TYPEWRITTEN REPORT

The EDSA revolution

A political crisis had gripped the nation since August 21, 19 1983, when Benigno Aquino,
Jr. was assassinated minutes after his return to the Philippines from exile in the United States
and while under military custody. Demonstrations against the "authoritarian" regime of
Ferdinand Marcos escalated in intensity and the "parliament of the streets" became common
occurrences. To defuse the situation and to once again "legitimize" his presidency, Marcos called
for snap presidential elections in February 1986. Marcos and his running mate, Arturo Tolentino,
were proclaimed elected by the Batasang Pambansa, using as basis official results issued by the
Commission on Elections. The opposition LABAN candidates, Cory Aquino, widow of the
assassinated leader, and Salvador Laurel, her running mate, contested the results of the
election, claiming that massive fraud and terrorism were committed by the Marcos machinery.
With the support of the influential Jaime Cardinal Sin and strong American pressure, especially
coming from Congress and the State Department, Marcos was persuaded to yield power, thus
avoiding what might have been a bloody confrontation between Marcos's military supporters
and "people power."

People Power Revolt

Marcos's "superior organizational capability," and machine politics delivered the
elections to him amidst revelations that violence and fraud marked election day. Marcos's
proclamation by the Batasang Pambansa on February 16 did not sound convincing to Cory's
supporters. Cory announced a program of economic boycotts and non-violent actions to
dramatize her posture as the winner betrayed. Before Marcos could be inaugurated President
on February 25th, Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile and Vice Chief of Staff Lt. Gen, Fidel V.
Ramos announced their break with Marcos Enrile was alarmed by reports of pending mass
arrests of Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM) officers and opposition leaders, which he
preempted by gathering some 400 of his men in defensive positions a at Camp Aguinaldo. Enrile
sought Cardinal Sin's support and thousands of people responded to the Cardinal's appeal for
"our two good friends" and began massing outside the rebel camps on EDSA. An estimated one
to two million people converged on Camp Crame and Camp Aguinaldo, immobilizing the military
counter-force that was ordered by Gen. Fabian Ver, Marcos's Chief of Staff, to neutralize the
military rebellion. For four days, from February 22nd to 25th, 1986, "people power" supported
the Enrile-Ramos rebellion which increasingly declared support for Cory Aquino. On February
25th, Corazon Aquino and Salvador Laurel were sworn in as President and Vice-President,
respectively, by Supreme Court Justice Claudio Techankee. Enrile was named Defense Minister
in the new government and Ramos became Armed Forces Chief of Staff. On the same day, at
noon, Ferdinand Marcos took his oath of office in ceremonies at Malacañang Palace, attended
by several thousand flag-waving loyalists. Marcos's running mate, Tolentino, failed to attend the
inaugural. That evening, Marcos could no longer hold on in the midst of people power support
for the new government of Cory Aquino. Under pressure from US Ambassador Stephen
Bosworth and the US government to step down in order to avoid violence, Marcos and his
family left the Palace, accompanied by General Ver and a small number of close supporters and
their personal staff. They were taken to Clark Air Base en route to Hawaii.
 As news of Marcos's flight spread, crowds converged on the palace grounds, chanting
"Cory! Cory! Cory!" and "It's Liberation Day!" As the palace gates were thrown open, thousands
charged into the compound. Some looting was reported but by midnight, tens of thousands
gathered all over the city to pray, cheer, and celebrate. The four days of the February
"Revolution" were marked, by the outpouring of love, anger, hysteria, and courage by a people
desiring for change or renewal. Amidst the euphoria which accompanied the rejection of
Marcos, restoration of the nation had to be undertaken.

After EDSA: The Revolutionary Interlude

President Aquino proceeded to establish a government under the terms of a "Freedom

Constitution" which legally established the structure of government, pending the adoption of a
democratically-drafted constitution for Cory's "Bagong Demokrasya." The new leadership
reorganized the government-it abolished the Batasang Pambansa controlled largely by Marcos
loyalists; it appointed new Supreme Court justices; and it replaced Marcos appointees with
officers-in-charge (OICs). The second step was to take over all monies, assets, properties, and
valuables believed or considered ill-gotten by the Marcos family and cronies. This was effected
through the Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCGG) under former Senator Jovito
R. Salonga, who lost no time sequestering firms, corporations, and businesses with Marcos
connections, this in the light of revelations of the wealth that had been amassed by Marcos and
his cronies, fully one-third of the nation's total resources. revolutionary

The Constitutional Imperative; Problems

To ensure the stability of government, the Aquino administration appointed a

Constitutional Commission in late 1986 to draft a new Constitution. The Constitution thus
drafted, which replaced the "Freedom Constitution," was ratified on February 7, 1987. The
congressional and local elections that followed set up the mechanism of governance based on
popular and democratic mandate.

Stability was elusive for a while. Marco’s loyalists continued to oppose the government,
culminating in an attempt, in July 1987, to establish a rival government at the Manila Hotel, with
Arturo Tolentino as temporary president. This coup failed to unsettle the government.

The more serious threat to the new government came from an attempted coup in
August 1987 led by Col. Gregorio Honasan, who had followed Juan Ponce Enrile in his break
with Marcos in February 1986. Rumors of coups or a take-over of the government by opposition
elements persist, and this plus the tremendous problems of moral and economic recovery, the
NPA and MNLF insurgencies, incompetence and inefficiency, graft and corruption, and the bases
issue continue to confront the Aquino government.