Schulze, Fischer - 2018 - Brazilian History As Global History

Bulletin of Latin American Research, 2018 DOI:10.1111/blar.
12781
Brazilian History as Global History

FREDERIK SCHULZE
Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität Münster, Germany
GEORG FISCHER
Aarhus Universitet, Denmark
The article discusses the relationship between global history and Brazilian
history and suggests an agenda for future research. It argues that global
history scholars could profit from Brazil’s great scholarly tradition, which
conceptualises key topics of global history such as global encounters and
cultural identities, power asymmetries and spatial orders. Scholars inter-
ested in Brazilian history, on the other hand, will find a set of approaches
and questions from a global history perspective helpful for research on
central fields of Brazil historiography such as the coffee economy, scien-
tific racism, the Cold War and the Amazon.
Keywords: Brazil, entangled history, eurocentrism, global history,

globalisation, historiography.
In the past twenty years, global history has emerged as an innovative and influential new
research field. Yet debates about the place of Latin America, and Brazil in particular, in
this field have progressed slowly. In an essay published with Christina Peters in 2013
(Fischer et al., 2013), the authors of this article argued that global interconnections had
shaped the history of Brazil to such a degree that the country’s historiography, from
its very beginnings, could not help but consider them crucial. This particular feature of
Brazilian historiography matters to global historians and may be relevant to the field
at large. Conversely, contemporary Brazilian historiography could equally benefit from
considering approaches from the new global history.
Since 2013, more authors have shared their reflections on the matter, but the debate
has failed to produce tangible results. Since Brown’s (2015) article in the Journal of
Global History, it has been common ground that global history hardly takes notice of
Latin America. Among other reasons, this is due to its origins in British imperial history
and to the dominance of historians of Asia in the field. Since Latin America does not
fit in the dichotomy ‘West-rest’ which is so crucial for global history narratives, it is
often perceived as an appendix of European history or as a victim, as Jeremy Adelman
(2004) noted. Brazilian historians, in turn, had less interest in those debates and engaged
rather with the several generations of Annales scholars and Foucauldian cultural history
(Malerba, 2009: 91–117). Another obstacle for Brazilians to embracing global history
is the lack of funding required for prolonged archival research abroad, as Stella Krepp
and Alexandre Moreli (2017: 245) have underlined. While historians agree about the
problem, they are still undecided as to how to bridge that gap, as a special issue on
© 2018 The Authors. Bulletin of Latin American Research © 2018 Society for Latin American Studies.
Published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK
and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA. 1
Frederik Schulze and Georg Fischer
Brazil and global history of the Revista Brasileira de História (Fortes, 2014) and contri-
butions by Sánchez Román (2017), and Krepp and Moreli (2017) have shown. While
some authors have proposed periodisations that consider Latin America’s integration
into global processes (Acha, 2013: 35–36; Brown, 2015: 377–380), Brazilian and Latin
American history could still reap more important intellectual rewards from the global
turn. In spite of recent concerns expressed by Jeremy Adelman (2017) that global his-
tory might be considered ‘another Anglospheric invention to integrate the Other into a
cosmopolitan narrative on our terms’, we seek to intensify the discussion on both sides.
The aim is, first, to make global history less ‘Anglospheric’ by instilling it with concepts
derived from the Brazilian experience and, second, to enrich Brazilian history with the
tools and approaches of global history.
The term ‘global history’ is an umbrella for different approaches, ranging from older
schools such as Annales, World-Systems Theory and world history, to new perspectives
such as transnational history and scholarship that has emerged in the English-speaking
academic context over the last two decades, decisively influenced by postcolonial stud-
ies (for an overview, see Manning, 2003; Conrad, 2016). While historians of Brazil and
Latin American refer to the older approaches, as did Diego Olstein (2017), this article
embraces an integrative notion of ‘global history’ that explicitly includes recent scholar-
ship, which responds to the methodological nationalism of mainstream historiography
and focuses on entanglements on a global and not just a binational scale. In this broad
sense, global history explores the multiple facets and uneven densities of past global-
isation processes by scrutinising the circulation of actors, commodities and ideas, as
well as the necessary means of transport and communication (Osterhammel and Peters-
son, 2005). It is interested in concrete moments in which the ‘global’ is imagined and
projected or questioned and dismissed. It privileges synchronicity over diachrony and
shared histories over purportedly discrete civilisational complexes. While a topic can
still be local, regional or national, global history is an exercise in constant rescaling that
unlocks new spatial frameworks by tracing connections and considering explanatory
factors whose geographical scale is potentially global and not predetermined. Unlike
world history, a study in global history does not pretend to cover the whole planet.
Interestingly, the nation remains at the centre of many global history accounts, since the
idea of the nation-state spread through globalisation processes, and societies constituted
national identities through encounters. Not every topic, however, can be told as global
history, and the relevance of global perspectives must be made plausible for every case.
As classical themes of global history, Sebastian Conrad (2013: 193–247) has identified
commodity exchange, oceans, migration, imperialism, environment, science and racism.
One of the goals of global history is to reinsert regions that were long confined in the
somewhat marginal field of Area Studies into history and to overcome the privileged
status of the West as the main research subject and driving historical force (Stoler and
Cooper, 1997; Chakrabarty, 2000).
At this point, it is necessary to make a set of concrete suggestions for both global and
Latin American historians about how to overcome the gap between the two fields. This
article aims to provide some ideas by introducing, in the first part, some contributions
from Brazilian theory that could be relevant for global historians and by suggesting
topics and perspectives, in the second part, that might be helpful for historians of Brazil
to develop questions informed by global history perspectives.
Latin America has a long tradition of reflecting on the global (Marquese and Pimenta,
2015). In order to relate those traditions more systematically to the ongoing global his-
tory debate, the first section discusses key contributions from Brazil’s intellectual history
© 2018 The Authors. Bulletin of Latin American Research © 2018 Society for Latin American Studies
2 Bulletin of Latin American Research
that address global encounters and cultural identities, power asymmetries and spatial
orders, themes that are at the heart of the global history debate. The intention is not just
to bring ignored voices back into the debate, as scholars such as Walter Mignolo (1993)
are urging, but also to argue that Brazilian social thought, while being itself a product
of global interactions and knowledge exchange, anticipated aspects of the global history
debate. It therefore illustrates the impracticality of a search for ‘native’ epistemologies
in a global age. Looking at Brazil, we learn that introducing non-Western intellectual
traditions to the global history debate challenges us to engage in a less centred con-
versation without laying claim to intellectual origins. The second section is of a more
applied character and examines the existing scholarship on selected themes in Brazilian
history. It sketches out how the global turn could extend or revise some well-established
historical narratives.
The Global in Brazilian Theory

Global Encounters and Cultural Identities
One of the key tenets of global history is the rejection of primordial identities and the
emphasis on encounters and mutual perceptions as constitutive of the self. Whereas,
for cases like China or Germany, the idea that national identities were results of global
interactions did open new horizons of historical inquiry (Karl, 2002; Conrad, 2010),
encounters and mixture have long figured as central problems in Brazilian social thought.
At least since the mid-nineteenth century, Brazilian intellectuals and European travellers
noted that understanding Brazil meant weighing the roles of European, African and
Indigenous populations in the making of country. Early practitioners of national his-
tory such as Francisco Adolfo de Varnhagen borrowed this idea from Bavarian botanist
Carl F. P. von Martius, who in his foundational Bemerkungen ([1843] 2003) explicitly
recognised each of the groups’ contribution to an essentially mixed Brazilian nation. In
placing the Portuguese contribution at the centre, Martius was still eurocentric, as were
his basic conceptual precepts inspired by Hegelian philosophy of history. However, his
essay showed that from the very beginning of Brazilian historiography, scholars were
aware of the multiple influences that shaped the country’s history.
The global encounters that had shaped Brazil acquired an increasingly racialised
meaning. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Brazilian intellectuals
fervently received European ideas, including scientific racism as formulated by Arthur
de Gobineau and Ludwig Gumplowicz, Gustave Le Bon’s psychology of peoples or
Comtean positivism, and they adapted these theories to local realities. In doing so,
Brazilian elites almost unanimously subscribed to ‘whitening’ theory (branqueamento)
according to which the Brazilian population would gradually lose its African and Indige-
nous heritage through European immigration (Hofbauer, 2006). Generally, ‘mixture’
had a positive connotation but acquired different meanings: Sílvio Romero (1902: 4)
identified biological mestiçagem (mixture) as the central category of Brazilian history,
while he also accepted environmental conditions and ‘foreign imitation’ as agents of mix-
ture. Euclides da Cunha adapted European racial thought in 1902 by ascribing to the
sertanejo (backlander) a hybrid ‘Hercules-Quasimodo’, who had lived for centuries in
the isolation of the hinterland, the status of a genuine ‘race’ (Murari, 2007). He declared
him the only authentic Brazilian who ‘does not exhibit the debilitating rachitic tendencies
of the neurasthenic mestizos of the seaboard’ (da Cunha, [1902] 1944: 89).
Bulletin of Latin American Research 3
Brazilian modernism, an avant-garde movement inspired by European futurism that

hit the limelight at the 1922 Modern Art Week in São Paulo, extended the idea of Brazil’s
hybridity more explicitly to culture. Its most emblematic expression was Oswald de
Andrade’s Antropofagia project, considered by scholars such as Omar Acha (2013: 39),
Ella Shohat and Robert Stam (Santos and Schor, 2012: 15, 24) to be a classic example of
Brazilian thought on hybridity. De Andrade ([1924] 1972) invoked cannibalism, asso-
ciated with Brazil since the early colonial texts, to celebrate the fusion of European,
African and Indigenous elements in Brazilian culture. With the image of the Tupi devour-
ing the European, he caricatured the copying of ‘Western’ culture, while at the same time
reinterpreting it as a productive digestive process which transformed foreign elements
into a new essence.
With his concept of Lusotropicalism, sociologist Gilberto Freyre ([1933] 1946, 1959)
brought about a new understanding of hybridity in Brazil with great repercussions in
international debates on multiracial societies. According to Freyre, a disciple of Franz
Boas at Columbia University, the Portuguese had mixed origins stemming from their
enduring encounters with Arabs and Africans. Hence, Portuguese colonialism had a spe-
cial proclivity toward biological and cultural intermixture. In this interpretation, Brazil
figured as the paradigmatic case of a hybrid lusotropical society (Eakin, 2017). Lusotrop-
icalism rife with cultural essentialisms and trivialised existing racism (Nascimento, 1989;
Andrews, 1996), but still shows parallels to postcolonial and global historical debates
by stressing hybridity and ambivalence in colonial encounters and what Debora Ger-
stenberger (2013: 67) has called the ‘microhistory of globalisation’.
Power Asymmetries
Profoundly influenced by two of its precursors, imperial history and postcolonial stud-
ies, global history has since its inception countered both idealistic narratives of glob-
alisation as homogenisation and critical narratives of colonialism as a unidirectional
European projection. In remapping the multifaceted entanglements between metropoles
and colonies and in dissecting the factors that led to growing inequalities on a global
scale, global history has proved to be particularly sensitive to power asymmetries (Stoler
and Cooper, 1997; Pomeranz, 2000). Power as a relational category has appeared in
Brazilian social thought since the nineteenth century. National history served to distance
Brazil from Portugal and to define it as distinct part of the Americas, despite its obvi-
ous dynastic connections with the Portuguese Crown. In this spirit, von Martius ([1843]
2003) disapproved of European racial theories that were instrumental to the epistemic
power relations between the ‘West’ and the ‘rest’ and tried to find a self-assured position
for the newly independent country, which figured in European discourse as an inferior
backwater largely overlooked by the Weltgeist.
In his A América Latina: males de origem (Latin America: Evils of Origin), pub-
lished in 1905, physician and educator Manoel Bomfim criticised the power asymmetries
between the global North and the global South (Bomfim, [1905], 1993). Bomfim, who
had studied in Paris, argued that postcolonial Latin American societies had internalised
the ‘parasitic’ relationship between colonisers and colonised, the poor and the rich, slaves
and masters. He became a fierce critic of US imperialism in both its open and more
subtle expressions, such as Pan-Americanism. Bomfim’s account of the interdependence
between metropole and colony as well as of the internalisation of exploitation offers
connecting lines to postcolonial theory (Ventura, 2000).
The Antropofagia movement criticised eurocentrism in literature and arts more vehe-
mently. By symbolically eating Western culture and adopting a nationalist rhetoric, its
proponents transformed cannibalism not just into ‘una metáfora vanguardista de choque
con el archivo colonial, la tradición [ … ] y las instituciones académicas’ (‘an avant-garde
metaphor of shock with the colonial archive, tradition [ … ] and academic institutions’),
as Carlos A. Jáuregui (2008: 393) has argued, but also aimed at rethinking global hierar-
chies and Brazil’s subject position in globalisation. Burke and Pallares-Burke (2008: 207)
have further claimed that Freyre’s tropicalisation of sociology represented an attempt at
provincialising Western science.
During the Vargas era, economic and social history became the dominant intellectual
current to account for long-term effects of colonial exploitation. A key work was Caio
Prado Júnior’s The Colonial Background of Modern Brazil ([1942] 1967). As a member
of the Brazilian Communist Party, Prado Júnior was a participant in the international
Communist movement. He helped to stimulate Marxist historiography and interpreted
the socio-economic structures of Brazil until the present as resulting from European
greed, colonial commodity cycles and economic outward orientation.
After the Second World War, the failure of early attempts to protect Latin Amer-
ica’s economies against external shocks by implementing policies of import-substituting
industrialisation inspired intellectuals across the region, and particularly in Brazil, to
develop different lines of critical thinking that became known as dependency theories
and had an impact on the social sciences worldwide, as Dominic Sachsenmaier (2011:
49–50) has observed. Dependency theories encompassed diverse approaches ranging
from the analysis of unequal trade relations, as proposed by CEPAL structuralists, to
orthodox Marxism, all of which pondered the ‘underdeveloping’ effects of global cap-
italism (Love, 1994). However, the different theoretical camps, spanning authors such
as Raúl Prebisch (1950), Andre Gunder Frank (1971), Fernando Henrique Cardoso and
Enzo Faletto ([1969] 1979), differed in focus and interpretation, emphasising terms of
trade, long-term imperialist/capitalist exploitation or dependent-associated development
characterised by an alignment of internal and external interest groups.
Like all big theories of social change, dependencia lost some of its appeal and was fur-
ther blamed for its teleological notion of development and for largely ignoring the agency
of the ‘Third World’ (Menzel, 1991). Yet there are good reasons to integrate depen-
dency theory into global historical analysis. On the epistemological level, dependency
theory criticises eurocentrism and unsettles the diffusionist assumptions of modernisa-
tion theory. On an empirical level, it touches upon issues that have not lost their urgent
character, namely that ‘underdevelopment’ is not simply an indicator of a lack of moder-
nity. In contrast, recent interdisciplinary research such as the Berlin-based Desigualdades
research network has conceived global inequalities as the outcome of economic and cul-
tural entanglements. Further, the reprimarisation of most Latin American economies
under contemporary neo-extractivist regimes has inspired a new wave of research into
and theorising about the local effects of global material flows (Burchardt and Dietz,
2014).
In his influential 1973 essay Misplaced Ideas, Roberto Schwarz transferred the basic
idea of dependency theory to the history of ideas. According to Schwarz, Brazilian elites
used imported ideas such as liberalism in a distorted manner, a form of alienation stem-
ming from the asymmetries between colonial society and the ideas of enlightenment.
In Brazil, ideas became a ‘local and opaque effect of a planetary mechanism’ (Schwarz,
1980: 48), which clearly resembles the postcolonial critique of eurocentrism and West-
ern science. Schwarz attracted criticism early on, since his analysis rested upon a binary
vision of the relationship between colony and metropole (Palti, 2006). Maria Franco
(1976) responded to Schwarz’s dictum by emphasising the systemic connection between
Brazil and Europe in the context of global capitalism. The notion of a shared history
of capitalism then implied that ideas such as equality among citizens were not simply
imported but co-developed, fulfilling specific functions in the Brazilian context.
Space
Traditional political and social history rarely problematise geographical scale. One of
the precepts of global history, therefore, is the questioning of pre-established spatial
orders in order to overcome methodological nationalism and discover new spaces of
interaction (Osterhammel, 2014: 77–113). Already in 1843, Martius understood the
history of Brazil as marked by movements that transcended national boundaries, such
as trade in natural and human commodities, Portuguese imperial expansion in Asia
and Africa, or Catholic orders acting globally. As Gerstenberger (2013: 64) has noted,
Gilberto Freyre (1951) also theorised on transnationality when he proposed research
on ‘trans-national areas’ (Freyre, 1951: 478), regions with similar social structures
such as the ‘patriarchal-slaveholder-monoculture complex’ in Brazil, the US and the
Caribbean, and thus anticipated ideas recently proposed under the banner of shared
history.
In one particular research field, the Brazilian contribution even led to a profound
change of perspective regarding spatial categories: the invention of the ‘South Atlantic’
in Atlantic history. While Atlantic history, a largely European and North Ameri-
can discipline, had included Latin America and Brazil in its new spatial framework
(Russell-Wood, 2009; Brown and Paquette, 2013), the South Atlantic perspective
modified common understandings of the spatial configuration of the Portuguese Empire
by highlighting the importance of trade relations and actor networks between Brazil
and Africa. Decisive for this turn was the interest of Brazilian intellectuals in Brazil’s
‘Africanity’ since the 1960s that was inspired by a reorientation of Brazilian foreign
policy during the era of African independence and the growing importance of African
states in the United Nations (Alberto, 2008; Dávila, 2010). Luiz Felipe de Alencastro
(2000) argued that Brazilian slave traders and their networks contributed to the ‘for-
mation of Brazil in the South Atlantic’. Recent micro-historical studies on ‘Atlantic
communities’ have refined our notion of the South Atlantic as a space of entanglements
by showing, for instance, the repercussions of Brazil’s independence in Angola (Ferreira,
2012: 203–241). While South Atlantic historiography deals with the period in which
the slave trade constituted the key factor for Atlantic biographies, other scholars have
rediscovered a rich history of cultural relations after the abolition of the slave trade. For
example, migration between Bahia and the Bight of Benin was crucial to the formation
of transnational Yoruba identities (Mann and Bay, 2001; Matory, 2005).
Brazil and Global History in Practice

Whereas the previous section has discussed potential Brazilian input to the concep-
tional canon of global history, this next section makes suggestions as to how to apply
global history perspectives to the history of Brazil. It reviews the existing scholarship
on four important themes in Brazilian history, namely the coffee economy, scientific
racism, the Cold War and the Amazon, and identifies possible new research questions.
Recent world history syntheses suggest the global relevance of these topics (McNeill,
2000; Clarence-Smith and Topik, 2003; Westad, 2007; Bethencourt and Pearce,
2012).
The Coffee Economy

Commodities offer creative ways of incorporating Brazil into global history narratives.
A good example is the history of coffee. Coffee was introduced to Brazil in the late
eighteenth century, and by the mid-nineteenth century, coffee production had developed
into the most dynamic sector of the Brazilian economy. In the following decades, Brazil
was the undisputed world market leader – between the 1880s and the 1950s the country
never produced less than half of all coffee traded globally (Topik, 1998). Coffee fuelled
the steep surge of slave imports after Independence, forced the internal reconfiguration
of the slave population after 1850, and demanded mass immigration of Europeans and
Asians from the 1880s onwards.
Although many studies deal with different aspects of the coffee economy, the estab-
lished historiography on Brazil has only partially transcended national borders or the
limits of historiographic sub-disciplines. There is a strong tradition of writing the social
history of the coffee plantation, often on a micro level (Stein, [1957] 1976; Dean, 1976).
Central questions concern the organisation of slavery and the transition from forced to
free labour in the context of European mass immigration (Holloway, 1980; Machado,
1987). First attempts at understanding coffee economies beyond their local and national
contexts consisted in systematic comparisons of different Latin American coffee regions
(Topik, 2000). Many of these comparisons drew inspiration from the dependentistas’
call to inquire into the different modalities of the ‘internalisation of the external’ and,
thus, into the varied local impacts of global change (Roseberry, 1995: 79). Later, new
methods from commodity chains research were introduced into the field, which started
examining in greater detail the economic and cultural connections between producing
regions and outlet markets (Topik and Samper, 2006; Seigel, 2009: 13–66). Further, the
coffee frontier became an important theme in Brazil’s growing environmental histori-
ography, since it was inextricably linked with the destruction of the Atlantic rainforest
(Dean, 1995).
Reassessment and further development of these traditions from a global history
perspective could result in several new questions: can we narrate the history of the
Brazilian coffee plantation as a microhistory of globalisation which connects the
immigration of Japanese and Italians, the circulation of botanical and conservationist
knowledge – including that between the producer regions of the global South – and the
conspicuous consumption of the planter elite based on European consumer goods?
To what extent did the Brazilian elite possess agency, on the one hand, to manipulate
world market prices and, on the other hand, to insert their product into the evolving
consumption patterns of the growing working class and bourgeois society? Is it possible
to follow the trajectory of a coffee bean into the world interweaving the Atlantic rain-
forest, the port of Santos, shipping routes, Hamburg’s coffee roasters, Viennese coffee
houses, advertising in Japanese newspapers and the New York Mercantile Exchange?
Which actors accompanied the bean on this trajectory, presented it at international
exhibitions, placed it on markets? What images of Brazil travelled with it, how were
they influenced by existing Northern stereotypes of Brazil and other producer regions,
and how did they travel back to Brazil?
Scientific Racism
The history of science and medicine is another field in Brazilian historiography to which
global history perspectives can add new insights. Consider the case of scientific racism,
a consequential field of knowledge in Brazil. ‘Modern’ racial categories emerged in
late-eighteenth century Europe and evolved during the nineteenth century into a power-
ful tool to group populations in a hierarchical order and justify European domination.
As these ideas travelled to Brazil, the country’s elite struggled to adapt them to Brazil’s
reality of racial and cultural diversity. Brazil contributed to the global construction
and negotiation of race in different ways, stretching from early modern notions of
race, direct transfers of European scientific racism in the nineteenth century to grad-
ual reformulations, blunt criticism and the subsequent conceiving of counter-models
(Bethencourt and Pearce, 2012).
While early studies interpreted the transfer of racial theories to Brazil as a largely
unidirectional affair (Skidmore, 1993), works by Nancy Leys Stepan (1991) and Lilia
Moritz Schwarcz (1999) emphasised processes of ideological appropriation. George
Reid Andrews (1996) pointed out that the evolution of racist ideology had to be
understood as a bi-directional dialogue between the United States and Brazil. In the
same fashion, historians of science and medicine at the Fundação Oswaldo Cruz in Rio
emphasise the appropriation and advancement of European discourses by Brazilian sci-
entists who participated independently in international discussions (Benchimol, 1999;
Sá and Domingues, 2003). Racial theories further left a deep imprint on migration
policies, as Giralda Seyferth (1996) and Jeffrey Lesser (1999) have demonstrated. In
this context, recent studies by Rogério Dezem (2005) and Frederik Schulze (2016) have
pointed out that global circulations of discourses on ‘perils’ and the rise of new imperial
powers had a lasting impact on Brazilian conceptions of specific immigrant groups.
A global history approach would accentuate the concrete workings of such circu-
lations of racist ideas. What were the important arenas of intellectual exchange and
how did Brazilians operate in them? Can we better understand exclusionary and repres-
sive practices performed by the state and society, which contributed to the stabilisation
of racial hierarchies, for example police violence, labour regimes, urban segregation,
if we conceive them as connected with global conjunctures of colonialism and racism?
How did Brazilian society come to terms with the high noon of European colonialism in
Africa? For instance, did regional identities informed by racist ideology, which Barbara
Weinstein (2015) has examined in São Paulo, refer to a ‘colonial globality’, as Con-
rad (2010) puts it? And what actors, networks or discourses helped Brazil to become
a global reference for a society free of racism after the Second World War, effectively
leaving its subaltern position and becoming the would-be mentor of the West? How did
the lusotropical myth impact anti-colonial movements across Africa and Asia and seg-
regated societies like the US? And vice versa, to what extent did the Brazilian critique of
racism, as articulated by the Black movement, draw inspiration from its entanglements
with the Black Atlantic?
Cold War
Multiple entanglements render the Cold War a rewarding thematic complex for global
history approaches. The period of global bloc confrontation coincided with Brazil’s era
of developmentalism. Prior to the military takeover in 1964, the country was quite open
to socialist ideas, and even though anti-communism was the main tenet of the generals
in power, the regime never acted like a mere puppet of US interests.
Beyond classic diplomatic history, historical studies of Brazil in the Cold War have
examined national politics, with an emphasis on Kubitschek’s developmentalism, polit-
ical conflict under Goulart and political repression under the military regime (Smith,
2010; Bandeira, 2011). Of special interest have been the American support of the
military dictatorship and the circulation of repressive techniques (Fico, 2008). Studies
by James Green (2010) and Christopher Dunn (2001) have examined Brazilians in
exile, their impact on American human rights advocacy networks or their exposure to
cultural influence, as in the case of the Tropicália movement. Andrew Kirkendall (2010)
has written a global biography of the exiled educator Paulo Freire who advised different
governments in countries of the global South on literacy campaigns. Jerry Dávila (2010)
has shown that Brazilian diplomacy in Africa, inspired by Gilberto Freyre, presented
the country as a part of the global South and ultimately supported decolonization, even
alongside Cuba’s expeditionary forces in Angola. Rafael Ioris (2014) has placed the
history of economic planning in the post-war context marked by a global search for
national development paths.
A global history perspective would aim at deepening our understanding of power rela-
tions and agency. Possible new questions include: Can we interpret Brazil in global Cold
War politics as a player ‘in between’ as the country shifted allegiances, but ultimately
adopted a self-assured, independent position? Can this narrative help to break up the
polarity that has long dominated Cold War historiography? What parallels, connections
and conflicts with other countries from the global South, such as India, resulted from this
position? Another set of questions looks beyond the sphere of diplomacy and geopolitics:
Where can we locate Brazil in the networks which transferred techniques of repression
and state violence between France, Latin America and the US? What evidence is there for
Brazil’s role as a pioneer in a cycle of Latin American military dictatorships? And, on the
other side, how were the networks of urban guerrillas, liberation theologians, and global
protest and solidarity movements intertwined? How did the Brazilian experience of
‘rural exodus’ and uncontrolled urbanisation feed into global debates on social inequal-
ity and critiques of modernisation? To what extent did dependencia theories influence the
mutual perception between North and South in concrete cases such as development aid?
The Amazon
At the level of material flows, the Amazon valley was an integral part of late nineteenth-
and early twentieth-century North Atlantic industrialisation and global urbanisation.
However, the rubber economy represented an exceptional case among modern resource
frontiers, since Amazonian extractivism depended on the continued existence of trees.
Belle Époque urban culture in the Amazon emerged in the midst of thick forests criss-
crossed by the narrow paths of the seringueiros (rubber tappers). With the Second World
War, the region experienced a second phase of global insertion. After a short-lived revival
of the rubber economy to supply the allied arsenal of war, the region became the focus
of international science and a strategic element in Brazilian and international visions of
planned development. Since the 1970s, it has been at the centre of global negotiations
over ecology, the limits of growth and Indigenous rights (Hochstetler and Keck, 2007;
Hecht and Cockburn, 2010).
Historians have embedded these threads into global and transnational contexts to
varying degrees. In her social history of the Amazon rubber boom from 1983, Bar-
bara Weinstein (1983) largely focused on labour and trade relations without, however,
transcending the valley’s geographical boundaries. In contrast, transnational and global
connections played an important role both in Warren Dean’s (1987) environmental

history of the rubber cycle and in Greg Grandin’s (2009) acclaimed book on Henry
Ford’s ill-fated rubber empire. Dean highlighted not only transfers of knowledge involv-
ing European scientific institutions, experts, traders and Brazilian state authorities, but
also considered the circulation of seeds and botanical knowledge between Brazil and
South-East Asia. Whereas the wartime mobilisation of an army of ‘rubber soldiers’
had been largely discussed as a national event, Seth Garfield (2013: 7–8) studied the
region’s new meaning as an ‘arsenal for hemispheric defense’ from a transnational per-
spective. Marianne Schmink and Charles H. Wood (1992) described the post-1960 con-
flicts over resources and territories incorporating transnational connections as a strategic
resource of power. Recent studies have explicitly placed the history of conservationism
in the Amazon in a global context: With his analysis of the international reactions to
a Volkswagen-funded cattle farm in Pará, Antoine Acker (2017) has shown a concrete
moment of discursive change, whereas Kevin Niebauer (2016) stresses the importance
of transnational actor networks for the emergence of the idea of a ‘vulnerable’ forest
worthy of preservation.
Although recent debates on biodiversity and climate change naturally treat the Ama-
zon as a region of global relevance, there are still plenty of questions to ask for globally
minded historians. Even well-researched periods such as the Amazonian Belle Époque
could be integrated into new narratives: can the history of rubber connect the social
drama of the seringueiros with an American tyre factory, the armaments race prior to
the First World War, and the emergence of Dutch cycling culture? Research gaps on later
periods almost automatically point to a global scale. In fact, the Amazon valley should
figure prominently in any truly global account of the social and material ramifications
of the Second World War. As to the post-war period, one wonders how postcolonial
states with large tropical rainforests such as Indonesia and Zaire viewed Brazil’s plans
and practices to open up the Amazon. Why did the Amazon, and not other tropical
rainforests in Africa and Asia, turn into a global signifier for ecological catastrophe? Are
these different perceptions the result of a history of specific networks and discursive con-
stellations? What role did the Amazon as a transnational space play in the re-emergence
of Indigenous movements and identities, and what can we learn from this about iden-
tity formation in transnational spaces of postcolonial societies? How did Indigenous
knowledge feed into the environmentalist and scientific networks and influence ideas
about biodiversity and deep ecology? In addition, the commodity chains that triggered
the great acceleration in Amazonian deforestation since the 1970s are as yet largely
ignored. What is the relationship between different scales and flows, such that between
the spatial dislocation of the Southern Brazilian timber industry and the world markets
for meat and animal feedstuff? How can we write a history of Amazonian ‘develop-
ment’ combining histories of knowledge, technology and infrastructure by, for instance,
focusing on technological artefacts such as the chain saw or satellite images?
Conclusion
As global history has arrived in the mainstream and tends to lose some of its revo-
lutionary aura, looking at Brazil offers a possibility to advance the discussion while
responding to the mounting criticism of global history’s Anglospheric inclinations. This
includes a recognition of the global co-production of knowledge about culture and
society which connects Western and non-Western canonical authors. Modern Brazilian
thinkers actively participated in international scientific circles, reflected on globalisation

experiences and interpreted Brazil’s national identity as a result of cultural encounters
and power asymmetries. They mapped out spatial orders beyond the nation-state such
as maritime contact zones. They grappled with the evasiveness of a society, which, in
its cultural and ethnic diversity as well as social inequality, defied clear-cut categories
and occupied an in-between position in the global geopolitics of power, knowledge and
Westernness, a position that could range from subalternity to self-assured agency.
A global history approach should be aware of multiple historiographical traditions
and make use of primary sources from different world regions, engaging in conver-
sations with other research contexts and critically reflecting on its own ‘centrisms’.
Historians must beware of perpetuating classic casts and scripts that order the world
in preconceived centres and peripheries or in original and copy. At the same time,
they need to remain sensitive to the unequal distribution of power and thus reassess
agency according to each situation. Furthermore, Brazil’s political, social, cultural
and economic in-betweenness reminds us that global history cannot be reduced to the
interaction between great civilisational complexes. On the contrary, Brazilian history
has seen the emergence of multiple centres and peripheries, copying and inventing, and
leads us to both the global North and to the global South. Therefore, global history
should continue expanding its geographical scope in favour of alternative spaces such
as non-European centres, new contact zones like the South Atlantic and geopolitical
imaginaries such as the global South.
Global history, in turn, has the potential to enrich Brazilian history. As the four the-
matic surveys have suggested, perspectives that transcend the nation-state and open up
new spaces of inquiry can shed new light upon the formation of Brazilian society and
identities in a global context as well as Brazil’s role in globalisation processes. These
perspectives operate on different scales: local history, with its strong tradition in Brazil,
for instance, might be framed as a micro-history of globalisation, retracing encounters
of people, circulation of knowledge and commodity exchange. On a translocal scale,
commodity chain research, which is particularly well-suited for an extractivist econ-
omy like Brazil, can connect sites of production, transport and consumption. Bodies of
knowledge such as, for instance, repression techniques or liberation strategies challenge
historians to follow actors and ideas around the globe and demonstrate the relevance
of their movements, connections and networks for historical change. Imagined geogra-
phies constitute another relevant scale of analysis. Historical actors thought about the
global condition and opened up new spaces of action by redefining their position in the
world. Often this implied reasoning about their own agency and Brazil’s insertion in
international power relations.
A rapprochement between Brazilian and global history may result not only in a better
contextualisation of Brazilian history, but also in a stronger presence of Brazil in the field
of global history. For further discussion, it would be fruitful to bring in the experiences of
other Latin American countries, an endeavour that might further deconstruct or stabilise
Latin America as a region of shared histories.
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Bulletin of Latin American Research, 2018 DOI:10.1111/blar.

Brazilian History as Global History

Keywords: Brazil, entangled history, eurocentrism, global history,

The Global in Brazilian Theory

Brazilian modernism, an avant-garde movement inspired by European futurism that

Brazil and Global History in Practice

The Coffee Economy

connections played an important role both in Warren Dean’s (1987) environmental

thinkers actively participated in international scientific circles, reflected on globalisation

Eakin, M. (2017) Becoming Brazilians: Race and National Identity in Twentieth-Century

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