Professional Documents
Culture Documents
as a Lawyer
Before and After Martial Law
By
i
P HILIPPINE C OPYRIGHT © 2023
ARTURO M. DE CASTRO
7th Floor LTA Bldg., 118 Perea Street, Legaspi Village,
Makati City, Metro Manila 1229;
Tel. No. (+632)8 892-12-77; (+632)8816-23-80
Telefax No. (+632) 8812-71-29;
Email: dcclaw2010@gmail.com
Any copy of this book without the correlative number and bearing the
signature of the author/editor on this page shall be denounced as proceeding
from an illegal source or is in possession of one who has no authority to
dispose of the same.
ii
DEDICATION
To all my students who are now practitioners or in the public service who have
learned in my Class the old-fashioned values of hardwork, humility, honesty,
And
To all students of the Law
and those preparing to be future lawyers of this country.
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Preface ...................................................................................................................................... v
Foreward ................................................................................................................................ vi
MY THOUGHTS ON THE IDEAL GOVERNMENT ...................................................... 1
PRACTICING LAW AS A YOUNG LAWYER ................................................................. 3
MY ACADEMIC CAREER AS A LAW TEACHER.......................................................... 3
MARTIAL LAW -AN ACCEPTED FACT FOR TWO DECADES AFTER 1972 ... 7
DEALING WITH LEGAL ISSUES DURING POST MARTIAL LAW ....................... 9
THE PETITION FOR MISTRIAL : THE AQUINO-GALMAN DOUBLE MURDER
CASE ......................................................................................................................................... 10
MY MULTIFACETED PRACTICE OF LAW POST EDSA REVOLUTION........... 12
MY THOUGHTS ON THE RETURN OF THE MARCOSES...................................... 21
THE RESPONSIBILITY OF THE PEOPLE TO SUPPORT THE GOVERNMENT
.................................................................................................................................................... 22
ENDOTES: 22
APPENDIX A:
APPENDIX B:
APPENDIX C:
APPENDIX D:
APPENDIX E:
APPENDIX F:
APPENDIX G:
APPENDIX H:
APPENDIX I:
APPENDIX J:
iv
Preface
The author was affected by Covid 19 three (3) times and recently
suffered a mild stroke during the first quarter of 2023. While he aims to live up
to 100 years and beyond, he knows he may be called upon by his Maker without
the publication of his completed autobiography because of the continuous
revisions and additions that may be overtaken by the untimely death of the
Author due to advance age, so he decided to publish in advance this chapter as
a lawyer before, during and after Martial Law .
v
Foreward
vi
Atty. de Castro defended and exonerated General Magtibay from the
charges putting the blame on him in the Luneta hostage incident handled by
General Alfredo Lim as Mayor of Manila without any visible action done by
President Noynoy Aquino in the long period that the incident was happening
being covered by the Local and International Press.
FRANCISCO E. LIRIO
Former Mayor, Tanauan, Batangas
Chairman, Batangas Forum for Good Governance &
Development, Inc.
Chairman, Philippine Red Cross, Tanauan City , Batangas Chapter
Forum Master of the Fourth Degree, Knights of Columbus
vii
THE STORY OF MY LIFE
AS A LAWYER
BEFORE AND AFTER MARTIAL LAW
1
as prime sources of the Nation's difficulties- land reform and tenancy, official
corruption, tax evasion, and abuse of oligarchic economic power.”viii
I agree with their goal and objective for equality between the rich and the
poor, but I disagree with their advocacy on the means of violent uprising and
revolution, where the slaves and working class of today would be the Tyrants
of Tomorrow in a Jacobian revolutionary society. That would necessary spill the
blood of many precious human lives; resulting in disorder and instability in
society.
2
employed the best minds from UP in the Supreme Court and other Key Executive
Offices and even tapped the UP Law Center in drafting Presidential Decrees
codifying and modernizing all branches of Laws. I was a part of the Committee
on Codification of Laws in the UP Law Center under Dr. Melquiades Gamboa, a
former Ambassador of the Philippines to the Court of St. James in London, Great
Britain, UK.
Upon graduating cum laude from the UP College of Law in 1970 and
placing 3rd in the Bar, I was being recruited by Senator Sotero Laurel to join his
legal staff on recommendation of UP Law Dean Froilan Bacungan, but I was not
interested in politics and preferred Corporate Practice, so I joined the
prestigious Sycip Salazar Luna and Feliciano Law Firm in Makati as Assistant
Attorney. I volunteered as a Trial Attorney for the Citizens Legal Aid Society of
the Philippines (CLASP) a group organized by Salvador "Doy Laurel (who later
became Vice-President with Corazon Aquino as President after the exile of
President Marcos) . The first case Doy Laurel assigned to me was to prosecute
a complex crime of Rape with Homicide as a Private Prosecutor in the Court of
First Instance (CFI, now Regional Trial Court (RTC) of Quezon City.
3
(PCU) School of Law (PCU) and other downtown law schools; and conducting
Seminars, and MCLE lectures, while I actively practiced law and at the same
time, and published a series of books on how to prepare for the Bar entitled,
"Study Guide for the Bar" that incorporated topics on Speed Reading,
Memorization Skills, listening and taking notes, basic rules of grammar, how to
answer Bar Questions, updates on Law and Jurisprudence and forecast of what
might be asked in the Bar Exams.
I have no doubt in my mind that Imee Marcos could have passed and even
topped the Bar if she was allowed to take it at that time. I once had a 4th year
student at UP (Miss Benipayo) who was not permitted by the Dean to take the
Bar. I advised her to file a Petition with the Supreme Court to let her take the
Bar and I guaranteed that she would pass as she was qualified enough to
graduate and be granted an LI.B. diploma but the Dean (now SC Senior Justice
Marvic Leonen) wanted her to defer and take the Bar the next year so she could
be more prepared to pass it. During oral arguments before the Supreme Court,
a Justice called me to verify if I really guaranteed that she would pass the Bar,
jokingly telling me I would be cited for contempt if Miss Benepayo would fail. I
boldly answer “Yes, Justice”. She passed the Bar.
4
LAW PRACTICE AT THE START OF MARTIAL LAW REGIME
The oral argument before the Supreme Court en banc was my first
Baptism of Fire. Before I could answer the first question, other Justices would
ask their questions successively like throwing bombs at me. One should be
alert and should think fast. If one couldn't answer at once, the Justice asking
questions to a Novice lawyer like me would point a finger to his head, shake it
and move to adjourn the case and ask you to just file a Memorandum. I humbly
and very politely asked permission to tackle the questions one at a time and
in seriatim (in the order they are propounded) I did not have much difficulty
because my wife, Soledad, was seated beside me and prompting suggested
5
answers because we studied the case together. I recognize that she is a better
lawyer than me, being UP class Valedictorian in 1968 while I was only 1970
UP Class Salutatorian. I was No. 3 in the 1971 Bar while she was No.6 in 1969
Bar. We were both the only UP candidates who were in the Top Ten both in
the 1969 and 1971 Bar, respectively. My wife joined the UP faculty after her
post graduate in Harvard and Michigan in 1973.
During the oral arguments, Chief Justice Fernando told me not to perorate
because I was reciting the definition of due process with oratorical fervor in
order to emphasize violation of due process. I read orally excerpts from cases
from his book on Constitutional Law. He said that is an old book and might be
obsolete. I told him the book might be old and dilapidated, but the author is the
foremost authority on Constitutional Law. When he asked who was that, I
shouted "You, your Honor. He smiled. I seized the opportunity of the moment,
and said, "If I am not a good lawyer, at least I am a good reader." Chief Justice
Fernando jestingly retorted "Even that is highly doubtful". Maybe out of
curiosity, the Justice who were mostly from UP Law and classmates of President
Marcos grilled me with questions. I remember Justices Ramon Aquino, husband of
Atty. Carolina Griño who was a partner at my employer Sycip Law, Justice Ramon
Fernandez, Justice Pacifico de Castro and Justice Cecilia Muñoz Palma were
present during the oral argument. My maternal Grand Uncle Justice Querube
Makalintal who later served as Batasan Parliament during the Marcos Regime
inhibited himself.
Chief Justice Fernando was teaching in the UP College of Law and he knew
me and my wife. In one faculty meeting, he told my wife that we had a good case,
but we could not win because of political underpinnings existing at that time.
For some reason, the case became moot and academic because Judge Enage , a
cousin of the First Lady, was taken in as legal adviser in Malacañang and we did
not pursue any claim for back salaries.
During Martial Law, all Courts were open and the Supreme Court
calendared for hearing on oral arguments on high and mighty constitutional
questions involving Public interest of transcendental importance to the Nation.
My next case calendared for hearing on oral argument before the Supreme
Court en banc was a Petition, with myself as the main petitioner, "to disclose to
the people the conditionalities and terms of the International Monetary Fund
(IMF) loans to the Philippine” under the clause on "Freedom of Information" on
public transactions of the 1973 Constitution. I got "due course" but when the
6
case was set for oral argument, I asked for a resetting even for a week because
I had to finish checking papers for graduating students at the Up College of Law.
The Supreme Court denied the re-setting and the oral arguments proceeded
without me, with Estelito “Titong" Mendoza for the Government and other
intervenors attending the hearing. I was sternly rebuked by the Supreme Court
and was made to choose between Law Practice and Teaching. I chose both,
believing that the best way to learn is to teach.
7
died shortly after BBM’s Land Slide Victory. I published the following Tribute to
Lolong Lazaro.
8
Combank like an Executive Company Car and liberal
loan policies that enabled me to invest substantially in
real estate along the route of tourism Master Plan from
the beaches in Nasugbu, Batangas to beaches in Laiya,
San Juan, Batangas.
Jaime V. Ongpin was known to be a key organizer of the Civil Society led
by Jaime Cardinal Sin who opposed Martial Rule. Since 1981, my wife, Soledad
Cagampang de Castro, was a corporate lawyer who worked at the Legal
Department of Benguet Corporations where Jimmy Ongpin was President and
CEO. From 1981 to 1986, the Philippines was in social and political turmoil with
increasing number of sectors clamoring for the end of Martial Law . The
assassination of Benigno " Ninoy” Aquino in 1986, precipitated the public
outcry for the end of the Martial Law Regime. The various legal maneuvers to
find Aquino's assassins who were nonetheless acquitted would eventually
aggravate the dissatisfaction with the Marcos government that finally led to the
overthrow of President Ferdinand Marcos upon the outbreak of the EDSA
Revolution led by his widow, Corazon Cojuangco Aquino together with key
officers of the military and the civic and religious leaders and business men who
constitute the civil society.
9
THE PETITION FOR MISTRIAL : THE AQUINO-GALMAN DOUBLE
MURDER CASE
The Agrava Commission was formed to investigate and the case on the
assassination of Ninoy Aquino. The military escorts who took Ninoy Aquino
from the plane to the tarmac where he was shot to death were prosecuted
before the Sandiganbayan but all the accused were acquitted in mass.
The Mistrial case was essentially a political one decided under the new
Administration filed as a separate and independent Petition after the finality of
10
the judgment of acquittal which was not appealable. The Petition was not an
appeal because an acquittal after arraignment and trial bars subsequent
prosecution for the same offense after the finality of the judgment of acquittal.
Re-trial is not within the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court to order because the
criminal acquittal was immediately final and executory and non-appealable.
The Petition for mistrial I filed was an independent people's civil action to
declare the mass acquittal null and void on behalf of the people to declare the
judgment of mass acquittal null and void because the Prosecution and the
Sandigan Bayan Justices were guilty of bias and prejudice as shown by the
notorious note passing incident from the Prosecution to the Sandigan Bayan
Justices in the course of the trial as testified to and confirmed by Prosecutor
Herrera before the Vasquez Commission where l, together with Atty. Lupino
Lazaro, lawyer for Galman, and Prosecutor Francisco presented evidence in
support of the Petition for Mistrial. Being a long time Professor of Criminal Law
and Criminal Procedure, I wonder if a re-trial may be ordered by the Supreme
Court as a post judgment remedy after a judgment of acquittal had long become
final and executory. The appeal I made to the Supreme Court in the Aquino
Galman Double Murder case was limited to civil liability on the portion of the
decision of conviction, declaring that there is no evidence regarding civil
liability for damages. The Decision of the Supreme Court might have run against
the principle of Pro Rio that criminal law and procedure are strictly construed
against the state and more favorably to the accused who are entitled to the
constitutional presumption of innocence unless the guilt is proven with moral
certainty beyond reasonable doubt. Under Rule 135 of the Revised Rules of
Court, the Courts have inherent equitable jurisdiction to amend their orders
and processes to serve the ends of justice including the authority to suspend
the most mandatory technical procedural law in the interest of substantial
justice through its fair Administration in order to serve the Paramount interest
of justice and equity. I cited in the petition for mistrial the inherent jurisdiction
of the Supreme Court to review and invalidate the acts of the Executive
Department, its agencies, subordinate offices and instrumentalities done with
grave abuse of discretion amounting to lack or excess of jurisdiction. I still have
lingering doubts whether these principles were correctly and justly applicable
in criminal cases without running against the grains of the Doctrine of Pro Reo;
the Constitutional Presumption of Innocence and the Constitutional Rights
Against Double Jeopardy. Among the 29 Petitioners I represented in the
"Mistrial Case" were the key leaders of Civil Society who later became the
Cabinet officials of the new Cory Aquino Administration when Marcos was
toppled down by the EDSA revolution with people coming from various sectors
11
of the Philippine population — religious leaders led by Cardinal Sin,
businessmen, the political opposition, members of the Reform the Army
Movement (RAM) from the armed forces, rebel communists, oligarchs, and
members of the local and foreign press corps. As in the first case for Judge
Enage, I crossed sword again with Estelito "Titong" Mendoza, as Solicitor
General and Secretary of Justice at that time while Marcos was still President.
Titong Mendoza was also a Professor at the UP College of law, and we consider
each other as friends. Titong Mendoza and I became on the same side of ill-
gotten wealth cases before the Sandiganbayan when I represented former
Marcos officials retained by Cory Aquino prosecuted criminally and civilly for
ill-gotten wealth during the Cory Aquino Administration.
The Petition for Mistrial resulted in the re-trial and conviction of the
military escorts of Ninoy Aquino for the double murder of Aquino and Galman.
Cory Aquino assumed office as President of the Philippines and my 29 clients
as Petitioners in the Mistrial case assumed their respective positions in the
new Cory government, like Jaime Ongpin who became Secretary of Finance
and my co-counsels in the Mistrial case, Andres Narvasa as Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court and Marcelo Fernan who succeeded as Chief Justice upon
Narvasa's retirement. I was recommended by both Chief Justices for
appointment as Tanod Bayan (now Ombudsman). Only the 3 of us, (myself,
Prosecutor Simeon Ferrer and Judge Edilberto Sandoval) were in the shortlist
submitted by the Judicial and Bar Council (JBC) to Cory Aquino and I was
already advised by Chief Justice Fernan that I was appointed and to await the
appointment papers for the position of Ombudsman. In a twist of fate, Aniano
Desierto who was not in the short list, took his oath as Ombudsman before a
Municipal Trial Judge in Cebu. To this day, I wonder how he was appointed
when he was the Military Adjutant General who prosecuted and got the
conviction of Ninoy Aquino by the Military Tribunal. There was a speculation
that the appointment paper for Arturo de Castro was changed to appear as
Aniano Desierto. Later I was told that if Desierto's appointment were recalled,
it would cause a constitutional crisis because Aniano Desierto had already
taken oath of office and the shaky Revolutionary Government could not afford
a constitutional crisis. I am not sure about that, but I am sure Aniano Desierto
was not included in the shortlist submitted by JBC to Cory. Only Simeon Ferrer,
Edilberto Sandoval and Arturo de Castro were in the shortlist. My wife and I
were already informed by Chief Justice Fernan of the appointment. This was
12
followed by another disappointment when I was also groomed for
appointment as Solicitor General but my friend and my patron, Jimmy Ongpin,
was removed by Cory Aquino as Secretary of Finance, and Frank Chavez, a co-
lawyer of joker Arroyo in Free Legal Assistance Group (FLAG) was appointed
instead as Solicitor General.
The Supreme Court during the Martial Law years were liberal in
entertaining direct Petition for Certiorari, Prohibition and Mandamus on grave
abuse of discretion or lack or excess of jurisdiction committed by the other
Departments of Government, the Executive and Legislative Departments and
their subordinate agencies and instrumentalities wherein taxpayer and
concerned citizen may initiate the Petition involving Public interest of
transcendental importance to the Nation such as disbursements of public funds
even when the Petitioners do not have direct and personal interests other than
the interest shared with the public at large. The Supreme Court nowadays is
very strict on the legal capacity to sue of petitioners even on high and mighty
constitutional issues affecting public interest of transcendental importance to
the Nation. I filed a case in my name as petitioner on behalf of the people before
the Supreme Court in recent history when the Senate and the House of
Representatives could not agree on the votes for amendments to the
Constitution, whether the 2/3 votes should be counted separately or per capita
in a joint session assembled. The Senate wanted the voting to be done
separately but the House wanted per Capita voting in a joint session assembled.
In order to resolve the issue, I filed a Petition with the Supreme Court in order
to diffuse the tension gripping the Nation in my own name as Petitioner as a
Tax payer, a concerned citizen and a public interest Private lawyer, Law Dean
and Law Professor. My petition was dismissed outright for lack of legal
personality to sue because I did not have direct and personal interest although
I thought the issue involved high and mighty Constitutional issue dividing the
Nation. Under the doctrine of literal interpretation in Statutory Construction,
the House was correct because the constitutional provision requires voting in
13
a joint session assembled, not each house voting separately. Under the Doctrine
of anima legis, spirit over literal language, the Senate was correct because
historically the House and the Senate voted separately in proposing
amendments to the Constitution. It is absurd under the verba legis or literal
interpretation of the language of the Constitution if the Senate with only 24
members and the House of Representatives with over 200 members would vote
per capita when the two (2) chambers of Congress are co-equal and separate
from each other. The Supreme Court dismissed my Petition saying that I have
no direct personal interest enough to be personally affected, and that the
Supreme Court does not issue advisory opinion but adjudicates only where
there is a Judicial Controversy. Hence, I was held lacking Legal Personality to
file the Petition. Another case in point was the Petition filed by opposition
Senators to declare the unilateral withdrawal of President Rodrigo Duterte
from membership in and from universal jurisdiction of the International
Criminal Court (ICC) on crimes against humanity committed by the heads of
states and their agents including genocide, forced Disappearances or
Extrajudicial killings committed by the agents of the Government without the
concurrence of 2/3 of the Members of the Senate. The decision discussed the
merit of the case fully, but the Petition was dismissed for lack of legal
personality to sue because the Petition was not supported by a favorable
Resolution of the Senate and the opposition Senators who filed the Petition
were held to have no legal personality to sue for lack of direct personal interest
in the outcome of the case. There is a high and mighty constitutional issue
involved, which is imbued with public interest. During the Marcos Regime. I
filed a Petition before the Supreme Court to compel the Committee on Justice
in the House of Representatives to give due course to the Impeachment Petition
against President Marcos, The Supreme Court entertained but dismissed my
Petition, holding that it was a political question left to the discretion of the
Committee on Justice and its members and the exercise of a discretionary power
cannot be compelled by mandamus. A distinction should be made between a
Petition for Certiorari Prohibition or Mandamus under Section 1, Article VIII of
the Constitution on grave abuse of discretion or lack or excess of jurisdiction
under the equity jurisdiction of the Supreme Court to review the acts of the
Executive and Legislative Departments involving constitutional issues of
paramount public interest of transcendental importance to the Nation, such as
when disbursements of public funds are involved which should be
distinguished from original Civil Action under Rule 65 of the Revised Rules of
Court for Certiorari, Prohibition and Mandamus on grave abuse of discretion or
lack or excess of jurisdiction committed by a judicial body or quasi- judicial
14
agency under Rule 65 of the Revised Rules of Civil Procedure where personal
and direct interest of the petitioner is necessary.
15
declared unconstitutional for lack of concurrence of the Senate. South Africa
remains a member under the universal jurisdiction of the ICC up to now.
The result would be the same if the Supreme Court entertained the
Petition of the Opposition Senators and resolved the question based on the
precedent in the Pimentel vs. Ermita case that the conduct of foreign relations
is a Political Question that falls outside the power of Judicial review being an
exclusive prerogative of the President to be respected and not interfered with
under the principle of Separation of sphere of powers between the Judicial and
Executive Departments as co-equal branches of Government.
I have published a legal article right after the case was filed by the
Opposition Senators with the Supreme Court to declare unconstitutional the
unilateral withdrawal from the ICC by Duterte with a fearless prediction that
16
the case is doomed from the beginning, because the withdrawal made by
Duterte is a political question involving foreign relations citing the case of
Pimentel vs. Ermita involving the political nature of ratification of treatise by
the Presidentix. I was a legal consultant of Secretary Dennis Hernandez of
Tanauan Batangas, Presidential Adviser for Southern Tagalog of PDU30 at that
time.
I was privileged to handle all the "Land Oil Cases" of Speaker Joe De
Venecia in the PCGG up to the Supreme Court on the foreign loans obtained by
the Land Oil Group of Companies abroad with sovereign guarantee which I won
all the way to the Supreme Court. I had the honor to appear before the War
Damage Claims in the United Nations War Damage Claims Compensation
Commission in Switzerland. I defended successfully Speaker Joe De Venecia in
more than 3000 estafa cases filed by overseas workers of land oil in Saudi
Arabia, including obtaining a Temporary Restraining Order from the Supreme
Court against his arrest for lack of probable cause on contracted obligations
involving only civil liability which we paid off when we won, a case on
International Insurance Claims in the United States against the Lloyd of London.
17
JBC to send a short list of nominees to replace retiring Chief Justice Reynato
Puno, although the Constitution prohibits appointment within 2 months
preceding the National Election. I argued that the spirit and philosophy of the
Law do not apply to appointment to the Supreme Court. The appointment is
prohibited to avoid influence on the outcome of the elections, a reason which
does not apply to appointment of members of the Supreme Court. The remedy
of mandamus is not available to compel the discretionary authority of the JBC
to vet candidates for appointment to the Supreme Court. There is no specific
duty enjoined by the Law for the JBC to act one way or another. Mandamus is
technically not a remedy, but the Supreme Court, in its wisdom resolved the
issue on the merit and sustained my theory that appointment to the Supreme
Court is not covered by the prohibition under the Anima Legis as against Verba
Legis Statutory Rule of interpretation of the Constitution. The J BC sent the short
list of nominees and Renato Corona was appointed Chief Justice by President
Gloria Arroyo during the election ban period. I filed the petition in my name as
a Petitioner but I credit Estelito Mendoza more than myself for winning the case
by his appearance and oral argument as Counsel for an Intervenor.
Fast forward to the Present Administration, I fully support the call of the
Present Administration for unity, reconciliation, forgiveness and to set aside
hatred and anger nurtured in the past. Nobody is perfect, everybody makes
mistakes. Let us forgive, love and respect one another and unburden the pain
and agonies in the past, we forgive and sow love in place of anger and hatred
for our peace of minds and hearts. Anger and hatred and intent to retaliate and
cause damage and injury to others are debilitating to the heart and troublesome
to the mind, the Spirit and the Soul, In the Muslim faith, it is mortal sin not to
forgive a repentant sinner. We forgive and have peace, if we live not for
18
ourselves, but for others, with love and compassion particularly to family
members, friends, the poor and the needy.
19
and any gambling activities in Government Buildings and Facilities. There was
a precedent which I set when I was the Deputy Presidential Assistant for Legal
Affairs of Lolong Lazaro in Malacañang. Two rival groups in a town in Mindoro
who were about to clash with each other over the land subject of a dispute
pending in Malacañang Legal Office. In the absence of Lolong Lazaro, I issued a
Presidential Restraining Order to avert bloodshed and save precious human
lives. Lolong was fuming mad at me, but I told him I was taking full
responsibility as his Deputy Presidential Assistant for legal affairs. The dispute
was settled amicably and all ended well. Extraordinary situation calls for
extraordinary daring solution.
20
Monday and he wanted me to be around. On Monday, I got a call informing me
that Jimmy was dead. He left a Suicide Note which I did not see. I saw him in his
office sitting on his high chair before his desk with a bullet that penetrated at
the right back of his head, with hairs protruding at the right side of his head
above his right ear. Jimmy was sitting inclined backward on his high chair with
a gun held by his right hand inserted in his Barong at the level of his breast. OIC
Mayor Jejomar Binay asked me what was the pleasure of the family, whether to
investigate the case. We were told by the family members not to investigate and
just get the necessary permits. There was no need to investigate.
The first person to arrive at the scene was Father Joaquin Bernas
followed by myself. Looking at the physical evidence, I do not believe Jimmy
committed suicide. I knew him to be very brave and he had cockfighting for a
hobby. He did not go to the cockfight, but he asked for a written blow by blow
account of the fight of his Feathered Warriors from his handlers.
My belief that Jimmy did not commit suicide is reinforced by the fact that
Father Bernas gave him a Catholic Burial, which is not allowed for a person who
took his own life. It was impossible for Jimmy to shoot himself at the backside
of his head by himself. The hairs above his right ear were protruding, as though
pulled by the left hand by triggerman and shot with the right hand holding the
gun. The direction of the bullet was towards the left forehead and did not exit.
If the hair above his right ear was not pulled leftward, Jimmys head and upper
body would have been thrown forward because the bullet which entered at the
right side back of the head did not exit at the front left side of his skull. Jimmy
once stated that he found the solution to pay off all foreign debts of the
Philippine Government. I was not privy to his solution. I keep wondering
whether it had to do with the crash in The New York Stock market. As a Lawyer,
I cannot speculate and jump to conclusion without concrete proof and clear
evidence.
The Marcoses (BBM) were brought back to power on the advocacy for
kindness, reconciliation and unity. The detractors of BBM are “full of sound and
fury, signifying nothingxi”, without solid proof of cheating in the light of modern
technology that facilitates early results of the elections worldwide. Besides,
BBM has the overwhelming support of leaders in my province of Batangas and
21
all over the land who bring back the glory, honor and pride of the Philippines
on the goal of his illustrious Father to make this Nation Great Again.
3. Floods for lack of national policy for drainage system all over the country.
6. Maharlika Funds
22
7. Federal Form of Government and Decentralization of Governmental
Functions under the Constitution and the Local Government Code as
directed by the Supreme Court in the Mandanas Decision
8. Neutral Foreign Policies on the South Philippines Seas and other foreign
diplomatic relations, among other national pressing issues that confront
the Nation.
ENDNOTES:
i
Appendix C
ii
Appendix D
iii
Appendix E
iv
Appendix F
v
Appendix G
vi
Appendix H
vii
Appendix I
viii
Ferdinand Marcos, Notes on the New Society of the Philippines (1983 ed. P.54)
ix
Appendix A, ICC
x
Appendix B. (Federalism)
xi
Shakespeare
23