Professional Documents
Culture Documents
10.1515 - Humor 2016 0033
10.1515 - Humor 2016 0033
1 Introduction
Cartoons, also referred to as caricatures, are social artifacts that are produced in
reaction to a social phenomenon and “guided by socially determined intentions”
(Stockl 2004). Oftentimes, they are designed to call attention to similarities
between the images used and the real issue the cartoonist aims to address by
using analogy in a humorous way. Cartoons have become an established textual
form in media discourse that includes television, newspapers, magazines, paint-
ings, and, more recently, different forms of new communication technology,
including twitter, Facebook, and mobile phones. Cartoons are multimodal in
nature; the visual, auditory, and verbal modes collaborate and complement each
other to humorously convey a specific message. The visual images in cartoons
are usually accompanied by verbal sub-texts and texts that end with a punchline
to create a humorous mood that is achieved through the violation of conversa-
tional maxims in the analogies, exaggerations, and symbolism used in the
cartoon.
Political events such as elections are occasions for cartoonists to flourish
and become extraordinarily active and creative. In political cartoons, cartoonists
not only criticize the status quo but also attempt to highlight hidden discourses
and sociopolitical stances in a humorous way. Thus, the humor in cartoons
should not be considered merely comical because political cartoons are meant to
express the views, attitudes, and ideologies not only of the cartoonist but also of
his/her society. The humor created by exaggerations and caricatures and by
analogies are only one aspect of cartoons. They function as attention-getters that
are designed to invite the viewer to study the cartoon and uncover the hidden
messages.
Driven by the belief that the humor present in cartoons covers strong
messages that require an ideal viewer that is equipped with a relevant socio-
cultural background that enables him or her to process and interpret the
meaning behind the images, the authors have chosen political cartoons as
the subject of this study. The study offers a semiotic analysis of political
cartoons (specifically, cartoons relating to elections) by the Jordanian cartoo-
nist Imad Hajjaj, known as Abu Mahjoob. These cartoons depict the socio-
political context following the 2011 uprisings in the Arab region referred to as
the Arab Spring and focus on changes in people’s practices and stances toward
politics and politicians. To this end, political cartoons produced during
Jordanian election campaigns before and after the Arab Spring (namely, car-
toons from the 2007, 2010, and 2013 elections) have been chosen to provide the
data for this study.
Semiotic analysis of political cartoons 65
2 Literature review
As the discussion above shows, cartoons are not created simply for fun and
innocent play. In general, they are representations of social phenomena and are
guided by social and ideological intent. Political cartoons can be described as a
platform in which different themes and meanings that represent group interests
and the perspectives of both cartoonists and their societies are negotiated. The
different modes in cartoons collaborate to represent these themes and messages
66 Kawakib Al-Momani et al.
in a humorous way. They symbolize social and ideological intentions that can
have an “effect on people’s behavior and ultimately on their life” (Martin 2008:
18). Socially, they are humorous “tools to make points and proclaim identity.”
(Martin 2008) Ideologically, the images used in cartoons are “means through
which ideologies are produced and onto which ideologies are projected”
(Sturken and Cartwright 2001: 21). As such, cartoons play an important role in
manifesting political views and stances and reinforcing ideologies and power
relationships (Lewis 2008; Kuipers 2008). In this sense, humor is “a terrain
where many battles about morality and boundaries are fought” (Kuipers 2008:
11) in a safe way and functions as a “safety-valve” or a “smokescreen” (Mascha
2008) that helps the cartoonist challenge rules and violate these rules without
being held legally responsible.
Cartoons have positive and negative effects that “can either draw people
together or push them apart” (Lewis et al. 2008: 12). In their positive role, they
alert people to violations of rules and make them aware of the real situation that
is highlighted by the use of analogies. Drawing people’s attention to violations
of rules may have a mobilizing effect that may lead to important changes in
society, especially if the cartoons are issued at the time the violations take place
and together with other types of sarcasm and criticism across different forms of
media (Sturken and Cartwright 2001: 21). Chen (2013) confirms this claim in a
study on the efficacy of political humor in the public sphere. He argues that
political cartoons produced through new media may have mobilizing effects.
Chen demonstrates that the cartoons he investigated in his study helped fuel a
public outcry against the negligence of official bodies in a transportation com-
pany and led to the resignation of its chief officer (Chen 2013: 43). As a means of
social criticism, cartoons may have positive effects in the sense that they high-
light boundaries between in-groups and out-groups, which may contribute to
social bonding between members of each community: the in-group (the inter-
locutors who agree on the content) and the out-group (the targets of humor)
(Tsakona and Popa 2011: 12).
In their negative role, political cartoons may have positive humorous effects
on the cartoonist and his in-group community, but at the same time, they may
be harmful and offensive to the out-group community because they are origin-
ally produced to undermine, mock, and criticize their targets (Tsakona and Popa
2011: 5). Heitzman (1998) provides the example of the negative effect of Herbert
Block’s cartoons on Nixon, stating, “I would hate to get up in the morning and
look at his cartoons. I would like to erase that image, referring to his own image
in Herblock’s cartoon” (Heitzman 1998: 4). Another example given in Lewis
(2008: 32) is that of Adolf Hitler, who was angered by a cartoon of him drawn
by a Russian cartoonist and swore to execute the cartoonist when the Germans
Semiotic analysis of political cartoons 67
There is a dearth of studies on political humor in the Arab world. Among the
more notable studies are those by Kishtainy (1985), Kanaana (1995), Fathi (1991),
Shehata (1992), Sherbiny (2005) and Badarneh (2011). These studies view poli-
tical humor as a vehicle for the criticism of politics and politicians in oppressive
situations where political freedom is repressed and open political expression is
not tolerated. In such cases, the political joke becomes a form of political protest
(Shehata 1992: 75). Badarneh (2011) examined contemporary Arab political jokes.
He argues that political jokes have a cycle similar to the human lifecycle,
beginning with comic “crowning” and “glorification” of the ruler and ending
in his “decrowning” and “comic death.” He concludes that, “like carnivals, the
telling of these jokes in a repressive context merely builds a second world
outside the oppressive world of the regime and offers an alternative framework
to the regime’s policies and actions” (Badarneh 2011: 325).
Relatively little research has been conducted on political cartoons in the
Arab world (Qassim 2006; Najjar 2007; Al Kayed et al. 2015; Ibrahim 2014;
Ahmad 2007). Qassim (2006) and Najjar (2007) examined cartoons in conflict-
ridden areas and argued that that they are serious social artifacts that help
locals construct a sense of self and identity (Najjar 2007). Humor does not seem
to be a priority in such cartoons. This could be attributed to the political crises in
these areas and their devastating effects on residents (Qassim 2006: 5). These
68 Kawakib Al-Momani et al.
3 Theoretical framework
Various approaches and theoretical frameworks can be adopted in the analysis
of cartoons. These include linguistic, pragmatic, semantic, psycho-linguistic,
and semiotic approaches. This study adopts a semiotic approach. Semiotics is
“a philosophical approach that seeks to interpret messages in terms of their
signs and patterns of symbolism” (Eco 1986: 15). It was created by two scholars:
Saussure (1983) and Peirce (1931–1958). For Saussure, a sign system consists of
only two elements: the signifier (i. e., an object) and the signified (what the
Semiotic analysis of political cartoons 69
object stands for). The relationship between the two is arbitrary; it is understood
by convention. Peirce defines signs in a broader way than language and focuses
on how they are logically or semiotically linked to their objects. He provides a
triadic relationship in the sign system including the signifier, the signified, and
the interpretant.
These two philosophers inspired other semioticians, who have contributed
to the field of semiotics through their research and analysis of the develop-
ment of the sign. Roland Barthes is one of these semioticians. In his works
(1957, 1964, 1972, 1977), Barthes views the sign in terms of its denotative and
connotative meanings. He divides the system of signification into three parts:
the linguistic message (the text), the non-coded iconic message (the literal/
denoted image) and the coded iconic message (the symbolic/connoted). This
study adopts Barthes’ ideas of denotation and connotation by calling upon the
three messages, which are further elaborated below.
messages encoded in the selected cartoons and thus may contribute to cross-
cultural understanding.
The data for this study consist of 57 political cartoons featuring the elections of
2007, 2010, and 2013 (29 cartoons for 2007, 15 for 2010, and 13 for 2013) collected
primarily from a well-known local cartoon website created by prominent
Jordanian political cartoonist, Emad Hajjaj. Hajjaj is one of the cartoonists who
adopted the Arab spring values as a main theme and portrayed them in his
cartoons. His cartoons are well known in Jordanian society as well as other Arab
societies. As a result of certain controversial cartoons that Hajjaj created during
periods of political and economic crises criticizing the political system in Jordan,
he had to leave his job as an editorial cartoonist for mainstream newspapers in
Jordan. He worked for the two leading daily newspapers in Jordan: the Arabic-
language Al-Rai and the English-language Jordan Times. His editorial cartoons
also appear in the Jordanian newspaper Al Ghad as well as in other Arabic
language newspapers. Moreover, his cartoons are used and referenced during
political and economic crises in mainstream media sources such as newspapers
and television.. His cartoons won the Dubai Press Award twice, and the Arabian
Business magazine has classified him as one of the most influential personalities
in the Arab world.
Hajjaj created the cartoon character Abu Mahjoob, which appears in almost
all his cartoons named after the main character of his 1993 cartoons that have
since become popular in Jordan. Abu Mahjoob represents the typical Jordanian
man and his everyday political, social, and cultural concerns. He also becomes
involved in current issues, including elections: sometimes he is a voter and at
other times he is a politician or an observer who trades comments and criticism.
Mahjoob wears a pinstripe suit and necktie along with the traditional red
keffiyeh headdress and sports a crooked moustache. Other characters include
Mahjoob, his son, who represents the youth, and Abu Mohammad, who usually
wears simple clothing and appears to represent the public with whom the main
character (Abu Mahjoob) typically interacts.
The analysis of the data aims to highlight the changes to societal practices
and stances toward politics and politicians in Jordanian society after the Arab
Spring. Thus, the analysis attempts to answer the following questions:
1. What are the sociopolitical changes that gave rise to the selected cartoons?
2. What are the main themes represented in cartoons before and after the Arab
Spring?
74 Kawakib Al-Momani et al.
4.3 Methodology
Arab Spring elections. All cartoons produced during the three elections include
signs of the three representations; however, the selection of the six cartoons as
sample data was not random because the researchers had to choose the
cartoons that included signs that reflected each representation to provide a
sufficient analysis. For example, lexical borrowing is one feature in many
cartoons produced by Hajjaj for the elections, but not all borrowings have
the same function. Therefore, the authors selected the cartoon that involved
borrowing from the field of computers that related to the representation of the
youth in Figure 1. Although only one cartoon was found that related to the role
of the youth in the 2013 elections, the researchers considered it worth includ-
ing because most of the cartoons related to that election allude to the 2011
Arab Spring, which was initiated by the youth. With regard to public aware-
ness, the authors selected cartoons that elaborated this theme in relation to
candidates’ illegal and corrupt practices. The two themes seem to overlap, but
the main theme is public awareness. With regard to the corruption cartoons
and the use of political money, this is also a common theme in most of Hajjaj’s
cartoons and it usually overlaps with other themes in the same cartoon. For
these reasons, the authors selected cartoons that focused on the use of poli-
tical money as their main theme.
Firstly, only six cartoons representing the three elections were selected for
analysis due to space constraints.
Second, because the themes in 2007 and 2010 are very similar, only exam-
ples from 2007 to 2013 are used. Thus, for each of the three themes, two cartoons
were chosen, one from the 2013 collection and the other from the 2007
collection.
Third, cartoons representing the role of the youth in the 2007 elections could
not be found in Hajjaj’s collection because young people had yet to take on a
recognized public role. However, to make the point clear and for the sake of
comparison, Figure 2, which captured this issue, was taken from the webpage of
Omar Al-Abdullat, who is also a leading Jordanian cartoonist.
Figure 2: Encouraging the young to vote. ‘Vote for me and I’ll kiss the ouchie for every citizen’.
The images were analyzed in terms of Barthes’ three types of messages: linguis-
tic messages (text), literal messages (denoted image) and symbolic messages
Semiotic analysis of political cartoons 77
↓
Linguistic messages (text): lexical and structural choices, polysemes, homo-
graphs or homophones, metaphors, word play, puns, ambiguity, code mixing,
borrowings
+
Denoted message (literal/image): physical exaggerations, drawings, colors,
facial expressions, gestures, clothes and objects
↓
Connoted message (symbolic): interpretation of linguistic and denoted messages
and themes symbolized
5 Analysis
Political events such as elections are occasions for cartoonists to flourish and
become extraordinarily active and creative. In the cartoons concerning the 2007
and 2010 Jordanian elections, cartoonists tapped into sensitive chronic problems
in Jordanian society, such as poverty, unemployment, corruption, shifting atten-
tion in elections from political issues to favors and services, the single-vote
system, so-called ‘political money,’ and many other issues. Following the Arab
Spring, the 2013 elections in Jordan were rich sources for cartoonists to highlight
78 Kawakib Al-Momani et al.
The themes discussed in the sample cartoons of this study have been the core
of public debate in Jordan for a long time, but they have been debated more
intensely since 2011. Traces of such heated debate are encoded in the cartoons
of the 2013 elections compared to previous elections. Three main themes have
been identified: the role of the youth, increased public awareness of candi-
dates’ practices, and public responses to political money.
Semiotic analysis of political cartoons 79
who displayed no genuine involvement in the political process at that time. Their
interests were confined to beautiful female singers and pop stars and hence
sexuality, as symbolized by the red car, the image of the singer, and the man in
pain. This complementarity connotes the passive role of the young in the 2007
elections and their lack of political interest. In 2010, however, no such representa-
tion of the youth was found in the cartoons produced at the time.
pile of aid packages, a gas cylinder, a large traditional dish of rice and lamb, a
checkbook protruding from his pocket, and a safe.
price of home cooking gas cylinders. The candidates thus exploited people’s
economic hardships to obtain their votes, which presented a cruel image of the
candidates and a degrading image of the public.
6 Summary of findings
This study argued that the Arab Spring uprisings initiated by youth through
social media in 2011 have left traces on every aspect of life in Jordanian society
and the Arab world in general. The present study was an attempt to depict the
Jordanian sociopolitical context after 2011 and to focus on the changes in
people’s practices and stances toward politics and politicians in Jordan. To
investigate these changes, a semiotic approach was adopted in the analysis of
cartoons published in two periods in Jordan, those published before 2011 (during
the 2007 and 2010 elections) and those published during the 2013 elections. Six
representative cartoons out of a sample of 57 were selected and classified
according to the themes they represented. These were analyzed in terms of the
messages they conveyed. Three thematic representations were identified in the
data: representation of the youth, representation of the practices of the public,
and representation of candidates’ practices. Three dichotomies representing the
pre- and post-Arab Spring period were observed in these representations: young
people’s passive electoral role versus their active role; public ignorance versus
public awareness of political issues; and resistance to political money versus the
use of political money. These themes and dichotomies were analyzed in terms of
Barthes’ three messages (signs) of semiotics, namely, the linguistic message,
which consists of verbal/textual elements; the denoted message, which concerns
the images and their literal representations; and the connoted message, which is
symbolic. Regarding the linguistic message, the analysis revealed specific verbal
techniques that cartoonists used as means of criticism and humor, including the
use of puns, wordplay, polysemes, homographs or homophones, intertextuality,
code-switching, allusion, and cultural borrowings. Most of the linguistic mes-
sages include a punchline that creates a sarcastic, humorous effect. With regard
to the denoted message, physical representations (which include exaggerations,
analogies, drawings, colors, facial expressions, gestures, clothes, and objects
that represent actual situations) are used in a humorous, sarcastic context,
making them second-order representations that are far from literal. In combina-
tion with the linguistic elements, they produce a symbolic connoted message
realized through anchorage and relay, the complementary relationship between
the linguistic and the denoted messages. This complementarity representing
each theme is summarized as follows.
Semiotic analysis of political cartoons 91
was represented by the empty voting card and the citizen’s facial expression of
anger in response to the candidate’s bribery attempts. This image of a silent
angry man who refuses political money did not appear before this time. In 2007
and 2010, the public was depicted as receptive to offers of money and ready to
sell votes.
In conclusion, the analysis revealed that the Arab Spring in 2011 left its
fingerprints on the political cartoons of 2013. Unlike cartoons published prior
to 2011 on the topic of elections (which depicted the public as ignorant, greedy
and oppressed), the cartoons of the 2013 elections connoted a celebration of
what was seen as the victory of the young in the Arab Spring. The cartoons
transmitted a sense of awareness, salvation, achievement, victory, freedom,
dignity and democracy, merits that people in the Arab world have been
striving to achieve for centuries in the face of successive colonial powers and
local dictatorships. It must be noted, however, that recently, feelings of des-
pair and frustration have taken over after the setbacks in most of the Arab
Spring countries, and what seemed to be a dream come true has turned out to
be a nightmare for all Arabs. Cartoonists have encoded these setbacks in their
subsequent post-Arab Spring cartoons, which will be the topic of the research-
ers’ next study.
7 Concluding remarks
The authors claim that this study is the first to examine the signs of public
attitudinal changes toward politics and politicians in cartoons highlighting the
post-Arab Spring sociopolitical context in Jordan. This study presents a thematic
analysis of representation at the three levels of messages: linguistic, denoted
and connoted messages. The verbo-pictorial elements in the sample cartoons
were carefully chosen to connote specific themes representing the positive
influence of the Arab Spring on Jordanian society. Previous research on Arabic
cartoons has approached them from a pragmatic point of view, focusing on
implicature and Grice’s maxims of conversation. However, focusing on the
linguistic aspect in cartoons is not sufficient to explain the ideological and
attitudinal issues relevant to the socio-political context that has given rise to
the cartoons. The verbo-pictorial images encoded in the cartoons are treated as
signs, and the intersemiotic complementary relationship between these signs
allows the representation of these issues. This study claims that the different
signs in cartoons after political revolutions such as the Arab Spring tend to
enhance in-group community by representing positive social and ideological
Semiotic analysis of political cartoons 93
values. The humor in these cartoons is believed to have a positive effect on the
target readers (the Jordanian and Arab public, in this case), who have dreamed
of democracy, equality and justice for decades.
The authors hope that this study will add value to existing research in the
fields of humor and semiotics, discourse analysis, critical discourse analysis,
and multimodality. The authors believe the study provides new insights into
humor research by showing how humorous exaggerations and analogies can
be placed in the service of ideology. This paper aimed to provide new insights
in the field of semiotics by examining how signs in verbo-pictorial images
collaborate to connote specific meanings relevant to the socio-political values
of a given society. Finally, the authors hope this study will allow ordinary
local readers as well as readers in other parts of the world to understand the
hidden discourses and practices encoded in cartoons and thus will promote
cross-cultural understanding. The study may also be of significant value to
educators, especially in the teaching of relevant advanced courses at the
university level.
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Bionotes
Kawakib Al-Momani
Muhammad A. Badarneh
Fathi Migdadi
Fathi Migdadi is an associate professor in linguistics and the director of the Language Center at
Jordan University of Science and Technology. He earned his B.A and M.A. from Yarmouk
University in Jordan and his doctorate degree in Linguistics from Ball State University, USA.
His research interests focus on discourse analysis, conversational analysis, semiotics and
speech act theory. He has published in cross-cultural communication, the pragmatics of
religious expressions in Jordanian Arabic and the politeness strategies of callers in complaint
calls in phone-in programs.