Professional Documents
Culture Documents
AmeriCorps
According to Frumkin and colleagues (2009, p. 395), “AmeriCorps, a national program
administered by CNCS, provides grants to public and nonprofit organizations to support
community service. AmeriCorps comprises three major programs: AmeriCorps State and
National, AmeriCorps VISTA, and AmeriCorps National Civilian Community Corps
(NCCC).” AmeriCorps State and National and NCCC programs focus largely on direct
service provision. In contrast, VISTA is more decentralized, focused on building capacity in
local communities through individuals or small groups. Individuals learn about AmeriCorps
programs through various routes, including public service announcements, social media, and
formal (e.g., college) and informal networks.
One of the goals of AmeriCorps is to enable those who want to serve to do so. Thus attempts
are made to remove barriers and to be inclusive. To counterbalance 1 year of full-time
service, AmeriCorps members, often referred to as Corps members, obtain job and life skills
training, a yearly living stipend ($10,900 to $21,800, depending on the program), health
benefits, child care benefits, training, and forbearance of student loans (the interest for which
is forgiven upon the completion of service) (Finlay et al., 2011). Often, they do not receive
room and board, but many programs have access to resources and networks that can support
members in meeting these needs.
Education Award. To counterbalance 1 year of full-time or continual part-time service,
AmeriCorps participants obtain an education award that can be used to repay qualified
student loans or toward higher education or vocational training. The education award must be
used within 7 years of receipt (Abt Associates, 2008). In alignment with policies guiding
federal financial aid distribution, however, members with convictions on their records,
including a drug charge such as possession, cannot lawfully use their education awards.
Corps members are eligible for the education award if they successfully completed their term
of service or left for a compelling reason. Opportunities exist for alternative uses of the
education award, although currently these alternatives apply only for members over age 55.
According to Abt Associates (2011, p. 2), “The 2009 Edward M. Kennedy Serve America
Act made changes to the maximum amount of the education award. The amount is now tied
to the maximum amount of the U.S. Department of Education's Pell grant. For terms of
service that are supported using 2009 (or earlier) funds the award continues to be $4,725 for a
year of full-time service, and is prorated for part-time service based on that full-time amount.
For terms of service that are supported with 2010 funds, the award value increases to
$5,350.”
Qualified educational institutions around the country can contribute matching grants (varying
in maximum amounts and restrictions) to AmeriCorps members that apply their education
award to tuition and qualified expenses, as determined by the school's financial aid
department. For example, the University of Arizona offers 2 years of base tuition costs to
former AmeriCorps members, but only for those who have served in the University of
Arizona Cooperative Extension's AmeriCorps and VISTA projects. The list of schools
providing such benefits is available on the AmeriCorps website (CNCS, 2014d).
AmeriCorps State and National Program. As described by Frumkin and colleagues (2009,
p. 397), “AmeriCorps State and National is by far the largest of the AmeriCorps programs,
supporting participants through a network of local community-based organizations,
educational institutions, and other agencies. One-third of AmeriCorps State and National
grant funds are distributed according to a population-based formula to governor-appointed
state service commissions, which in turn make grants to local nonprofits and public
agencies.” AmeriCorps State and National members are enlisted by sponsoring agencies such
as nonprofits, educational institutions, and other organizations to work toward addressing
local community needs (Frumkin et al., 2009). Organizations receiving AmeriCorps funds are
required to obtain up to 48 percent matching funds. Some intermediary and sponsoring
agencies acquire this money through a site matching contribution, while others use private
philanthropic or state-granted dollars.
There are approximately 500,000 applications per year for approximately 80,000 AmeriCorps
positions (many of which are part time) (CNCS, 2014a). Because an individual can apply to
up to 10 sites, however, these application data include some duplication of cases. Currently,
about 15,000 members serve full time, with more than 60,000 more serving in part time or
education award-only positions across the country. Note that an increase in part-time
positions is a significant change. According to the national longitudinal study summarized
below, during the 1999-2000 program year, approximately 75 percent of members served full
time (Abt Associates, 2004). This change can be attributed to the development of various
models designed to be flexible so as to fit both the interests and needs of members and the
community. For example, individuals may be serving “full time,” as in 40 hours per week of
service that is recognized and supported by AmeriCorps, but only for several months during
the summer for national parks maintenance or during the school year for educational support.
AmeriCorps members may opt to serve for a maximum of four terms of service. However,
members are eligible only for the total equivalent of two education awards, or $11,290 (as of
2014) (CNCS, 2014c). The minimum requirement for eligibility is that an individual be a
U.S. citizen, national, or lawful resident alien aged 17 or older. Although there is no age
limit, most participants are young adults. AmeriCorps programs vary in their expectations
and requirements for incoming members.
Many, although not all, AmeriCorps members serve in teams and address community needs
in collaboration with agencies at the state and local levels and nonprofit organizations
(CNCS, 2014a). Examples of AmeriCorps members' work range from providing
transportation to medical appointments for elderly residents, to doing house repairs, to
assisting teachers in elementary schools. The 2009 Edward M. Kennedy Serve America Act
expanded the kinds of service to include areas of the environment, homeland security and
first responders, and health.
Participants may have opportunities during their year of service to interact with diverse
groups of individuals, to learn and practice civic skills, and to engage with older adult
mentors, although the mix of opportunities varies by programs and sites (Abt Associates,
2004). In addition to on-the-job learning, up to 20 percent of a member's time can be used for
member development and training. Specific AmeriCorps training opportunities come from
individual sites, AmeriCorps program structures, state commissions, and national workshops
and conferences. Training typically includes reflective learning, team building, service
project development, and professional development. Although mechanisms for accessing
such opportunities vary, two common structures that support civic and skill development are
strong staff mentorship and team-based training. Team-based programs often consist of 5 to
50 members who train together and collaboratively complete local service projects. In some
instances, civic development activities can include inviting a legislator to visit a service day,
designing a community project, wrestling with individual differences across a team,
developing a network of support, and completing an effective citizenship curriculum. In the
past, programs utilized a toolkit for members called Effective Citizenship through
AmeriCorps, which included modules on active citizenship, identifying community problems,
conducting news searches and policy analyses, discussing rights and freedoms, and
considering values in conflict (Constitutional Rights Foundation, 2001). These particular
activities, however, became less common as the emphasis on demonstrating community
impact eclipsed the goal of member development.
Research on AmeriCorps. In summer and fall 1999, CNCS commissioned Abt Associates to
conduct a nationally representative longitudinal study of AmeriCorps members. The initial
sample included 2,000 people who were first-time, full-time members either in 108 of the
AmeriCorps State and National programs or in 3 of the NCCC programs and who had
registered between September 1999 and January 2000 (Abt Associates, 2004). A comparison
group of 1,524 people was selected from among individuals who indicated interest in
AmeriCorps by contacting CNCS for information but did not enroll. Data were collected at
baseline (1999), at the end of the service period (2000), 3 years after baseline (2002), and 8
years after baseline (2007). Of the initial sample of 4,153 who completed a baseline survey,
3,300 completed Wave 2 (in 2000), 2,975 completed Wave 3 (in 2002), and 2,240 finished
the final survey (in 2007). Data were analyzed using propensity score matching (based on
national and community service interest, demographics, and previous civic engagement).
This is a common strategy in nonrandomized experiments to help address selection concerns,
thus providing better leverage on potential program effects; nonetheless, given the
nonrandomized design, appropriate caution is necessary regarding any program effects.
In examining the AmeriCorp participants and the comparison group over time, both short-
and long-term positive program effects were found, especially in terms of civic engagement,
members' community connections, knowledge about community problems, and contributions
to community-based activities. Participation in AmeriCorps also was found to have positive
effects on outcomes that could be considered both civic and work related—i.e., increasing
confidence in one's capacity to work with local government and to lead a successful
community-based change effort. AmeriCorps participation was found to have other positive
effects on employment-related outcomes (public service employment), especially for ethnic
minorities. Few statistically significant effects were established for measures of participants'
attitudes toward education or educational attainment (measured as confidence in the ability to
obtain an education, personal responsibility for success, and actual progress) or for particular
life skills measures, although life satisfaction increased more for AmeriCorps participants
than for the comparison group over the 8 years. One negative outcome was found for the
AmeriCorp NCCC participants (residential model of service): 3 years after baseline, this
group was less likely to endorse intergroup contact as an important goal, although that
attitude had disappeared at the 8-year follow-up (Abt Associates, 2004, 2008; Frumkin et al.,
2009). Overall, despite the need for appropriate caution regarding the extent to which
AmeriCorp participation caused the various outcomes, there were many positive effects on
civic engagement and some on employment—both priority areas of focus for national
service; however, there were few effects for educational outcomes or other life skills, which
also are priority areas.
McBride and Lee (2012) found that 30 percent of the AmeriCorps participants did not finish
their service term; ethnic minorities, those with lower levels of education, and those with a
disability were most likely to be in this group. Reasons given for not completing were
personal or health (38 percent), program dissatisfaction (26 percent), financial reasons (15
percent), taking a job (8 percent), and being asked to leave (5 percent). In addition, according
to members' reports, the likelihood of completing the service period was increased if the
program members were involved in planning service activities, and if the program matched
activities to career interests, helped develop mentor relationships, and encouraged members
to reflect with others on the service experience.
Concerning reasons for joining AmeriCorps, those with lower family incomes were more
likely to report that they were influenced by the education award or social connections (e.g., a
peer was a member, AmeriCorps previously helped their family) or by a need for social
connections (e.g., desire to make friends). Other reasons endorsed by all groups, regardless of
family income, included needing a job, believing they would develop useful skills, and
altruism (Finlay and Flanagan, 2009).
Finlay and colleagues (2011, p. 1732) found that, “As expected given their commitment to
national service, Corps participants were more likely than the comparison group to endorse
community participation (activities, meetings) and involvement in civic organizations (on
issues of concern); however, they were less likely to endorse local or national voting.”
Regardless of the Corps member's socioeconomic position, serving with team members and
community members from diverse backgrounds boosted civic commitments and behaviors
over the course of the program. In addition, for members of lower socioeconomic position,
feelings of belonging to a community and collective efficacy boosted civic commitments and
behaviors. For those of higher socioeconomic position, opportunities in the program to lead
and manage boosted those outcomes (Flanagan and Kim, 2013).
Concerning the potential of national service as a pathway to employment, the 8-year follow-
up found that AmeriCorps participation had impacts on attitudinal and behavioral
employment outcomes. Based on self-report measures, Corps State and National program
members accepted responsibility for employment success (assessment of the extent to which
they were personally responsible for job attainment success) and were more likely to work in
the public sector, the arts, religion, or military service compared with the comparison group
(Frumkin et al., 2009).
It is worth noting that less intense volunteer experiences also have been linked to
employment outcomes. Spera and colleagues (2013) analyzed 10 2-year cohorts (2002/2003-
2011/2012) in the Current Population Survey to assess the effect of volunteering on
subsequent gainful employment. Based on respondents 16 and older who, in their first survey
year, reported that they were either unemployed or not in the labor force but interested in
working, the researchers identified a final sample of 70,535 in the 10 cohorts. After
controlling for a number of demographic and community-level factors, they found that
volunteering was associated with a 27 percent increase in odds of employment in the second
survey year. The relationship between volunteering and employment was strongest for those
without a high school diploma or General Educational Development credential and for those
living in rural areas. The positive relationship between volunteering and employment was
stable across gender, race and ethnicity, age, time, and community type/size.
MILITARY SERVICE
Although long compulsory during times of war, military service is now voluntary, and the
military is increasingly made up of many diverse groups of Americans, most of whom are
young adults. The past decade and a half has been a particularly difficult time for military
service, as several ongoing conflicts during the “War on Terror” have led to multiple
deployments to war zones for many service members. As a result, recent cohorts of young
adults are likely to feel the after-effects of military service for many decades to come
(MacLean and Elder, 2007).
In 2012, young adults aged 25 or younger accounted for 42.7 percent of active duty military
personnel at any one time and an even larger majority of enlisted servicemen and women
(48.8 percent) (DoD, 2013). For most of these young adults, military service is not the start of
a long career. Instead, it is a bridge between their adolescent experiences in their
communities and secondary schools and their adult experiences in higher education and the
labor market. In this way, the military is a context for the transition into adulthood for many
Americans (Kelty et al., 2010).
This transitional nature of military service is one reason why many young people in the
United States enlist in the military in the first place. In contrast to the growing trend in other
forms of national service, the military is viewed as giving attention to the improvement of its
young adult members. Thus, young people see this form of public service as a channel for
social and economic mobility, the cultivation of important life skills (e.g., responsibility,
leadership) and work skills (e.g., technology, trades) that they can carry forward into their
adult lives, an exit from problematic or disadvantaged circumstances, and the opportunity to
turn their lives around (Kelty et al., 2010), and therefore worth the risk. Thus, today's military
tends to attract young people from somewhat lower socioeconomic backgrounds (especially
racial/ethnic minorities from lower-income families), as well as those who face significant
risks as they transition into adulthood (e.g., those with a history of problems at school or
delinquency) (Kelty et al., 2010; Segal and Segal, 2004; Teachman and Tedrow, 2014).
Military service is widely viewed as a potential break in the intergenerational transmission of
inequality, although it does not always live up to this potential (Bailey, 2013). It is important
to note, however, that the military pathway is not open to all, with ineligibility being due to,
for example, overweight, mental health concerns, and substance use (Mission: Readiness
Military Leaders for Kids, 2009). Young adults with a criminal record may also be ineligible
to join the military, and with few exceptions, a high school diploma is an eligibility
requirement (Mission: Readiness Military Leaders for Kids, 2009).
As noted, the introduction of all-volunteer military forces led to far greater diversity both
demographically and socioeconomically. For example, African Americans and Latino/as are
significantly overrepresented in the military relative to the general population, and
immigrants now make up 5 percent of the active duty forces. The military also has seen a
large-scale influx of women (who now make up 15 percent of the forces) and the rapid
expansion of their roles, including combat in the most recent military engagements in the
Middle East. Furthermore, with the repeal of the federal Don't Ask Don't Tell policy in 2010
(which had been in effect since the mid-1990s), the service of gays and lesbians has become
more visible (Bailey, 2013; Kelty et al., 2010). Thus, just as young adulthood has changed
historically, the experiences of young adults in the military have evolved.
Military service is widely assumed to have profound effects on the life course. Understanding
what those effects are, however, is challenging because servicemen and women are what is
known as a “selective” population. That is, as is true for any sort of national service, people
who join the military are likely to be different from people who do not, and those differences
may be related to their general adjustment and functioning in the short and long terms.
Consequently, whether the observed outcomes of those in the military reflect the causal
influences of military service or the factors that selected people into the military in the first
place can be difficult to determine. Still, when studies include controls for these selection
biases, results suggest that military service does influence the lives of young men and
women. Those effects often are a mix of positive and negative, with the mental stresses and
physical risks of deployment undercutting some of the potential social and economic
advantages of serving (MacLean and Elder, 2007; Sheppard et al., 2010).
The various social roles and activities discussed in Chapter 3 are a window into how the
military can affect the life trajectories of young people who serve. The tendency in the
general population for young adults to delay family formation until later in their 20s is less
pronounced in the military. Indeed, young adults in the military are more likely than civilians
in the same age range to marry, and when they do marry, they tend to do so at younger ages.
Among junior military personnel, 36 percent of men and 37 percent of women are married;
among their similarly aged civilian counterparts with comparable earnings, only 24 percent of
men and 33 percent of women are married (Clever and Segal, 2013).
The same trend can be seen in fertility and parenting. In 2012, 43.9 percent of active duty
members had children, and for 42,081 members this was their first child, with 53.1 percent of
these first-time parents being aged 20-25 (DoD, 2013). The average age at which active duty
members have their first child varies across the different branches of service, with the highest
average age occurring among Air Force members (26.2) and the lowest among Marine Corps
members (24.0) (DoD, 2013). Many features of military service likely facilitate this earlier
family formation, including wage stability, subsidized housing (which often is based on
family size and therefore sensitive to fertility), free health care, and a large military child care
system. In addition, many military and civilian organizations focus on supporting military
families (Huebner et al., 2009). Examples of formal military support include the Family
Readiness System11 and the Yellow Ribbon Reintegration Program12; examples of other
formal support systems include schools, hospitals, and nonprofit organizations (e.g., YMCA
Military Outreach,13 United Service Organizations, Inc.14). These supports and protections
may help keep families together when a spouse/parent is actively serving (and even
deployed). However, formal networks alone do not ultimately change situations for families.
Military families often rely primarily on informal network supports such as other unit
members, friends, and family (Martin and McClure, 2000).
After service is complete, however, many of the strains of military life (including
deployment) can have effects leading to a postservice divorce rate higher than that among
civilians (Kelty et al., 2010; Lundquist, 2004). In general, as discussed in more detail below,
the transition to civilian life can be stark and difficult overall.
Two worrisome patterns in the domain of military family life concern child maltreatment and
intimate partner violence. Historically, rates of child maltreatment have been higher in the
general population than in the military, reflecting the many supports and resources available
to military families. Yet rates of child maltreatment in the military population also tend to
spike during times of military conflict and deployment, with nearly 50 percent more cases
being seen during times of deployment than at other times (Gibbs et al., 2007; McCaroll et
al., 2008). The past decade and a half would then be expected to be a period in which child
maltreatment has been a particular problem among members of the military, and some
evidence supports that expectation. A study of child maltreatment in Texas, which has a large
military population, revealed that the difference in the child maltreatment rate between the
military and civilian populations reversed during the 2000s, such that the military rate was
higher than the civilian rate (Rentz et al., 2007). Although these statistics are not exclusive to
that population, they also are highly relevant to the young adult population. Not only do
young adults make up the majority of the military (and the recently deployed), they are more
likely than older service members to have young children at home. In addition, rates of
intimate partner violence are higher among active duty military members than in the general
population, a pattern that extends to veterans as well (Fonseca et al., 2006; Stamm, 2009).
Beyond the family context, young adulthood is when most people are in school or entering
the labor market. As a result, young adults enlisting in the military without plans to make it a
career are momentarily stepping outside this traditional socioeconomic attainment path. At
the same time, however, service in the military is closely related to education and
employment outside the military. Given the overrepresentation of young people from
historically disadvantaged racial/ethnic groups in the all-volunteer forces, military service has
many features that can boost their future prospects. For example, it offers better pay and
greater job security than most occupations available to those who enlist, and it offers more
equitable treatment than many young adults would find in the broader labor market.
Moreover, the GI Bill (which was significantly expanded after September 11, 2001) offers
financial support for tuition and related living expenses for veterans who wish to pursue their
education (Kelty et al., 2010). This widely used benefit provides an entrée to higher
education for many young adults who would otherwise likely bypass college. As a result,
although young adults who serve in the military have lower educational attainment than their
same-age peers through the mid-20s, they tend to catch up (although not completely) as they
move into their late 20s and early 30s. In addition, with the exception of whites, young adults
who serve in the military tend to earn as much or even more income than their civilian
counterparts through adulthood. One socioeconomic factor to consider is that early military
service is related to more migration (i.e., moving from place to place) in adulthood. This
pattern is notable given that voluntary migration helps adults achieve a better fit with the
labor market, increasing their long-term job prospects and, in the process, their earnings
(Bailey, 2013; Kelty et al., 2010).
Young adults serving in the military thus make earlier family role transitions and have more
concrete supports for socioeconomic attainment than young adults who bypass the military
(especially those of similar socioeconomic and racial/ethnic backgrounds). These family and
socioeconomic differences, along with the physical aspects of military training and work,
would suggest that young adults in the military are in better health. Yet veterans are in no
better physical shape than civilians, and they have a range of physical problems and
limitations that are directly related to military service (e.g., disabilities, chronic injuries)
(Kelty et al., 2010; Teachman, 2011).
Mental health is even more of a concern. Nearly one-fifth of servicemen and -women
involved in the recent deployments in Iraq and Afghanistan have experienced mental
disorders, with depression and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) being among the most
common and most often discussed (Kelty et al., 2010). For example, Hoge and colleagues
(2006) report the results of two studies of large numbers of deployed service members in the
Middle East. In the first study, in the early 2000s, they found that exposure to firefights and
PTSD symptomatology were strongly associated and that only a small proportion (less than
one-quarter) of those affected sought help. In a follow-up several years later, the link between
combat exposure and PTSD remained strong, but more of those affected were seeking help,
perhaps because of growing awareness of the problem (Hoge et al., 2004, 2006). Suicide also
is a significant issue, with rates of suicide attempt and completion being higher among those
with service experience than in the general population (Kaplan et al., 2007).
All of these mental and physical health patterns refer to military personnel of all ages, as
young adults are rarely singled out in studies. Again, however, most military service
members—especially those deployed for combat—are young adults.
It is also worth noting that the transition from military to civilian life, which increasingly
occurs during young adulthood, can be problematic. In a short amount of time, young adults
exiting the military go from strong daily institutional support and oversight to considerable
daily self-direction. The pace and pervasiveness of this transition can overwhelm one's
coping capacity. In recognition of this problem, the U.S. Departments of Defense, Labor, and
Veterans Affairs offer the Transition Assistance Program (DoD, 2014).
Given the special relevance of military service to the transition from adolescence to
adulthood, more attention is warranted to the specific segment of the military consisting of
young adults. Young adult servicemen and -women are different from other servicemen and -
women, and today's servicemen and -women are different from their counterparts in the past.
Those differences need to be understood.
Go to:
REFERENCES
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