Anthropology Now

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Middle-Class Compassion and Man Boobs

Thaïs Machado-Borges

To cite this article: Thaïs Machado-Borges (2013) Middle-Class Compassion and Man Boobs,
Anthropology Now, 5:2, 1-09, DOI: 10.1080/19492901.2013.11728396
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features
Middle-Class Compassion
and Man Boobs
Thaïs Machado-Borges
I n March 2011, one of Brazil’s leading
newspapers declared, “Man boobs are
the nightmare of 65 percent of boys aged 14
to 15.” The article, about the increased de-
mand for plastic surgery to remedy the ap-
pearance of breasts on young men, quoted a
plastic surgeon interviewed on the topic
who explained the boob-boom by pointing
out that people care about their boys:
“There is no reason to let the kids suffer.”1
Suzana, a 50-year-old civil servant and
the person from whose point of view this
story is partially told, couldn’t agree more:
“Why suffer when plastic surgery could
solve it?”
It was a Friday afternoon and she just had
time to get home from her weekly visit to
the local hairdresser—buying bread,
cheese, and ham on her way. With its newly
highlighted strands, her now salt-and-pep-
per and golden hair was blow-dried and her
fingernails were freshly painted red. Suzana
announced that she was going to the bus
station to pick up Tião. She asked Roberto,
her youngest son, if he’d like to go with her.
Tião, the young man waiting at the bus sta-
tion, was 17—one year older than Roberto
—and lived in Pilar, a small village on the
southeastern coast of Brazil, where Suzana’s
family had a summer house.
Thaïs Machado-Borges
The income of Tião’s family depended a
great deal on the summer vacation season,
when the arrival of tourists like Suzana and
her family increased the population of the
village to at least four times its normal size.
Tião’s father worked on house maintenance.
During holidays and vacations, he worked
as a plumber and electrician, helping the
tourists out with problems. Tião’s mother
helped the summer families with cooking,
cleaning, washing, and other household
tasks. During summers and holidays, Tião
and his three siblings all worked on the
beach. His elder brother and sister waited
on customers at one of the several bars
along the beach. Tião and a younger brother
sold homemade popsicles to sunbathing
tourists. They worked every day, from morn-
ing to early evening. After his working hours
Tião would go to Roberto’s home. They
would go out to the central avenue, where
all the young tourists gathered to party at
night.
Roberto was a middle-class boy who
hated going to school but was forced to by
his mother, Suzana, and his father. They told
him repeatedly that if he didn’t finish school
he would be nothing. Roberto saw his vaca-
tions in Pilar as a kind of paradise on Earth:
no school, a beach, and an easy-going at-
mosphere quite different from the one he
experienced daily in the big city where he
lived.
Why suffer when plastic surgery
could solve it?
Middle-Class Compassion and Man Boobs 1
 So now Tião was coming to Roberto’s ac-
tual home. Suzana explained to me that he
was not just coming to pay her son a visit.
Tião was going to have an operation. When
I asked if it was something serious, she reas-
sured me:
No, he’s just going to have his chest oper-
ated on. You see, he accumulates fat under
his breasts, so they’re getting bigger than
they should be. He was starting to feel em-
barrassed. I noticed last season, when we’d
meet him on the beach. It was so hot but
he was always wearing a T-shirt, and he
was walking with his shoulders hunched
forward and down, as if he wanted to hide
something. I commented on that to
Roberto, who then told me that Tião was
indeed very ashamed, because his flat
chest had developed what looked like the
breasts of a young teenage girl. When
Roberto told me that, I went to talk to Tião
and explained to him that this was ab-
solutely common. I told him that both of
my sons had already had this problem. I
also told him not to worry, and I sat down
with his parents to talk about an operation.
I really wanted to help them with that.
I wondered then if this really was some-
thing common, or if Suzana was just trying
to make Tião feel better about his body.
Suzana told me, vehemently, “No, really, it’s
very common. Both Roberto and Paulo [her
older son] have had the same problem. They
were operated on when they were like 12 or
13.”
Suzana’s husband reinforced his wife’s
evidence: “I’ve got two nephews who had
the same problem and they both underwent
2 anthropology NOW
an operation. It’s very complicated for a
young man to have this kind of problem, so
it’s good that one can do something about
it.”
“But what kind of operation is it?” I asked
Suzana. She replied that it was a simple op-
eration done with local anesthesia:
The procedure doesn’t take too long, and
afterwards you have to follow almost the
same recommendations that women who
get a breast reduction do. You have your
chest covered with a bandage for a few
weeks, and you can’t go around waving
your arms or carrying heavy things. There
are people who have to be operated on
twice. Sometimes the breasts reappear a
few years after the operation.
Diagnoses, Class, and Compassion
Gynecomastia, or the excessive develop-
ment of breasts in men, is the scientific
name of what Tião was going to remedy
through surgery. The breasts increase in size
either due to hormonal alterations causing
an accumulation of fat tissue under the nip-
ple area, or due to the use of drugs and
steroids. According to a Brazilian medical
website,2 most cases of gynecomastia hap-
pen during puberty. This site estimates that
up to 65 percent of male adolescents be-
tween 14 and 15 years of age present mani-
festations of gynecomastia. This condition
tends to disappear naturally as the adoles-
cents become older, and it is estimated that
by the age of 17, only 7 percent of the male
population still presents signs of breast de-
velopment. These numbers increase again
Volume 5 • Number 2 • September 2013
with aging. There are, still according to this
same site, different kinds of techniques for
operating on developed male breasts. The
most common is liposuction.
The information I found in scientific arti-
cles and in popular texts about gynecomas-
tia, or “man boobs,” in Brazilian print and
digital publications raised interesting an-
thropological questions: What is considered
to be a normal male body when approxi-
mately 65 percent of male adolescents are
said to present manifestations of gyneco-
mastia?
One thing is clear: no matter how com-
mon gynecomastia might be, it is described
as unwanted and problematic—“the night-
mare of 65 percent of boys.” Normalcy, to
repeat what other social scientists have
stated, is not only a neutral description of a
common way of being, it is also a represen-
tation of an ideal and the endpoint of en-
couraged transformations.
By establishing gynecomastia as a com-
mon problem and by providing plastic sur-
gery as an immediate solution to it, an ideal
norm about how young Brazilian men
should look is reinforced, even if in the neg-
ative form: men should not have breasts.
One can now wonder: how are these
practices of diagnosing and treating “deviat-
ing” bodies linked to a Brazilian context of
social inequality?
The preoccupation of Brazilians with the
body and physical appearance is remark-
ably palpable and present in contemporary
everyday life. This preoccupation is not sim-
ply the reflection, at a local level, of a
global fixation on bodies and beauty. Brazil,
at the end of the 1990s, was the fourth-
largest consumer of cosmetic products in
Thaïs Machado-Borges
Every year, since the turn of the
21st century, around half a million
Brazilians have undergone some
kind of plastic surgery. Eighty
percent of them are women.
the world. Brazilians are also one of the
largest consumers of diet medicine in the
world.3 During the 1980s Brazil occupied a
leading position in the development of cer-
tain cosmetic surgical techniques that con-
tinue to be practiced today. In fact, far from
being a recently established practice, Brazil-
ian cosmetic surgery has a history of more
than 150 years. A Brazilian news magazine
estimated an increase of 580 percent in the
number of plastic surgeries in the country
between 1990 and 2000.4 Every year, since
the turn of the 21st century, around half a
million Brazilians have undergone some
kind of plastic surgery. Eighty percent of
them are women.5 Aesthetic preoccupations
are also tucked into other medical practices:
The percentage of women who underwent
Caesarian sections in Brazil amounted to
36.4 percent in 1996—one of the highest
rates in the world. Elective Caesarian births
are related to socioeconomic class, urban-
ity, cultural beliefs about birth, pain man-
agement, and concerns about sexual func-
tion and appearance after birth.6 As a matter
of fact, Suzana has contributed to these sta-
tistics: In the course of her life to date, she
had undergone three planned C-sections,
an eyelid lift, permanent eyelid and eye-
brow makeup, and uncountable diets.
Middle-Class Compassion and Man Boobs 3
 Remember that all these practices take
place in a country ranked among the top ten
in the world both when it comes to wealth
and to unequal income distribution. Within
this context of pervasive social inequality
and urban insecurity, the body and its ap-
pearance are just the right arenas for estab-
lishing social hierarchies. Beauty, cleanli-
ness, and other easily naturalized aspects
such as tastes, preferences, and feelings
work both as ways to maintain and increase
social differences, and as means to assert
personal value and attain (or aspire to) cer-
tain kinds of social visibility.
Indeed, if we return to Suzana’s initial di-
agnosing of Tião’s problem, made at the
beach, under bright sunlight, we can clearly
see interplay between gender and class is-
sues. First, socioeconomic class is mani-
fested in the lack of versus access to knowl-
edge: Not only did Suzana know what was
afflicting Tião (something she assumed his
parents did not know/did not notice—in
Portuguese “nem sabiam direito” 7), but she
also had a medical name for this “condi-
tion.” Moreover, she knew how middle- and
upper-middle-class people treated it, and
she had the means to help Tião solve his
problem: surgery.
Surgical technology—used in this case to
treat gynecomastia—is associated with
modern, expensive practices and with par-
ticular kinds of consumers: wealthier young
men. So Tião traveled from Pilar (a small,
peripheral town) to Belo Horizonte (a big
city) to go through a surgical procedure that
is practiced among middle- and upper-
middle-class young men (Suzana’s sons had
had it; her husband’s nephews had had it).
Tião’s masculinity was not endangered by
4 anthropology NOW
the diagnosis of gynecomastia because it
was going to be corrected through a prac-
tice that only privileged people (in terms of
class and in terms of social networks) could
afford to have.
Moreover, surgical technology is pre-
sented as an immediate solution to a physi-
cal problem. Situated within a Brazilian
context of social inequality, this immediacy
in receiving a treatment, in solving a prob-
lem, and in not “letting the kids suffer” is
also class bounded.
A class- and gender-inflected economy of
compassion is crystallized in Suzana’s ac-
tions and articulated by the plastic surgeon
quoted above. Of course, compassion is not
plucked out of thin air.
Consider, for a moment, a snapshot of
the historical trajectory of the abnormal or
physically deviant body. Brazilian medicine
in the colonial and post-colonial period
(18th, 19th, and early 20th centuries) was
heavily influenced by European trends and
ideologies. From being seen as a “monstros-
ity” in 18th- and 19th-century Europe and
met with burlesque curiosity as a living
spectacle of the bizarre, the abnormal body
was gradually being met, by the end of the
19th century, with another kind of feeling:
compassion. Scientific discoveries and liter-
ary and aesthetic expressions were starting
by this time to emphasize the human (not
monstrous) character of abnormal bodies.
This trend was reinforced with the advent of
the two world wars and the number of muti-
lated, injured, and deviating bodies of post-
war times.
Launched massively, an economy of com-
passion encouraged individuals to recognize
a person, a human being, or an equal be-
Volume 5 • Number 2 • September 2013
yond physical deviance. Curious gazes once
explicitly cast at these bodies were now
considered signs of bad, inappropriate be-
havior. Only medical curiosity was deemed
acceptable. Deficiencies and disabilities
were to be medically treated and compen-
sated for. The adequate bourgeois feeling to-
wards deviant bodies should be compas-
sion, not curiosity (see Courtine 2006).
Compassion, following the work of other
social scientists, derives from power rela-
tions between people occupying unequal
social positions, and it works as a means to
express and reinforce these very relations. It
has a micro-political capacity as it demar-
cates borders and social groups.8
Compassion should also be contextual-
ized here within a Brazilian historical set-
ting of social inequality.
The most frequent way social scientists
synthesize structures, values, representa-
tions, practices, and institutions of past and
present Brazilian society is through a
dilemma where universalism and equality
clash and fuse with particularism and hier-
archy. The heritage of Portuguese coloniza-
tion (1500−1822) and of centuries of slave
traffic and slavery (abolished only in 1888)
merged, during the process of the formation
of a Brazilian nation in the 19th century,
with liberal ideas coming from Europe and
the United States.
The country was thus caught in a struggle
between a universalistic system of ideas with
formal rules and laws that should be appli-
cable to all members of society and a set of
unwritten, naturalized practices centered on
personal relationships and hierarchies.
Liberalism’s institutional and legal appa-
ratuses were introduced in a slavery-based
Thaïs Machado-Borges
system, thus establishing “radical freedom
for the elites, with no counterpart whatso-
ever of equality for the rest of the excluded
population” (Vaitsman, 2002:39, my trans-
lation).
The excluded part of the population
could have access to institutions, privileges,
or even the legal system only through medi-
ation—that is, through personal relation-
ships with people situated higher up in the
social hierarchy. Practices based on al-
liances—favors, symbolic kinship ties, and
client-patron relationships—were and still
are mechanisms used to attain mediation.
Contemporary relationships between
wealthier and poorer Brazilians are thus
also established in contradictory terms:
avoidance and dependency; compassion
and contempt; affection and servility. Tião,
popsicle seller, son of Suzana’s house
helpers, becomes friends with Roberto,
Suzana’s son. This friendship is allowed be-
cause Suzana sees Tião’s parents as honest
and hard-working employees. This friend-
ship, moreover, increases Tião’s visibility as
a person in the eyes of Suzana and her fam-
ily: He is no longer just a poor kid like so
many others; he is Roberto’s friend. Com-
passion grows in this web of established
asymmetrical alliances.
Even when lazily sunbathing, glass of
ice-cold beer in hand, against the noisy
background of Brazilian pop music coming
from the loudspeakers of competing beach
bars, Suzana answers to the calls of this in-
herited economy of compassion and sees
Tião as someone in need of help: Even be-
fore it gets struck by the curious gaze of oth-
ers, Suzana dislocates Tião’s body from the
hot beach sand and moves it to the air-
Middle-Class Compassion and Man Boobs 5
conditioned privacy of a clinic for cosmetic
surgery.
Once the Procedure Is Done …
Pieces of Advice and
Recommendations
A few days after Tião arrived in Belo Hori-
zonte, I invited Suzana’s family and Tião to
my apartment for a lanchinho (an evening
snack). Wearing a pair of shorts and a white
T-shirt, his pitch-dark hair newly washed, he
greeted me with a friendly smile. We talked
about several things, but not about the oper-
ation. Since he did not bring the subject up,
neither did I. However, a day or two later, I
was running some errands in Suzana’s
neighborhood and decided to say hello. I
met Tião sitting at the dinner table with its
waxed tablecloth. He was bare-chested and
had a bandage around his chest.
Tião was talkative, relaxed, and had a
good appetite. He made himself a ham,
cheese, and burger sandwich (Suzana’s
evening meal specialty at the time) and
topped the combination with batata-palha
(finely grated fried potatoes). And he said to
all of us who were sitting around the table:
Oh, God! I’m so relieved now that I’ve had
the procedure! I was nervous about it, but
it didn’t hurt at all. And now I just feel re-
lieved. I’ll have to have this bandage on for
a while, and then I’ll go back to the doctor
to get the stitches taken out.”
A beaming Suzana asked Tião if his trip
to Belo Horizonte was worthwhile. Tião an-
swered, “Yes! I wasn’t feeling OK, you
6 anthropology NOW
know, having those things. … I mean, I was
used to going bare-chested and I couldn’t
do that anymore. It was weird.” By affirming
his recent-but-now-past physical deviancy,
Tião is not only showing his awareness of
mainstream ideals of masculinity in Brazil
but also making sure that all those sitting
around the table understood that he stuck to
these ideals.
Suzana’s rhetorical question can be inter-
preted in the light of the previously men-
tioned idea of an economy of compassion.
As it was, her effort is recognized by Tião,
who confirms through his answer that she
was his benefactor and that her gesture
made a change in his life.9 By helping Tião,
Suzana was also, in a sense, reinforcing and
maintaining her position as a middle-class
woman, a compassionate woman who
chooses to help someone by giving him the
chance to modify his body.
After one or two more weeks in the big
city, Tião was determined to start looking for
a job. Suzana commented to me that she
had talked to Tião and explained to him that
he could stay and try to find a job. But he
would also have to study: “Because if you
don’t study, Tião, you can’t progress. So, you
stay, work during the day, and study at night.
I will help you.”
Suzana would talk to Tião’s parents and
try to explain the situation. “You see,” she
explained to me, “I like Tião almost as a
son. I’ve known him since he was a little
boy. And I want to give him the opportunity
to have a better life. A life different from the
one he lives in Pilar.” Tião’s access to a bet-
ter life, a life with middle-class privileges, is
not only facilitated, however, but also con-
trolled by his middle-class pseudo-family.10
Volume 5 • Number 2 • September 2013
As it turns out, Suzana did not hide her dis-
may when Tião came with a suggestion for a
possible job: “I talked to some men who
load and unload groceries at the central
market, and they told me I could try getting
a job there.” Probably postponing yet an-
other lecture on desirable aims and ambi-
tions in life, she simply answered, “Yes …
we’ll talk about work possibilities later on.”
When Suzana contacted Tião’s parents
about his moving in with her family in Belo
Horizonte, the parents did not agree. Tião’s
father argued that the family still needed his
labor. A few days after his stitches were re-
moved, Tião was sitting on a bus, headed
unwillingly back to Pilar.
Anchored to a context of social inequal-
ity, Tião’s story illustrates the centrality of
bodies and physical appearances in Brazil-
ian society. Beyond that, it shows how a
compassionate action grown out of estab-
lished but asymmetric relationships gets re-
formulated into a practice of diagnosing and
treating a “deviating body.” In times of wide
social inequalities and global anxieties
about the body, Tião’s story of middle-class
compassion and man boobs contributes to
understanding some of the mechanisms
linking bodies, medical procedures, and so-
cial hierarchies.
By looking at the way cosmetic surgeries
sculpt bodies, one might be able to chart a
kind of map of social space, identifying
Orchestrated by a middle-class
fairy godmother, Tião’s case maps
and makes gender and class ideals.
Thaïs Machado-Borges
bodies whose status invites or encourages
transformation and flight, and those that
constitute the desired direction or endpoint
of that flight. By transforming his body, Tião
was adapting himself to mainstream ideals
about masculinity. His breasted experience
confused and embarrassed him: “I wasn’t
feeling OK, you know, having those things.
… I mean, I was used to going bare-chested,
and I couldn’t do that anymore. It was
weird.”
Tião’s case also shows, through the figure
of Suzana, how women participate in the
construction and “correction” of male bod-
ies and masculinities.11 As we’ve seen,
Tião’s body is corrected through plastic sur-
gery. This raises some questions left open for
debate: Are mothers, sisters, girlfriends, and
female employers who came of age during
the “Plastic Fantastic” era less reluctant to
recommend surgery to the boys they don’t
want to see suffering? Is this pointing toward
a generational shift regarding attitudes to-
ward men as consumers of plastic surgeries?
Orchestrated by a middle-class fairy god-
mother, Tião’s case maps and makes12 gen-
der and class ideals. His surgery did not
transform him into a middle-class young
man. However, by undergoing the proce-
dure, Tião experienced middle classness
from up close.
Worlds apart from Pilar, he could get a
taste of what Pilar’s summer tourists do
when they are not sunbathing at the beach:
after a few days in Belo Horizonte, Tião
started wearing his “Pilar clothes” (shorts,
sleeveless T-shirts, and flip-flops) only at
home and changed to a pair of jeans, a T-
shirt, and sneakers whenever he went out.
His contacts with Suzana’s family, with the
Middle-Class Compassion and Man Boobs 7
hospital staff, with the medical jargon, his
physical transformation (and its making it
temporarily impossible for him to engage in
physical work), and all the other experi-
ences he went through during his four-week
stay in Belo Horizonte crystallize the inter-
play of bodily practices, compassion, gen-
der, class, and social inequality in contem-
porary southeastern Brazil.
Notes
1. FolhaOnline, March 21, 2011: http://
www1.folha.uol.com.br/folhateen/891667-ter
-peitinhos-e-o-pesadelo-de-65-dos,meninos-de
-14-e-15-anos.shtml, accessed March 31, 2011.
2. In http://boasaude.uol.com.br, “Gineco-
mastia,” accessed November 15, 2006. These de-
scriptions were corroborated by several websites
and articles on the topic. See, for instance: http://
www.cirurgia-plastica.com/ginecomastia/; http://
www.fitcorpus.com.br/?s-MjM-&p-Mg-&x-NDY
-&c-GINECOMASTIA; http://cirurgiaplasticaelo.
blogspot.com/2008/09/ginecomastia-cirurgia-
para-retirada-da.html; http://www.plasticamonte
negro.com.br/cirurgias-plasticas/mamas/gineco
mastia-mamas-masculina.htm; http://www.plas
ticsurgery.org/Patients_and_Consumers/Proce
dures/Cosmetic_Procedures/Breast_Reduction_
for_Men.html (for a North American site on the
topic).
3. In: http://www.reuters.com/article/2007/03/
01/us-brazil-drugs-diet-idUSN012110702007
0301, accessed March 28, 2011.
4. Veja, January 17, 2001, no. 1683. “Brasil,
império do Bisturi.”
5. SBCP and Data Folha, 2009. Cirurgia Plás-
tica no Brasil. In http://www2.cirurgiaplastica
.org.br/index.php?option=com_jforms&view=
form&id=1&Itemid=212, requested on Decem-
ber 2010.
8 anthropology NOW
6. In: http://www.suite101.com/content/c-
section-rate-in-brazil-36-of-births-a172360, ac-
cessed March 15, 2011.
7. The expression “nem sabiam direito” might
indicate that the parents hardly knew what was
bothering their son or that they hardly noticed
that he was bothered. Its vagueness in meaning
might hide implicit middle-class understandings
of poor working-class parents and their supposed
lack of knowledge and lack of time and energy to
spend with their children. For a discussion on
class understandings of childhood in Brazil, see
Donna Goldstein, Laughter out of Place. Race,
Class, Violence and Sexuality in a Rio Shanty-
town (Berkeley: California University Press,
2003).
8. For more on compassion, emotions, and
social inequalities, see Sandra Caponi, “A Lógica
da compaixão,” Trans/Form/Ação, 1999, 21/22:
91–117 and Maria Claudia Coelho, “Narrativas
da violência: A dimensão micropolítica das emo-
ções,” Mana, 2010, 16(2): 265–285.
9. Courtine (2006:468, my translation) ob-
serves how contemporary media, every once in a
while, mount heavy celebrations of medicine’s
all-embracing power by indulging viewers and
readers with the sighing feeling of Western com-
passion toward bodies with various kinds of de-
viations. As he puts it, “The South offers monsters
and suffering, the North offers expertise and
compassion, and Federal Express pays the (pa-
tient’s) return ticket.”
10. For a discussion on class, ethnicity, and
affection in the relationship between domestic
workers and their employers, see Mary Romero’s
“Life as the Maid’s Daughter: An Exploration of
the Everyday Boundaries of Race, Class, and
Gender,” in M. Romero, P. Hondagneu-Sotelo,
and V. Ortiz (eds.), 1997. Challenging Fronteras:
Structuring Latinas and Latino Lives in the U.S.
New York: Routledge, pp. 195–209.
11. In an essay about the development of re-
search on masculinities, Connell and Messer-
Volume 5 • Number 2 • September 2013
schmidt (2005:848) suggest that “[f]ocusing only
in the activities of men occludes the practices of
women in the construction of gender among
men. As is well-known by life-history research,
women are central in many of the processes con-
structing masculinities—as mothers; as school
mates; as girlfriends, sexual partners, and wives;
as workers in the gender division of labor, and so
forth.”
12. I borrow this expression and reasoning
from Durham (2005:208), when she suggests that
the body is “a site of social making, and not just
mapping.”
References
Connell, R. W., and J.W. Messerschmidt. 2005.
“Hegemonic Masculinity: Rethinking the Con-
cept.” Gender & Society, 19(6):829–859.
Courtine, J. J. 2006. Déviances et Dangerosités.
In Corbin, A., J. J. Courtine, and G. Vigarello
(eds.). Histoire du Corps. Vol. 3. Les Mutations du
Regard. Le XXe siècle. Paris: Seuil, 201–260.
Durham, D. 2005. Did You Bathe This Morning?
Baths and Morality in Botswana. In A. Masque-
Thaïs Machado-Borges
lier (ed.), Dirt, Undress, and Difference: Critical
Perspectives on the Body’s Surface. Bloomington
and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 190–
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Vaitsman, J. 2002. “Desigualdades sociais e duas
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46.
Thaïs Machado-Borges is an anthropologist and
research fellow at the Institute of Latin American
Studies, Stockholm University, Sweden. She is
the author of Only for You! Brazilians and the Te-
lenovela Flow (2003), and has written articles in
scholarly journals and popular magazines on
topics such as media and transgression, cosmetic
surgery, and practices of body modification
among Brazilian women. She is currently re-
searching the topic of garbage, social inequality,
consumption, and citizenship among urban
women in southeastern Brazil. Her research on
physical modifications in Brazil was financed by
the Swedish Research Council (Vetenskapsrådet).
She may be reached at thais.machadoborges@
lai.su.se
Middle-Class Compassion and Man Boobs 9