeing into Niger
Republic over the last decade.19 Although most literature continue to tag
it as rural banditry, the activities of the criminal group have shown that
they also operate in urban spaces particularly with no or little security
apparatuses.
The characteristics of these numerous security challenges to the
Nigerian State is that lives have been lost, properties destroyed,
livelihood threatened and causes of food insecurity. Attempts to curtail
these spiraling insecurity has continued under different leadership since
2009.20 There seemed to be light at the end of the tunnel when the
spiritual home of the sect ‘Camp Zero’ was captured in December 2016
and the flag handed to President Buhari,21 however, recent events show
that the light was a mirage . Aside insurgency, secessionists movements
are also evolving.22
Federal Government Response
The Niger-Delta question was President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua’s
biggest security challenge until he confronted it by offering the militants’
amnesty. Although he did not witness the peaceful transition of the area
in his lifetime,23 his erstwhile deputy, Dr Goodluck Jonathan, who was
confirmed as the President in 2010 did not only witnessed but sustained
it.
When Boko Haram was at infancy, there was a time late Umaru
Musa Yar’Adua and Goodluck Jonathan administrations decided to
dialogue with the group. They sent emissaries including prominent
religious leaders and other dignitaries to placate the sect to sheath its
sword. For example, late Yar’Adua established a committee of inquiry
led by Ambassador Usman Galtimari to identify the grievances of the
sect and make possible recommendations.24 Private individuals also
made concerted efforts to curb the conflict. In September 2011, former
president Olusegun Obasanjo held talks with some members of the group
in their birthplace and strongholds where they tabled demands for a
ceasefire which included an end to arrests and killings of their members,
payment and compensation to families of their members killed by the
security personnel, and prosecution of the police officers responsible for
the killing of their leader, Mohammed Yusuf.25 In 2012, Datti Ahmad,
president of the National Supreme Council on Sharia who is widely
believed to have the respect of the group also reached out to the group
but this failed after accusations of bad faith on the part of government.26
Before the 2015 election was postponed from 14th February to
28 March for obvious reasons---insecurity,27 Goodluck Jonathan
th
administration employed a South African foreign mercenary (STTEP) on

a three-month contract in order to reclaim the lost territories held by the
insurgents so that elections could hold there.28 Goodluck Jonathan lost
the election and President Muhammadu Buhari became the new head of
state on 29 May, 2015.
The coming of President Muhammadu Buhari was believed to be
a relief for most Nigerians who voted overwhelmingly for him as a result
of his antecedent. On his inauguration, he decried the use and reliance on
foreign mercenaries and countries for arms and ammunition. He also
promised to end the Boko Haram insurrection and turn the tide around.29
He also continued to use carrot and stick approaches on the group. For
instance, he negotiated the release of some Chibok girls and 105
surviving Dapchi girls kidnapped by the Boko Haram sect. Though the
government denied paying any ransom for the release of the girls, reports
showed that millions of foreign currency was paid.30 The actual cost of
the ransoms remains sketchy, but this was in the range of six to 13
million dollars ($6,000,000-$13,000,000).
In 2016, the Federal Government operated Operation Safe
Corridor to reintegrate low-risk Boko Haram members. A year later in
2017, the Federal Government with the support of the International
Organisation for Migration (IOM) adopted an initial Action Plan for
demobilization, disassociation, reintegration, and reconciliation for Boko
Haram repentants.31 These repentant members were screened,
deradicalized, empowered and then reintegrated into the society. So far,
thousands have been reintegrated and released to their families, however
with mixed feelings. In September 2019, the Nigerian Army under retired
Tukru Buratai acknowledged that Boko haram could not be defeated by
kinetic military warfare alone and thus embarked on a spiritual warfare to
counter Boko Haram propaganda.32
A bill proposing a national agency for integration of repentant
Boko Haram into civil society was sponsored by a former Governor and
serving Senator representing Yobe State, Ibrahim Gaidam (APC Yobe
east) in February 2020.33 The bill proposed among other things, an
avenue for rehabilitating, de-radicalisation, educating and reintegrating
the defectors, repentant and detained members of the insurgent group into
the society. However, the bill was rejected on the floor of the House of
Representatives and by Nigerians including some members of the
Nigerian Armed Forces.34 These approaches have also been replicated in
dealing with banditry while the controversial rural grazing area
(RUGA)35 and the recovery of old grazing routes have also been
proposed to mitigate the farmer-herders’ clashes.36
Thus, while the Federal Government has continued to use violent
means against banditry and Boko haram, it has continued to propose the
recovery of old grazing routes for the herders. It has also taken some
measures against curbing the novel coronavirus pandemic by setting up
isolations centres, providing palliatives, enforcing inter-state travels,
closure of religious places and public gatherings, enforcing social
distancing, among others. It has also depended on western powers for

vaccines.
State Governments
Federating states have also made efforts to tackle the various security
challenges in their territories. In tackling Boko Haram in the north east, a
former governor of Borno State Ali Modu Sheriff allegedly paid the sum
of N10million ($25,000) to mollify the anger of the group after the death
of Mohammed Yusuf in 2009. Similarly, his successor, Kashim Shetima
begged the group to present themselves for dialogue on 16 July 2011,37
this overtures was turned down. The Borno State Government formed a
vigilante group or community militia, known asCivilian Joint Task
Force (CJTF) in 2013.38The CJTF is estimated to be between 25,000
and 27,000 members, which has been stratified into three layers. The first
groups now known as the Borno Youth Empowerment Programmes
(BOYES) is armed and trained by the Nigerian Military and its members
are paid 15,000 ($42) per month by the Borno state government.39 The
new governor, Professor Babagana Umara Zulum, who was sworn-in in
May 2019 increased the stipend to N20, 000 ($55).40 The Second group
known as the Borno State Youth Vanguard has been armed by the
Nigerian Military but not trained or paid. And the third are neither
trained, armed nor paid. However, Professor Zulum continue to
strengthen the CJTF and the CJTF has become part of government-led
effort to counter Boko Haram.41
As for the Herdsmen-Farmers Crisis, most of the States have
relied on the Nigeria Army. Often than not, the members of the Nigerian
Army have failed them when called upon. The reasons for this was that
the Army is only answerable to the Commander in Chief, the President of
the Federal Republic of Nigeria. For instance, when the Enugu State
government got intelligence that some members of the Herders Militia
would attack some of its communities and called on the military to arrest
the situation, the governor, Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi was informed that they
were waiting for signal from Abuja. It must be noted that Professor
Osinbajo who was the acting President then could not even give out the
mandate to the Military high brass. The militia eventually struck and
killed at least 46 people including pregnant women.42 As the Governor
Ugwuanyi asked, ‘What happened between 6.30am and 7.30 am on
Monday 26th April, 2016 despite assurances from the security Agencies?
Only the Security Agencies can answer this question?’43 Similarly, in
Benue State, the governor was forced to decamp to the opposition having
realised that the Federal Government had made a mockery of the state
security issues which has claimed more than 20,000 lives and rendered
more than 500,000 people homeless.44 The south-west also introduced a
regional security which later became a state-centred security corps known
as Amotekun (Leopard). The security outfit was formed to checkmate the
rising insecurity in Yorubaland particularly the killing and kidnapping of

some Yoruba descendants on major highways, farms and other public
spaces;45 though the formation of the outfit generated public outcry
particularly from the north.46 Hence, some groups backed by few
Governors in the north set up similar outfits. One of such was operation
‘Shege-Ka-Fasa.’47
Meanwhile, most of the governors in the north apart from setting
up religious police, civilian Joint Task Force, resorted to traveling to
Abuja to plead and report every deadly attack meted by the Bandits to the
Federal Government--Presidency. This was because the military, have
taken over the role of the police in terms of internal security. Another
attempt at promoting peace was to negotiate with the bandits. During the
course of the negotiations, some of these bandits were compensated with
cash and kinds. According to Governor Aminu Masari:
We are ready to dialogue with the bandits and are ready to go
anywhere they invited us, because we are not afraid to meet
anybody to end this problem. ‘As a leader, I must find the solution
to the problem so that if today I die, I know how to defend myself
before God.48
Yet, banditry continued unabated. Governor Masari lamented that having
kept to his part of the bargain and disbanding all vigilantes and volunteer
groups so as to allow the bandits to continue with their normal activities
in the state, they defaulted in the agreements.49 Governor El Rufai during
a visit to the State House, Abuja lamented the scourge of banditry in the
North east. El Rufai stated that the while the deaths in Sokoto state in
April 2020 raised many voices, the story has not been different in other
states like Zamfara, Kaduna, Niger and Katsina in spite of the support
and presence of the military.50President Buhari while acknowledging the
menace of the bandits in States like Zamfara, Sokoto, Niger, Katsina, and
Kaduna States appealed to the bandits to disarm or face a disgraceful and
violent end. The wanton and indiscriminate killings, kidnap and demands
for huge ransom by the bandits has further led to violent protests
particularly among the youths across some northern states. Yet, these
responses have not brought about the desired peace and security of lives
and property in Nigeria. Why have all responses defied possible
solutions?
Defying the Odds: Why Insecurity Persists
Politicization of Security Issues
The declaration by Goodluck Jonathan to contest in 2011 and the loss of
the election by the opposition, Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) at
the general elections was a shock to most Northern ruling class who
alleged that President Jonathan was using part of the north’s tenure. The
election result of 2011 also led to threats that the north would make the
Jonathan administration ungovernable.51 This eventually led to post-

election violence in the north and few states in the south.52
Efforts to negotiate with Boko Haram sect was also frustrated
from within. A national security adviser, late General Owoye Azazi,
noted at the beginning of the insurgency that the sect was faceless
because none of its members were ready to negotiate with the
government.53 Consequently, some scholars aver that before government
must negotiate, it should be able to identify the group’s sphere of
influence to better understand who to engage with, when and how.54
Even when the Chibok girls were kidnapped in April 2014, the Jonathan
administration believed it was part of a political gimmicks. Such
conjectures have been made by members of the All Progressives
Congress (APC) that most of the insecurities are sponsored by opposition
party and those who lost the 2019 general elections.
Poor Leadership and Nepotism/Ethnicity
The emergence of Boko Haram and its transformation could be
associated to poor leadership from the law enforcement agencies who
murdered Mohammed Yusuf extra-judicially and government’s initial
response. Thus, bad leadership at the state and federal levels have not
been able to think outside the box to dowse the tension that led to the
escalation of the crises.
Unguided utterances have further led to divisions and distrust.
The national president of the Miyetti Allah cattle Breeders Association of
Nigeria (MACBAN) Abdullahi Bello Bodejo in an interview with a
journalist, Vincent Kalu called on Fulani Herdsmen in West Africa to
come into Nigeria to graze because they do not need visa. Some of these
faceless herders have been named in banditry, kidnapping and
destruction and violence recoded across the country. These insecurities
have overwhelmed security forces and state governors designated as
chief security officers of their States.55 The presidency has also been
overwhelmed. As president Buhari in a statement at the State House
Abuja in January 2020 stated:
I was taken aback by what is happening in the Northwest
and other parts of the country. During our campaigns, we
knew about the Boko Haram. What is coming now is
surprising. It is not ethnicity or religion, rather it is one
evil plan against the country.56
In spite of these rhetoric, decisive steps to apprehend and prosecute
sponsors and offenders is lacking. With these numerous characteristics of
leadership failure to address insecurity issues, many groups socio-cultural
groups are making attempts to secede. Ample examples are the admission
of the Yoruba Nation and Igbo as members of the into the United Nations
Peoples Organisation (UNPO).57 The implication of this act if
unaddressed is that it props the door for violent nationalism in the future.
The insecurity has further been affected by ethnic divisions and identity
crises, fear of domination. For instance, when the federal government
proposed the rural grazing area (RUGA) to address the perennial farmer-
herders conflict, most people particularly the Christian south saw it as an
attempt by the Fulani to dominate other ethnic groups.
Another issue is nepotism. Putting square pegs in round holes is
a major feature of bad leadership. For example, some concerned
Nigerians have repeatedly written to President Buhari on the need to
make appointments based on merit and expertise rather than ethnic lines.
A retired top military officer, Col. Abubakar Dangiwa Umar in an open
letter to President Buhari warned that his skewed appointment may lead
to the destruction of the nation.58 As if this was not enough, another elder
statesman from Ijaw ethnic group, Chief Edwin Clark wrote another letter
confirming the nepotist nature of President Buhari and the
marginalization of the people of the South-south.59 He noted that such
discriminatory act poses a serious danger to any society, particularly a
plural society like Nigeria.
Enemy Within: Sympathisers of criminals
Most of the criminals have sympathisers within the government circles. It
was once reported that the Boko haram sect had sympathisers in every
levels and organs of government such as federal, state, local levels as
well as in the judiciary, armed forces and among the law enforcement
agencies. For example, a commander of the Boko haram sect, Shuaibu
Mohammed Bama was arrested in the home of a serving government
official. Similarly, a sect member, Kabiru Sokoto was released by a
personnel of the Nigerian Police,60 though he was later re-arrested and
alleged to still be in police custody.
In April 2012, a former national security adviser (NSA), Retired
General Owoye Andrew Azaazi at a south -south panel discussion in
Asaba, Delta State, stated that the issue of violence did not increase in
Nigeria until when Mr Goodluck Jonathan declared that he was going to
contest and that the sect became radicalised as a result of the internal
wrangling in the ruling Peoples’ Democratic Party.61 An Australian
negotiator, Dr Stephen Davis also alleged that apart from getting funds
through raids, imposing taxes on captured communities, the Boko Haram
sect were also sponsored by some top government officials including a
former Borno State governor, Ali Modu Sherrif, General Azubuike
Ihejirika and a top official in the Central Bank of Nigeria.62 While the
accused denied it,63 the notion corroborates the hypothesis that there are
sponsors and sympathisers within government circles.64
There are also allegations of the army aiding the terrorists and
herders’ militia in north-central. In 2018, a retired Army General,
Theophilus Danjuma accused the military of complicity in the killings

across Nigeria.65 Similarly, indigenes and traditional rulers act as spies
to bandits, and Boko Haram members for fees or their protection.66 For
example, a notorious kidnapper, Hamisu Bala (Wadume) was alleged to
have been backed by his villagers and his friends in the Armed Forces
where he had invested most of his loots.67 Such unholy alliance has led
to the threat to the citizenry including government officials and the elite.
In July 2020, Governor Zulum of Borno State after managing to escape
from an attack queried how the Boko Haram sect knew his routine after
his convoy was attacked. This further corroborates link between the
Boko Haram and its sympathisers. Recruitment of such sympathisers
has to do the recruitment policies into the Nigerian –Army which
favours certain geo-political zones and the north generally, nepotism
and federal character principle rather than passion, competence and
merits.
Inadequate Weaponry and External Reliance
Soldiers have also complained of inadequate and obsolete
weapon and other existential challenges such as poor intelligence since
the war on insurgency began. In May 2014, some soldiers attacked their
commander, Major General Ahmed Mohammed on the basis that they
were not well equipped, allegations of corruption from superiors, and that
they got poor intelligence that led to the death of some of their
colleagues.68 Former president, Goodluck Jonathan also accused the
United States of America of refusing to sell weapon to Nigeria.69 In 2014,
then Nigeria’s Ambassador to the U.S., Professor Adebowale Ibidapo
Adefuye, stated that Nigeria needed the U.S. support to end the activities
of the sect but wondered why human rights was an excuse to deny
Nigeria arms on the basis of the Leahy Law.70
The administration of Muhammadu Buhari also complained of
lack of adequate weapon to confront the Boko Haram insurgents as well.
To overcome this, he charged the military to look inward,71and gave
support to an indigenous firm known as Innoson Motors for supplies of
Armoured vehicles.72 Yet much has not been achieved in terms of
production of decisive weaponry as filed soldiers continue to complain
over poor weaponry. In March 2020, video of Theatre Commander of
Operation Lafiya Dole, Brigadier-General Olusegun Adeniyi narrating
how his formation came under intense attacks as a result of poor
intelligence went viral.73 Even the Senate President, Ahmad Lawan partly
attributed the failure of the Nigerian military and other security outfits to
contain the disturbing nation’s insecurity to international politics.74 Such
dependence has further elongated the war on the insurgents and
insecurities.
Loss of Morale and Inter-Agency Disharmony

There has also been evidences that the troops lack the morale to fight,75
synergy among the Armed Forces as well as foreign counterparts which
gave logistics and training support.76 For example, soldiers killed three
members of a Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) which had
successfully repelled a Boko Haram attack on a village.77 Any wonder
then that the failure to end Boko Haram were among other things tied to
erosion of military professionalism, lack of political will and poor
handling of the war by the military officers.78
This has further led to the issue of desertions. For example,
immediate former chief of army staff, Lt General Buratai sent a 180-
word memo to all levels, formations and locations cautioning them
against fleeing from the terrorist attacks in 2018. Buratai noted that it was
worrisome for personnel of the Operation Lafiya Dole to abandon their
positions cowardly in the face of actions from Boko Haram terrorists
without reasonable resistance.79 Buratai at a press conference in June
2019 expressed worries over troops displaying insufficient willingness to
perform assigned tasks at frontline.80 The manifestation of this was when
about 356 of the 380 military personnel resigned citing loss of interest,
while the remaining 24 stated that they were selected for conferment of
chieftaincy title.81 The implication of these mutinies is that it has led to
shortage of manpower.
Weak Institutions, Overwhelmed/ Over reliance on the Military and
Corruption
Weak institutions, over reliance on the military for issues that
could be tackled by law enforcement agencies and corruption also affects
insecurities. The wasp Nigerian security structure has put too much
pressure on the Armed Forces. The security architecture is faulty in that a
state governor must appeal to the Commissioner of Police in his/her
State, who in turn get orders from the Inspector General of Police (IGP)
who is under the presidency before acting on security threat. Section 215
(2) of the 1999 constitution states clearly that:
The Nigeria Police Force shall be under the command of
the Inspector-General of Police and any contingents of
the Nigeria Police Force stationed in a State shall, subject
to the authority of the Inspector-General of Police, be
under the command of the Commissioner of Police of that
State.82
For example, when some attackers suspected to be Fulani militia
herders killed many people in Benue state and the President sent the then
IGP, Mr Ibrahim Idris to visit and stay in the State so as to address the
crisis, the IGP allegedly went to a different location, thereby further
exposing the residents.83 The former Chief of Army Staff, Lt General
Buratai, in an interview with a national newspaper in February 2020,

acknowledged the need for the military to be well funded and also
identified some of the challenges of the armed forces such as shortage of
personnel, insufficient equipment. He however identified other factors
for a successful outing against insurgency.84 Shortage of personnel may
have also led to the inability to protect some of the volatile territories.
For example, a lawmaker from Sokoto east senatorial district posited that
his constituency now rely on the Nigerien Army for protection from the
Bandits.85 Ideally, the police should handle such cases.
The internal challenges confronting the administration of
President Buhari moved from just Boko Haram to Farmer-Herders crises,
secession, and banditry, among others. Even General Tukur Buratai
stated that Nigeria military is overstretched as it is deployed on various
security operations in 32 of Nigeria’s 36 States battling terrorism,
kidnapping, cattle rustling, pipeline vandalism, communal clashes, and
other forms of insecurity as well as poor funding.86 These numerous
challenges have been identified to be caused by state’s fragility and
features of a failing-weak state.87
The Minister of Defence, Bashir Magashi revealed at the Federal
Executive Council meeting, that Nigeria’s military is understaffed,
underfunded and under-equipped to tackle the various security challenges
facing the country.88 This has resulted to unprofessionalism of the
military. For instance, the governor of Borno State, Professor Babagana
Umara Zulum caught some soldiers extorting money from commuters
along the Maiduguri-Damataru Road and causing them unnecessary
hardships. Although the Army promised to arraign the allegedly accused
soldiers,89 the outcome is yet to be made public. There are other
challenges weakening the military.
Matthew Page noted that the failure of the security structure
ranges from strategic and operational mistakes, to gross human rights
violations, endemic corruption – including widespread procurement fraud
– and racketeering by deployed soldiers and police.90 He furthered that
political leaders were not responsible and accountable enough because
rather than properly training and equipping soldiers and police,
politicians have created an alphabet soup of overlapping security
agencies and vigilante groups.91 As he puts it:
In doing so, they created new opportunities to enrich
themselves through patronage, fuelled bureaucratic rivalry,
increased overhead costs, and diluted the operational
impact of security expenditure. Nigeria’s security budget
haemorrhages hundreds of millions of dollars each year via
procurement fraud and slush funds known as security
votes, as well as through outright theft and embezzlement
by top officers.92
It is unsurprising that Katisna State had to ban the Yan sa kai

vigilante group over human right abuse especially extrajudicial killings.93
One of the causes of incessant attacks and insecurities in Nigeria is lack
of reforms which will address the wasp top-bottom command structure.
For example, all the law enforcement agencies have divisions and
operational bases at the State levels, the Directors and Brigade
Commanders do not receive orders from state governors. Meanwhile,
most of these security agencies are partly financed by state governors
through security votes. The menace of corruption has also been identified
as a factor affecting countermeasures against Boko Haram and military
effectiveness.94 This menace has affected Nigeria’s national security as
well as its roles in international peacekeeping. Writing on Nigeria,
Feldman aptly noted ‘corruption is so rampant that any funds allocated to
its military will probably have to be significantly larger than that actually
required, due to graft.’95
Poor Civil -Military Relations
When a court in Lagos acquitted some alleged Boko haram insurgents,96
there was a public uproar even within the military. Allegations of
president Buhari’s sympathy with the sect was also a factor of division
within the rank and file and among the Christian south. Many advocates
have called on the Nigerian government to ensure a strategy and trial
procedures that conforms to constitutional safeguards and international
standards.97 In fact, the poor relations have made some members of the
public to hoard information that would have assisted the military in
tackling these insecurities. These frosty relations have also led to the
connivance between some indigenes, traditional rulers on one hand and
the members of Boko Haram and bandits on the other. Reporting the
military’s operation in Zamfara State, a report aptly puts it: ‘The brigands
were armed with sophisticated automatic weapons, but they were
overpowered by the troops, forcing them to flee from their hideouts.
Eighteen suspected informants to the bandits were arrested including the
village heads of Doka and Mutu villages.’98
Porous Borders and Ungoverned Spaces
Porous borders in the country has been identified as one of the
challenges to defeat the Boko Haram insurgents.99 Besides, Boko
Haram, bandits have also used the porous borders and mountainous
terrain in northern Nigeria to their advantage, thereby complicating the
operation of the Armed Forces.100
Also, most of these areas are either under-governed or
ungoverned.101 Aside the forests, most of the police stations have been
sacked by the activities of Boko haram and other existential challenges
For instance, it was reported that after some coordinated attacks on
some local government by bandits in Sokoto State in 2020, Governor
Aminu Waziri Tambuwal claimed that despite the efforts of the Military
in taming the menace of banditry in the region, the undulating terrain
and bad roads were the major hindrance to the military high
command.102 Worryingly is the fact that government has confirmed that
they have no solution to these border threats. The Minister of Internal
Affairs, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola confirmed that while arms
proliferation in the country is as a result of its porous borders, the
government could not stop cross-border movement as they are difficult
to manage.103
Proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons
There is no doubt that illegal weapons are in wrong hands. Attempts by
government to mop up these illegal small arms and light weapons, have
not yielded desired results. President Buhari stated in 2019 that the
herdsmen who were used to carrying only sticks had turned to AK-47
carrier as a result of the security lapses in Libya under President Muamar
Gaddafi in 2011. Senator Ahmad Lawan noted that proliferation of small
and light weapons and arms in the hands of non-state actors across the
country than in the hands of security operatives is one of the causes of
the spiraling insecurity and killings across the country.104
Poor Economy and Unemployment
Nigeria is the second biggest economy, the third largest military power
and the biggest oil producer (10th oil producer in the world).
Paradoxically, many youths are unemployed and Nigeria is the poverty
capital of the world as about 82.9 million people living below the poverty
line with the exception of Borno State.105 Most of these poor people live
in the north. These conditions have further provided a breeding ground
for criminals to recruit since an idle hand is usually available as the
devil’s tool. Boko Haram and other criminals will continue to tap from
this pool of unemployed youth and children. For instance, children were
recruited for suicide missions in the past, and recently Almajirai has
become a security threat to the state.106 In June, more than 190 Almajirai
tested positive for COVID-19,107 thus constituting both human and
national threats.
Emergence of Coronavirus (COVID 19)
The country is also confronted with the dreaded coronavirus
(COVID-19), which emerged with its first case being a returning Italian
expatriate in February 2020.108 Securing a troubled country amid
pandemics can also become a nightmare to soldiers and civilians alike
including humanitarian works.109 In fact, President Buhari on his 12 June
2020 Democracy Day speech highlighted that the heightening insecurity
situation in the country was because criminals were taking advantage of
the COVID-19 restrictions.110 Lending credence to the impact of the
COVID-19, a report committee headed by Vice President, Yemi
Osinbajo revealed that it would lead to loss of jobs and further

impoverish the citizenry.111 But rather than look inward for solution,
government is relying on foreign aid. When Elon Musk stated that his
company had enough Federal Drug Agency (FDA)-approved ventilators
that were ready to be shipped to countries in need worldwide within
Tesla delivery regions, Nigeria’s Federal Ministry of Finance wrote,
‘Dear @elonmusk @Tesla Federal Government of Nigeria needs support
with 100-500 ventilators to assist #Covid19 cases arising every day in
Nigeria’112 By late April 2020, President Buhari also pleaded with the
United States to assist Nigeria with ventilators. Though aid has been
coming in recent times, most of the vaccines donated by the western
powers were at the verge of expiration.113
CONCLUSION
The analysis has shown that Nigeria’s insecurity is enormous with
attendant effects. In spite of the responses from both federal and State
governments, the responses have defied all odds for obvious reasons. The
findings of this study are that state response have among other things
failed as result of the politicisation of security issues in Nigeria,
government troops are not well equipped, Nigeria rely on importation of
needed arms rather than looking inward, corruption and bad governance
have eroded military morale, government lack the political will to tackle
the security challenges, the military actions and inactions have led to a
poor civil-military relations, overdependence on the military for basic
internal security issues, the Nigeria police force which should handle
basic security issues have been emasculated, there are too many security
and paramilitary units with no clear cut roles and ability to assist in
curbing these security challenges, porous borders, the political economy,
poverty and unemployment have all aided in the nature of insecurity,
illiteracy, low and delay in releasing Defence budget, lack of synergy
among the security sector, ethnicity, religiousity, poor legal and
institutional framework, decayed institutions, and most importantly the
security architecture of the state which is badly affected by the nature of
the state and its faulty federalism are the challenges that have acted as
cog to the success of state response on Nigeria’s insecurity.
The study concludes that the spiraling security challenges in
Nigeria is attributed to numerous factors which may not end until a
multi-faceted approach is adopted. The study recommends the following:
adoption of true federalism—as compared to the present pone been
practiced which overburdens the Federal Government. By this, federating
states would be more autonomous to deal with their respective challenges
by allowing them to create security outfits based on their respective
peculiarities. More so, there is need for entrenching good governance,
ensuring a fortified national border, political will, prosecuting conflict
sponsors and accomplices, promoting indigenous technological
advancement, timely budgetary allocation, accountability in arms

procurement, policy implementation and addressing conflict triggers such
as poverty, unemployment, mass education, intensify efforts to mitigate
climate change and sustain the environment, improving intelligence
gathering, shoring up the country’s porous borders, environmental
degradation, check rural-urban migration, reform mining and forestry
sectors to checkmate banditry, human rights abuse, among others.
The vigilantes should be educated on best international practices.
In addition to the above, since Nigeria has a lot of security experts
abroad, government should engage its Diasporas and also strengthen her
regional and international security networks. Above all, if Nigeria must
dialogue with the respective leaders of these criminal elements, Nigeria
must negotiate and dictate the pace at vantage position and at the same
time, she must identify the real actors and stakeholders rather than
charlatans.
References:
1
S. M Patrick S.M. 2017. ‘Europe’s Insecurity Dilemma’ Council on foreign
Relations. 12 April, 2017. https://www.cfr.org/blog/europes-insecurity-
dilemma; P. Jonsson, ‘See the fire: George Floyd and the effects of violent
protest.’ The Christian Science Monitor.2 June 2020.
https://www.csmonitor.com/USA/Justice/2020./0602/See-the-fire-George-
Floyd-and-the-effects-of-violent-protest
2
O.O. Thompson, O.G.F. Nwaorgu, and F. I.O. Boge. ‘The Leahy Law,
Nigeria’s Counter-Terrorism Measures and Foreign Policy Direction.’ African
Journal of International Affairsand Development. 20, 1&2, (2016): 61-85; I. C.
Usman, & D.A. Matthew. 2016. ‘Security Challenges in Nigeria and National
Transformation’ International Journal of Managerial Studies and Research 2, 8,
(2016): 8-16; J. Adibe, ‘Separatist agitations in Nigeria: causes and trajectories’
Africa in Focus. 12 July, 2017. https://www.brookings.edu/blog/africa-in-
focus/2017/07/12/separatist-agitations-in-nigeria-causes-and-trajectories/
accessed 18/2/2022; O. Adeshokan, O. 2019. ‘Slouching Toward Secession in
Nigeria’ Foreign Policy. 15 February, 2019.
https://foreignpolicy.com/2019./02/15/slouching-toward-secession-in-nigeria/
3 C. Cohn, “India and Nigeria: Similar Colonial Legacies, Vastly Different
Trajectories: An Examination of the Differing Fates of Two Former British
Colonies” Cornell International Affairs Review, 7, 1.
http://www.inquiriesjournal.com/articles/1483/india-and-nigeria-similar-
colonial-legacies-vastly-different-trajectories-an-examination-of-the-differing-
fates-of-two-former-british-colonies accessed 18/2/2022.
4
D. A Baldwin, “The Concept of Security” Review of International Studies, 23,
(1997): 5-26.
5
M. Stone, “Security According to Buzan: A Comprehensive Security
Analysis” Security Discussion Papers Series 1, (2009): 1-11. http://geest.msh-
paris.fr/IMG/pdf/Security_for_Buzan.mp3.pdf
6
Federal Republic of Nigeria. 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of
Nigeria. Abuja: FMI
7
A. R. Mustapha ‘Ethnic Structure, Inequality and Governance of the Public
Sector in Nigeria’ CRISE Working Paper No. 18 (2005): 1-18.
https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/57a08c97ed915d3cfd0014aa/wp1
8.pdf
8
S. O. Akinboye, ‘Beautiful Abroad but Ugly at Home: Issues and
Contradictions in Nigeria’s Foreign Policy.’ Lagos: University of Lagos
Inaugural Lecture Series, 2013; O. A. Akinyeye, ‘Clothing Others While Naked:
West Africa and Geopolitics’ Lagos: University of Lagos Inaugural Lecture
Series, 2014.
9
N. Ball and J.K. Fayemi. eds. Security-Sector Governance in Africa: A
Handbook. Lagos, Pretoria, & Washington: CDD/ISS/CIP, 2008.
10
Ibid, vii; A. N. Thomas and I. Aghedo. ‘Security Architecture and Insecurity
Management: Context, Content and Challenges in Nigeria’ Sokoto Journal of the
Social Sciences, 4, 1, (2014): 22-27; DCAF and PLAC. Structural and
Institutional Mechanisms for Security Sector Oversight in Nigeria: issues and
Challenges Abuja: DCAF & PPLAC, 2017, 3-5.
11
Thomas and I. Aghedo. ‘Security Architecture and Insecurity, 32.
12
A Thurston. ‘The disease is unbelief’: Boko Haram’s religious and political
worldview. Brookings: Analysis Paper No 22. January (2016), 5-33.
https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/brookings-analysis-
paper_alex-thurston_final_web.pdf accessed 11/2/2021
13
D. E. Agbiboa, “Borders that continue to bother us: the politics of cross-border
security cooperation in Africa’s Lake Chad Basin.” Commonwealth &
Comparative Politics, 55, 4: (2017): 403-425
14
Global Conflict Tracker. 2020. ‘Boko Haram in Nigeria’ Council on Foreign
Relations. https://www.cfr.org/global-conflict-tracker/conflict/boko-Haram-
nigeria; UNHCR, 2020. ‘2.4 million people in the Lake Chad Basin.’
https://www.unhcr.org/nigeria-emergency.html
15
E. O. Ojo, “Nigeria’s democracy: the trilemma of herdsmenism, terrorism and
vampirism” Inkayinso, 9, 1. (2017): 13-26; J. S. Ojo, “Governing ‘Ungoverned
Spaces’ in the Foliage of Conspiracy: Toward (Re)ordering Terrorism, from
Boko Haram Insurgency, Fulani Militancy to Banditry in Northern Nigeria.”
African Security, 13, 1 (2020): 77-110
16
A. C. Okoli, and A.C. Ugwu. “Of Marauders and Brigands: Scoping the
Threat of Rural Banditry in Nigeria’s North West’ Brazilian Journal of African
Studies 4, 8. (2019): 201-222; WANEP (West African Network for
Peacebuilding) “Addressing Armed Banditry in North-west region of Nigeria:
Exploring the Potentials of a Multi-Dimensional Conflict Management
Approach” WANEP Policy Brief. Accra, Ghana: (2020): 1-12; ICG
[International Crises Group] “Violence in Nigeria’s North West: Rolling Back
the Mayhem” Africa Report N°288. 2020.
https://d2071andvip0wj.cloudfront.net/288-violence-in-nigerias-north-
west_0.pdf
17
About 12 million children have been forced out of school as a result of
banditry and other forms of insecurities in northern Nigeria. It may be more
owing to poor records. See, Ronke Idowu, “Insurgency, Banditry Have Forced
Over 12m Children Out of School, Says Presidency” Channels Television, 27
October 2021. https://www.channelstv.com/2021/10/27/insurgency-banditry-
forcing-children-out-of-school-says-presidency/ accessed 18/2/2022.
18
WANEP “Addressing Armed Banditry in North, 2.
19
ICG, “Violence in Nigeria’s North West,” i-ii.
20
Thurston. ‘The disease is unbelief’” 5; The administrations of Olusegun
Obasanjo, Umaru Yaradua, Goodluck Jonathan, Muhammadu Buhari all
attempted to curtail these insecurities through various intervention programmes
from kinetic to diplomacy and financial incentives.
21
O. O. Thompson, A. S Afolabi, and A.S. Abdulbaki. 2019. ‘‘Beyond the
‘Capture of ‘Camp Zero’: Terrorism and Insecurity in a Failing-Weak State’
Indian Quarterly, 75, 3. (2019): 303-322.
22
O. O. Thompson, C. C. Ojukwu, and O. G. F. Nwaorgu. “United we Fall,
Divided we Stand: Resuscitation of the Biafra state secession and the National
Question Conundrum.” Journal of Research in Development, 14, 1. (2016): 255-
267; G. Onuoha, “Bringing back Biafra back in: narrative, identity, and the
politics of non-reconciliation in Nigeria” National Identities, 20, 4. (2018): 379-
399
23
S. O. Aghalino, “Brief but revolutionary: Yar’Adua and the sustainable
development of the Niger Delta, Nigeria” Global Advanced Research Journal of
History, Political Science, and International Relations, 1, 6. (2012): 144-151;
A. I. Ajayi and A.S Adesote, 2013. ‘The Gains of the Amnesty Programme in
the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria, 2007-2012: Preliminary Assessment.’
Journal of Asian and African Studies. 48, 4. (2013): 506-520.
24
F. C. Onuoha, “Boko Haram: Nigeria’s Extremist Islamic Sect.” AL Jazeera
Centre for Studies 29, 2. (2012): 1-6.
25
D. E. Agbiboa, “Peace at dagger’s drawn? Book Haram and the state of
emergency in Nigeria.” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, 37.1. (2013): 41-67
26
D. E. Agbiboa, and Benjamin Maiangwa. ‘Nigeria united in grief; divided in
response: religious terrorism, Boko Haram, and the dynamics of state response’
African Journal on Conflict Resolution, 14, 1. (2014):63-97
27
U.S. Embassy Nigeria 2015 ‘Postponementof Elections in Nigeria’ 7 February
2015. https://ng.usembassy.gov/postponement-elections-nigeria-february-7-
2015/
28
Obi Anyadike, ‘‘Year of the Debacle’: How Nigeria Lost Its Way in the War
Against Boko Haram” World Politics Review. 30 October, 2018.
https://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/26632/year-of-the-debacle-how-
nigeria-lost-its-way-in-the-war-against-boko-Haram
29
M. Buhari. “Inaugural speech by His Excellency, President Muhammadu Buhari following
his swearing-in as President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria on 29th May, 2015”. Guardian
Newspaper. 29 May, 2015. https://guardian.ng/features/president-muhammadu-
buharis-inaugural-speech/See video here:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d-pLUu1PIlY
30
Sahara Reporters, “UPDATED: Nigerian Govt Lied, 5 Million Euros, Boko
Haram Fighters, Swapped for Dapchi Girls.” 21 March, 2018.
http://saharareporters.com/2018/03/21/updated-nigerian-govt-lied-5-million-
euros-boko-haram-fighters-swapped-dapchi-girls
31
S. Brechenmacher, “Acheiveing Peace in Northeast Nigeria: The
Reintergation Chalenge” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. 5
September, 2018. https://carnegieendowment.org/2018/09/05/achieving-peace-
in-northeast-nigeria-reintegration-challenge-pub-77177
32Premium Times. “Why we adopted spiritual warfare to counter Boko Haram –
Buratai.” 23 October 2019. https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/top-
news/359136-why-we-adopted-spiritual-warfare-to-counter-boko-haram-
buratai.html
33 H. Umoru, “Senate moves to establish national agency for ex- Boko Haram
members.” Vanguard. 20 February 2020.
https://www.vanguardngr.com/2020/02/senate-moves-to-establish-national-
agency-for-ex-boko-haram-insurgents/
34
Q. Iroanusi 2020 “Nigerians oppose commission for ‘repentant’ Boko Haram
members” Premium Times. 3 March, 2020.
https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/top-news/380026-nigerians-oppose-
commission-for-repentant-boko-Haram-members.html
35
A.S. Afolabi, Thompson, O.O., Ademola, O.E., Nwaorgu, O.G. F., & Onifade,
C.A “Public reaction to federal government’s farmer-herder conflicts through the
Ruga Policy: Can one continuously do the same and expect different result?
African Insight, 49. 4. (2020): 88-102.
36 O. Nnodim and J. Alagbe “No going back on grazing routes recovery – FG”
Punch. 19 June 2021. https://punchng.com/no-going-back-on-grazing-routes-
recovery-fg/
37
I. Aghedo and Oarhe Osumah “Boko Haram uprising: How should Nigeria
respond?” Third World Quarterly. 33, 5. (2012)): 866.
38
ICG [International Crises Group] ‘Watchmen of Lake Chad: Vigilante
Groups Fighting Boko Haram’ Africa Report N°244. Brussels, Belgium: ICG.
2017. https://d2071andvip0wj.cloudfront.net/244-watchmen-of-lake-chad-
vigilante-groups-fighting-boko-Haram.pdf
39
V. Felbab-Brown, “The Limits of Punishment Transitional Justice and Violent
Extremism: Nigeria case study” UN University. 2018https://www.ifit-
transitions.org/publications/major-publications-briefings/the-limits-of-
punishment-transitional-justice-and-violent-extremism/3-lop-nigeria-case-
study.pdf/view
40
Borno State Government, “Gov Zulum Strengthens Gajiganna CJTF and
Hunters with 4 Operations vehicles” Press release. 2019.
https://www.facebook.com/govborno/posts/gov-zulum-strengthens-gajiganna-
cjtf-and-hunters-with-4-operations-vehicles-appl/969768463360032/
41
J. Campbell, “Nigeria Security Tracker” Council on Foreign Relations. 1 June
2020. https://www.cfr.org/nigeria/nigeria-security-tracker/p29483
42
J. C. Uche and C. K Iwuamadi, “Nigeria: Rural Banditry and Community
Resilience in the Nimbo Community” Conflict Studies Quarterly, 24, 5. (2018):
71-82
43
F. Igata, Francis. “Enugu: Blow-by-blow account of how herdsmen killed 46
natives.” Vanguard. 30 April, 2016.
https://www.vanguardngr.com/2016./04/enugu-blow-blow-account-herdsmen-
killed-46-natives/
44
O. O. Thompson, I. A. Jawondo, O. G. F. Nwaorgu and A.S. Afolabi, “How
can we Sing the Lord’s Song in a Strange Land?’ Internally Displaced Persons
(IDPS) and Government interventions in Benue, Nigeria.” Hemispheres: Studies
on Cultures and Societies, 34, 4. (2019): 3-6.
http://iksiopan.pl/images/HEMISPHERES_34_INTERNET.pdf
45
Ojo, O. 2020. ‘Real reasons Yoruba leaders created regional security outfiit’
The Sun. January 12. https://www.sunnewsonline.com/operation-amotekun-real-
reasons-yoruba-leaders-created-regional-security-outfit/
46
O. O. Thompson, “An Appraisal of the Amotekun Security Corps in Oyo
State, Southwest Nigeria. Unpublished MSc Dissertation, University of Lagos,
Akoka, Nigeria, 2021
47
Ibid, 59-61; See also, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TwdVwgodBAI
48
B. Bello, “INSECURITY: Masari dialogues with bandits today” Vanguard. 4
September, 2019. https://www.vanguardngr.com/2019./09/insecurity-masari-
dialogues-with-bandits-today/
49
J. Shiklam and Sardauna, F. 2020. ‘Nigeria: No More Deals with Katsina
Bandits, Masari Vows’ This Day. 4 June, 2020.
https://allafrica.com/stories/2020.06040502.html
50
F. Olowolagba, “El-Rufai cries out as bandits take over Northwest” Daily
Post. 29 May 2020. https://dailypost.ng/2020./05/29/el-rufai-cries-out-as-
bandits-take-over-northwest/
51
NSRP. “The 2011 elections in northern Nigeria post-electoral violence: origins
and response” Polcy Brief. Abuja: British Council, 2014.
52
Thurston, “The disease is unbelief” 11; A. J. Omede, “Nigeria: Analysing the
Security Challenges of the Goodluck Jonathan Administration.” Canadian
Social Science. 7, 5. (2011): 90-102.
DOI:10.3968/J.css.1923669720110705.220
53
T. Cocks and Felix Onuah 2011 ‘INTERVIEW-Nigeria might talk to Boko
Haram via ‘back door’’ Reuters. December 30.
https://af.reuters.com/article/nigeriaNews/idAFL6E7NU1FH20111230
54
M. Nwankpa, ‘Dialoguing and negotiating with terrorists: any prospect for
Boko Haram? Behavioural Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression, 9, 2.
(2016): 106-124
55
M. M Nasir, “Nigeria—remove Chief Security Nomenclature from
Governors—Yari” Africa Prime News. 6 June, 2018.
https://www.africaprimenews.com/2018./06/14/news/nigeria-remove-chief-
security-nomenclature-from-governors-yari/
56
M. Olaniyi A. Salau., H.K. Matazu B. Alkassim and R. Mutum. 2020..
‘Buhari: I’m surprised by rising insecurity’ Daily Trust. 29January, 2020.
https://www.dailytrust.com.ng/buhari-im-surprised-by-rising-insecurity.html
57
B. Badmus, “Yoruba nation becomes 45th member of UNPO, says Professor
Akintoye” Tribune. 28 April, 2020. https://tribuneonlineng.com/yoruba-nation-
becomes-45th-member-of-unpo-says-professor-akintoye/
58 C. Ukpong. Umar to Buhari: You’ll destroy Nigeria with lopsided
appointments. Premium Times. 31 May 2021.
https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/headlines/395471-umar-to-buhari-
youll-destroy-nigeria-with-lopsided-appointments.html
59
E. K. Clark, “Let us call a Spade, A Spade: An Open Letter to President
Muhammadu Buhari.” 12 June, 2020.
https://web.facebook.com/109595267376363/posts/report-sectionlet-us-call-a-
spade-a-spade-an-open-letter-to-president-muhammadu-
/138653037803919/?_rdc=1&_rdr
60
BBC, 12 October, 2012.
61
E. Ogala and Bassey U. “NSA AZAZI blames PDP for book Haram attacks”
Premium Times. 27 April, 2012. https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/4853-
nsa_azazi_blames_boko_Haram_attacks_on_pdp_s_politics_of_exclusi.html
62
Business Day, August 27, 2014
63
Igbonwelundu, P. 2014. ‘Who are Boko Haram’s sponsor? The Nation.
September 9.
64
W. O. Iyekekpolo, “Political Elites and the Rise of the Boko Haram
Insurgency in Nigeria” Terrorism and Political Violence, 32, 4. (2018): 749-767
65This Day, “Danjuma Accuses Armed Forces of Complicity in Killings Across
Nigeria” 25 March 2018.
https://www.thisdaylive.com/index.php/2018/03/25/danjuma-accuses-armed-
forces-of-complicity-in-killings-across-nigeria/
66
P. Uzoho, “Presidency accuses Katsina Traditional Rulers of aiding banditry”
Business Day. 16 June, 2020.
https://www.thisdaylive.com/index.php/2020./06/16/presidency-accuses-katsina-
traditional-rulers-of-aiding-banditry/
67
S. Oshunkeye, S. 2019. ‘Anini, Wadume, and their friends in uniform.’ Sun
News. 1 September, 2019. https://www.sunnewsonline.com/anini-wadume-and-
their-friends-in-uniform/
68
BBC, May 14, 2014; O. O. Thompson, “Mutiny, Desertion and State Response
in the Nigeria Armed Forces and its Implications. Ife Social Sciences Review, 29,
1. (2020): 14-30.
69
G. E. Jonathan, My Transition Hours. Texas: Ezekiel Books, 2018, 35-36.
70
BBC, November 11, 2014; Thompson, et al, ‘The Leahy Law”
71
Reuters, August 7, 2015),
72
Several MOUs have been signed since 2016 for fighter jet spare parts and
vehicles.
73
Thompson, “Mutiny, Desertion and State Response,” 14-30; See Thompson,
2020; https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tP3MmO2T5aE.
74
S. Aborisade, “Why Nigeria is losing war against insecurity—Lawan” The
Punch. 8 June, 2020. https://punchng.com/why-nigeria-is-losing-war-against-
insecurity-lawan-2/
75
C. Obasi “The soldiers are less motivated than the Boko Haram insurgents’
International Crisis Group.18 January, 2015
https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/west-africa/nigeria/soldiers-are-less-
motivated-boko-Haram-insurgents
76
I. Ahmed and Mike Eckel. “In Boko Haram Fight. Lines Blur Between
Nigeria Troops, Foreign mercenaries” VOA. 20 March, 2015
https://www.voanews.com/africa/boko-Haram-fight-lines-blur-between-nigeria-
troops-foreign-mercenaries
77
(The Cable, January 22, 2020). This was attributed to inter-agency rivalry.
78
H. Y. Bappa “Nigeria's military failure against the Boko Haram insurgency.”
African Security Review, 25, 2. (2016): 146-158
79
S. Ogundipe, “Boko Haram: Army Chief Buratai spits fire; warns commander
against fleeing from terrorists.” Premium Times. 3 August, 2018.
https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/headlines/278792-boko-Haram-army-
chief-buratai-spits-fire-warns-commanders-against-fleeing-from-terrorists.html
80
PM News, 19 July, 2019.
81
Premium Times July 14, 2020; Thompson, “Mutiny, Desertion and State
Response,” 14-30
82
FRN, 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, LL 112.
83
O. Olawoyin, “Benue Killings: Why Buhari did not know IGP Idris disobeyed
him – Femi Adesina” Premium Times. 13 March, 2018.
https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/headlines/261593-benue-killings-why-
buhari-did-not-know-igp-idris-disobeyed-him-femi-adesina.html
84
Daily Trust, February 9, 2020.
85
S. Aborisade, “Foreign soldiers saving Nigeria from bandits—Senator” The
Punch. 20 May, 2020. https://punchng.com/foreign-soldiers-saving-nigerians-
from-bandits-senator/
86
D. Oyedele, “Army Currently Deployed in 32 States, Says Buratai” This Day.
15 February, 2017. https://www.thisdaylive.com/index.php/2017./02/15/army-
currently-deployed-in-32-states-says-buratai/
87
D. Tonwe, D., and S. Eke. “State fragility and violent uprising in Nigeria.”
Africa Security Review, 22, 4. (2013): 232-243; Thompson, et al ‘‘Beyond the
‘Capture of ‘Camp Zero’”
88
Premium Times, 8 June, 2020.
89
M. Maina ‘Army reacts as governor Zulum raises alarm over extortion by
officers in Borno’ Daily Post. 7 January, 2020
https://dailypost.ng/2020./01/07/army-reacts-as-governor-zulum-raises-alarm-
over-extortion-by-officers-in-borno/
90
M. T. Page “Nigeria Struggles with Security Sector Reform.” Chatham House.
April 2 2019. https://www.chathamhouse.org/expert/comment/nigeria-struggles-
security-sector-reform
91
Ibid
92
Ibid
93 Channels television, “Extrajudicial Killings: Katsina Government Bans
Ƴansaki Vigilante Group” 15 February, 2022.
https://www.channelstv.com/2022/02/15/extrajudicial-killings-katsina-
government-bans-%C6%B3ansaki-vigilante-group/
94
D. K. Banini, “Security sector corruption and military effectiveness: the
influence of corruption on countermeasures against Boko haram in Nigeria.”
Small Wars & Insurgencies. 31, 1. (2020): 131-158.
95
R. L. Feldman, “Problems Plaguing the African Union Peacekeeping Forces”
Defense &Security Analysis. 24, 3. (2008):267–272
96
R. Ajakaye “Nigeria: Evidence lacking, 475 Boko Haram suspects free”
Anadolu Agency.18 February, 2018. https://www.aa.com.tr/en/africa/nigeria-
evidence-lacking-475-boko-Haram-suspects-free/1066987
97
A.I. (Amnesty International) “Willingly Unable: ICC Preliminary
Examination and Nigeria’s Failure to Address Impunity for International
Crimes’ UK: AI. 2018.
https://www.amnesty.org/download/Documents/AFR4494812018.ENGLISH.PD
F; HRW (Human Rights Watch). ‘Flawed Trials of Boko Haram Suspects:
Ensure Due Process, Victim Participation.’ 17 September, 2018.
https://www.hrw.org/news/2018./09/17/nigeria-flawed-trials-boko-Haram-
suspects
98 Chris, “Banditry, Politics and Changing Narratives in Zamfara” Leadership.
23 April, 2019. https://leadership.ng/banditry-politics-and-changing-narratives-
in-zamfara/
99
D. E. Agbiboa, “Borders that continue to bother us:
100
A. C. Okoli, and E. N. Lenshie, ‘Nigeria: Nomadic migrancy and rural
violence in Nigeria’. Conflict Studies Quarterly, 25 (2018): 68-85.
101
Okoli, and Ugwu. “Of Marauders and Brigands”
102
R. Sobowale “Bad road, rough terrain hinder army to counter bandits—
Tambuwal” Vanguard 28 May, 2020
103
A. Olufemi, “Many Nigerian borders artificial, difficult to manage—
Minister.” Premium Times. 11 June, 2020
https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/top-news/397131-many-nigerian-
borders-artificial-difficult-to-manage-minister.html
104
Agency Report. “Insecurity: Tambuwal Seeks death sentence for unlawful
possession of arms.” Premium Times. 14 June, 2020.
105
O. Mailafia, “Poverty capital of the world’ Business Day. November 15 2019.
https://businessday.ng/columnist/article/poverty-capital-of-the-world/amp/ ;NBS,
(Nigeria Bureau of Statistics) 2020. ‘Poverty and Inequality in Nigeria 2019.:
Executive Summary’ Abuja: NBS, 2020
106
I. Aghedo, James S. Eke “From Alms to Arms: The Almajiri Phenomenon
and Internal Security in Northern Nigeria.” The Korean Journal of Policy
Studies, 28, 3. (2013) : 97-123.
107
Vanguard, July 3, 2020
108
P Adepoju, “Nigeria Responds to COVID-19: First case detected in sub-
Saharan Africa” Nature Medicine, 26,4. (2020):444-448
109
A. Synenko ‘In pictures: fighting conflict and coronavirus in Nigeria’s
Borno” Al Jazeera. 29 April, 2020.
https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/inpictures/pictures-fighting-conflict-
coronavirus-nigeria-borno-200426173641182.html
110
M. Buhari, “Full text of President Muhammadu Buhari’s Democracy Day
Speech’ Affairs TV. 12 June, 2020. https://affairstv.com/2020./06/12/full-text-
of-president-muhammadu-buharis-democracy-day-speech/
111
FGN-ESC Report. Bouncing Back: Nigeria Economic Sustainability Plan.
Abuja: Government Printers, 2020
112
N. Ibekwe, “COVID-19: Nigerian govt begs Tesla founder, Elon Musk for
ventilators” Premium Times. 2 April, 2020.
https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/top-news/385537-covid-19-nigerian-
govt-begs-tesla-founder-elon-musk-for-ventilators.html
113
T. Ayeni, “Nigeria: The mystery of expired Covid vaccines” VOA.21
December, 2021. https://www.theafricareport.com/156044/nigeria-the-mystery-
of-expired-covid-vaccines/
Contextualising The Indian Journal of Politics

Vol. 55, No. 1-2, 2021, pp-114-124
Ambedkar’s Vision of https://www.amu.ac.in/
Social Justice-With nonacademic/UnitPanel1.jsp
Reference to Under
Privileged Sections of the
Indian Society
Zulafqar Ahmed*
ABSTRACT
The concept of social justice emanated from the process

of morality, rule of law, social equality. It laid great
emphasis upon just action and intervention of state for
the implementation of rules and regulations which are
based on social equality. Social justice is concerned
about ensuring liberty, equality, individual dignity and
rights in the society. Social justice in its truest sense
means, securing the highest possible development of
individuals by providing them equal opportunities.
Social justice has a unique significance in the context of
Indian society which is extremely unequal. Castes in
Indian society have created walls of exclusiveness,
superiority, and inferiority which act as a barrier in the
path of achieving an egalitarian society. Dr.
B.R.Ambedkar made it a lifetime mission to work for the
uplift of downtrodden and under-privileged sections of
the society. His vision was to create public opinion and
to engage them all in the struggle against highly
entrenched caste hierarchy. He not only vehemently
criticized the then existing social order but he also came
up with alternative model of egalitarian society which
was based on liberty, equality, fraternity and the
annihilation of castes. Unfortunately, his distant vision
of egalitarian society still has not been achieved. In this
backdrop, this paper makes an attempt to explore
Ambedkar’s vision of social justice in the context of
Indian society. Furthermore, the paper examines why
*Ph.D., Political Science, AMU, Aligarh

Contextualising Ambedkar’s Vision of Social…. 115
Ambedkar’s vision of social justice has not yet been

realised even after seventy years of independence.
Keywords: Morality, Dignity, Exclusiveness, Downtrodden, Explore.
The Idea of Social Justice
The term ‘Social justice’ consists of two words: one is ‘social’ and other
is ‘justice’. The term ‘social’ includes all human beings who live in
society, whereas the term ‘Justice’ is associated with liberty, equality,
and rights. Thus, social justice is concerned about liberty, to ensure
equality and protect rights of the individuals in the society.1 In other
sense, it can be argued that social justice provides equal level playing
field to every individual to live a dignified life. Social justice in a broader
connotation means an idea of creating a society or an institution which is
based on the principles of solidarity and equality and which understand
human rights and respects human dignity.
Sociologist Carl Bankston rightly argues that “A secular, leftist
view of social justice entitles redistribution of goods and resources as
based on rights of disadvantaged categories of people, rather than on
compassion or national interest. This secular version of social justice
became widely accepted due to the rise of demand-side economic and to
the moral influence of civil rights movements.” Mathew Robinson
defines social justice as “...promoting a just society by challenging
injustice and valuing diversity. It exists when all people share a common
humanity and therefore have a right to equitable treatment, support for
their human rights, and a fair allocation of community resources. in
condition of social justice, people are not to be discriminated against,
nor their welfare and well-being constrained or prejudiced on the basis
of gender, sexuality, religion, political affiliation, age, race, belief,
disability, location, social class, socio-economic circumstances, or other
background or group membership” 2
Broadly, modern approaches to justice are liberal and Marxist.
Liberals believe that protection of individual rights and liberty is
quintessential for the just society whereas Marxists approach relies upon
the argument that ‘equality’ is the hallmark of just society. Basically, the
underlying argument of social justice is to enable a society which can
ensure fairness and equality among human beings. This is actually a
balancing wheel which keeps the society integrated. The task of Social
justice is to ensure equitable distribution of resources, preventing the
abuse of liberty, and preventing the abuse of power. It aspires to remove
all form of inequalities from society and sustain the dignified life of
individual. In nutshell, we uphold the principles of social justice when we
ensure gender equality protect rights of the individuals, facilitate equality
to all section of the society irrespective of their caste, color, creed,
religion, language, region and sex.
Ambedkar’s Perspective on Ancient Hindu Society

Ancient Hindu society was deeply hierarchical and inegalitarian. It was
based on the traditional varnas3 system which classified society into four
varnas- The Brahmin, The Kshatriyas, the Vaishyas, and The Shudrash.
This system had not granted equal basic rights to every human being. In
the ancient Hindu society grave evils like excommunication, endogamy,
Sati, Child marriages, female infanticides, untouchability, ban on widow-
remarriages, dowry system were deeply embedded. In such a deeply
hierarchical society it was difficult to mold a new social order that could
ensure the social justice for all the human begins.
Varna system left no scope for to ensure social justice to down-
trodden section of the society. Varna system pushed Brahmins on the top
of the caste system. They were considered superior to other castes and
they were entitled to receive education and all other privileges. Most of
them were priests, intellectual, and teachers and they rendered highest
social status in the society. The other sections of the society were
deprived of from the educational opportunities, employment
opportunities, basic amenities which made their lives miserable. Lower
strata of this caste system looked down upon and they were treated as
‘Untouchables’4. In the course of time higher castes of society started
getting more and more privileges and lower castes become more
depressed which generated a deep-rooted inequalities in the ancient
Hindu society. After seeing all this discrimination and ill-treatment of the
lower castes, Ambedkar started life-long struggle against the caste
system. Unequal social set up, humiliations, and suppression of human
beings ignited the radicalism of Ambedkar. He believed that
untouchability is the curse for Indian society so it has to go.
He argued that a nation can flourish only when each and every
member of its society is treated equally. The most crucial battles which
Ambedkar fought were for the rights of marginalised sections of the
society. He attacked the Hindu society for what it had done with the
untouchables. He argued that caste cannot be annihilated until the old
religious texts are not questioned. He argues “You are right in holding
that Caste will cease to be an operative force only when inter-dining and
inter-marriage have become matters of common course. You have
located the source of the disease. But is your prescription the right
prescription for the disease? Ask yourselves this question; why is it that a
large majority of Hindus do not inter-dine and do not inter-marry? Why
is it that your cause is not popular? There can be only one answer to this
question and it is that inter-dining and inter-marriage are repugnant to
the beliefs and dogmas which the Hindus regard as sacred.” 5
He believes that there are some dogmas and beliefs which Hindu
society has been holding since ages. Any reform that goes against these
beliefs and dogmas are considered as religious intervention. He believes
that as long as these dogmas and beliefs are not eradicated from the
Hindu society the caste would remain here. He further argues “Caste is
not a physical object like a wall of bricks or a line of barbed wire which
prevents the Hindus from co-mingling and which has, therefore, to be
pulled down. Caste is a notion; it is a state of the mind. The destruction
of Caste does not therefore mean the destruction of a physical barrier. It
means a notional change. Caste may be bad. Caste may lead to conduct
so gross as to be called man’s inhumanity to man. All the same, it must
be recognized that the Hindus observe Caste not because they are
inhuman or wrong-headed. They observe Caste because they are deeply
religious. People are not wrong in observing Caste. In my view, what is
wrong is their religion, which has inculcated this notion of Caste. If this
is correct, then obviously the enemy, you must grapple with is not the
people who observe Caste, but the Shastras which teach them this
religion of Caste."6
Ambedkar was against the traditions of ancient Hindu society
and he did not like Hindu religion. He observed that Buddhism is the best
religion which could promote justice for the deprived sections of the
society. He argued that “By discarding my ancient religion which stood
for inequality and oppression today I am reborn, I have no faith in the
philosophy of incarnation; and it is wrong and mischievous to say that
Buddha was an incarnation of Vishnu. I am no more a devotee of any
Hindu god or goddess. I will not perform Shrardha. I will strictly follow
the eight-fold path of Buddha. Buddhism is a true religion and I will lead
a life guided by the three principles of knowledge, right path and
compassion.”7Ambedkar had felt that caste system has deeply rooted in
Hindu society. Therefore, he realized that it is very hard to get rid of this
curseuntil and unless we abandon the Hindu religion.
Ambedkar’s Views on Social Justice
Ambedkar was an ardent advocate of social justice. His concept of social
justice generated from the French Revolution’s slogan Justice, Liberty,
and Equality. His concept of social justice was based upon the social
democracy which he believed is more significant than political
democracy. He addressed the Constituent Assembly and said that “The
third thing we must do is not to be content with mere political
democracy. We must make out political democracy a social democracy
as well. Political democracy cannot last unless there lies at the base of it
social democracy. What does social democracy mean? It means a way of
life, which recognizes liberty, equality, and fraternity as the principles of
life. These principles of liberty, equality and fraternity are not to be
treated as separated items in a trinity. They form a union of trinity in the
sense that to divorce one from the other is to defeat the very purpose of
democracy.”8
Justice for Ambedkar was simply other names of liberty,

equality, and fraternity. These three principles are the cornerstone of
Ambedkar’s notion of social justice. These ideals shape the civilized
society and strengthen the relations among fellow citizens in society.
They refuse to accept any kind of discrimination which is done on the
basis of caste, colour, religion, language, gender or region. Social justice
gives mutual regard and equal opportunities to all who live in society.
Ambedkar believed that these three ideals— liberty, equality, and
fraternity can’t be separated from each other because they are the
fundamental rocks of social democracy.
Ambedkar as Crusader of Social Justice
In the words of the first prime minister of India Pt. JawaharLal Nehru
“Dr. B.R. Ambedkar would be remembered mostly as the symbol of revolt
against all the oppressing features of Hindu society. In a way, he
symbolized the hopes and aspiration of the oppressed and the
Untouchables.” Dr. B.R Ambedkar fought during his whole life for the
betterment of downtrodden sections of the society. He is remembered in
the history of India as a champion of social justice.
Ambedkar himself belonged to the lower caste of society. Being
a member of lower caste he faced all the oppressions and discriminations
which were done to them in the ancient Hindu society. In the deeply
graded society, people of the lower castes were not allowed to take water
from the same wells, worship in the same temples, and receive education
from the same schools. These places were especially reserved for the
people of upper castes. They wanted to talk with the upper castes people
but they were excommunicated. People of the downtrodden section of the
society didn’t have the courage to come forward and raise voice against
the injustice. They were restricted to only undignified labour because of
their birth and castes. It was such a societal setup where Ambedkar was
born and brought up. Despite all these odds somehow he managed to
receive the higher education and soon after he lunched himself in the
active politics. In politics, he started the fight against the injustice and
inequality which was practiced against the under-privileged section of the
society. He never surrendered to power, never made and compromise
with injustice, and fought selflessly for the welfare and development of
the underprivileged sections of the society.
Dr. Ambedkar chased constitutional and peaceful means for the
resolution of social problems. Being a chief framer of the Indian
constitution, he played a very significant role in providing reservations to
the downtrodden sections of the society. He tried to bring in the
Untouchables and weaker sections into the mainstream Indian society.
He fought for the equal social, political, and economic rights of the
untouchables.
Ambedkar was a remarkable crusader of social justice. He fought

at every stage and at every position for the welfare of downtrodden
sections of the society. He started a Satyagraha on Chandan Tank for the
upliftment of untouchables, as a result, he succeeded in providing right to
fetch water from the tank. He launched a Marathi Fortnightly
Mooknayak(Voice of the Dumb) in January 1920 and in 1923 he founded
‘BahiskritHitkarniSabha” for the purpose of to educate the marginalized
sections of the society and to improve their economic conditions.
He launched a Marathi paper “Bahiskrit Bharat” to communicate
his vision and ideas with the public. He represented untouchables in the
Round Table Conferences of 1930s. Due to his consistent efforts Harijans
got reservation of seats first time in elections. He became the first Law
Minister of independent India and formed three political parties, viz.
Independent Labour Party, Republican Party of India, and All India
Scheduled Caste Federation. All he was wanted to make the
marginalized sections of the society politically empowered and to make
their voice heard. His major emphasis was on the education of
untouchables because he believed that this is the only mean through
which they could be aware of their rights. For this purpose he established
People’s Education Society and established first educational institute in
Bombay. During his entire life he worked for the education of Dalits and
for this purpose he started various educational institutions at all levels
viz. Primary, middle and higher9.
Ambedkar argued that political and economic reforms are useless
without the social reforms. He argues “The path of social reform, like the
path to heaven (at any rate, in India) is stern with many difficulties.
Social reform in india has few friends and many critics. The critics fall
into distinct classes. One class consists of political reformers, and the
other of the socialists. It was one time recognized that without social
efficiency, no permanent progress in the other fields of activity was
possible; that owing to mischief wrought by evil customs, Hindu Society
was not in a state of efficiency; and that ceaseless efforts must be made
to eradicate these evils. It was due to the fact that the birth of the
National Congress was accompanied by the foundation of the Social
Confernce.” 10
Dr. Ambedkar was a messiah for the downtrodden sections of the
society and people began worshipping him like God. He was deeply
upset by the plight of labourers. In 1936, he organized all labourers under
the banner of SavatantaraMazdoor Dal (SMD) by the result of his efforts
SMD bagged all the fifteen seats in the provincial councils' elections
which held in Bombay. Being a member of Executive Council of Viceroy
from 1942-1947, he proposed a Labour Charter which later has been a
guideline for labour’s welfare in independent India. For settling the
disputes between employer and employ, he advocated for the maternity
benefits, holiday benefits, health & sanitation, social security for

labourers, women, and for the working class. He was also influenced by
the ‘State Socialism’ which is why he endeavoured for the ‘Land
reforms’ to solve the agrarian problems. He was in favour of ‘Collective
farming’ which he believed will ultimately lead society towards
prosperity where there would be no tenant, no landlord, and no landlord’s
labourers.
He believed that until and unless the caste is not totally
annihilated from the Indian society; the position of the untouchables
would not improve. He believed that Brahmins have got unnecessary
superiority and privileges in Indian society. Therefore, it is necessary to
transform the ancient Hindu society from traditional dogmas to civilised
one. He led three temples Satyagraha with thousands of Dalits viz.
Parvati temple, Kalaram temple, and Thankurduara temple.
Unfortunately, he could not succeed in his mission. As a result of this
event, Ambedkar realized that while living within the Hinduism it is very
difficult for Dalits to get emancipation from the discrimination and
exploitation. Therefore, he asked over the people of depressed castes stop
fighting for the temple’s entry. He appealed to the people of marginalized
castes leave Hinduism and do join other religion. As a consequence, he
with thousands of other people of depressed castes embraced Buddhism
as a symbol of protest against the prevailing inequalities and
discriminations of Indian society.
Significance of Ambedkar’s Concept of Social Justice Today and
Tomorrow
Ambedkar died in 1956 but he continues to be held highest
regard in the society. As Arundhati Roy argued it, “Gandhi has become
all things to all people... he is the saint of Status Quo. The image of
Ambedkar, however, still signals a demand for justice and insistent claim
that not all is yet right.”11Ambedkar gave marginalised sections of Indian
society hope for living a dignified life. He asserted that caste system is
the only social evil which has made life of human beings quite pathetic
merely because of their birth. It is quite apprehensive that even after the
72 years of independence still discrimination is done with the
downtrodden sections of society. Dalit girls are being harassed, tortured,
beaten, and raped in every day. Grave social evils like Honour killings,
molestation, and dowry deaths are still prevailing in Indian society.
Though, much has been achieved since independence of India in
the field of social justice but still a lot yet to be achieved. Still, gruesome
atrocities are done to Dalits in India merely on the basis of caste system.
Some recent instances of atrocities on marginalised sections are cited
here: in the recent heart-wrenching incident, a Dalit man was killed in
Gujarat’s Bhavnagar district by some Rajput men with sharp weapons
because he was riding a horse.12 In another ghastly incident, a Dalit man
from Ahmadabad was attacked by the people of Darbar community with

swords because he allegedly had added the suffix ‘Sinh’ to his name on
the Facebook. As per victim, whole incident was about adding suffix
‘Sinh’ to his name. His relatives too were injured in the scuffle.13
Another Dalit’s atrocities related case was reported in Madhya
Pradesh in which a Dalit girl student was stoned to death when she
refused to withdraw sexual harassment case. Police said that the accused
got downed from his bike, dragged the victim to the roadside and
smashed her head with a big stone. Accused, Anil Mishra, who had been
arrested, prima facie committed the crime as the victim refused to
withdraw the sexual harassment case against him.14 The recent Alwar
rape case which took place in Alwar district of Rajasthan, sparked
nation-wide protest is also one of the gravest examples of Dalit atrocity.
In this case, five men were on two motorcycles waylaid a young Dalit
couple. These men forced the couple to stop, abused them, and took a
young woman forcibly behind the sand dunes on the road side. They
gang-raped her and recorded this act. They also beaten up husband,
taking away the Rs 2,000 he had with him.15 In another case, a Dalit man,
identified as Abhishek, was burnt alive in Hardoi District of Uttar
Pradesh because he had relationship with a woman from another caste.16
These are only few cases, thousands of cases are registered every year
pertaining to Dalit’s atrocities and hundreds of cases remain unregistered.
According to Amnesty International India report of 2018, more
than 200 alleged hate crimes cases against marginalised sections of
society have been reported including 87 killings. Among all these hate
crimes 65% were against Dalits.17 In another report, released by the
National Crime Record Bureau (NCRB), revealed that crimes against
SCs have increased one percent overall, although there was a steep rise of
5.5 percent in 2016. In year 2014 crimes against persons of Scheduled
Caste were 40401; in 2015 it dropped up to 38670 with 4.2 % of down
fall. Subsequently, crimes against the SCs rose again in the year 2016 up
to 40801 with the rise of 5.5 %. In year 2014, crimes against Scheduled
Tribes were 6827 which dropped 8% in the year 2015 up to 6276 but
again crimes increased in the year 2016 up to 6568 with the rise of 4.6
percent. From these cited facts, it can be argued that even after 72 years
of independence, people of SCs/STs community still face discrimination
in the name of caste. No single day passes when hate crimes against these
marginalised sections of the society are not done. Fact of the matter is
that still people of SCs/STs faced discrimination in Socio-economic and
political spheres in world’s largest democracy.
In the present times, when chauvinism, majoritarian nationalism,
religious extremism, intolerance, and hatred have engrained whole India;
relevance of Ambedkar’s Social justice gets more increased than ever
before. It is no wonder once Gandhiji said more than a half-century ago
“Dr. Ambedkar is challenge to Hinduism”. He remains today as he was

before, which is why BJP and its off-shoots will never celebrate
Ambedkar and his vision of Social Justice.18
He laid special emphasis on the arguments that Do not lay
liberties at the feet of a great man; in politics, bhakti or hero-worship is a
sure goal to degradation. He focused more on social democracy than
political democracy because he believed that the latter is meaningless
without the success of earlier. Despite of all odds, he continuously fought
for the marginalised sections of society and put his all concerted efforts
for the socio-economic and political welfare of these people. It is the
result of his efforts that today members of parliament (MPs), members of
Legislative Assembly (MLAs), Indian Administrative Service (IAS)
Indian Police Service (IPS) Indian Forest Service (IFS), Engineers,
Doctors, Professors are from the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
He enshrined principles of reservation for SCs/STs in the Indian
Constitution which helped them to improve their socio-economic and
political conditions. He did a lot for the betterment of downtrodden
sections of society but still, his dream of just society is yet to be fulfilled.
Ambedkar being a great social reformer, rationalist, jurist, economist,
and politician is and will remain always relevant in modern India.
Concluding Remarks
Dr. Ambedkar is considered the chief architect of modern India. His
contribution to making modern India is remarkable. He gave hope to the
millions of downtrodden people of living dignified and respectful life. He
emphasized education will play key role in liberation of downtrodden
section of people from the oppression of caste system. It is true that lot
has improved since independence in the Indian society but still,
Ambedkar’s dream of just and egalitarian society based on socio-
economic justice, self-esteem and respect of human beings is yet to be
realized. Social as well as economic inequalities are still prevalent in our
society. Caste-based discrimination is still hunting the oppressed section
of Indian society.
Today, we know Ambedkar merely as a chairman of the Drafting
Committee that is not fair enough to his personality. We forgot that how
powerful are his social and political ideas that fertilised the Indian
thinking as well as that gave hope of living to the downtrodden sections
of the Indian society. It is an undeniable fact that we do not give due
respect to his social and political ideas which he deserves.
India has no leader of this stature as Ambedkar. He was the
champion of human rights as well as the crusader of social justice. The
Fundamental Rights (FRs) and Directive Principles of State Policy
(DPSPs) have been enshrined in the Indian constitution is the greatest
contribution of Ambedkar to India. It was the strenuous efforts of
Ambedkar which compelled Congress party to provide reservation to the

downtrodden sections of society.
We are standing at where Indian democracy is facing new
challenges and threats. These include starvation, agrarian distress, gender
inequality, violence against minorities and marginal groups, corporate
expansion, rampant corruption, growing militarism, degrading
institutions of governance, resurgence of Hindutvamajoritarianism and
attack on rationality and scientific spirit. In this context we need to revisit
the socio-political and economic ideas of Dr. B .R. Ambedkar which
would help the people of Indian republic to confront these challenges and
threats.
References
1
Raghavendra. R.H, "Dr B.R. Ambedkar’s Ideas on Social Justice in Indian
Society." Sage, May 2016: pp. 24-29
2
Archana. Chaturvedi, "The concept of Social justice." International Research
Journal of Commerce Arts and Science, Vol.6, no. 12 (2015): pp.100-104
3
Varna is a Sanskrit word which mean colour or class.
4
A member of the lowest-Caste Hindu group contact with whom was considered
that to defile the members of higher castes.
5
Vasant. Moon,"Annihaliation of Caste." Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Writings and
Speeches . Vol. 2, No. 01, New Delhi: Dr. Ambedkar Foundtion , January 201
6
Niranjan. Rajadhyaksha. "B R Ambdkar:In his own words." Livemint, April 14,
2016.
7
Ranjit. A, Kumar. "Ambedkar's Notion of Social Justice- A Different
Prespective." International Journal of Scientific & Engineering Research,
Vol. 2, no. 12 (December 2011): pp. 1-5.
8
Ibid. pp.7-8
9
Monika. Sharma, "Ambedkar’s Struggle for Empowerment of Downtrodden."
International Journal of Research in Economics and Social Sciences,Vol. 5, no.
6 (June 2015): pp. 251-257.
10
Vasant. Moon, "Annihaliation of Caste." Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Writings
and Speeches , Vol. 01, New Delhi: Dr. Ambedkar Foundtion , January 2014.
11
Alex.Tabarrok, "The Relevance of B.R Ambedkar in Modern India." Marginal
Revolution, April 14, 2017.
12
Scroll. March 30, 2018. https://scroll.in/latest/873946/gujarat-dalit-man-killed-
allegedly-by-villagers-who-were-upset-after-he-bought-a-horse (accessed March
30, 2019).
13
Gopi. Maniar, May 23, 2018.
https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/ahmedabad-dalit-youth-attacked-for-
adding-sinh-to-his-name-on-facebook-1239761-2018-05-23 (accessed
September 20, 2019).
14
Press Trust of India. August 20, 2018. https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-
news/dalit-student-stoned-to-death-for-not-withdrawing-sexual-harassment-case-
in-mp/story-Wdi1dIJn2qpQ32vgEyKOEI.html(accessed September 20, 2019).
15
Deep. Mukherjee, The Indian Express. May 14, 2019.
https://indianexpress.com/article/india/alwar-rape-case-among-five-accused-a-
truck-driver-tea-stall-worker-labourer-57 (accessed September 21, 2019)
16
Dalit Atrocities. September 17, 2019. https://scroll.in/latest/937585/up-
congress-hits-out-at-bjp-after-dalit-man-is-burnt-alive-says-social-fabric-is-
being-attacked (accessed September 21, 2019).
17
The Hindu. March 5, 2019. https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/65-of-
hate-crimes-against-dalits-amnesty/article26440412.ece (accessed September 21,
2019).
18
N.Ram. "Relevance of Ambedkar." Vol. 27. no. 01. The Hindu, Jan 2, 2010.

The Indian Journal of Politics: A Peer-Reviewed Journal

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

The Indian Journal of Politics: A Peer-Reviewed Journal

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

The Indian Journal of Politics

VOL. 55, NO. 1-2, JANUARY – JUNE, 2021

Volume 55, No. 1-2, 2021

Islam and Populism: Palembang (Indonesia) 1-15

India and China: Act East Policy after 16-33

Roles and Challenges of Youth Participation 34-44

In Search of a Holistic Approach to Global 45-61

Human Rights and Minority Muslims in 62-75

Defying the Odds: Nigeria’s Spiralling 89-113

Contextualising Ambedkar’s Vision of Social 114-124

Islam and Populism: The Indian Journal of Politics

Raegen Harahap*, Yulion Zalpa** and Gonda Yumitro***

The phenomenon of populism has become an important

*Islamic State University, Raden Fatah palembang

is a consequence of democratic turmoil which is marked by political

framework, there are still various debates which directly determine as to

of affirmation of the sharp division between good people and corrupt

sympathizers and support from constituents is operationalized in three

context and reality of the political framework in Palembang in the 2018

overshadowed by the popularity of Haji Sarimuda.Therefore, the political

In every event held Islamic activities in the city of Palembang,

Understanding (MOU) with 25 commitment points as concrete support

India and China: Act The Indian Journal of Politics

The outbreak of COVID-19 has created a dilemma that

*Research Scholar, Department of Political Science, AMU.

diplomatic problem. A detailed discussion about Act East

territorial concessions if India had not intervened. China’s actions fuelled

of Kashmir is a bilateral one between Pakistan and India37. In response to

the region. India is focusing its strategy on countering China at this

preserve and reinforce a liberal international order while creating an

disappointed by India’s economic slowdown and inward orientation, as

economic performance and sectarian and religious politics. Diplomats

overcome the economic, financial, and social constraints surrounding

Notes & References

Roles and Challenges of The Indian Journal of Politics

Mosaib Ahmad*, Yihenew Misrak** and Simachew Zemene***

Associating community development with youth

*Assistant Professor, (Contractual) Department of Political Science, Aligarh

that youth can contribute for development through

in education, health, environmental sanitation, mass mobilization,

youth to assert their rights and fulfill their responsibility in the

Result and Discussion

The government is not efficiently working to produce responsible,

13. G.P. Cornwall, ‘Youth Participation in Local (Community) Level

27. Ethiopian Ministry of Youth, Sports and Culture/EMYSC. Federal

In Search of a Holistic The Indian Journal of Politics

Rifat Darina Kamal*, Z.R.M. Abdullah Kaiser**

Political thinker Hegel is known for his philosophical

Keywords: Hegel; Communitarianism; Cosmopolitanism; International

*PhD Candidate, Department of Politics, York University, Canada

that his ideological standpoint is communitarian due to his concept of

In these triadic approaches, the concept of the state can be

describes this community as a modern nation-state. Moreover, he

feeling of belonging. Acceptance of this multiculturalism gives

legal relationship between states is a contractual agreement that broadens

about personal animosity and hatred.38 So then, it is rather simple to

of conduct in international politics. The lack of a central authority

While Hegel was more convinced by the ‘blessings’ of these

Moreover, one of the major concepts of the world-state is the

Hegelian ‘enlightenment philosophy’ was most closely

is no longer limited to the Western world and is relocating to the Eastern

Human Rights and The Indian Journal of Politics

Human Rights are those rights without which human

Raegen Harahap, Yulion Zalpa and Gonda Yumitro

Mosaib Ahmad, Yihenew Misrak and Simachew Zemene