Minc STYLESUBSTANCEEVIDENCE 2009

STYLE AND SUBSTANCE: EVIDENCE FOR REGIONALISM WITHIN THE AZTEC MARKET
SYSTEM
Author(s): Leah D. Minc
Source: Latin American Antiquity , June 2009, Vol. 20, No. 2 (June 2009), pp. 343-374
Published by: Cambridge University Press
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/40650199
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STYLE AND SUBSTANCE: EVIDENCE FOR REGIONALISM
WITHIN THE AZTEC MARKET SYSTEM
Leah D. Mine
The emergence of the Triple Alliance empire and the consolidation of political power in the Basin of Mexico is tra
ally associated with a high level of economic integration achieved through regional market exchange. Although resear
debate whether the market system was dominated by commercial factors or political forces, the assumption that
azteca led to a single, basin-wide exchange system is not generally challenged. Yet an increasing number of stylis
compositional analyses indicate that significant regional subdivisions existed within the Aztec core, although the
scale, nature, and significance of these systems remains poorly understood. This study contributes to the body of evi
suggesting that economic divisions existed under the Triple Alliance, by presenting spatial patterning in Aztec Red W
(guinda or rojo pulido) ceramics. By combining both stylistic and compositional analyses of this ceramic ware, it i
ble to demonstrate both the strength of economic divisions as well as map their boundaries for a significant portion
Basin. The regional patterns in artifact distribution highlighted in this and prior studies underscore the complexity of e
interactions that evolved under Aztec rule and which must be explained by future models of the Aztec market system.
El ascenso del imperio de la Triple Alianza y la consolidación del poder político en la Cuenca de México se asocia t
cionalmente con un nivel alto de la integración económica lograda por el intercambio regional del mercado. Aunque inv
gadores debatan si el sistema del mercado fue dominado por factores comerciales o fuerzas políticas, la suposición que l
azteca llevó a solo uno sistema de intercambio en la cuenca no es desafiada generalmente. Pero un cuerpo de análisis
ticos y composicionales indica que subdivisiones regionales existieron dentro del centro azteca, aunque la escala espa
caracter, y el significado de estos sistemas se queden mal entendidos. Este estudio contribuye al cuerpo de evidencia qu
iere que divisiones económicas existieron bajo la Alianza Triple, por presentación de patrones espaciales en la distr
de la cerámica azteca tipo rojo pulido o guinda. Combinando análisis estilísticos y composicionales de estos tipos de cerá
es posible demostrar ambos la fortaleza de divisiones económicas así como mapear sus límites para una porción signific
de la Cuenca. Los patrones regionales en la distribución de artefactos destacados en este estudio y en estudios anteriore
rayan la complejidad de las interacciones del intercambio que se desarrollaron bajo el imperio azteca y que se deben exp
por modelos del sistema mercadero azteca en el futuro.
cized economy dominated by macro-economic

interaction of commercial and political
forces in shaping the development offorces
the reflecting the concerns of an urban, imper-
ial elite (Berdan 1983; Berdan and Smith 2003:241 ;
Aztec market system remains an intriguing
Blantonl996;
question. Over time, the market system within the Blanton et al. 1993: 15 1-169; Brum-
fielas1976, 1980, 1987b; Brumfiel and Earle 1987;
imperial core has been variously categorized
Carrasco
approaching "full commercialization," to one in 1978, 1980, 1983; Offner 1981a, 1981b;
which the exchanges of goods were dominatedSanders
by and Price 1968; Sanders et al. 1979; Smith
2003a, 2003b, 2004; Smith and Berdan
administrative centers with a political agenda.
2003:10-11).
These opposing views of market system develop-
In both perspectives, however, the general
ment represent two end points in the larger debate
on the nature of the Aztec economy, in which aassumption
lais- has been one of a unified market sys-
sez faire commercial model emphasizing thetem centralized under the imperial capital Teno-
role
of micro-economic factors and rational decision- chititlan. Yet a growing number of regional studies,
making is contrasted with an administered, politi- including both stylistic and chemical analyses of
Leah D. Mine ■ Radiation Center, Oregon State University, Corvallis, OR 97331 (mincleah@engr.orst.edu)
Latin American Antiquity 20(2), 2009, pp. 343-374

Copyright ©2009 by the Society for American Archaeology
343

132.248.9.8 on Mon, 09 Oct 2023 18:51:56 +00:00
344 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 20, No. 2, 2009
Aztec ceramics, indicate that

with thesubregional exchange
exception of the Chalco region in the south-
east (Brumfiel
systems persisted in the Aztec core 1983; Calnek 1982; Carrasco
(Garraty 2007; 1984a;
Hodge 1990, 1992; Hodge Davies
and 1980: 11 8-247).
Mine 1990; Hodge
et al. 1992, 1993; Mine 1994, 2006b;
Tepanec dominanceNichols et however.
was short-lived, al.
2002; M. Parsons 1972, 1975).
When a crisis
The in purpose
dynastic succession
of temporarily
this
weakened
paper is to step back from Azcapotzalco, three of
considerations of its city-state
mar-
ket system structure anddependencies - the now-famous
organization, Triple Alliance
to address a of
Tenochtitlan,
more basic assumption about the nature Texcoco,
ofand
theTlacopan
Aztec - joined
market system under forces
imperial rule
to overthrow - that
the Tepanec of
capital in 1428
regional integration - and (Alva-Ixtlilxochitl
to highlight1985:117-121).
regional The
pat-Triple
terns in artifact distribution that
Alliance must
coalition be explained
then embarked on their own path
by future examinations of to empire,
the quicklymarket
Aztec consolidatingsystem.
their control over
polities in the northern, central, and southwestern
The Political Context: Basin. The Triple Alliance attempted to incorpo-
Formation and Integration of the Triplerate the still-independent Chalca into this imperial
Alliance Empire core, but polities in the southeastern Basin suc-
cessfully resisted, and the Chalco region was not
The Late Aztec period (ca. A.D. 1350-1520) inbrought
the into the empire until 1465 (Chimalpahin
Basin of Mexico (Figure 1) represents a time 1965:199-207).
of Meanwhile, the Triple Alliance
rapid centralization of political authority, as inde-
capitals initiated wide-ranging military campaigns
pendent polities and tribal confederations outside
were the Basin of Mexico that would extend their
incorporated into larger conquest states, first tribute
under networks from the central highlands to the
Gulf
the Tepanec and later under the Aztec.1 Prior to Coast (Barlow 1949; Berdanl996; Hassig
these developments, the Basin had been divided
1988; Smith 1996).
among a number of small city-state polities (sing.
Initially, the internal organization of the Triple
altepetl), each representing the seat of a pettyAlliance
king empire followed a three-fold division
(tlatoani), and comprising an urban administrative
based on preexisting ethnic boundaries. The three
center and a discrete territory containing dependent
rulers formally agreed in 143 1 that Tlacopan should
villages and hamlets (Bray 1972; Hodge 1984,
reign over the remnants of Tepanec realm along the
western side of the Basin, while Texcoco contin-
1996; Lockhart 1992: 14-28; Smith 2000). Approx-
imately 50 of these conflicting city-states com-
ued as head of the Acolhua domain along the east-
ern of
peted for local prominence; in addition, groups side of the Basin, and Tenochtitlan administered
city-states formed alliances or confederations for
territories acquired in the south. Each division was
mutual defense, typically along ethnic or tribal considered
lines politically autonomous, and each ruler
(Anales de Cuauhtitlan 1938, 1945; Chimalpahin
was considered king and head of his domain with
1965; Duran 1967; Hodge 1984:139-140). administrative and judiciary control over dependent
kingdoms and territories (Alva Ixtlilxochitl
By the end of the fourteenth century, two dom-
1985:121-123; Berdan 1975:71; Carrasco 1991,
inant confederations had emerged: the Tepaneca,
1999).of
headed by Azcapotzalco, along the western side
the Basin, and the Acolhua on the eastern sideAlthough equal powers at the onset, the king of
(Brumfiel 1983; Davies 1980:118-247). Begin-Tenochtitlan soon emerged as the supreme com-
mander of the alliance armies, and had the decid-
ning in 1371, Azcapotzalco initiated an aggressive
campaign of expansion against the Acolhua,ing
with
vote in planning military actions and in the
the aid of its client-state the Mexica of Tenochtit-
establishment of garrisons and military colonists
lan. Through strategic intermarriage, political
in strategic locations. Tribute from external con-
manipulation, and outright conquest, the quests was taken first to Tenochtitlan and from
Azcapotzalcans incorporated most of the major
there divided among the three powers (Carrasco
1999:4-9; Davies 1987; Gibson 1971:383).
Acolhua cities into their realm by the early 1400s.
Tenochtitlan
With the final defeat of an isolated Texcoco in 14 1 8, also encroached on the administra-
Azcapotzalco came to control most of the Basin,
tive powers of its confederates within the Basin,

132.248.9.8 on Mon, 09 Oct 2023 18:51:56 +00:00
Mine] EVIDENCE FOR REGIONALISM WITHIN THE AZTEC MARKET SYSTEM 345
Figure 1. The Basin of Mexico ca. A.D. 1520. Study area corresponds to the TX, IX, CH, and
et al. 1979). The margin of the ancient lake system provides a spatial reference in subsequen

132.248.9.8 on Mon, 09 Oct 2023 18:51:56 +00:00
particularly Tlacopan. Alliance appear more as historical

Tenochtitlan assumed tradition than
the
right to appoint the highest level rulers in Tlaco-
political reality.
The successful
pan's territory, and the lords integration and expansion
of city-states of the
subject
Triple Alliance
to Tlacopan were confirmed empire, however, should Sim-
at Tenochtitlan. not over-
ilarly, the rulers of Tenochtitlan
shadow the fact thateroded Texcoco's
the centralization of authority
tribute base, gaining lands within
was incomplete. the
While Triple Acolhua
Alliance capitals were
domain at the expense of
strongly Texcoco
allied for purposes of(Gibson
extending military
197 1 :384-385) and, late conquest
in the and prehispanic
enforcing tribute payments
era, from
cut-over
a wide extractive network,
ting off Texcoco's long-standing rights each
tostood at the head
tribute
from the fertile chinampa zone
of its own (Alva
territorial Ixtlilxochitl
domain of dependent city-states
1985:215-218). Unlike Tlacopan, however,
and its own military Tex-
units; within this domain, the
coco remained a powerful and between
relationship independent mem-
ruler and his subject peoples
ber of the Triple Alliance was considered
(Carrasco inviolable (Alva Ixtlilxochitl
1991; Evans
2001; Gibson 1956, 1964; Hicks 1982, 1992; 1985:122; Evans 2001; Gibson 1956,1971;
Motolinia 1971:353; Parsons 1971:209; Smith
Hodge 1996:45; Offner 1983). Texcoco continued
2000; Torquemada 1975-83:1:242). Moreover,
to appoint rulers to Acolhua city-states (Hodge
tribal affiliation and city-state allegiance were
1 984: 141) and mounted a strong military resistance
enduring political forces (Brumfiel 1994:94; Gib-
when Motecuhzoma II attempted to intervene in the
son 1964:20-23; Lockhart 1992:14; Smith
Texcocan dynastic succession (Alva Ixtlilxochitl
1985:215-218; Gibson 1964:18-19). 2000:585), as well as sources of tension, that rein-
The degree of integration achieved under this forced
3- territorial divisions within the coalition. Hos-
in-1 structure continues to be debated, however.
tilities between Triple Alliance members,
Recent scholars tend to emphasize the dominance
particularly between the Mexica and Acolhua, per-
of Tenochtitlan and the effective union of alliancesisted up to the time of the Spanish Conquest (Alva
Ixtlilxochitl 1 9 85 : 2 1 5-2 1 8 ; Gillespie
members through political, social, and economic
means (Berdan and Smith 1996; Hodge 1998:235-236). Indeed, Cortés readily obtained the
assistance of Texcocan forces in the final overthrow
1996:42^13). For example, Triple Alliance admin-
of Tenochtitlan (Diaz 1956:391-401), in a move
istrative divisions were cross-cut by elite inter-
marriage, gift exchange, feasting, and a system revealing
of major fault lines in Aztec political orga-
nization.
acquired statuses based on military prowess, that
served to link the highest levels of Aztec society to
each other and to the goals of empire (Brumfiel
Economic Organization of the Imperial Core
1983, 1987b; Calnek 1982; Carrasco 1984b, 1999;
Hicks 1992; Hodge 1996:42-43). Further, the inter-
To the extent that Triple Alliance territories per-
sisted as distinct administrative entities, we know
mingling of tribute territories provided a strong
measure of economic integration within and across
relatively little about the impact of these internal
alliance borders (Hicks 1984; Nielsen 1996); that
political boundaries on economic activities within
is, in addition to its own subject communities the Aztec core, particularly on the movement of
nearby that supplied revenue to it exclusively, each
goods through exchange. During the period imme-
of the three capitals held tributary lands in the
diately preceding the Triple Alliance, political bor-
domains of the other two alliance members.2 In a between groups of confederated polities
ders
similar manner, meritorious nobles were rewarded
limited exchange to some extent, creating distinct
boundaries in the distribution of basic goods such
with the rights to produce from parcels far removed
as ceramics (Hodge and Mine 1990; Mine et al.
from their traditional seat of power. Royal stewards
supervised the complex collection of tribute, and
1 994). With the end of overt hostilities, many Aztec
receipt of revenues from widely dispersed fields
scholars have argued that the pax azteca removed
depended on participation in the imperial system
political barriers to trade, permitting widespread
(Berdan and Anawalt 1992:48; Carrasco economic interaction and the emergence of a
1999:429^30; Hodge 1996:40). Under thisregional
com- market system in the Basin (Bray 1972;
plex arrangement, the divisions within theBlantonet
Triple al. 1993:152; Hicks 1987; Smith 1979).

132.248.9.8 on Mon, 09 Oct 2023 18:51:56 +00:00
Initially, the rapid spread and near ubiquitous

Further, detailed
dis-historic accounts clearly indi-
tribution of Aztec Black-on-Orange ceramics - theof market centers, defined on
cate that a hierarchy
hallmark of Aztec influence - suggested partici-
the basis on periodicity and range of goods offered,
pation in Basin-wide exchange systems. Further,
existed, and played a major role in integrating the
diverse
the rise of ( 1 ) large, urban populations Aztec economy. The highest level of this
at Tenochti-
tlan, Texcoco, and other centers, and (2) aconsisted
hierarchy diverse of the large, urban markets held
daily in the centers
and specialized economy in both subsistence and of Tenochtitlan-Tlatelolco and
craft goods, would appear to require Texcoco,
a high which offered a broad array of both elite
degree
of regional integration and market andexchange
utilitarian goodsto
and served tens of thousands
of market (Berdan
bring producers and consumers together participants on a typical day (Cortés
1963:72-73;
2005:50; Calnek 1978; Hicks 1987; Sanders et Díaz
al. 1956:215-17; Las Casas
1979). 1967:Vol. 1:367; Sahagún 1950-1982:8:67-69).
For example, Tenochtitlan was clearly not self- Below these urban markets, a series of smaller,
sufficient in agricultural production and relied heav- periodic markets served outlying communities at
ily on the market system to feed its urban population intervals of 5, 13 and 20 days. In the pioneering
(Calnek 1972; Rojas 1986, 2001); Parsons (1976) application of Central Place Theory (CPT) to the
suggests that up to 40-50 percent of the foodstuffs Basin of Mexico, Smith (1979) argued that these
needed to feed ca. 150,000-200,000 persons were markets were well-integrated into a single, Basin-
obtained through the market on a daily basis. Con- wide exchange system centered on Tenochtitlan-
versely, the intensive agricultural regime of the chi- Tlatelolco. Based on market periodicity, size, and
nampas of southern Lakes Chalco-Xochimilco the regular geographic distribution of economic
(Calnek 1975; Parsons et al. 1982; Rojas Rabiela central places, Smith further concluded that this
1985), the specialized production of maguey and regional system was governed by the commercial
nopal in the more arid piedmont (Parsons 197 1 :252; principal (K = 3), in which market locations opti-
Evans 1990; Nichols et al. 2000), the intensive pro- mize access to consumers. Such a model assumes
duction of salt and the harvest of fish, birds, and the unrestricted movement of goods, people, and
aquatic insects along the shores of ancient Lake information within the region and implies a high
Texcoco (Parsons 1994, 1996, 2001, 2006; Parsons degree of connectivity among centers in which all
and Morett 2005), as well as the concentrated man- sectors of the population had access to multiple mar-
ufacture of basic goods such as obsidian blades ketplaces (King 1984; C. Smith 1974:168-169).4
(Parry 2001; Spence 1985) and ceramic figurines On the other hand, there is a parallel body of
in the Teotihuacan subvalley (Charlton et al. 1991, evidence that suggests that significant economic
1993; Nichols 1994; Otis Charlton 1994) all point divisions persisted in the Basin under imperial
to a level of specialization in both primary and sec- Aztec rule. Three separate lines of evidence point
ondary production that could best develop in the to subregional systems of exchange that appear at
context of a regionally integrated economy (Berdan odds with the concept of Basin- wide economic
2005:40-41, 50; Smith 2003a: 1 32-1 33).3 integration.
Yet attempts to demonstrate the extent of
Analyses of Market System Infrastructure
regional integration attained by market exchange
have yielded mixed results. On one hand, some Initial CPT analyses of the Basin of Mexico iden-
support for a regional system is provided by archae- tified a commercial market system for the Late
ological and ethnohistoric studies that report the Aztec period in large part from the regular loca-
increased availability of nonlocal utilitarian goods tional patterning of Aztec settlements and on the
at Basin communities, indicating the functioning apparent coordination of market days among adja-
of a regional exchange network (Brumfiel cent centers (Smith 1979; cf Evans 1980). How-
1976:198, 1980, 1991), and the presence of exotic ever, most of these central places were established
goods in both commoner and elite households, sug- during the preceding Early Aztec period, a time of
gesting the widespread use of market networks considerable conflict and shifting alliances between
(Berdan and Smith 2003; Smith 1994; Smith and city-state polities. Given the extent to which this
Hodge 1994:24). political instability appears to have limited

132.248.9.8 on Mon, 09 Oct 2023 18:51:56 +00:00
exchange (Hodge and Mine 1990;

Ceramic MineAnalyses
Stylistic et al.
1994), it now seems probable that the geographic
The widespread distributio
spacing of Aztec settlements had more
appearance to do with
of Aztec III Black
reducing conflict in theics
Early Aztec period than
was offered early on as evi
maximizing access to consumers during the
nomic integration Late
(Sanders e
Aztec period.
al. 1982:373-374). However,
In a more recent CPT analysis, Blanton (1996)
form distribution has been
focused instead on historical change in market loca-
fronts. Through an examinat
tions under imperial Aztec rule. Based on devia-
assemblages from sites along t
tions from an idealized commercial arrangement
Basin, Hodge and Mine (1990)
of market centers, Blanton argues against an inte-
states in the southeast quart
grated market network in the Basin. Rather, he sug-
paluca, Chalco, Tenango, an
gests that the Aztec elite intentionally meddled in
significantly lower propor
the market system (by granting or removing the
Black-on-Orange than those
right to hold a market) in order to disconnect eco-
sharp decline in the rate
nomic growth from local political systems and
"imperial-style" ceramics
reduce potential competitors' influence by limiting
Tenochtitlan led us to conclu
their access to wealth finance through market taxes
in the basin- wide exchange sy
(1996:70). These imperial actions effectively pre-
Black-on-Orange ceramics w
cluded the development of a truly commercial sys-
was it coterminous with the e
tem. The result was a strongly, although not entirely,
trol (Hodge and Mine 1990:4
dichotomous regional system (consisting of a dual
gest that Chalco's relatively i
hierarchy of linearly interlocked market centers
assemblage was a direct resul
focused on Tenochtitlan and Texcoco) that was
its late (and unwilling) entry
largely a holdover from Early Aztec times (Blan-
the demotion (if not destructi
tonl996:72).
ter as a major port of trade.
The apparent east-west division observed in
Further, a more detailed s
settlement location is supported by network analy-
Black-on-Orange ceramics r
ses of major transportation routes (canals, cause-
ics to be less uniform than
ways, and roads), which also suggest that regional
Hodge (1990, 1992) found a
economic divisions persisted under imperial rule
age of these vessels bear, in ad
(Blantonl996:56, 79-80; Santley 1986, 1991).
dardized wall decoration, a var
Based on early historical maps of the Basin, these
motifs or decorative elemen
analyses found that routes typically connected lin-
indicated that while some mot
ear strings of settlements, generating relatively
distributed throughout the Ba
poor connectivity among Aztec communities,
centrated in the northern, cent
except in the area immediately around Tenochtit-
of the Basin, indicating tha
lan. Santley (1986) argues for a dual dendritic
gional distribution system
structure in the transportation network (more
(Hodge 1992:440; Hodge et al
closely adhering to the K = 4 or
cluded transport
that princi-
these localized moti
pal for central places) reflecting imperial concerns
respond better to the major pol
for channeling bulk foodstuffs into the largest
the Basin than they did to
urban centers of Tenochtitlan and Texcoco, but
regions based on CPT analyse
only poorly supported increased economic inte-
distribution of Black-on-Oran
gration among other communities.5 Blanton
significant assemblage differ
(1996:80) sees more lateral connections between
hua territory controlled by
centers than would be expected if the transporta-
southerly portions of the B
tion network primarily served as an urban feeder
Tenochtitlan, again suggesting
system, but acknowledges the persistence of two
exchange across that border. F
subregional systems.
izontal bar motif accounts for

132.248.9.8 on Mon, 09 Oct 2023 18:51:56 +00:00
Figure 2. Stylistic variation in decorated ceramics and spindle whorls by survey region in
are ordered clockwise around the lake, beginning in the NE): (a) distribution of the four mos
on Aztec III Black/Orange dishes, plates, and molcajetes (after Hodge 1992:Table 2); total
theses; (b) distribution of maguey spindle whorl types (after M. Parsons 1975 -.Table 1;
have been combined); total sample size is given in parentheses. Type IIC-CC, concentrate
date the Late Aztec period.
recorded within the Texcoco region,litical

butdivisions
is ofwithin the Basin between the two
rela-
big power
tively low frequency in the Ixtapalapa, centers:and
Chalco, Tenochtitlan and Texcoco (M.
Parsons 1975:215).
Xochimilco survey regions of the southern lakebed Unslipped buff-to-black whorls
(Figure 2a). with finely incised or impressed decoration around
These spatial divisions within the Basin agree the whorl body (Type I) predominate within the
well with those reported in the significant early western Tenochca/Mexica zone of influence,
study of stylistic variability in ceramic spindle including museum collections from Tenochtitlan,
whorls used for spinning maguey fibers (M. Par- Tlatelolco, and Tlacopan, and in surface collec-
sons 1972, 1975). In this study, Parsons reported tions from the southwestern (Xochimilco) and
on definite geographic patterning in spindle whorl northwestern (Zumpango) survey zones. In con-
distribution that corresponded to the major sociopo- trast, red-slipped whorls bearing molded designs

132.248.9.8 on Mon, 09 Oct 2023 18:51:56 +00:00
on the top face (Type IIA,B,D)

sites illustrated awere primarily
unique developmental history,
found within the Acolhua zone,
two trends appear centered on Tex-
to accompany the imposition of
coco and extending south to rule:
imperial the(1) a Ixtapalapa penin-
sharp reduction in the number
sula (Fig 2B). Further ofafield, however,
more distant trading the
partners and an increased
agreement between whorl style
reliance on localand political
and nearby affil-
ceramic producers; and
iation apparently declines. The
(2) an influx Teotihuacan
of pottery sub-
from Tenochtitlan and Tex-
valley, incorporated into coco
the at these
empireoutlying under
sites (NicholsAcolhua
et al.
control, shows a predominance of the
2002:72-73). At Xaltocan, "Mexica"
for example, the pre-
Type I whorls, whereas Chalco, ultimately
imperial Aztec community enjoyed a diverseunder
range
Tenocha rule, maintained of
aceramic
distinctive whorl
imports, with roughly half of thestyle
deco-
of its own (Type IIC-CC).rated ceramics coming from nonlocal sources,
including those in the far southern Basin. Follow-
Compositional Analyses of
ing Xaltocan's incorporation into Mexica territory,
Aztec Decorated Ceramics
however, the sources of ceramics shifted radically:
Over the past two decades, a suite of compositional
Red Ware pottery (accounting for almost 70 per-
studies of Aztec ceramics have identified multiple
cent of the decorated assemblage) became largely
centers of ceramic production and have begun to a local product, whereas Black-on-Orange ceram-
trace the exchange of pottery within and outsideics were imported primarily from Tenochtitlan.
the Basin (Hodge et al. 1992, 1993; Skoglund et Overall, the study suggests that, rather than a gen-
al. 2006; Mine 1994; Mine et al. 1994; Mine 2006a;eral expansion of trade as expected under a com-
Neff et al. 2000; Nichols et al. 2002; Smith et al.mercial model, the pax azteca was marked by
2006). Analyses of "imperial style" Late Aztec
increasing regionalization of trade networks in
Black-on-Orange vessels from the eastern and which direct economic ties between the imperial
southern Basin initially identified three chemically
capitals and the hinterlands predominated (Nichols
distinct "clay groups," which were associated withet al. 2002:72-73).
ceramic production in Texcoco, Chalco, and In sum, the accumulated evidence presented
Culhuacan-Ixtapalapa (Hodge et al. 1992, 1993). above suggests that while imperial rule increased
These clays groups represent a direct continuationexchange among some communities within the
of Early Aztec ceramic production at these sitesBasin, localized or subregional distribution sys-
and, like the Early Aztec case (Mine 1994; Minetems operated within the Aztec core. However, the
et al. 1994), the samples from each production spatial scale, nature, and significance of these sys-
source tended to concentrate geographically. That
tems remains poorly understood. Do they, for exam-
is, the majority of pottery samples in the Texcocople, represent the persistence of local traditions
paste group come from Acolhua territory, while within an over-arching framework of regionally
ceramic samples assigned to the Chalco and Ixta-integrated market exchange, or do they reflect
palapa clay groups were recovered from the south-
major economic divisions within the Basin? What
ern part of the Basin in areas under Mexica control.
is the geographic scale and patterning of these sub-
Further, 93 percent of the Late Aztec sample could
regional systems? Do they correspond to major
be assigned to one of these three composition political units within the Basin, or do they reflect
groups. The fact that so few of these ceramics didunderlying differences in the economic focus or
not match the local compositional profiles was sur-
productive capacity of a region?
prising and suggested a lower level of exchange
with other regions than expected (Hodge et al.
Spatial and Compositional Analyses
1993:151). of Aztec Red Ware
In the most detailed analysis of Aztec decorated
ceramics to date,6 Nichols et al. (2002) compared This study contributes to the body of evidence sug-
wares from three wide-spread Basin sites: Chalco gesting that economic divisions existed under the
in the southern Basin, Cerro Portezuelo (near Aztec Triple Alliance, by presenting spatial patterning in
Chimalhuacan) east of Lake Texcoco, and Xalto- Aztec Red Wares (guinda or rojo pulido) ceram-
can in the northern Basin. While each of the Basin ics. By combining both stylistic and compositional

132.248.9.8 on Mon, 09 Oct 2023 18:51:56 +00:00
analyses of this ceramic ware, it isapproaches

possible to
can be combined, we gain in bo
demonstrate both the strength of economic
tial cover divi-
and increased scientific rigor.
Drawing
sions as well as map their boundaries for on the Basin of Mexico survey
a signif-
icant portion of the Basin. lections, this study utilizes both stylistic a
and compositional analyses of Red Ware ce
Stylistic similarities in ceramic assemblages
have long been employed as a general measure of
to illustrate regional variation in exchange i
the degree of economic interaction tions
among com-
over a significant portion of the imperia
The
munities, in that similarities may arise study
from area represents a large (ca. 1500
direct
contiguous
access to the same producers and goods, block from the eastern and so
indirect
access through redistribution and exchange (Fry
portions of the Basin of Mexico containing c
1979, 1980; Plog 1976, 1978; Riley 1984; of
ritories Shep-
the two dominant Triple Alliance
bers, Tenochtitlan
hard 1980:348-352), or through imitation or par- and Texcoco. The north
portion
ticipation in the same set of learned of the study area (east of Lake T
technical
practices and decorative traditions (Hegmon
represents areas under Texcocan control, inc
1992:526-527; Rice 1987:252-258). the
Within the
subject city-states of Tepetlaoztoc, Ch
context of a market economy, Hirth Huexotla, Coatlinchan, Chimalhuacan, Coa
(1998) argued
and
that market participation results in an Ixtapaluca,
increase in as well as the capital Texco
the homogeneity of material culture more northerly polities had formed the core
assemblages
Acolhua
at the community and regional level, confederation
because the since their migrati
market system makes the same typesthe Basin in the 12th century. Chimalh
of resources
available to all households, regardless Coatepec, and Ixtapaluca were more perip
of their social
status or ethnicity. Ceramic stylisticbuffer states
analyses thus in pre-imperial times (Alden
Parsonsimple-
have the advantage of providing a readily 1971:229-230), but were firmly p
the Acolhua
mented, cost-effective measure of economic territory under the Triple Alli
inter-
action and the widespread coverage In to
contrast,
reveal much of the southern and
westerndisad-
regional patterns (Mine 2006b). A distinct portions (i.e. western Ixtapalapa pe
vantage of these analyses, however,andis Lakes Chalco-Xochimilco) came under
that the
degree of contact or interaction isica control.
implied, Seven of the nine kingdoms i
not
demonstrated, based on subjective evaluations
constitutingof
the territory of Tenochtitlan un
Tepanec are represented here, including Cul
stylistic, formal, or typological similarities.
Ixtapalapa,
Compositional studies of ceramic clays, in con- Mexicaltzingo, Huizilop
trast, provide a more direct measure Xochimilco,
of economicCuitlahuac, and Mixquic. T
were
interaction and enable archaeologists to added the southeastern Basin pol
reconstruct
Chalco,
key aspects of ceramic exchange systems Tenango, Tlalmanalco, and Ame
(Arnold
after
et al. 1991 ; Bishop and Blackman 2002; their
Bishop anddefeat in 1465. The great cap
Neff 1989; Glascock and Neff 2003; Mine 2008;falls just outside and west of th
Tenochtitlan
Neff 1992; Neff and Glascock 1995). Natural clay
area.
sources carry a unique "signature"The maximum

of trace-extent of Mexica and Acolhua
jurisdiction in the
elements, reflecting the distinctive geochemistry ofBasin can be closely approxi-
mated formation
their parent material and history of clay from documentary evidence (Gerhard 1993;
Gibsoncomposi-
processes. Based on their trace-element 1956, 1971; Hodge 1994, 1996; Hodge and
Blanton
tion, ceramic vessels can be linked to 1996).clay
a given Based on the distribution of city-
state centers
source, allowing us to map the movement owing allegiance to the Triple Alliance
of goods
capitals,
from production areas to consumers. Texcocan control clearly extended as far
The analysis
south asrequires
of regional exchange systems, however, Coatepec and Ixtapaluca and their depen-
dent communities
that we analyze a large number of samples to dis- (Alva Ixtlilxochitl
1985:129-132;
tinguish the products of various local producersGibson 1971:384; Hodge 1996:
Figures
and to map patterns of distribution with 2.4 and 2.5), whereas Cortés' comment
a sufficient
that Tlalmanalco
level of spatial detail, making this approach a sig-was on the Acolhua frontier can
be taken
nificantly more costly option. To the extent to indicate
that both the maximum northern extent

132.248.9.8 on Mon, 09 Oct 2023 18:51:56 +00:00
of Mexica control (Gibson 1964:15). Communities

north of this line were dependencies of Texcoco;
communities south and west of this line owed alle-
giance to Tenochtitlan.
Late Aztec Red Wares
Although the Aztec empire is generally associated

with the distinctive Black-on-Orange ceramic
types, Red Wares were an important and prevalent
component of the serving vessel assemblage
throughout Aztec times (Branstetter-Hardesty
1978; Garraty 2000, 2006; Mine 1994; O'Neill
1956-57, 1962; Parsons 1966; Séjourné 1983; Tol-
stoy 1958; Whalen and Parsons 1982). Red wares
were especially popular during the Late Aztec
period, and accounted for more than half of the dec-
orated assemblage in some areas of the Basin
(Hodge and Mine 1990, 1991; Nichols et al.
2002:67). Based on their range of vessel forms and
decoration, Red Wares may have been a somewhat
higher status ceramic than the more familiar Black-
on-Orange types. Red Ware forms are almost exclu-
Figure 3. Black/Red "Comb Variant": simple rounded
sively serving vessels, including bowls, goblets
bowl forms and paste represents a direct continuation of
(copas), pitchers, and plates, whereas Black-on-
Early Aztec Red ware traditions.
Orange types also feature food preparation vessels
such as grater bowls (molcajetes). Red Wares also
tions from the Basin of Mexico (González Rui
demonstrate a greater range in the amount of energy
1988;
invested in decoration, from relatively simple to Mine 1994:11:531-581; O'Neill 1962; Par-
elaborate multicolor designs representing a sons
true 1966; Séjourné 1983; Solis and Morales
polychrome tradition. 1991), indicating that they represent two distinc-
tive, but contemporaneous, ceramic traditions.
As a ware, Aztec guinda ceramics are identified
by their well-slipped and polished surfaces rang-
The first Red Ware type represents a direct con-
tinuation
ing in color from terra cotta to deep red. Types are of Early Aztec or pre-imperial technical
traditionally defined within this ware based on
andthe
stylistic traditions. The dominant form is the
simple,
number and choice of paint colors applied over the hemispherical bowl with rounded walls of
basal red slip (hence Black-on-Red, Black-and-
fairly even thickness, and a simple, direct lip. Dur-
White-on-Red, Yellow-on-Red, etc.), while within
ing the Late Aztec, painted decoration on these
each type, stylistic variants denote distinct ways
bowlsofis quite simple, and generally consists of sets
organizing or dividing up the design field (e.g.ofver-
vertical-to-oblique black lines spaced around
the vessel, which Parsons (1966:217) termed the
tical, horizontal, or diagonal panels) as established
by the dominant paint color (see Hodge and comb
Minemotif (Figure 3). Pastes for this "Comb Vari-
1991; Mine 1994; Noguera 1930; Parsons ant"
1966;are typically of medium texture and well-
Tolstoy 1958). During the Late Aztec period,oxidized,
how- ranging from buff to red-brown in color.
In addition, however, Late Aztec potters began
ever, this stylistic variation in Red Ware pottery was
cross-cut by two distinctive paste types, eachtowithproduce new vessel forms, using a distinctive
associated differences in vessel form and decora- new "Late Paste." The predominant form is the
tion (Mine 1994). Both types are found in associ- small bowl with thin, out-sloping walls and sharp
ation with Aztec III and III/IV Black-on-Orange basal angles. Many of these bowls have rims with
pottery in excavated contexts and surface collec- a characteristic exterior thickening or bulge below

132.248.9.8 on Mon, 09 Oct 2023 18:51:56 +00:00
Figure 4. Late Profile Red Ware bowls: painted decoration can show strong continuities with
sel form and paste are distinctive; (a)-(b) Late Aztec Black/Red; (c)-(e) Late Aztec Black-and-
Variant G bearing elaborate decoration characteristic of Texcoco area.
Textural and
a thinned lip. Decoration can be quite elaborate, pétrographie analyses suggest that
and
these new
ranges from complex curvilinear designs Red Ware pastes were accompanied by
executed
a significant
in fine black or graphite paint, to the change in ceramic technology and
multiple lay-
ering of paint colors needed to create intricate
possibly in clay resources, as well. Although both
Black-and-White-on-Red designs (Figure
paste 4). the same general suite of min-
types contain
Rarely, these out-sloping bowls bear
eral the simple
inclusions, the Late Paste bowls consistently
comb motif, but differences in vessel
showform
a more and
refined ceramic body with signifi-
cantly
paste clearly distinguish these vessels as less as well as smaller aplastic inclusions.
belong-
Conversely, these
ing to the Late Paste group. Equally distinctive but ceramics reveal a much higher
far less common are the barrel-shaped bowls
incidence of asso-
fiber temper, probably from the intro-
ciated with Yellow-on-Red or Black-and-Red-on- duction of cattail fiber known locally as plumilla?
Overall, these changes in ceramic pastes suggest a
Tan decoration, and a series of finely made and very
thin- walled bowls with out-sloping walls and elab-
shift away from the naturally "tempered" and some-
orate, polychrome decoration. For all these new
what coarser, upland clays, and an increasing uti-
lization of finer, naturally levigated (refined) clays
forms, pastes are very fine in texture and typically
of the lakebed (Branstetter-Hardesty 1978: 136) that
poorly oxidized, at times showing only a thin veneer
of buff paste over a grey or black core in cross-
presumably required the addition of plumilla to be
section. workable.

132.248.9.8 on Mon, 09 Oct 2023 18:51:56 +00:00
Spatial and Stylistic

tends Analyses
to under-represent smaller sites; over 75 per-
of Aztec Red Wares cent of known villages and centers are represented
in the study, whereas only 35 percent of hamlets
Regional data on the distribution of these two Late
and small hamlets were examined.
Aztec guinda paste types and their variants are
All decorated ceramics were tabulated by type,
drawn from the Basin of Mexico settlement survey
variant, and subvariant; type counts were then stan-
collections. The focus here is on the Texcoco, Ixta-
dardized as density of sherds per hectare of col-
palapa, Chalco, and Xochimilco survey regions,
lection area at a given site. Sherd density is
within which ceramic data were collected using a
interpreted here as primarily reflecting differences
consistent field methodology and for which the
in the availability of a ceramic type as a function
basic information on site location, size, and
of distance from its center of distribution, although
chronology have been published (Blanton 1972;
differences in surface survey conditions or settle-
Parsons 1971; Parsons et al. 1982; Parsons et al.
ment density can also affect this measure (Mine
1983; Sanders et al. 1979). In an intensive field-
2006b: 88-89). Regionally, however, ceramic types
by-field survey effort, these early surveys located,
are most available and abundant near their pro-
mapped, and described settlements over much of
duction source, and decline in availability with dis-
the upland portions of the Basin. The surveys also
tance from that source. Distribution maps
generated surface collections, consisting of a 100
illustrating variability in the densities of the two
percent pick-up of diagnostic sherds (defined as all
main types - the Comb Variant and Late Paste
rims and chronologically significant body sherds)
bowls - are presented in Figures 5a and 6a.
from one or more collection areas designated within
In addition, density contour maps were gener-
the mapped surface scatter of a site. The number
ated to illustrate geographic patterns of ceramic
of collection areas and the total sherd count from
distribution within the study area. These contour
any one site vary depending on site size and com-
maps even-out extremely local perturbations in type
plexity, with the number of decorated sherds col-
density through a process of spatial averaging
lected ranging from 10 to more than 3,000 per site.
(Mine 2006b: 88), and clarify regional trends in
Although these surface collections were initially
type distribution. The geographic trends in the dis-
designed to monitor the temporal placement of eachtribution of Comb Variant and Late Paste bowls are
site, they provide a uniquely broad-based perspec-
then contrasted with Triple Alliance borders in Fig-
tive on ceramic distribution patterns for studies onures 5b and 6b.
a regional scale (Hodge and Mine 1 99 1 ; Mine 1 994;
The density distributions of these dominant Late
Mine et al. 1994; Mine 2006b).
Aztec Red Ware types present a very compelling
Within the study area, field teams originally
picture: this portion of the Basin was sharply
located and mapped 541 sites with Late Aztec occu-
divided into two subregions with very distinctive
pation (Parsons et al. 1983) and made surface col-
Red Ware assemblages. The relatively simple
lections at 372 of these sites.8 From the available
Comb Variant bowls clearly dominate east of Lake
collections, a subset of 229 sites (42 percent of all
Texcoco and occur throughout the Texcoco survey
Late Aztec sites mapped in the study region) was
region (Figure 5a). The heaviest densities occur in
examined for typological and stylistic analyses.the core of the Acolhua domain centered on Tex-
Site selection was based on collection size and con-
coco proper. Beyond the study area to the north,
dition, and was stratified to obtain both a balanced
this variant predominates in the Teotihuacan sub-
geographic coverage and adequate representation
valley, where it is a phase-marker for Late Aztec
for the full range of the settlement hierarchy, from
occupation (Parsons 1966:225). To the south of
small hamlets to regional centers. Geographically,Texcoco, however, Comb Variant densities decline
site representation varies by survey region; a lower
sharply. Only scattered occurrences of the type are
percent of mapped sites were analyzed from the
found in Chalco-Tenango piedmont, and the Comb
Ixtapalapa (32 percent) and Xochimilco (36 per- Variant is almost non-existent in lakebed settle-
cent) regions, than from the Texcoco (57 percent)
ments of the Lakes Chalco-Xochimilco chinampa
and Chalco (43 percent) regions, owing to thedistrict.
reduced availability of collections. The sample also
In contrast, Late Paste bowls with out-sloping

132.248.9.8 on Mon, 09 Oct 2023 18:51:56 +00:00
Figure 5. Spatial distribution of the Black/Red "Comb Variant": (a) relative density of th
symbol size is proportional to type density; (b) contour map showing regional variation in
Alliance political borders (minimum contour = 25 sherds/ha; contour interval = 50 sherds
walls, although less abundant overall, display

tinct market a circulating different Red Ware
spheres
complementary distribution (Figuretypes. These data
6a). These are thus consistent with previous
ves-
studiesand
sels are clearly concentrated in the south (discussed
south-above) indicating that subre-
west around Lakes Chalco-Xochimilco, with the
gional exchange systems operated within the Basin
underend
greatest densities found in the western imperial rule. In addition, however, the
of Lake
regionalTenochti-
Xochimilco, in the environs of the capital perspective provided by the survey col-
tlan just outside our study area. This vessel
lections type
permits further insights into the scale and
appears to dominate assemblages at organization of these systems.
Tenochtitlan
proper, as well. For example, within Three
themain observations on the regional orga-
assem-
blage of 73 polished red ware bowls illustrated
nization of ceramic exchange are offered here. First,
from the El Volador collection, all but
the subregional
one displaymarket systems conform spatially
the characteristic vessel form of the Late Profile
to Late Aztec political territories. Red Ware ves-
bowls (Solis and Morales 1991). Other, lower fre-sels bearing the simple comb motif are associated
quency Late Paste forms duplicate this NE-SW with the region controlled by Texcoco under the
Triple Alliance, while Late Profile vessels are
division. Thus, the barrel-shaped bowls with Black-
and-Red-on-Tan decoration were found primarily
largely associated with that portion of the study area
controlled directly by Tenochtitlan. The boundary
in the Texcoco survey region between Chimalhua-
can and Tepetlaoztoc, while barrel-shaped bowls
between these two spheres closely follows the polit-
with Yellow-on-Red decoration are largely ical boundary dividing the territories of Texcoco
restricted to the southern lake bed. from Tenochtitlan, in a line extending southeast
The strong spatial patterning observed in thesefrom Chalco to Tlalmanalco. Second, the assem-
blage differences between subregions are clearly
type distributions suggests the presence of two dis-

132.248.9.8 on Mon, 09 Oct 2023 18:51:56 +00:00
Figure 6. Spatial distribution of the "Late Profile" Black/Red a

this type in surface collections; symbol size is proportional to
in type density relative to Triple Alliance political borders (m
sherds/ha within site boundaries).
andthat
quite strong, indicating to monitor the distribution ceramic
minimal of vessels from their
exchange occurred between the

production market spheres.
source.
A total of 255mapped
Relative to the political borders Late Aztec Red Ware
here,bowls were
over
analyzed
95 percent of Comb Mofif as part of this
vessels fallstudy.within
Drawing primarily
the
Texcocan sphere (Figurefrom
5b), while
the Basin 95
of Mexico percent
survey of
collections, sam-
the Late Profile vessels occur in the Tenochtitlan-
ples of both guinda paste types were selected from
controlled sphere (Figure 6b). Finally, the Chalco across their geographic range within the Texcoco,
area emerges as a zone of overlap, in which both Ixtapalapa, Chalco, and Xochimilco survey zones.
ceramic traditions are represented, but in fairly lowThis geographic coverage was supplemented with
densities. a small collection of surface materials from sites
located on the western shore of ancient Lake Tex-
coco (Mayer-Oakes 1959), in order to include sites
Compositional Analyses of
in the immediate environs of Tenochtitlan.9
Late Aztec Red Wares
The Comb Variant is represented here by 122
rounded bowls, all clearly bearing the characteris-
In order to verify that these restricted distributions
tic Black-on-Red
reflect subregional exchange systems, a subset of decoration and simple comb
the Red Ware ceramics were analyzed for motif.
their This sample comes primarily from the north-
trace-element composition using Instrumentaleastern
Neu- portion of the study area (from Tepetlaoz-
toc south to Chimalhuacan), although examples
tron Activation Analysis (INA A). Such chemical
from as far south as Chalco and Tenango were
analyses enable us to determine vessel provenance
based on the trace-element signature of theirincluded.
clays The second paste type is represented by

132.248.9.8 on Mon, 09 Oct 2023 18:51:56 +00:00
133 Late Paste bowls, and includes INEGI 1994;

examples of Schlaepfer 1968). These b
typesand
both out-sloping and barrel-shaped bowls create predictable differences in eleme
their
most common variants. The majority centrations,
of these sam- particularly for the transition
characteristic of mafic minerals. We therefore see
ples originate from the Lake Chalco-Xochimilco
area, although approximately 15 percent of the
along the eastern side of the Basin a clear increase
from north
samples come from the Texcoco survey to south in the chromium and iron con-
region.
tent relative
All samples of Red Ware pottery were to aluminum in ceramic pastes, which
prepared
makes now
and analyzed by the author, following recognition
stan- of upland clay sources relatively
straightforward
dard INAA procedures for archaeological ceram- (Figure 7).
In contrast, the utilization of lacustrine clays for
ics.10 Following irradiation, the trace-element
fine paste Late Aztec Red Wares presents a chal-
composition of guinda pottery was characterized
along a profile of 25 elements representing in
lenge recognizing
the stan- the products of different
sources. At lower
dard suite of the more precise intermediate and elevations, the effects of erosion
and redeposition
long half-life elements consistently employed in the have reworked and blurred geo-
analysis of archaeological ceramics. chemical distinctions, while the relative degree of
weathering
Multivariate statistics were employed has introduced new dimensions of vari-
to iden-
ation reflecting
tify groups of samples with similar elemental com-differences in topography. As a
result,with
position, distinct from other such groups, within the lakebed environment, element
each
group representing a distinct clay concentrations
or production generally represent a continuum of
source. The analysis proceeded through three
variation, within which clay groups are recognized,
not by hard
phases: (1) preliminary group formation breaks, but by trends and modalities in
utilizing
a combination of bivariate and multivariate tech-
multidimensional space.
Once composition
niques (including scatter plots and principal com- groups have been defined,
provenance
ponents analysis) to gain initial insight is established by matching these groups
into possible
groups within the data set; (2) group to production debris
refinement tofrom a known source or to nat-
ural groups
create statistically homogeneous core clays baseddis-
on trace-element and mineralogi-
cal characteristics.
tinct from other such groups based on the multi- According to historic records,
at least six(usually
variate probability of group membership cities in the Basin of Mexico were major
calculated from the Mahalanobis D2 producers of ceramics
statistic); and in early colonial times:
Tenochtitlan-Tlatelolco,
(3) classification of noncore members into their Texcoco, Cuauhtitlan,
Azcapotzalco,
most likely compositional group based on dis- Huitzilopochco, and Xochimilco
(Barlow 1951;Branstetter-Hardesty
criminant function analysis or other statistical mea- 1978:26; Gib-
son 1964:350).
sures of group membership (Bishop and Neff 1989;It is likely that these centers repre-
sent theBecause
Glascock 1992; Glascock and Neff 2003). continuation of a late prehispanic
the final classification is based on the statistical
tradition.11 Previous compositional analyses of
certainty of group membership inAztec ceramics have successfully identified the
multivariate
trace-element
space, the result is the identification of signature for the first three of these
robust "com-
centers,
position groups" reflecting distinct clay and have
sources or added Chalco, Chimalhuacan
production areas. (Cerro Portezuelo), Xaltocan, and Otumba-
Teotihuacan to the
For the Basin of Mexico, the identification oflist of active ceramic-producing
distinctive clay sources is generallyregions for the by
facilitated Late Aztec period (Hodge et al.
1992, 1993;
regional differences in bedrock geology thatMine
gen-1994; Mine et al. 1994; Nichols
erate strong spatial patterns in the et al. 2002; Rodriguez- Alegría et al. 2003).
trace-element
composition of ceramic clays weatheredForfrom
this study,
dif-the determination of provenance
ferent parent materials. Magmas of linking observed composition groups with historic
primarily
centers
andesitic and dacitic composition form of ceramic
the Sierraproduction draws on a body of
Madre east of the Basin, and contrast with
nearly 900 a
Postclassic ceramic samples from the
Basin and
province of largely basalts and basaltic adjacent regions, including a large num-
andésites
ber of wasters
south of ancient Lake Chalco-Xochimilco representing lacustrine clays sur-
(García-
Palomo et al. 2002; Gómez-Tuena rounding Lakes Texcoco, Xaltocan, and
et al. 2007;

132.248.9.8 on Mon, 09 Oct 2023 18:51:56 +00:00
Figure 7. Significant dimensions of chemical variability am

chromium vs. iron content; (b) scandium vs. thorium content.
Marked (Mine
Zumpango.12 This was supplemented by1999) for whi
informa-
tion on upland clays collected by the author, as in
been established, can assist
well as published data oneral provenance
Basin of cerami
clays (Branstetter-
Hardesty 1978; Slayton 1985) and on regional
sources utilized by ancient po
unsampled.
trends in element concentrations Finally,
(Neff where di
et al. 2000;
found, then
Nichols et al. 2002). Comparisons with provenance may b
other Aztec-
"criterion of relative
period ceramic wares, including plain wares abundan
pottery was
(Miesle 2000), Black-on-Orange probably
(Hodge manu
et al.
where
1992, 1993; Mine et al. 1994), it is
and most abundant
Texcoco Fabric- (R

132.248.9.8 on Mon, 09 Oct 2023 18:51:56 +00:00
Rangespecific
times, it is possible to suggest a more of Ceramic Products
source within this geographic spread based on his-
An examination of the range of Red Wares pro-
toric records. In general, however,duced
provenance
by each source reveals clear regional patterns
labels are given for a source area with the
(Table under- located in the Texcocan region
3). Producers
standing that these reflect generalfocused
and not site- primarily on the Comb Variant
production
specific production locales. (Black-on-Red Variant C); 100 percent of ceram-
ics associated with the northeastern Tepetlaoztoc
Late Aztec Centers of Red Ware Production and Piedmont sources bear the comb motif. This
percentage declines to the south and west: 62 per-
The trace-element data indicate that multiple
cent of vessels associated with the Texcoco source
regions were producing the Late Aztec Red Ware bear the comb motif, but only 43 percent of ves-
bowls recovered within the study area. East of Lake
sels originating from the Chalcan source were dec-
Texcoco, clay sources distinctively low and high
orated in this manner. Along the western side of
in the transition metals characterize the northern
Lake Texcoco within the Mexica domain, only
and southern reaches of the study area, respectively.
Tenochtitlan appears to have produced comb motif
In the mid-latitudes of the study area, variationvessels
in in any volume (20 percent).
some of the incompatible elements (Ba, Rb, Hf, Th,In contrast, western sources (Xochimilco,
and Ta) mark east-west differences across Lake
Tenochtitlan, and Cuauhtitlan) clearly dominate in
Texcoco.
the production of the Late Paste vessels, with over
Overall, seven distinctive source regions were
80 percent of their respective assemblages com-
identified, provisionally associated with the sites
prised of Late Profile Black-on-Red, Black-and-
of Tepetlaoztoc, Texcoco, the Texcocan piedmont,
White-on-Red, and/or Yellow-on-Red bowls.
Chalco, Xochimilco, Tenochtitlan, and Cuauhtit-
Along the eastern shore of Lake Texcoco, only the
lan (Tables 1 and 2). Three of these (Tepetlaoztoc,
Texcocan source appears to have engaged in the
Chalco, and Cuauhtitlan) are represented by rela-production of these more elaborate vessels (38 per-
tively small groups that are distinctive in bivariate
cent Late Paste). Even here, however, regional dif-
element space. The Tepetlaoztoc group is charac-
ferences are apparent, as this source shows a clear
terized by extremely low concentrationspreference
of for the Black-and-Red-on-Tan and fine
chromium and scandium, while Chalco group
Black-and-White-on-Red Variant G vessels not
members are clearly recognized by their high
abundant elsewhere. Chalco, lying along the bor-
chromium content. The recognized north-south
der between Acolhua and Mexica provinces, pro-
trend in these elements provides a strong basis duced
for vessels in both ceramic traditions and in the
assigning provenance. In contrast, the Cuauhtitlan
most even ratio (43 percent Comb Variant/Early
group is distinguished by high hafnium: iron ratios
Paste vs. 57 percent Late Paste).
characteristic of lacustrine clays and plain waresOverall, then, the composition groups confirm
from that region. the existence of two distinctive ceramic traditions
The four remaining composition groups were associated with different, but somewhat overlap-
sufficiently large to evaluate for internal coherency
ping, sectors of the imperial core. Although there
using the Mahalanobis distance statistic.13 Multi-
is not a exact match-up between ceramic type and
variate probabilities of group membership con-locus of production, the compositional data link the
firmed the separation of these main groups, Comb
and Variant bowls primarily with the Acolhua
demonstrated that samples assigned to the three
region, and the Late Paste Red Ware bowls with
smaller groups were clearly distinct in multivari-
territories under Mexica control.
ate space. Group separation is illustrated along dis-
Geographic Distribution of Ceramics
criminant function axes in Figure 8. Of the total
sample of 255 vessels, 247 (97 percent) couldVector
be maps, which visually link the point of ori-
classified to one of these seven sources. Samples
gin (producer) to the point of utilization and dis-
that could not be securely assigned to one of these
card (consumer), illustrate the scale and geographic
sources are not geographically restricted and may
extent of exchanges involving these ceramics (Fig-
well be outliers of the groups already identified.
ure 9). Based on these plots, it is clear that the vast

132.248.9.8 on Mon, 09 Oct 2023 18:51:56 +00:00
Table 1 . Definition and Provenance of Red Ware Com
Ceramic Producers Associated with Areas under Acolhua Control

Tepetlaoztoc (N = 12): a small, but distinctive group characterized by very low values of most transition metals
(e.g. Cr > 60 ppm), but high thorium (Th < 7.3 ppm). The low concentrations of transition metals indicate a north-
ern Basin source, but the group does not match other known northern producers such as Xaltocan and
Teotihuacan/Otumba, and has distinctly lower scandium values. The concentrated distribution around Tepetlaoztoc,
however, suggests an origin at or near that Late Aztec center.
Texcoco (N = 61): generally characterized by higher barium, rubidium, and tantalum concentrations associated with
the eastern shore of Lake Texcoco, but distinguished from other eastern groups by higher values of thorium
(6.4-7.6 ppm) and several rare earth elements (La, Lu, Sm). Compositionally, this group strongly overlaps Early
Aztec Red Wares from Texcoco, as well as modern potters' clays from upland sources near Texcoco (Santa Cruz d
Arriba). There is also a clear compositional over-lap (but not complete agreement) with Black-on-Orange ceramics
attributed to the Texcoco area. This group appears to be centered on Texcoco and was almost certainly produced in
that center.
Texcocan Piedmont (N = 46): closely related to the Texcoco group, but with distinctly lower concentrations of
cesium, rubidium, and thorium. A significant number of samples assigned to this group show some affiliation with
the preceding Texcoco group as well, indicating the close geographic proximity of the two sources. This group is
broadly distributed throughout the piedmont region east of Texcoco and Huexotla; no more specific source can be
suggested at this time.
Ceramic Producers Associated with Areas under Mexica Control

Chalco area (N = 14): a small and variable group, distinctly high in chromium relative to iron and scandium, asso-
ciated with the southern basin. Although the group is distinct from Early Aztec Red Wares produced in the Chalco-
Tenango area, it is generally similar to Early Aztec Black/Orange from Chalco and Mixquic. This clay group
almost certainly represents the limited continuation of the formerly productive ceramic industry in the Chalco
region.
Xochimilco (N = 28): a distinctive group characterized by very low levels of iron (2.5-3.1%) and scandium. The
low iron content superficially suggests a northern basin source; however, this group is distinguished from plain
wares and lacustrine clays from Xaltocan and environs by higher Co:Fe and Cr:Fe ratios. Members of this group
are concentrated within Lakes Chalco-Xochimilco, and share a general similarity with clays and orange wares from
the Culhuacan-Ixtapalapa area. Provenance is uncertain, but one of the historically known pottery-production cen-
ters in the southwestern portion of the Basin, such as Xochimilco, is considered the most likely.
Tenochtitlan-Ixtapalapa (N = 77): a large group with lower barium, thorium, and tantalum content, associated
with the western side of Lake Texcoco. This group shows good agreement with Early Aztec Black-on-Orange from
the site of Culhuacan (including both Culhuacan Black/Orange and Calligraphic Tenayuca), and overlaps lacustrine
clays from Culhuacan-Ixtapalapa, as well as wasters from El Risco. These affiliations suggest a provenance extend-
ing from the western tip of the Ixtapalapa peninsula north to El Risco, with a probable origin at the geographically
intermediate site of Tenochtitlan proper.
Cuauhtitlan (N = 9): a small but distinctive group among Red Wares distinguished from other western sources by
high Hf:Fe ratios characteristic of lacustrine clays from the Cuauhtitlan region. Cluster analyses and discriminant
function posterior classification assign both plain wares and fabric-marked wasters from the vicinity of Cuauhtitlan
to this group, suggesting that these samples represent the ceramic industry of that well-known pottery center.
majority of Red Ware bowls produced within the directly across Lake Texcoco (Table 4). Within the
Texcocan region remained within Acolhua territory Acolhua region, however, the products of different
(Figure 9a). If we assume that Cortes' statement producers are broadly distributed in largely over-
naming Tlalmanalco as the southern extent of Acol- lapping supply zones. Communities clearly had
hua control is correct, only 4 out of 1 19 (3 percent) access to multiple sources of Red Ware ceramics,
Acolhua-made bowls crossed over into Mexica ter- indicating a high-level of market choice and eco-
ritory, either into the adjacent Chalco region ornomic integration at the local level.

132.248.9.8 on Mon, 09 Oct 2023 18:51:56 +00:00
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132.248.9.8 on Mon, 09 Oct 2023 18:51:56 +00:00
Figure 8. Discriminant axes plots showing separation of major co

ferences in trace-metal content between the northern Tepetlaozt
dimension of variation among all Red Ware composition group
Cuauhtitlan sources; (b) separation of major Red Ware groups fro
Red Ware ceramics produced within

reliance on the Mexica-
Valley of Mexico survey collections
controlled territory wereunder-represents
somewhat more
the heart widely
of the Mexica territory
distributed (Figure 9b).surrounding
Nearly 20 percent
Tenochtitlan, of
and may skew the dis-
Mexica-made bowls were recovered from areas not tribution in favor of foreign exchanges. When
under the direct political purview of Tenochtitlan
viewed from the perspective of the consumers, the
(Table 4). The majority of these involved exchangesMexica still appear as net exporters: ca 17 percent
from Tenochtitlan across Lake Texcoco to the sites
of bowls found in Acolhua territory were manu-
of Chimalhuacan and Ixtapaluca. Admittedly, ourfactured by Mexica sources, whereas only 4 per-

132.248.9.8 on Mon, 09 Oct 2023 18:51:56 +00:00
Table 3. Distribution of Red Ware Variants by Source.
Late Paste Vessels
Composition Late
Group Comb Variant Late Black & Yellow/ Black & Source
or Source
Tepetlaoztoc 12 0 0 0 0 12
(100.0) (0) (0) (0) (0)
Texcocan Piedmont 46 0 0 0 0 46
(100.0) (0) (0) (0) (0)
Texcoco 38 1 12 2 8 61
(62.3) (1.6) (19.7) (3.2) (13.1)
Chalco 6 1 7 o 0 14
(42.9) (7.1) (50.0) (0) (0)
Xochimilco 0 17 6 5 0 28
(0.0) (60.7) (21.4) (17.9) (0)
Tenochtitlan 15 13 42 5 2 77
(19.5) (16.9) (54.5) (6.5) (2.6)
Cuauhtitlan 1 5 1 2 0 9
(11.1) (55.6) (11.1) (22.2) (0)
Other 4 1 2 10 8
Note: N
Figure
(a) exc
tory.

132.248.9.8 on Mon, 09 Oct 2023 18:51:56 +00:00
Table 4. Producers and Consumers of Red Ware Bowls Finally, the locations where ceramic exchange
by Political Territory.
did appear to cross political borders merit comment.
Producers Acohua exports into Mexica territory occurred pri-
marily within the southern border territory of the
Consumers
Chalcan province with a few vessels moving as far
Acolhua territory 1 1 5 (97%) 24 ( 1 9%)
south as Tenango. In contrast, Mexica exports
Mexica territory 4 (3%) 104 (81%)
Total
crossed Lake Texcoco directly to Chimalhuacan,
Note: where
Numbers 13 outin
of 16 sherds (81 percent) are linked
parenthes
total. to the Tenochtitlan source. Thus, the results of this
study are consistent with those reported for nearby
Cerro Portezuelo (Nichols et al. 2002) in suggest-
cent of bowls within Mexica territory were foreign. ing a substantial exchange with the Mexica capi-
While the number of vessels moving across tal. However, it is clear from this study that
political boundaries is not high, Red Wares were Chimalhuacan was somewhat anomalous relative
widely circulated and over large distances within to other Acolhua communities, most of which
Mexica territory. Ceramics originating in Tenochti- showed exclusive trade connections with Texcocan
tlan were traded north to Cuauhtitlan and south to producers.
Amecameca. Similarly, Red Wares from Cuauhti-
tlan were found in the far southern lake basin and
Discussion
the Chalco-Tenango area, over a distance of 60 km.
As was the case for the Acolhua, the pattern sug-Both the stylistic and compositional analyses of
gests a high level of exchange interaction within Aztec Red Wares suggest that the imperial core
the political territory of the Mexica and a subre-was divided into two market spheres largely con-
gionally integrated economy. gruent with Triple Alliance political territories.
Not surprisingly, the more elaborate vessels Together, these lines of evidence provide strong
were more widely traded than the vessels with rel- support indicating that the Basin was not a region-
atively simple decoration. Based on straight-line ally integrated economy under Aztec rule, but the
travel distance estimates, Black-on-Red Variant C question remains as to what factors generated the
vessels (i.e., the comb variant) traveled an averageobserved variation. Several alternative scenarios
of 9 km from production source to site of use and can be advanced that potentially account for sub-
discard. In contrast, the generally more labor- regional systems of exchange.
intensive Late Paste Black-on-Red and Black-and-
Incomplete Commercial Development
White-on-Red vessels traveled an average of nearly
19 km. However, both simple and more elaborate
It is conceivable that the observed subregional sys-
vessels crossed Triple Alliance boundaries. tems represent the incomplete development of a
Overall, the compositional data illustrate sev- commercial market economy following centuries
eral important aspects of ceramic exchange within of strong political and economic divisions within
the imperial core. First, the relative paucity of the Basin. During the pre-imperial period, tensions
ceramic exchange between the Acolhua and Mex- between hostile city-states clearly limited exchange
ica territories argues strongly for the presence ofacross confederation borders along the eastern and
two subregional exchange systems. Further, the southeastern portions of the Basin (Hodge and
close conformity between these subregional sys- Mine 1990; Mine et al. 1994; Mine 2006b). For
tems and political territories suggests that political
example, sharp differences in ceramic assemblage
boundaries continued to be a major factor con- correspond to territorial limits of the competing
straining or regulating exchange during the impe-
Acolhua, Chalca, and Culhua leagues. The basic
rial period. In contrast, the broad distribution split
of in market spheres between eastern and west-
ceramic goods within political boundaries (even ern sides of the Basin may have even greater time
over large distances in the case of the Mexica),
depth, with origins in the Early Postclassic period
indicates a high level of economic integration(Nichols et al. 2002:70). The founding of the Triple
within these subregional systems. Alliance cross-cut these former political divisions

132.248.9.8 on Mon, 09 Oct 2023 18:51:56 +00:00
priori
by forging new allegiances among the reason
highest lev-to assume that the targeted ex
would
els of Aztec society. For the bulk of the follow political geography, this mec
population,
by itself
however, the pax azteca may have ended does not explain the spatial cong
hostili-
observed here
ties, but it did not necessarily erase generations of between market spheres and
cal borders.
prejudice and perhaps antipathy among polities.
Goodwill and trust are critical factors sustaining
Elite Intervention
network ties (Lie 1997:350; Marshall 1920:182;
A third
Polanyi et al. 1957:250); commoners mayscenario
have focuses on the manipulation of
market system
continued to trade primarily with familiar partnersfor political ends by imperial rulers.
such that pre-imperial patterns of Elite interest per-
exchange in the markets had both administra-
tive and financial
sisted well after the imposition of imperial rule. foundations. On one hand, the
market
Under this scenario, the subregional provided a central place in which political
divisions
authorities
are in part a historic artifact reflecting could communicate directly to their sub-
long-standing
ject population
political and economic alignments within the Basin, on a regular basis. Official
over which a commercial network was established.
announcements and edicts were presented to the
If a Basin- wide exchange system was population in marketplaces, and local courts con-
developing,
however, we would expect at least a vened there (Kurtz
softening of1974, 1981). Located at the core
borders under unified rule. In fact, this
of theand other
administrative center adjacent to the polity's
compositional studies (Nichols et al. main temple
2002) and the ruler's residence, markets also
suggest
provided
that regionalism increased, with an exemplary ideological space that
less lateral
exchange among neighboring areas. underscored principles of morality, social hierar-
Thus, historic
chy, andfactor,
animosities may have been a contributing political order (Hutson 2000:129-130;
Joyce
but they do not by themselves account for2001). Seen in this light, marketplaces were
separate
market spheres. an important arena of administrative control.
In addition, however, markets played a key role
Directed or Sponsored Growth as mechanisms of elite finance (Blanton
1996:82-83;
Alternatively, the growth of the regional Brumfiel 1987b; Hicks 1987; Mine
market
system did not expand uniformly nor1994:1:
did it 101-1 10). Exotic prestige goods, including
involve
cotton
all sectors of society. Rather, market cloth, cacao,
growth was and tropical feathers, used to
symbolize
driven initially by urban concerns, and elite status
followed a and solidify political power,
circulated
pattern of targeted exchange, in which trading in part-
part through the market system. 15 Mar-
nerships developed between imperial ketscenters
concentrated
andthese high- value items under the
direct
areas of high economic potential. Such supervision of local authorities, where they
alignments,
were specializa-
in turn, would have encouraged further taxed in kind at rates as high as 20 percent
tion in primary production in key(Duran
areas1967:2:264)
and an and attracted a higher volume
of market
increased reliance on urban centers for crafttraffic
goodsin comestibles and more mundane
(Blanton 1996:49; Mine 1994:359). 14items
For as well. With the revenues and prestige such
example,
the fertile chinampa area, emerging commerce conferred, the right to hold a market
as the tortilla
basket of the Basin, experienced a high(and to traffic
level of mar-in certain types of commodities, espe-
cially and
ket integration with the Mexica capital elite domi-
goods), was both a reflection of politi-
cal standing,
nant urban center, importing a diverse arrayand ofan economic necessity (Blanton
high-quality ceramics from Mexica 1996:82-83; Brumfiel 1987b: 116, 1989; Hicks
ceramic pro-
ducers. At the same time, Chalco's 1987;Lockhart
connections1992:185;Minc 1994:1:101-110).
with other parts of the empire, and its The
ownpolitical
vibrant importance of urban markets was
ceramic industry, declined sharply. clearly recognized by the Aztec (Carrasco
The development of vertical linkages1978:55-56,
between1983:75; Hassig 1985:112-113;
Hicks
center and select areas would intensify 1987, inter-
some 1992). As part of their continuing
rivalry
actions within the Basin, but result in for power, both imperial and local elites
regionalism
attemptedsystem
rather than a well-integrated commercial to regulate this critical source of author-
(Nichols et al. 2002:73). However, asity, prestige,
there is and
no tax
a revenues through administra-

132.248.9.8 on Mon, 09 Oct 2023 18:51:56 +00:00
tive controls over marketactions. Ongoing compositional

location and market studies ofpar-
Late
Aztec
ticipation. The documents ceramics from
suggest these areas
that, in(e.g. Thomas
some
cases, markets were established with
Charlton, personal the clear
communication aim
2007; Neff et
of promoting the availability
al. 2000:3 of goods,
19; Neff and Hodgeeither sub-
2008) will hopefully
sistence or luxury, in a given polity.16
clarify the extent In boundaries
to which political others,in
markets were removed orother
granted through
parts of the Basin admin-
constrained exchange, and
istrative decree, either to whether political influence
undermine the overpowerbase
the movement of
goods
of competing rulers or to declined with
reward distance from the Triple
a dependent for
Alliance
meritorious military service or capitals.
allegiance.17 In addi-
tion, a host of legislative and normative controls -
including enforced market attendance,
Conclusion the
prohibition on exchange outside the market, and
limitations on how far individuals could travel to
The model of Basin- wide economic integration
attend the market (Berdan 1975:206-207; Blantonachieved through a centralized, hierarchically inte-
1996:82-83; Carrasco 1983:73-78; Duran grated market system has had considerable appeal
1971:273-277)- potentially limited participants' for the Aztec case, and is consonant with the degree
choice in market destination while concentrating of economic specialization and urban development
market traffic in those locations authorized and apparent during the Late Aztec period. However,
administered by the local ruler. Such market med- multiple lines of evidence suggest not only that
dling would have impeded the development of a subregional market systems persisted under Aztec
Basin-wide commercial system and aligned many rule, but that multiple factors (historical, economic,
basic market activities with political linkages and, and political) may have converged to create com-
hence, with Triple Alliance borders. plex patterns of exchange that are not easily accom-
The spatial congruence between ceramic modated within simple explanations. As Blanton
exchange and Triple Alliance territories noted in ( 1 996:49) has noted, our prominent theories of eco-
this study strongly implicates a role for political fac- nomic change in the Basin may suffer from the fact
tors in structuring market system organization. that they are painted in excessively broad strokes.
However, two cautionary notes accompany this By focusing on regional variation in exchange, we
statement. First, the survey collections drawn on may come to understand the complexity of condi-
by this study provide an aggregate picture of tions underlying market system evolution in the
exchange interactions, averaged across hundreds of Aztec core.
communities within the Basin. Against this back- Acknowledgments. The Basin of Mexico ceramic collections
drop, detailed examinations of specific communi- examined for this study were largely generated and pre-
ties or segments of the population (e.g., Nichols et served through the foresight of Jeffrey Parsons, and are now
al. 2009) may well reveal how differences in his- held by the Universidad Autónoma Chapingo, Mexico. I
remain indebted to Jeff for access to these important collec-
toric circumstances, social standing, or political
tions and to members of the INAH Consejo for permission to
ambition influenced consumer preferences and export samples of Aztec ceramics for chemical analyses. Jeff
market choice in ways that deviate from the larger, Parsons, Fred Hicks, and several anonymous reviewers pro-
regional pattern. vided thoughtful commentary on early versions of this paper;
Second, the portion of the Basin examined here their encouragement and critique were appreciated in equal
measure. Kay Clahassey provided the artwork used as a
highlights the nature and extent of exchange inter-
basemap in Figure 1, which is reprinted from Leah D. Mine
actions among the most closely held dependencies (2006), "Monitoring Regional Market Systems in Prehistory:
at the traditional heart of Mexica and Acolhua ter- Models, Methods, and Metrics," Journal of Anthropological
ritories. In contrast, at more peripheral communi- Archaeology 25(1), pp. 82-116, with permission from
Elsevier.
ties acquired as the Triple Alliance expanded, such
as Xaltocan (Nichols et al. 2002), the Teotihuacan
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from the Basin of Mexico. Unpublished masters thesis, ian Workshops of the Teotihuacan Valley. In Contributions
Department of Anthropology, University of Colorado, to the Archaeology and Greater Ethnohistory of Greater
Denver. Mesoamerica, edited by William J. Folan, pp. 76-125.
Smith, Carol A. Southern Illinois University Press, Carbondale.
1974 Economics of Marketing Systems: Models from Eco- Tolstoy, Paul
nomic Geography. Annual Review of Anthropology 1958 Surface Survey of the Northern Valley of Mexico: The
3:167-201. Classic and Postclassic Periods. Transactions of the Amer-
Smith, Michael E. ican Philosophical Society, n.s. No. 48, Pt. 5. Philadelphia.
1 979 The Aztec Marketing System and Settlement Pattern
Torquemada, Fray Juan de
1975-1983 Monarquia Indiana. 1 vols. Edited by Miguel
in the Valley of Mexico: A Central Place Analysis. Amer-
ican Antiquity 44: 1 10-125. Leon-Portilla. Universidad Autónoma de México, Mexico.
1994 Rural Economy in Late Postclassic Morelos: An Michael E., and Jeffrey R. Parsons
Whalen,
Archaeological Study. In Economies and Polities in the
1982 Ceramic Markers used for Period Designations. In
Aztec Realm, edited by Mary G. Hodge and Michael E. Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in the Southern Valley of
Smith, pp. 1349-376. IMS Studies on Culture and Soci-Mexico: the Chalco-Xochimilco Regions, by Jeffrey R.
ety Series No. 5. Institute for Mesoamerican Studies, StateParsons, Elizabeth Brumfiel, Mary H. Parsons, and David
University of New York, Albany. J. Wilson, Appendix I, pp. 385-459. Memoirs No. 14.
1 996 The Strategic Provinces. In Aztec Imperial Strategies,
Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann
edited by Frances F. Berdan, Richard E. Blanton, Eliza-Arbor.
beth H. Boone, Mary G. Hodge, Michael E. Smith, and
Emily Umberger, pp. 137-150. Dumbarton Oaks, Wash-
ington, D.C. Notes
2000 Aztec City-States. In A Comparative Study of Thirty
City-State Cultures, edited by M.H. Hansen, pp. 581-595. 1. A persistent problem for Aztec studies in the Basin is
The Royal Danish Academy of Sciences and Letters, that the archaeological period conflates two historically
Copenhagen.
known episodes of empire building. While the overall trend
200 1 The Aztec Empire and the Mesoamerican World Sys-
during this time is toward political centralization, it may be
tem. In Empires: Perspectives from Archaeology and His-
inappropriate to attribute all observed changes to the rise of
tory, edited by Susan E. Alcock, Terrence N. D'Altroy,
Kathleen D. Morrison, and Caria M. Sinopoli, pp. the Aztec (Santamarina 2005). Outside the Basin core, finer
128-154. Cambridge University Press, New York. grain ceramic chronologies distinguish the two time periods
2003a The Aztec. Blackwell, Maiden, Massachusetts. (e.g. Garraty 2006; Smith 2001, 2003a).
2003b Aztec City-States in the Basin of Mexico and More- 2. Carrasco (1999:35) suggests that these holdings repre-
los. In The Postclassic Mesoamerican World, edited by sent an exchange of rights to land, comparable to an exchange
Michael E. Smith and Frances F. Berdan, pp. 58-60. Uni- of gifts between allied rulers; thus, the integrative effect of
versity of Utah Press, Salt Lake City.
this practice on the bulk of Aztec society is unclear. Although
2004 The Archaeology of Ancient State Economies. Annual
some communities owed payments to multiple kings and
Review of Anthropology 33:73-102.
Smith, Michael E., and Frances F. Berdan nobles beyond their traditional lines of allegiance, this tribu-
2003 Postclassic Mesoamerica. In The Postclassic tary subjection was indirect and mediated by the royal stew-
ards, and
Mesoamerican World, edited by Michael E. Smith andthe commoners who worked these land holdings
continued
Frances F. Berdan, pp. 3-13. University of Utah Press, to serve their local ruler in war and corvee labor
Salt
Lake City. (Hicks 1987:95, 1992:7).
Smith, Michael E., Ruth Fauman-Fichman, and Hector Neff 3. Brumfiel has argued based on analyses at Huexotla,
2006 Análisis por Activación de Neutrones en Cerámica: Xico, and Xaltocan (Brumfiel 1976, 1980, 1987a, 1991), that
Policroma, Azteca Naranja, Cómales, y Malacates. In
production of utilitarian goods outside of major urban centers
Excavaciones de Casas Postclasicas en la Zona Urbana
was carried out by either non-specialists or part-time special-
de Yautepec, Morelos: Informe Final, edited by Michael
ists. The greater concentration of craft production found at
E. Smith, Chapter D2. Report submitted to the Consejo de
Otumba relative to other provincial centers may well relate to
Arqueología, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Histo-
ria, México. its greater distance from Tenochtitlan and its position outside
Smith, Michael E., and Mary G. Hodge the market sphere of that imperial center (Charlton 1994;
1994 An Introduction to Late Posclassic Economies and Nichols 1994; Otis Charlton 1994).
Polities. In Economies and Polities in the Aztec Realm, 4. Other data frequently cited in support of a commer-
edited by Mary G. Hodge and Michael E. Smith, pp. 1^2.
cialized exchange system include (1) the use of cacao beans
IMS Studies on Culture and Society Series No. 5. Insti-
and cotton mantas as a basis of exchange similar to currency
tute for Mesoamerican Studies, State University of New
or for evening out exchanges effected through barter (Las
York, Albany.
Solis, Felipe, and David Morales Casas 1967:1:368); and (2) the presence of market judges to
adjudicate disputes among vendors and market-goers in the
1 99 1 Rescate de un Rescate: Colección de Objetos Arque-
large urban markets (Berdan 2005:48; Diaz 1956:216;

132.248.9.8 on Mon, 09 Oct 2023 18:51:56 +00:00
Sahagún 1950-1982:8:67, 69). included as check standards, providing an important test of

the precision
5. Santley (1986) suggested that the East- and accuracy of results (Bishop et al. 1990).
West division
might indicate that exchange across LakeLong-term
Texcoco Q Awas dis-
on these check standards indicate that element
rupted during the dry season, when lakeconcentrations
levels fell below
obtained at the FNR are highly consistent with
those necessary for canoe transport, results
while Hassig
obtained from other archaeometry labs, including
SCMRE and MURR,
(1985:142-144) argued that the annual segmentation offor these check standards.
the
11. Texcoco
market system during the dry months contributed to thewas famous for its "fine" pottery (Berdan
polit-
ical and economic independence of the 1975:197-198; Duran 1967:1:181-182), whereas Cuauhtitlan
Acolhua region.
However, based on historical sources, Rojas Rabida
potters (1985)
were especially noted for red jars ( "jarros colorados
de Cuauhtitlan
and Parsons (2006:16-17) conclude that lake muy particulares") suggesting a tradition of
levels typically
Redlater
oscillated between 1 and 3 meters during the Ware production
Prehispanic(Anales de Cuauhtitlan 1945 Paragraph
128;
period, with a minimal depth of .6-.8 m at Branstetter-Hardesty
the annual low 1978:27-28; Gibson
1964:350-351).
point - more than adequate for canoe travel.
12. Ideally,
6. While the present paper was in press, Chris determination of provenance is achieved
Garraty
(2007) published a regional compositionalthrough
analyses of Late
matching the trace-element composition of ceramic
vessels
Aztec utilitarian ceramics within the Basin. These with that
data of kiln wasters (discards or production
pro-
debris) of the same
vide strong, independent confirmation of subdivisions ceramic type or ware, thereby directly
within
the market system of the imperial core. linking ceramics to a specific paste recipe and production
site. Unfortunately,
7. The practice of adding cattail fiber (actually "reed stemkiln wasters of decorated ceramics are
extremely rare
fibers") to the clay body as the primary tempering in the
agent isBasin of Mexico survey collections. For
recorded at contact by Sahagún (1950-1982:11:257). Within
this study, wasters of Texcoco Fabric Marked provide a direct
means
the Florentine Codex, bunches of cattails are of monitoring
prominently lacustrine clays (Mine 1999).
dis-
13. Probabilitiesthe
played in the foreground of the sketches accompanying of group membership were based on the
concentrations
descriptions of potters, probably to indicate the use of and
the 18 more precise elements, including Ba,
importance of cattail fiber as a temper in Ce,
theCo, Cr, (Sahagún
clay Cs, Eu, Fe, Hf, La, Lu, Na, Rb, Sc, Sm, Ta, Tb,
1950-82: 1 1 :Figures 871-872). The presenceTh,
of andfiber
Zn. temper,
14. Several researchers
apparent as small hollow troughs sometimes containing car- (Calnek 1972; Hassig 1985;
Sanders
bonized fibers, can be easily seen in the dark 1956; of
cores Santley 1986) have proposed that Aztec urban-
Aztec-
ism representsParsons
period ceramics (Branstetter-Hardesty 1978:136; an urban-rural symbiosis consisting of more
1966:213). intensive food production in rural areas and more intensive
8. Small, single phase sites were not craft production in the urban sectors, coupled with the
as consistently
surface-collected during field surveys. The lapse
exchange is most goods within a market setting. In
of complementary
apparent for the Late Aztec period since chronological contrast, Brumfiel'splace-
(1980, 1983) early analyzes concluded
ment could be easily determined in the field. that urban food needs were met not by sale of urban-produced
9. These materials from Santa Clara and El Risco are craft goods, but by urban-based market resale of craft goods
curated by the University of Michigan's Museum of
(both utilitarian and elite) received in tribute. In either case,
Anthropology. the centralized availability of craft goods in urban markets is
10. Activation analyses were conducted at the Universityseen as a primary stimulus directing the flow of agricultural
produce into the centers and as a major factor undercutting
of Michigan's Ford Nuclear Reactor. The sherds were first
cleaned by removing weathered surfaces with a carbide burr rural craft production.
and rinsing with de-ionized water; after drying, a portion of 15. Exotic goods and raw materials were introduced into
the sherd was then ground to a fine powder. Approximately the market system via the professional long-distance mer-
chants ipochteca) who specialized in such high-value goods,
200 mg sample of powered sherd was encapsulated in vials of
or through the "recycling of tribute" - i.e. market resale of
high-purity quartz tubing and irradiated for 20 hrs in a core-
face location with a thermal neutron flux of 4.2 x 1012 goods received in tribute. The growing tribute demand placed
n/cm2/s. Following irradiation, samples were allowed toon local communities for items manufactured from nonlocal
decay for 1-week, after which gamma emissions were goods, especially cotton cloth and warrior suits of tropical
counted for 5,000 seconds (live time) on a 30 percent HPGefeathers, would have increased market participation to obtain
these items and the flow of agricultural surpluses into urban
gamma detector to determine concentrations of As, K, La, Lu,
Na, Sm, U, and Yb. Samples continued to decay for an addi-centers (Berdan 1975:215-54; Blanton 1985; Brumfiel
tional 4 weeks and were counted again for 10,000 seconds to 1976:223, 1980; Hicks 1987:99; 1994).
determine the concentrations of Ba, Ce, Co, Cr, Cs, Eu, Fe, 16. Following the conquest of the Chalcan League in
Hf, Nd, Rb, Sb, Sc, Sr, Ta, Tb, Zn, and Zr. 1465, the Tlalcochcalca were required to provide the army of
Motecuhzoma I with rations, including tamales and enchi-
Element concentrations were determined through direct
comparison with three replicates of the standard referenceladas. Anticipating the volume of foodstuffs required to meet
that tribute, the people of Tlalmanalco requested that the
material NIST1633A (coal fly ash); all data reductions were
based on consensus values for NIST1633A as reported by theregional market in Amecameca be moved to their city, sup-
Missouri University Research Reactor (Glascock 1992:15,porting their request with the claim that historically their
ancestors had had the right to hold such a market.
Table 2.2). Samples of NBS-SRM-278 (obsidian rock),
NBS-SRM-688 (basalt rock), and Ohio Red Clay were Tlalmanalco' s request to relocate the regional market was

132.248.9.8 on Mon, 09 Oct 2023 18:51:56 +00:00
374 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 20, No. 2, 2009]
denied, however, because the people of

conquered Amecameca
Cuauhtitlan had
in the early fift
queror
earned the rights to the revenues sowed
of that the
market marketplace
through their of t
valor in the war against Tollantzingo (Chimalpahin
maguey, and removed its market trad
dethe
1965:205). Similarly, following Cuauhtitlan 1945:43-44;
conquest of Tepeaca, aHassig
regional "gateway" market was established
rights in that
to market city were
revenues by gran
Tenochtitlan's
administrative decree in order to ruler conquered
promote interregional trade: Tlat
"The king... wishes that a greatenues of the
market Tlatelolco
place be builtmarket
in w
nobles,
Tepeaca so that all the merchants of thea land
prize said
may to have
trade been w
there
(Alvarado Tezozómoc
on an appointed day. In this market there 1975:396;
willBerdan
be 1985:344-345;
sold rich
Hicks 1987:96).
cloth, stones, jewels, featherwork of different colors, gold,
silver and other metals" (Duran 1964:102-105).
17. There are numerous historical examples in which the
right to hold a market dependedSubmitted
on the 2005; Accepted January
balance 10, 2006;rela-
of power Revised
February
tions between rival states. For 14, 2007 when Azcapotzalco
example,

132.248.9.8 on Mon, 09 Oct 2023 18:51:56 +00:00

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STYLE AND SUBSTANCE: EVIDENCE FOR REGIONALISM WITHIN THE AZTEC MARKET

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/40650199

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cized economy dominated by macro-economic

Latin American Antiquity 20(2), 2009, pp. 343-374

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Aztec ceramics, indicate that

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particularly Tlacopan. Alliance appear more as historical

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Initially, the rapid spread and near ubiquitous

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exchange (Hodge and Mine 1990;

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recorded within the Texcoco region,litical

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on the top face (Type IIA,B,D)

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analyses of this ceramic ware, it isapproaches

sources carry a unique "signature"The maximum

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of Mexica control (Gibson 1964:15). Communities

Late Aztec Red Wares

Although the Aztec empire is generally associated

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Spatial and Stylistic

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walls, although less abundant overall, display

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Figure 6. Spatial distribution of the "Late Profile" Black/Red a

exchange occurred between the

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133 Late Paste bowls, and includes INEGI 1994;

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Figure 7. Significant dimensions of chemical variability am

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Table 1 . Definition and Provenance of Red Ware Com

Ceramic Producers Associated with Areas under Acolhua Control

Ceramic Producers Associated with Areas under Mexica Control

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Figure 8. Discriminant axes plots showing separation of major co

Red Ware ceramics produced within

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Table 3. Distribution of Red Ware Variants by Source.

Late Paste Vessels

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tive controls over marketactions. Ongoing compositional

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1920 Industry and Trade. 3rd ed. Macmillan,