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Trapped within ideological wars: Femininities in a Muslim Society and the

Contest of Women as Leaders

Article in Gender Work and Organization · March 2021

DOI: 10.1111/gwao.12662

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Received: 3 December 2019
DOI: 10.1111/gwao.12662
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
- -Revised: 18 November 2020
Trapped within ideological wars: Femininities
in a Muslim society and the contest of women
as leaders
Fitri Hariana Oktaviani1,2
Terrance Fitzsimmons3
1
The University of Queensland, Brisbane,
Queensland, Australia
2
Department of Communication, Brawijaya
University, Malang, Indonesia
3
The University of Queensland Business
School, Brisbane, Queensland, Australia
Correspondence
Fitri Hariana Oktaviani, The University of
Queensland, Brisbane, QLD 4072, Australia.
Email: fitri.oktaviani@uqconnect.edu.au
1152
- Gender Work Organ. 2021;28:1152–1176.
Accepted: 2 March 2021
| Bernard McKenna3 |
Abstract
This paper analyzes the discursive contestation among
online news media about women in leadership roles within
a Muslim majority society, Indonesia. Indonesian women
have established a substantial leadership role in which the
“ideal” modern woman has been the image of “wanita karir,”
a commingling of various Indonesian feminist discourses
and Western (post)feminist discursive formations. Despite
the progress, women's leadership in Indonesia has recently
been challenged by reactionary Islamist forces. Using a
critical poststructural discourse perspective, we identify a
range of four forms of femininity and female leadership in
Indonesian online media that reside at the intersections of
competing discourses. This paper offers two areas of con-
tributions. First, we identify the leadership challenges faced
by women in a South‐East Asian context, in particular
within a democratic Muslim society like Indonesia. Second,
we contribute to the theorization of women's leadership
challenges from the perspective of femininity construction.
In particular, we want to emphasize the notion of the
multiplicity of discourses in shaping femininities. In doing
so, we demonstrate the permutability, transformability, and
adaptability of gender discrimination in our identified
wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/gwao © 2021 John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
OKTAVIANI ET AL.
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forms of femininity, and the limitations of the virtuous

burden imposed by apparently supportive discourse.

KEYWORDS
media representation, neoliberal postfeminism, non‐Western
femininity, religious identity, “virtuous burden”

1 | INTRODUCTION

This paper analyzes the discursive contestation about women in leadership roles within a Muslim majority society,
Indonesia. In particular, we identify how discourses and ideologies drawn from religion, particularly Islam, nation‐
state ideologies, cultural values, and (neoliberal post)feminism shape women's claim to leadership through a conflict
between the various constructions of femininity in Indonesian society. We do this by analyzing online media's
representations of women in leadership. Representation in this study is understood as the various constructions of
women leaders through narratives and tropes in online media text (Mavin et al., 2010).
While not specifically positioning ourselves as postcolonial scholars, we agree with the importance they place
on acknowledging the different experience of non‐Western women in their gender struggles. We concur with
Ozkazanc‐Pan's (2012, p. 575) critique of the epistemological flaws in representing the subjectivity of non‐Western
women using the lens of Western concepts of selfhood. Hence, analysis should include the socio‐political, historical,
and cultural context (Mohanty, 1988; Weatherall, 2020). This research assumes that the subjectivities of Indonesian
women are vectored by multiple and competing ideologies and discursive formations. It is in this dynamic vectoral
space that women (re‐)position themselves in performing the feminine (Butler, 2015) as leaders. Essentially, we
identify various discourses of femininity that take place in the continuum of feminist to antifeminist positions.
In this research, the term feminism refers to the intertwinement of discourses produced to strive for women's
equal rights. It is worth noting that Indonesia witnessed the first stirrings of a feminist movement in the early 1900s
through RA Kartini, a Javanese aristocrat who fought for women's education rights (Cote, 2014; Kartini, 2009).
Since then, it has witnessed three types of movements, that are liberal feminism (1910s–current), socialist feminism
(1950–1965), and Islamic feminism (1917–current) (Blackburn, 2010). However, many Indonesian women feminist
figures are reluctant to be called “feminist” because early Indonesian women's organizations were aligned with
struggles against Dutch colonialism (Blackburn, 2010; Sadli, 2002). So, Western feminism is associated with a
foreign influence that is not compatible with traditional Indonesian values. Nevertheless, around the fall of
Suharto's authoritarian New Order regime in 1998, Indonesia observed the rise of contemporary (Western)
feminist thought at universities and women's organizations (Arivia & Subono, 2017, p. 13). At the same time, in-
ternational NGOs such as UN Women, Ford Foundation, and Asia Foundation gained traction to fund women's
empowerment programs (Blackburn, 2010). Recently, both liberal and Islamic women's movements began to closely
work together, in particular against Islamist proponents who seek greater restrictions on women's dressing style,
mobility, and freedom (Blackburn, 2010, p. 29). Thus, feminist values are interwoven into contemporary Indonesian
society, although each of the contributing feminist movements remains distinctive.
Since independence, Indonesian women have progressed relatively well in comparison to their condition at the
beginning of the century, though progress remains slow. The latest data show 51% women's participation in the
workforce (Cameron et al., 2019). With the rise of democracy following Suharto's fall, women have gained more
power in politics. In 2017, Indonesians have seen some improvements in terms of numbers of women in parlia-
mentary positions (19%) and Ministerial Cabinets (25% for 2014–2019). In business, the Grant Thornton
Survey (2017) revealed that Indonesia is ranked second after Russia in the proportion of senior business roles held
by women (46%).
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The rise of a Western neoliberal postfeminist discursive formation also influences many Indonesian women
through images of the modern professional woman (wanita karir or career women). This influence results from the
interconnectedness of the world through economic, socio‐cultural, and political ideology exchange facilitated by
the rise of Internet‐powered globalization and accelerated by the democratization of Indonesia. Sociologists
believe that since the 1990s Indonesian women's magazines such as Femina have introduced the image of the
ideal Indonesian woman as a professional with a career, or wanita karir, who works as a business executive,
secretary, civil servant, or lawyer (Brenner, 1999; M. Ford, 2003; Sen, 1998). At the same time, in the 1990s, a
wave of newly graduated Western‐educated Indonesian women entered management roles (Wright &
Tellei, 1993). These women who embodied Westernized images of career women began entering into Indonesian
organizations in larger numbers (Wright & Tellei, 1993). The image of wanita karir has been shaped by modern
ideals from the West coinciding with the industrialization of the nation, especially in big cities such as Jakarta.
International women's magazines such as Cosmopolitan, Harper's Bazaar, and Elle, also have had Indonesian
versions since the 1990s (Leiliyanti, 2003). Currently, books promoting neoliberal postfeminist ideas such as
Sheryl's Sandberg Lean In and Ivanka Trump's Women Who Work are also available in Indonesian bookstores and
online shops.
Notwithstanding this, female leadership in Indonesia has been facing a sustained wave of opposition. With the
rise of Islamism across the globe (Tariq & Syed, 2017, 2018), the ultraconservative idea of women's diminished or
nonexistent role in the public space, especially in leadership positions, has re‐emerged. Indonesia itself has
witnessed the rise of Islamic conservativism in recent years (Van Bruinessen, 2013). Since the early 2010s, a social
movement called Hijrah, or migration has surfaced in society to demand that Muslims adopt a “purified” form of
Islam (Yuniar, 2020). Evidence of this can be seen in the dramatic increase in the number of women who are
wearing “standard” veils (hijab) (Qibtiyah, 2019) and the growth of Sharia‐based businesses and services (Ramdhani
et al., 2011). These ultraconservative movements demand that women return to their fitrah (God's given natural
law) role as mothers and to cover themselves. A movement called “un‐install feminism” has also begun to spread
(Syahrial & Jones, 2019). We propose that these macro discursive contestations are shaping the debate over
women's claim to leadership in current Indonesian public discourses. This contestation has been documented in
various online media, which also have their own prescription of idealized femininity. Thus, our research question is:
How does Indonesian online media discursively construct forms of idealized femininity in their representation of
women leaders?
The contributions of this paper are framed in two ways. First, we analyze leadership challenges faced by
women in a South‐East Asian context, in particular within a democratic Muslim society like Indonesia that has
been lacking in the Gender and Organization Studies (GOS) literature. Scholars in GOS have long called for
diversity and inclusion of female experience that decenters Western, mainly White, theorization (Calás
et al., 2014). Second, we contribute to the discussion and theorization of female leadership challenges through
analysis of femininities in society. As pointed out by Billing (2011), we need to consider aspects outside
masculine hegemony to explain challenges faced by women seeking inclusion within leadership and management.
Acknowledging these multiplicity of discourses (Bakhtin, 1981; Maybin, 2001; Ybema et al., 2009) that are
shaping femininities (Gill et al., 2017; Lewis, 2014), we analyze multiple forms of femininities to explain the
challenges mounted women's leadership. To expand Gill et al.'s (2017, p. 277) argument, our poststructural
perspective enables us to expose discrimination against women as leaders as “a fluid and malleable set of
practices of power” generating forms of sexism that mutate, transform, and adapt over time and across feminine
prescriptions. This notion has been demonstrated in our study. Even the most liberal forms of feminine pre-
scriptions (“equal femininity”; “empowered femininity”), identified in this analysis, still yoke women with a
virtuous burden that limits women's leadership potential.
The paper begins by briefly overviewing the social construction of femininities, neoliberal postfeminism and its
influence outside Western countries, and our theoretical framework. We then explain our methodology before
presenting the findings. The paper concludes with a discussion of the study's contributions.
OKTAVIANI ET AL.
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1.1 | Social construction of femininities and the contestation of women as leaders

Femininity in this study is defined as a social construction of characteristics and attributes associated with women
(Adamson, 2017; Gill & Scharff, 2013). Poststructuralism understands gender identity as a performance that has to
be continuously produced and regulated to meet societal expectations (Butler, 2015). Thus, instead of looking at
femininity as a biological characteristic, poststructuralism considers femininity to be a socially constructed phe-
nomenon. Consequently, men and women can perform masculinity or femininity regardless of their biological
characteristics (Billing & Alvesson, 2000). Leadership, thus, can be performed using feminine or masculine styles by
both genders (Billing & Alvesson, 2000).
It must be noted that dominant concepts of leadership have undergone considerable feminist critique (see, e.g.,
the special issue of Leadership Quarterly, 2016, Vol 27, issue 3). From a poststructural discourse perspective, feminist
scholars have criticized the androcentric nature of leadership in organizations (J. Ford, 2006, 2010). Feminist re-
searchers have pointed out how leadership is associated with stereotypes of male power, attitudes, and obligations
(Acker, 1990; Calás & Smircich, 1992). Ideal male workers or managers, for instance, are depicted as disembodied
and rational figures who are associated with masculinity (J. Ford, 2006). Meanwhile, females have been associated
with embodiment, emotions, and sexuality disadvantaging them in the context of rational leadership in organiza-
tions (Fournier & Kelemen, 2001). Hence, feminist leadership discourse literature has demonstrated that the role of
leaders is best comprehended through a hegemonic masculine interpretation (J. Ford, 2006; Harding, 2003;
Oseen, 1997; Sinclair, 2013).
Acknowledging this underlying assumption about leadership and its masculine connotation, this research
focuses more on the societal discourses of femininities that contribute to the contestation of women as leaders. As
Billing (2011, p. 300) argues, we need to consider aspects outside the masculine norms, such as traditional ideas of
femininities that still impede women's inclusion in leadership and management. Discourse in this context refers to
“a broader societal narrative embedded in systems of representation, which offer predictable, yet elastic and lucid,
yet contradictory tales of possible subjectivities” (Ashcraft, 2004, p. 9). Although multiple discourses interweave
and circulate at once, those discourses with greater institutional support can be more persuasive than others
(Ashcraft, 2004; Hall, 1992; Laclau & Mouffe, 1985). We suggest that the contestation for women leaders,
notwithstanding a hundred years of feminism in Indonesia, can be attributed not only to the perpetual masculine
association of leadership but also to the subjection of women implicit in the discourses and ideology of nationhood
and piety. Therefore, this study focuses on how women's claim to leadership is located within the contest of
competing discourses that shape the ideal forms of femininity.
In the context of a democratic, Muslim majority Indonesia which is open to various influences of discursive
formations, we propose that discourses from feminism, national and cultural values, Islamist ideology, and
neoliberal feminism compete to shape their version of “ideal” femininity. As shown in this study, each feminine
construction locates women differently in terms of their assumed feminine roles, their positioning with other actors
in the discourse (such as men, family, society, God), and their leadership potential.

1.2 | Neoliberal postfeminism and how it travels across the world to shape new
femininities

As femininity is socially constructed, its characteristics continue to evolve and transform. Poststructural feminist
scholars in GOS have begun to identify new femininities and how they have infused women's subjectivity in the
workplace. In particular, they have critiqued how a dominant neoliberal postfeminist discursive formation has
shaped ideal femininities in the Western workplace (Adamson, 2017; Gill et al., 2017; Rottenberg, 2018). While
postfeminism can be understood in four ways—as a theoretical perspective, an evolutionary shift of third‐wave
feminism, a backlash against feminism, and as a sensibility (see Gill et al., 2017 for review)—we deploy the term
1156
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postfeminism in this paper as a discursive formation with power implications in a Foucauldian sense (Lewis, 2014)
that also can serve as a gender regime (McRobbie, 2008). Postfeminism regards “femininity as a bodily property;
the shift from objectification to subjectification; an emphasis upon self‐surveillance; monitoring and self‐discipline;
a focus on individualism, choice and empowerment; the dominance of a makeover paradigm; and a resurgence of
ideas about natural sexual difference” (Gill, 2007, p. 147). Thus, it includes reincorporating traditional gender
relations but also accepting the liberal feminist objective of female empowerment and equal opportunities
(Dean, 2010; Gill, 2007; Lewis, 2014; McRobbie, 2008). Postfeminism no longer presents gender equality as an
urgent issue because it regards feminism as having been incorporated into Western culture. Hence, there has been
a rejection of “excessive feminism” and a promotion of a more moderate, “reasonable” feminism, which is also
referred to as “domestication” or taming of feminism (Dean, 2010, pp. 393–394).
Previous studies also show that postfeminism has been coupled with neoliberalism (Ahl & Marlow, 2021;
Rottenberg, 2018), where neoliberalism is understood as “a mode of governmentality exercised through discourses
that extend and disseminate market values to social domains and actions” (Adamson, 2017, p. 315; Rose, 1999). As
a mode of governmentality, it prescribes individual responsibility for one's own economic and social status (Gill &
De Benedictis, 2016, p. 2). Consequently, neoliberalism has constructed an agentic subject based on market logic
(Jessop, 2002). As a discursive formation, neoliberal postfeminism currently is one of the dominant forces shaping
contemporary Western women's femininities.
While neoliberal postfeminism has its origins in the West, we argue that this discursive formation has traveled
and infused women's work‐related subjectivity in non‐Western contexts. In Indonesia, it manifests in the perpetual
depiction of modern “wanita karir.” Researchers from outside GOS also believe that the impact of (neoliberal)
postfeminism travels transnationally via the media, commodities, and consumer connectivities (Dosekun, 2015). For
example, some scholars have found postfeminist sensibility in Pakistani and Indonesian pop culture texts
(Abdullah & Awan, 2017; Rahmawati, 2018). Also, the influence of neoliberal postfeminism in institutional policies
and the portrayal of non‐Western subjects have been criticized by feminist scholars outside GOS (Mirza &
Meetoo, 2018; Semati & Brookey, 2014). For example, Mirza and Meetoo (2018, p. 235) critique schools' policy that
portrays the compliant “model Muslim female student” based on neoliberal postfeminist values to support calls to
liberate young Muslim women in the UK. Nevertheless, in our research, neoliberal postfeminism is considered as
one of the discursive formations that compete to shape femininities in Indonesia.

1.3 | The role of discourses in (re)shaping femininities

We use a critical poststructuralist orientation to understand feminine subjectivity in contemporary Indonesia. From
our perspective, studying how the subject is formed cannot be separated from the discourses surrounding them. In
this view, subjectivity is fluid, shifting, multiple, and nonrational (Collinson, 2006; Foucault, 1982). It is a product of
“social interaction and shared processes of meaning‐making” (Ainsworth & Hardy, 2004a, p. 232). Hence, the
formation of the subject is circumscribed through three onion‐like layers of discourses that provide “a space of self‐
interested actions” (Ainsworth & Hardy, 2004a, p. 238; Keenoy et al., 1997; Mumby & Stohl, 1991). This space
offers a range of possible feminine subjectivities, although not all of them are considered as ideal. The innermost
layer of discourses are micro discourses, which are produced in daily interactions among people. At this level,
everyday talk produces feminine subjectivity and identity as discourses in an “ongoing, generative, and interactive
identity performance” (Ashcraft, 2004, p. 2). Thus, feminine subjectivity and identity can be produced and analyzed
through narrative or everyday talk (Ainsworth & Hardy, 2004b). The potential for human agency depends upon
what is available from a broader “cultural repertoire of discursive resources” (Ainsworth & Hardy, 2004b, p. 11).
The second layer, the meso‐level discourse, exists at the institutional level (Ashcraft, 2004). It marks “the discursive
transition between macro‐discourse orthodoxies, wherein patterns of behavior and forms of expression are socially
regulated, and the micro‐discourse level of individual interaction” (McKenna et al., 2016, p. 1087). In this way,
OKTAVIANI ET AL.
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organizations are considered as gendered discourse communities that continuously produce gendered discourses,
which members reify and enact in their everyday talk (Mumby, 1996).
The outermost layer incorporates the macro‐level discourses that provide the foundation of this study. This
macro‐level has three characteristics (Foucault, 1972). First, it provides an authorized system of knowledge (be it
technical or “common sense”) supplying a broadly agreed understanding of how things exist and operate (the
epistemic) (Foucault, 1972). Second, macro‐level discourses provide frameworks for, in this instance, how women
should act (the deontic) (McKenna et al., 2016; McKenna & Waddell, 2007). They are normally determined by
dominant moral codes enforced by law and social codes, and are often found in organized religions. These epistemic
and deontic functions of the macro‐level discourses are bound to a particular socio‐historical temporal location.
Third, specific macro‐discourses become dominant through the process of dialectical and dialogical contest (Clegg &
Pina e Cunha, 2017; Collinson, 2005; Tsoukas, 2009) and have hegemonic regulatory effects on societies
(Caterina, 2018; Stoddart, 2007). Hegemony manifests as common sense that comes from a relatively stable
alliance of interests and groups who propagate widespread social consent through “the articulation and
rearticulation of orders of discourses” (Fairclough, 1992, p. 93). This notion is the foundation of the critical nature
of this study because we are concerned about the relation of power. For example, in Muslim society, Islamism can
become part of the dominant hegemonic forces that shape the meaning of femininity. Nevertheless, hegemony
slowly changes over time because macro‐level discourses are not unitary and are subject to contestation emerging
from shifting relations of power.
Macro‐level discourses are subject to contestation because they engage dialogically or dialectically with other
discourses, producing interdiscursivity (Fairclough, 2013). Researchers, then, can investigate the ways that macro‐
level discourses are carried through structural forms such as government, laws, education, and institutions but also
through the media, which is the focus of this study. While we understand that often these levels of discourses can
intertwine to create meanings for particular actions (Mumby, 2011), in this research, our focus is on examining the
macro discursive contestations of femininities in online media that contribute to the debate of women's rights in
leadership roles.
As media are politically and financially owned and operated by different interest groups, they carry different
discourses and agendas (Castells, 2010). They are also selective in presenting the information that they consider to
be of public interest (Herman & Chomsky, 1988; Mavin et al., 2010). Thus, media can represent as well as respond
to working life (Czarniawska & Rhodes, 2006). The development of online media has altered how people consume
media as they have traits that differ from traditional media such as television and newspaper. Although incorpo-
rating all the characteristics of the traditional media, online media are also characterized by multimediality,
interactivity, hyperlinking through user‐generated content searching and convergence productions1 (Siapera &
Veglis, 2012). So, they allow contemporary media to reinforce dominant discourses while also enabling alternative
discourses to emerge. Furthermore, the linking of the world through the Internet has opened up channels that carry
multiple discourses freely across geographical locations. Online media have challenged the hegemonic power of
traditional media leading to widespread contestation of ideologies and discursive struggles.

1.4 | A brief overview of Indonesian economics and political context

Because our poststructural analysis locates text within a spatio‐temporal moment (Fairclough, 1992), the present
moment must be placed within a politico‐historical narrative. The Republic of Indonesia is a democratic country
that is home to the biggest Muslim population in the world. Muslims account for 87.2% of the total population
(Sensus Penduduk, 2010). Other recognized religions are Protestantism, Catholicism, Hinduism, Buddhism, and
other local beliefs. Because Indonesia does not constitutionally adopt an Islamic ideology, it is considered a quasi‐
secular country (Fenwick, 2016). Its explicit ideology is Pancasila (Oktaviani et al., 2016). Historically, the people of
the Indonesian archipelago converted to Islam in the 14th century, mainly through trade, peaceful preaching, and
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cultural assimilation (Azra, 2005). Hence, Islam developed in Indonesia in a way that is distinctly different from
Middle Eastern Islam because the autochthonous version of Islam produced a moderate blend of Islam and
indigenous cultural beliefs with pluralist orientation (Van Bruinessen, 2013).
Indonesia was colonized for 365 years by the Dutch until it proclaimed independence in 1945. After inde-
pendence, it was led by the first president, Sukarno, who focused on nationalism, unity, and self‐reliance of the
Indonesian people (Palmier, 1957). After the coup in 1965, Suharto became president of Indonesia ushering in the
New Order regime (1966–1998). At the same time, Indonesia was used by the USA and other Western Allies to
contain the spread of communism during the Cold War (Hadiz, 2004). Indonesia's democracy began to thrive by
adopting direct elections after Suharto fell in 1998. Since the Asian Economic Crisis in 1997, Indonesia has shifted
from an economic policy that blended elements of capitalism and socialism into a more neoliberal economic policy
(Hadiz, 2004). In 2019 Indonesia ranked 23th in countries receiving Foreign Direct Investment (UNCTAD, 2020)
leading to the increasing demand for neoliberal policies. The shift to a more neoliberal economy has also been
accelerated by the rise of Western‐educated policymakers. Many contemporary Indonesian bureaucrats, educators,
and decision‐makers have received Western education through international scholarships.

2 | METHODOLOGY

The methodology is Discourse Analysis, influenced by Foucauldian and other poststructuralist and critical
approaches. Discourses from a Foucauldian perspective are “practices that systematically form the objects of which
they speak” and have power implications, as what they construct may be held as “truth” (Ahl, 2007, p. 219).

2.1 | Data generation and sampling techniques

The data in the form of news and opinion articles were generated from three online media publications with different
ideological orientations and ownership. The three‐news publications are a national liberal publication (Kompas), a
national self‐described moderate Muslim2 publication (Republika), and a self‐described ultra‐conservative Muslim
publication (Voice of Al Islam or VoAI). While we acknowledge that the data do not represent all possible ideologies and
discourses in Indonesian society, sampling was carefully chosen to represent the continuum of ideologies and dis-
courses in Indonesia, ranging from religious conservatives to left‐liberal (Aspinall et al., 2018). The corpus was
generated using 36 search terms of “women leaders” and its synonyms as well as concepts most associated with it such
as “led by women” or “women roles” within the period from 2013 to 2018. The articles were searched online on their
respective websites and then read and coded to eliminate irrelevant material.

2.2 | Data analysis

The data analysis comprises two stages, Textual Analysis and Discourse Analysis.

2.2.1 | Stage 1 textual analysis

Textual analysis was used to map and understand the online media's positioning of women leaders' representation. It
was assisted by Leximancer to produce a visual map of the data through quantifying and displaying the conceptual
structure of the corpus, grouped by themes, from a bird's‐eye view (Rooney et al., 2011). To do this, all selected articles
were fed into the software to be analyzed inductively. The software automated the coding process using an algorithm
OKTAVIANI ET AL.
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to group concepts that are relevant to each other (semantic relationship). One concept can comprise a word and its
synonyms that are built in the self‐generating thesaurus based only on the text being analyzed. The researchers
modified the built‐in thesaurus and manually checked it by referring to the inputted text to ensure that the software
accurately recognized the semantic nature of concepts. The software's algorithm then grouped similar concepts into
themes. These themes are adjustable in terms of size and boundary—represented by colors. However, the researchers
can and did manually over‐ride some of these themes by closely reviewing the related concepts in the context of their
use, and then applying more appropriate labels. This process ensures that the findings do not simply and naïvely rely
on Leximancer's “black box,” but have been understood in the context of their use. For example, researchers inspected
a group of concepts clustered together, examined the contents through the linked articles, adjusted the size, and
named them “business & administration.” To determine the positioning of the media, each of the articles fed into the
software was tagged according to their sources (e.g., Kompas, Republika, VoAI). This stage allows the software to
visually position the publications based on the semantic relationship (e.g., how close a publication is to groups of
concepts/themes). The information from the software was used to explore conceptual features derived from close
manual textual analysis. Key readings were then selected from this process.

2.2.2 | Stage 2 discourse analysis

Forty‐eight readings from each publication were analyzed using a Discourse Analysis method framework provided
by Willig (2008, 2014). The stages are as follows.

1. Identifying discursive construction, to answer “How are femininities constructed?”

2. Identifying action orientation, by asking “What is achieved from the discourse?”
3. Identifying subject positions by asking “How is the woman positioned in relation to other actors in the discourse?”
4. Identifying discourse and practices by asking “What opportunities/constraints for action does the discourse
produce?”
5. Identifying subjectivities by examining the relationship between discourses and women's experiences by asking
“What could be felt or experienced from the women's position in the discourse?”

Because the language of the publications is in Indonesian, the initial analysis was carried out by the first author
as Indonesian is her native language. The final analysis was back‐translated into English to ensure the validity of
interpretation. The first author checked the English translation to ensure the native meaning was correctly rep-
resented. Besides, as an Indonesian, she is familiar with and immersed in various macrodiscourses of femininities.
Thus, she experiences this as a woman who speaks for herself without the Western gaze (Minh‐Ha, 1987).
The complete procedure of the research is summarized in Figure 1.

3 | FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

3.1 | Representation of femininities in the online media

The textual analysis reveals distinctive patterns of women leaders' representation. The visual map (Figure 2) shows
nine themes that we derived using the method outlined above from the corpus of women leaders' representation in
the three publications. These themes are “public roles,” “business and administration,” “social, economy, and poli-
tics,” “domestic roles,” “Indonesia,” “governance,” “Islam,” “Jokowi,3” and “foreign interests.” The map also shows the
relative positioning of the three publications within those theme bubbles.
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FIGURE 1 Stages of sampling and analysis [Colour figure can be viewed at wileyonlinelibrary.com]
OKTAVIANI
ET AL.
 OKTAVIANI
ET AL.

FIGURE 2 A visual map of women leaders representation across three online media outlets [Colour figure can be viewed at wileyonlinelibrary.com]
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From Figure 2, it can be seen that Kompas and Republika have a relatively comparable position in representing
women leaders (the left side). In contrast, VoAI is positioned opposite on the right side. In the theme “public roles”
and “business and administration,” both Kompas and Republika mostly use the discourses of feminism, for instance,
by using the concepts common in gender equality projects such as gender, opportunities, program, and (job) position.
Both outlets also publish articles that encourage gender equality in politics and business.
For Kompas, both women and men should be assessed by ability, not their sex, for leadership. Furthermore,
Kompas supports the claim that women and men working in all areas, including government, business, and technology
should have equal access to opportunity. For instance, in an article published in July 2013, Kompas rejected the
stereotypical idea that gender differences play a role in leadership and entrepreneurship effectiveness by drawing
from a study from Stanford University. Kompas also frequently reported from Western (particularly USA) published
studies on the comparison of women and men in leadership and organization. Similarly oriented, articles on “how to”
be more successful in careers and leadership also dominate the publication's lifestyle section. Postfeminist neoliberal
discourses are also evident, particularly in Kompas, in articles that promote women's continuous efforts to invest in
themselves, capitalize on their feminine assets, and adopt personal branding to market their values.
Republika, as seen on the map, also has a relatively similar position in representing women in public roles. For
example, it reported the importance of women's inclusion in the digital economy and entrepreneurship through
education and advocates women's representation in public offices which they consider as too low. In Republika, the
issue of gender equality is influenced by moderate Muslim views. For instance, in an article adopting a progressive
Muslim interpretation of gender equality, the writer quotes a scripture that confirms women and men's equality
before God, with the only difference being their degree of piety.
Furthermore, from their relative position in the map, both Kompas and Republika adopt similar positions when
reporting the themes of “social, economy, and politics,” “Indonesia,” and “domestics roles.” There is general
agreement in both publications that women's involvement in society, economy, and politics is necessary to improve
women's lives, as well as for the success of Indonesian development. This theme is represented by the concepts of
world, community, social, development, and education.
VoAI, by contrast, is highly critical of women's role in government, demanding that Islam be brought into the
daily life of Indonesian people. It is represented by the themes “Indonesia,” “Islam,” “foreign interests,” and “Jokowi.”
In the theme “Jokowi,” VoAI criticizes women leaders in President Joko Widodo's ministry (2014–2019). In the
theme “Islam,” the concepts of ummah (Muslim community), Allah (God), religious, country, and system stress their
goal to achieve a society based on Sharia (God's) law. As a result, when representing women leaders, VoAI largely
presents arguments against the rights and capabilities of women to be involved in leadership for politics,
government, and business.

3.2 | Discursive constructions of femininity in Indonesian online media

Our second stage of analysis assembles these representations into four discursive constructions of femininity,
originating from the discourses of feminism, neoliberal postfeminism, national and moderate Muslim, and Islamic
ultraconservativism and politics. We designate the four discursive constructions as: “equal femininity”; “empowered
femininity”; “ethical femininity”; and “Religio‐political femininity.”
The summary of the analysis is presented in Table 1.

3.2.1 | Equal femininity

The first discursive construction is of women as equal and having the same competence as men, which is sourced
from discourses of feminism and the women's movements. This construction is predominant in Kompas, and to a

TABLE 1 Discursive constructions of femininity in Indonesian online media
“Equal femininity” feminism and
women's movements
Discursive construction � Women are constructed as
equal to men and have the
same competence as men
Action orientation: What is � To achieve gender equality
achieved from the discourse? and women empowerment
Subject positions: How are women � Women are positioned as equal � Women are empowered and
positioned in relation to other to men and in the context of
actors in the discourse? business and organization as
colleagues of men
“Empowered femininity”
neoliberal postfeminism
� Women are constructed as
empowered profitable beings
who have a high degree of
agency
� To empower women, establish
women's agency, transform
women into an enterprising
subject
can rules over men if they
choose to
OKTAVIANI
ET AL.
“Religio‐political femininity”
“Ethical femininity” national and ultraconservative and Islam
moderate Muslim politics
� Women are constructed as be- � Women are constructed as
ings who are partners to men God's creature with the pur-
and the guardian of the society. pose to uphold God's rules and
religion through the establish-
ment of Islamic Khilafah
� To maintain the division of � To return women's roles to the
labor between men and women domestic realm (return to God‐
in order to ensure family given natural law kodrat/fitrah)
resilience
� To ensure women are not � To mobilize women's struggle
neglecting their kodrat/fitrah for the establishment of Khila-
(God‐given natural law). fah (Islam politics)
� Women are positioned as a � Women are positioned as a
partner of men supporter or a follower of men
as their leaders (leaders of
ummah)
� Women and men are equal
before God
� Women are positioned as
guardian of society's moral
(Continues)
-
1163
TABLE 1 (Continued)
1164
-

“Religio‐political femininity”
“Equal femininity” feminism and “Empowered femininity” “Ethical femininity” national and ultraconservative and Islam
women's movements neoliberal postfeminism moderate Muslim politics

Discourse and practices: What
opportunities/constraints for
action does the discourse
produce?
� Women and men can enjoy
equal opportunity
� Women considered too inde-
pendent in the society are
construed as neglecting their
familial duty (e.g., as a wife,
mother, or daughter)
� Women can determine their � Acknowledgment of women's � Women can have a high degree
own career and life choices focus on their family life of education
without sacrificing their career
� Women have to continuously � Women's main roles are repre- � Women cannot develop them-
compete and market them- sented as a mother and wife, selves and participate in public
selves to adhere to market logic hence they have a “virtuous spaces
burden”

� Independent women are repre- � Women are criticized as too � Women can participate in poli-
sented as too wild and rowdy focused on themselves, their tics for the benefit of Khilafah's
bodies, and sexuality agenda (but not lead it)

Subjectivities: what could be felt
or experienced from within
women position?
� Women will feel useful and
successful if they can reach
their (leadership) potentials,
achieve well in their career, and
successfully manage their fam-
ily life.
� Women will feel successful if
they can follow their dreams
and focus on their self‐
development.
� Women will feel useful and
successful if they can be in
charge of their family life while
pursuing leadership and career.
� Women will feel useful and
successful when they can
follow God's order by staying in
their domestic responsibility
and raise the future generation.

� Women can have a similar � Women leaders should control � Despite having a career, � Women must not compete with
achievement as men in business their emotionality in the women's main role is as a men in the workplace to give up
and politics as they have equal workplace mother, wife, or daughter their familial responsibility for
competence the benefit of capitalism

� Women should achieve a better � Women leaders can use their � While being leaders, or pursu-
representation (in politics, feminine assets to win in their ing leadership and career,
business) workplace women cannot neglect their
kodrat (or fitrah) to raise their
children and to be good wife
and mother
� Women should work only for
the benefit of the ummah and
not for earning income/climb-
ing to a leadership position
OKTAVIANI
ET AL.

TABLE 1 (Continued)
“Equal femininity” feminism and “Empowered femininity”
women's movements neoliberal postfeminism
� Women should strive for equal � Women need to ensure work‐
access to leadership and politi- life balance
cal candidacy
� Women now have more
freedom in sex life and make
other choices in life
� Women can use their body and
appearance to manage their
personal branding
OKTAVIANI
ET AL.
“Religio‐political femininity”
“Ethical femininity” national and ultraconservative and Islam
moderate Muslim politics
� Women are the guardian of � Current women leaders are
society's moral, hence they pawns of capitalist greed and
have various responsibilities to foreign interests as well as
the society around them (or flawed products of democracy
ummah in the context of mod-
erate Muslim)
� Any career progression should � Women's demands to be
be based on agreement (or leaders and to work is a prod-
permission) from their husband uct of toxic feminism
� A demand for equality is a
“foolish” idea brought by
excessive freedom promised by
Western feminism and
liberalism
-
1165
1166
- OKTAVIANI ET AL.

lesser extent in Republika. The goal of this discourse is to support gender equality and women's empowerment. In
terms of subject position, women are positioned as equal to men. In the context of business and organization,
women can act as colleagues with as well as competitors to men.
This discursive construction provides opportunities for women to strive for equal opportunity in the public sphere,
such as in business and politics. In terms of subjectivity, this discourse makes women feel useful and successful if they
can reach their (leadership) potential and achieve well in their career. Also, women have to fight and struggle for better
opportunities and representation in business as well as in politics. For instance, in the following excerpt, Kompas urged
women to break out of their comfort zone because they have the same chance of success as anyone in organizations:

You can’t achieve your dreams just by playing it safe. For all professionals, especially women, not
being in a comfort zone is very scary. However, until you are willing to get out of the zone and take
risks, you will never be able to achieve success and accomplish your true potential. (Why Women Have
to be more Courageous to Take Risks, Kompas, 17 March 2014)

Numerous articles in Kompas and Republika encourage women to break traditional constraints to access
political leadership and candidacy. Kompas, in particular, often promotes women to work in male‐dominated sectors
such as technology through their featured articles about women in technological companies.
However, women who are considered too independent in society are represented as neglecting their familial
duty (e.g., as a wife, mother, or daughter). This feminine position is sometimes criticized as enabling women to be
wild and rowdy. For example, in a Republika interview with the winner of the 2014 Indonesian Women Award, the
winner asserts that feminism has gone too far in liberating women, leading them often to neglect the women's
kodrat as a wife or mother. Kodrat, or fitrah, means a God‐given natural law on human traits. As kodrat highlights
male–female differentiation, male leadership is still acknowledged in the domestic realm, as evidenced by various
articles in Kompas and Republika. Thus, while women are encouraged to develop their career, their success is
assessed not only by personal achievement but also family stability.

3.2.2 | Empowered femininity

The second feminine typology extends the previous construction by promoting higher degrees of agency for
women. This construction, which is demonstrably derived from a neoliberal postfeminist discursive formation, is
found predominantly in Kompas. The purpose of this discourse is to empower women and establish women's
agency, but also acknowledge stereotypical femininity. In this construction, women are positioned as being able to
rule over men if they choose. Moreover, women can have choices over familial responsibility, career, body, and sex
life. For instance, in a 2017 article, Kompas quoted Sheryl Sandberg and other experts on freedom about dating
while pursuing careers. For those with a family, work‐life balance is considered paramount. For example, in a 2015
article, Kompas emphasized that women who are doing well in their career as well as paying attention to their family
are positively labeled as “superwomen.” Other articles on lessons from Indonesian women leaders also exemplify
how these successful individuals manage to have a good work‐life balance.
This construction also presents women's femininity as an asset that has to be continuously managed, often
through personal branding. In a Kompas article published in 2017, a personal branding coach advised women on
how to improve their career:

The formation of effective personal branding requires efforts that have to be done repeatedly and
consistently. At this stage, you will immerse your brand in your every activity. The method can vary,
such as creating a media plan for yourself, both virtually and in real life. So, you will always be positioned
within your target audience. (Personal Branding: 3 Easy Steps to Boost your Career, Kompas 7 March 2017)
OKTAVIANI ET AL.
- 1167

This personal branding can also extend to women's appearance and communication style. In addition, this
construction acknowledges that associated feminine behaviors such as good verbal and nonverbal communication
skills, emotional sensitivity, and multitasking can benefit women leaders and their company. However, in the
workplace, women must be able to control their emotions because these hinder women's perceived performance. If
managed well, their femininity can be considered as an asset because the current organizational climate values a
feminine leadership style. This discourse construes women as successful if they can follow their dreams, exercise
their agency, and focus on their self‐development.
This discursive construction is condemned by the (ultra)conservative VoAI press for its adherence to market logic,
making women appear Westernized or too modern. Women are evaluated as too focused on themselves, their bodies,
and sexuality. They are criticized for using their feminine body to gain leadership roles without competence. For
example, in an opinion article criticizing the trend of female headmasters in public schools, a VoAI writer contends that
the incompetence of female public school headmistresses was made worse by her wearing heavy makeup, signifying
their “selfish and narcissistic” behavior. They were also portrayed as pursuing leadership only for economic gain.

3.2.3 | Ethical femininity

The third discursive construction represents women as partners to men but also, importantly, the guardians of
society. This discursive construction, which is visible in Kompas and Republika, has its provenance in national and
cultural values as well as from moderate Muslim views. The purpose of this construction is to maintain the division
of labor between men and women to ensure family resilience. Women are allowed to participate in the public arena,
including to become leaders. However, their primary responsibility is as a wife and mother as a part of their kodrat/
fitrah. Nevertheless, this construction still acknowledges the equality of men and women. For instance, Republika
puts forward arguments that support women's pursuit of career from an Islamic point of view. Here, the concept of
gender equality is framed within a human endeavor to be good:

In doing good deeds, Allah does not differentiate gender. Both men and women have the opportunity
to do good deeds as well as possible. The words of Allah SWT, ‘I will not suffer the work of any of you,
whether male or female, to go to waste; each of you is from the other’, (QS Ali Imran [3]: 195). Men
and women get the same opportunities in righteous deeds. Both of them get rewards in the hereafter
for their efforts in goodness. So, in the context of competing in goodness, men and women are the
same before Allah SWT. …There is no fundamental law that prohibits women from working. (Becoming
a Career Woman, Republika, September 7, 2017)

Since the emphasis on domestic responsibility is for women, they can feel successful if they can prioritize their
family life while pursuing a career or leadership. To maintain family integration, women must ask permission or
agreement from their husbands if they want to progress their career. In this regard, raising a family is the virtuous
burden of womanhood. That is to say that the responsibility for happy family life is the responsibility of women, and
aligns with traditional cultural, national, and religious ethical values. Hence, besides pursuing a career, women are
expected to have multiple roles like managing the household, taking care of the family, educating and schooling
children, and becoming “a good wife” which means a devoted wife focusing on fulfilling their husband's and family's
needs. Although apparently supporting gender equality and equal opportunity, the emphasis is for women, but not for
men, to have multiple tasks, a virtuosity they are seen as naturally very good at. The importance of managing domestic
tasks is aligned with the kodrat. Thus, although women are encouraged to work, be involved in the public sphere, and
pursue leadership, this is not to be at the expense of their domestic responsibility. Another virtuous burden placed on
women is that women are considered as a guardian of society's morality. For instance, women are positioned centrally
in many government campaigns dealing with corruption alleviation, poverty reduction, and moral education.
1168
- OKTAVIANI ET AL.

3.2.4 | The dialectic: religio‐political femininity

By contrast, this dialectical discursive construction identifies women's subject position to be created as God's
creature whose purpose is to uphold God's rules and religion, or, in the context of Islamic politics, to the
establishment of Islamic Khilafah. A Khilafah (or caliphate) is essentially intended to implement Islamic law and
customs worldwide. It is significant because the discursive construction locates women as part of a wider impe-
rializing process, originating in transnational radical Islam that is alien to the autochthonous Islam extant in
Indonesia. So, it might also be seen as an imperializing discourse. An ultraconservative Islamic religio‐political
ideology largely generates this construction. VoAI is one of its central media outlets. In the ideological war, they
have been waging, VoAI enlists women as supporters or followers of men as leaders of ummah (Muslim society).
Their role, therefore, is to raise the best emerging generation who can be used to fight current Western imperialism
in Indonesian democracy. VoAI made this clear through their comment on the central government's regulation to
reduce women's working hours, which was criticized by the Queen of Yogyakarta4 as it is discriminatory. They
refuted the Queen's criticism:

The Queen protested because the new regulation is discriminatory. But, the hour reduction policy [by
the central government] will not have an impact on women's domestic life. It is not an appropriate
solution for women. In Islam, women are considered as the mother and manager of the household, not
the family breadwinner. This role is not marginalizing women because it is essential to create the next
generation with Islamic characters, while family breadwinner is men's job. Unfortunately, women's
roles are blurred by the current system. The capitalist system is encouraging women to spend time
outside, so they neglect their main duty. (Women are not Workers but Educators for the Next Generation,
VoAI December 5, 2014)

Women, they contend, may still have the highest education possible, but this is to be used as an asset for their
family and religious community, not themselves. Women will be seen as successful only when they follow God's
orders in establishing an Islamic Khilafah that challenges Western imperialist ideologies such as democracy,
capitalism, neoliberalism, and feminism. To illustrate this point, VoAI criticized two of the most prominent female
ministers in the 2014–2019 cabinets, the Minister of Finance, Sri Mulyani Indrawati (SMI), and the Minister of
Fishery and Maritime, Susi Pudjiastuti (SP). They were criticized not only for the policies they pursued despite
Indrawati winning the World's Best Finance Minister award in 20185 but more particularly because of their
feminine subjective position aligned with “toxic” Western feminism.
It is significant that VoAI's criticism over policies, which was severe (the minister's policy was labeled as
“mugging people”), was aligned with a gendered diminutive, “a panic girl that is frenzied” indicating feminine
weakness, but more importantly criticizing her supine alignment with Western neoliberal economic principles.
SMI's international and professional association awards are represented not as an achievement but as evidence
that she is the foreigners' “good girl” and servant advocating neoliberalism. Visually, SMI is a traditional Javanese
female figure (soft demeanor, “feminine” Javanese speaking style, no head covering, and often accompanied by her
husband). However, VoAI portrays her Western education and previous job as a World Bank director as evidence of
her submission to the Western “overlord.” That is, her Javanese feminine subjectivity is further compromised by her
perceived neoliberal orientation resulting from her Western education and working background.
SP is similarly criticized despite her impressive life achievement. Overcoming the stigma of being a high‐school
drop‐out, she now owns an air transport company and a seafood distribution company. Her ministerial role has
traditionally been held by male ministers. Under her leadership, Indonesia was internationally recognized for
dealing with illegal and unsustainable fishing, mostly perpetrated by big, commercial ships from neighboring
countries. Her goals were not only aimed at the environment but also at protecting small‐scale fisheries in
Indonesia. Nonetheless, VoAI also linked their criticism to political economy, considering her as a capitalist who
OKTAVIANI ET AL.
- 1169

“mugged the poor people and the working class,” especially fishers. Compounding their displeasure, SP openly
defies the traditional (Javanese/Sundanese‐Muslim) Indonesian woman image as she is a chain smoker who wears
tattoos and does not wear Muslim dress. SP has divorced twice, and her current partner is a Westerner. Her
independent, feminine subjectivity earns her a label as a symbol of (excessively wild) feminism, although she refuses
to be labeled as a feminist.

Susi's figure reaps for and against in the community. Her education status ‐which is only a junior high
school graduate, lobster tattoos at her foot, heavy smoking habit, and a Caucasian husband, have
attracted public attention. But behind this eccentric figure, Susi's name became an icon of feminist
struggle. Her success in the business world, which she started from zero led Jokowi to trust her to be
a strategic minister, a perfect role model in the ‘great involvement’ of women in the public sphere. (8
Women Skrikandis in Jokowi‐JK Cabinets, VoAI, November 5, 2014.)

The statements above were produced in an article that is critical of the role of female leadership in a demo-
cratic nation. The VoAI criticism is deeply imbued with a heavily prescriptive understanding of Islamic womanhood
which goes beyond the kodrat role of Islamic women (devoted wife and mother). VoAI holds that women's education
and life work are to be a role model and teacher for the children, particularly in socio‐religious affairs such as
Islamic evangelism/dakwah. Women's involvement in the economy as workers is detrimental because this only
serves the interests of the capitalists, leaving their family unattended.

4 | DISCUSSION

This analysis has applied a critical poststructural perspective and methodology to examine online media repre-
sentation of women leaders. Our theoretical lens recognizes that feminine subjectivity is formed by multiple layers
of discourses (Ashcraft, 2004), but our focus has been on the macro‐level discursive contestation on femininity.
From this, we have produced a typology of discourses about femininity from neoliberal feminism to moderate
Muslim discourses (Table 1). We have also identified a dialectical discourse which is Islamism. All these discourses
act to shape the various forms of femininity, each with implicit feminist forms. These then become a cultural
repertoire for women who are pursuing leadership.
This paper has contributed to two areas. First, we have presented the complexity of leadership challenges faced
by non‐Western women, specifically from a Muslim society located in South East Asia. Second, we have responded
to Billing's (2011) call for more complex theorizing of female leadership experience from outside the hegemonic
masculinity interpretation. By drawing the characteristic of the multiplicity of discourses (Bakhtin, 1981;
Maybin, 2001; Ybema et al., 2009), we expand the analysis of femininities and link it to women's leadership
challenges. Instead of critically analyzing how a neoliberal postfeminist discursive formation has shaped new
femininities, as previous scholars have (Adamson, 2017; Gill et al., 2017; Kelan, 2008; Rottenberg, 2018), we have
analyzed how it competes with other sources of power. Our analysis has shown how various forms of femininity,
new and old, still disadvantage women's leadership aspirations. The challenges to leadership faced by Indonesian
women are thus multiplied. Not only do women have to continue meeting the masculine hegemony of leadership
(J. Ford, 2006; Fournier & Kelemen, 2001; Gherardi & Murgia, 2014; Sinclair, 2013), but they are subjected to
macro‐discursive prescriptions of femininities that are still unfavorable to women's leadership aspirations through
traditional Indonesian culture, the imperializing forces of transnational ultraconservative Islamism, as well as
neoliberal postfeminism. This dialectical construction locates women in the front line of conflicting ideologies and
discourses between the East and West.
In addition, by showing various constructions of femininity, we have demonstrated how gender discrimination
is a “fluid and malleable set of practices of power” (Gill et al., 2017, p. 277). The various feminine constructions still
1170
- OKTAVIANI ET AL.

impede women's access to leadership as the forms of sexism mutate, transform, and adapt over time and across
feminine prescriptions. Our analysis reveals that even the most liberated forms of feminine prescription still yoke
women with a virtuous burden. For instance, equal femininity draws from the profusion of discursive resources of
Indonesian liberal feminism, Western liberal feminism, and Islamic feminism. This construction has supported
women to achieve leadership, promote gender equality projects, increase women's representation in politics, and so
forth. This apparently egalitarian discourse, however, still recognizes male leadership over women, although it is
relocated into the domestic realm. That is, this construction still considers taking care of the family is a woman's,
but not a man's, duty. So, while encouraged to pursue public leadership, women have to ensure the well‐being of
their family. The cultural values in Indonesia are predominantly influenced by Javanese patriarchy mixed with Islam
and other ethnic values emphasizing the integration of family life (Oktaviani et al., 2016). Hence, for many women,
success is defined not only based on how triumphant they are in the public domain (such as achieving leadership)
but also on their integration of family and work life. This conceptualization can link to the efforts to ensure that
Indonesian feminist movements still preserve their cultural values (Sadli, 2002). This effort was emphasized during
Suharto's authoritarian regime, where women and men were assigned different tasks concerning family life
(Yulindrasari & McGregor, 2011). Although some Indonesian feminist authors and activists have challenged
Suharto's new order ideology of gender relations, the differentiation between the role of men and women,
especially in family life persists. So, while this construction encourages men, or fathers, to engage more in the
education of their children that resonates with Western patterns, women continue to be prescribed as mothers
limiting their ranges of subjectivity. In contrast, men are prescribed as protectors (Yulindrasari & McGregor, 2011).
This idea seems to be a common interpretation across the Muslim world (Syed & Ali, 2019). These ideals influence
the way equal femininity is constructed in online media, even in the most liberal form such as Kompas.
Empowered femininity is drawn from the neoliberal postfeminist discursive formation. Feminist scholars such as
Gill and colleagues (Gill et al., 2017; Gill & Scharff, 2013) and Rottenberg (2018) have criticized neoliberal post-
feminism's apparent repudiation of gender equality. Gill et al., (2017), for instance, analyze how this form of
repudiation manifests in the construction of being female as an advantage in the workplace, and that harder work
and entrepreneurialism is enough to surmount gender inequalities. The same case is found in the data above.
Women's femininity is seen as a powerful force that can conquer and dominate the male world of leadership and
organization. Further, Lewis and Simpson (2017) critically evaluate how postfeminist discourses have underplayed
social and cultural influence and structural equality in portraying women as the master of their own destinies. Our
data also show that this construction encourages females to be disciplined in crafting their identities, particularly
through personal branding, to survive and differentiate themselves in the male‐dominated environment of
leadership and organization. This construction incorrectly assumes that feminism has been achieved in Indonesia
and that consequently all that women need to do is believe in themselves and put efforts and strategies into
winning in the workplace. For example, Susi Pudjiastuti, a government minister, stated in Kompas in 2018 that
women had to stop thinking about gender equality, recommending instead that women prove in their work that
they are as capable as men. Such a view could be seen as Indonesian women voluntarily subscribing to dominant
Western social values and norms that are associated with progress or professionalism (Gramsci, 1995;
Stoddart, 2007). While the encouragement to constantly develop themselves is positive for women, it potentially
shifts our attention from the bigger picture of gender inequality in Indonesia and the relentless contestation of
women in leadership. Besides, women's transformation into generic rather than gendered human capital through
continuous self‐investment is naïve and incomplete (Rottenberg, 2018, p. 1073). This is because the ideal of a happy
work‐family balance remains the measure of Indonesian women's success. It continues to push back the elimination
of traditional notions of sexual difference that is at the heart of Western feminism (Rottenberg, 2018, p. 1073).
Further, “ethical femininity” roots deeply in Indonesian cultural and religious (moderate Islam, in particular)
values. This construction has emphasized women's virtuous burden. While women are allowed to be leaders, their
main responsibility is to raise children, cultivate the future generation, and guard societal morality. This virtuous
burden can link back to fetishizing women as “mothers of the nation,” or “ibu bangsa,” which had started in the era of
OKTAVIANI ET AL.
- 1171

the first president, Sukarno (Van Wichelen, 2006). In Sukarno's politics, a woman's feminine duty is to educate the
children; in fact, the nation's salvation depends on them. That is why women are expected to have the virtues of the
great mother. This appeal continued in the ideological construction of womanhood during Suharto's new order. To
illustrate this, Indonesian feminist Julia Suryakusuma coined the term “state motherism” to describe the “power of
the mother in defending the nation and protecting its children” (Van Wichelen, 2006). The notion of kodrat or fitrah
stipulates the essential characteristics of men and women that are incontestable and aligns with the view of women
as mothers. Kodrat dictates the epistemic nature of women and men that over time regulates its deontic conse-
quences. Hence, it has become a set of norms that regulate and discipline how women (and men) should behave,
and those who act against it have been subject to social sanctions (Yulindrasari & McGregor, 2011).
The dialectical discourse of religio‐political femininity has attempted to contest all of these constructions to
reposition women into their domestic realm (anti‐women leadership). The strategy employed is to associate
women's leadership with “toxic” Western feminism, capitalism, and neoliberalism that renders women leaders as
victims or pawns of Western influence. However, in so doing, it deliberately ignores Indonesian feminist move-
ments. We argue that this feminine construction draws its discursive resources from the foreign influence of the
ideology of Islamism that has resurged across the Muslim world (Van Bruinessen, 2013). So, just as Western models
of femininity could be seen as a form of Western cultural imperialism, the transnational radical Islamism, originating
from the Middle East can also be seen as a foreign imperializing force. Their epistemic position in no way aligns with
the dominant political consensus in postwar Indonesia based on the Pancasila. Their belief is inextricably tied to an
absolute rejection of Western values, economics, and politics. Because the ultraconservatives position feminism as
a product of Western values and political economy, it is irremediably tainted. The fitrah dictates that leadership is
available only to men and that women are honored in Islam by undertaking their role as wife, mother, role model,
and teacher. The deontic correlates of that are self‐evident: women must return to their fitrah, women must stay at
home and take care of the family, women should work only for the benefit of Islamic society; they must reject all
liberal values.
The analysis above has also revealed that within the Indonesian context, the contestation of women as leaders
goes beyond religious arguments. Instead, it is located within the ideological competition between the East and the
West. The dialectical discourse is a form of a reactionary power against perceived Western imperialism in the
nation, where neoliberal postfeminism and (incorrectly) feminism have been deployed as its core product. We need
to remember that there are multiple forms of feminism in Indonesia that fuse and intermesh to shape discourses of
equality and the feminist ideas in Indonesia have roots at the beginning of the 20th century, which continue to
mutate. But in attempting to contest perpetual Western imperialism, the dialectical opponents of women's freedom
draw their discursive resources from Islamist ideology. Ironically, while playing upon traditional anxieties over
Western colonial imperialism, Islamist discourse, despite Indonesia being a predominantly Muslim country, is
likewise a form of imperialism that violates the ideological consensus that has bonded the Indonesian nation for
seventy years.

5 | CONCLUSION AND LIMITATIONS

While this research focused on Indonesian women, we believe that our critical poststructural theoretical approach
has produced a more complex and nuanced understanding of women's leadership in a non‐Western context and
potentially beyond. We have shown that it is vital to understand the historical evolution of current circumstances
and the complex interplay of discourses through processes of interdiscursivity and dialectical encounter. We have
also shown how neoliberal postfeminist discourses can produce perverse outcomes in non‐Western contexts. While
eschewing the antifeminist epistemic and deontic claims of radical Islamism, we have acknowledged that they may
be alerting us to latent concerns among non‐Western people about the colonization of their culture. For instance, a
neoliberal postfeminist “totalizing” approach to the self as human capital serves to facilitate the transmutation of
1172
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the self into a business enterprise (Rottenberg, 2018), which is criticized by Islamist dialectical discourse. It also
reminds Western feminists and scholars in general that progressive and liberal ideals are not universal, and are
imbued with deep epistemic and deontic assumptions that often go unchallenged. In this way, Western feminism
can learn from the experiences of non‐Western women.
Three of the identified feminine forms above, whilst ostensibly emancipatory, still conceal different forms of
discrimination by imposing a virtuous burden in idealizing the “superwoman.” Our analysis has shown how gender
discrimination has mutated, transformed, and adapted to each of the constructions (Gill et al., 2017). In other
words, women in Indonesia have never been fully constructed as a generic, rather than gendered, human subject
with full leadership rights. Acceptance into leadership roles is still subject to various conditions. It indicates that
work is still needed to ensure that the most progressive form of femininity (equal femininity) is promoting equality in
all aspects of feminine roles, particularly to break the hegemonic dichotomy of men and women's roles in their
private, domestic lives.
Such a study, of course, has limitations that offer research opportunities. While our theoretical lens ac-
knowledges that multiple layers of discourses form women's subjectivity, our focus has been on the macro‐level of
discourses. It may not reveal enough of women's agentic capability (Ainsworth & Hardy, 2004b) and the possibility
of organizations taking a role in mediating the formation of women leaders' femininities. Hence, we suggest future
research to explore these micro‐ and mesodiscourse levels. At the micro‐level, researchers can explore how women
leaders in the context of Indonesian organizations construct their femininities. At the meso‐level, researchers can
observe how different forms of femininities manifest and how organizations produce, promote, or hinder certain
forms of femininity.

A C K N O W LE DG M EN T S
The authors would like to thank Associate Professor Ida Sabelis, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, for her friendly
review for the initial version of this paper. They would also like to thank the four anonymous reviewers for the
positive, thorough feedback, and helpful comments for revision and modification to improve the quality of this
paper.

C O NF L IC T O F IN T ER E S T S
The authors declare that there are no conflict of interests.

D A TA AV A I LA BI LI T Y S T A T E M EN T
The data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable
request.

ORCID
Fitri Hariana Oktaviani https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8540-4642
Bernard McKenna https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7092-4944
Terrance Fitzsimmons https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3547-7426

E ND N O T E S
1
Meaning that different media such as TV, print, and online are converging and supporting one another.
2
The term used by many Indonesian Muslims to characterize their belief that is progressive, tolerant, and pluralist within
the umbrella of Pancasila.
3
A popular name of Joko Widodo, a ruling president elected from 2014‐2019, 2019‐2023 nominated by left‐nationals
coalition.
4
Her Highness Ratu Hemas of Yogyakarya ( Gusti Kanjeng Ratu Hemas) is the Queen consort

of Yogyakarta, a special region in Indonesia. Her husband, Sultan Hamengkubuwono X, is the Sultan of Yogyakarta, also
OKTAVIANI ET AL.
- 1173

acts as de facto and de jure Governor of Yogyakarta. Yogyakarta is one of five special regions of Indonesia which have
special status (with Aceh, Papua, West Papua, Jakarta Special Region). She also served as Deputy Speaker of the Regional
Representative Council in office October 2, 2009—April 3, 2017.
5
Presented by World Government Summit.

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A U TH O R BI O GR A PH IE S

Oktaviani is a PhD candidate and casual academics at the Business School University of Queensland, Australia.
She is a recipient of the Australia Awards Scholarship (2017–2020), with research focusing on non‐Western
femininities and the contestation of women as leaders. She is also an academics at the Department of
Communication, Brawijaya University, Indonesia. She has published in the area of gender, organizational
communication, and leadership discourse.

McKenna is an Honorary Associate Professor in the University of Queensland Business School, Australia and
also teaches at the University of Sunshine Coast. He has published extensively in such journals as Leadership
Quarterly, Public Administration Review, Journal of Business Ethics, and Journal of Vocational Behavior, mostly on
wisdom. He also coauthored Managing Wisdom in the Knowledge Economy (Routledge). He is an Associate Editor
or editorial board member of several journals. His contribution to wisdom scholarship has largely been in
applying it to organizations and to leadership. He also researches in critical discourse theory and analysis, as
well as sustainability. He collaborates with non‐Western researchers including Iran and India, and has provided
qualitative research workshops in several countries. He has successfully completed two competitive Australian
Research Council Linkage Grants.

Fitzsimmons is a Senior Lecturer in Leadership with the University of Queensland Business School. He is also a
Chartered Accountant with more than 30 years of practice. He is the Director of the AIBE Centre for Gender
Equality in the Workplace and Managing Director of the Australian Gender Equality Council, a body whose
members comprise of peak national bodies representing women across industry sectors in Australia. He makes
extensive use of the work of Pierre Bourdieu and his framework for the examination of persistent intergen-
erational societal disparity. The concepts of field, capital, habitus, and symbolic violence feature heavily in the
studies into gender inequality conducted to date.

How to cite this article: Oktaviani FH, McKenna B, Fitzsimmons T. Trapped within ideological wars:
Femininities in a Muslim society and the contest of women as leaders. Gender Work Organ.
2021;28:1152–1176. https://doi.org/10.1111/gwao.12662

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