1 s2.0 S0273229720300186 Main

Developmental Review 57 (2020) 100912
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Developmental Review
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/dr
Classroom climate and children’s academic and psychological

T
wellbeing: A systematic review and meta-analysis
⁎
Ming-Te Wanga, , Jessica L. Degolb,1, Jamie Amemiyaa,1, Alyssa Parra,1, Jiesi Guoc
a
University of Pittsburgh, United States
b
Penn State Altoona, United States
c
Australian Catholic University, Australia
A R T IC LE I N F O ABS TRA CT
Keywords: Although research has documented the link between classroom climate and children’s learning,
Classroom dynamics evidence about whether and how classroom characteristics are linked to academic and psycho-
Classroom climate logical outcomes remains equivocal. This study used a meta-analytic approach to synthesize
Classroom quality existing research with the goal of determining (a) the extent to which classroom climate as a
Meta-analysis
multidimensional construct was associated with youth’s academic, behavioral, and socio-
Child and adolescent development
emotional outcomes from kindergarten to high school and (b) whether the relations between
classroom climate and youth’s outcomes differed by dimensions of classroom climate, study
design, and child characteristics. Analysis included 61 studies (679 effect sizes and 73,824
participants) published between 2000 and 2016. The results showed that overall classroom cli-
mate had small-to-medium positive associations with social competence, motivation and en-
gagement, and academic achievement and small negative associations with socioemotional dis-
tress and externalizing behaviors. Moderator analyses revealed that the negative association
between classroom climate and socioemotional distress varied by classroom climate dimensions,
with socioemotional support being the strongest. The strength of the associations between
classroom climate and youth’s outcomes also differed by measurement of classroom climate and
study design, though the patterns of the associations were mostly consistent.
Introduction
Over the past two decades, classroom climate has emerged as a unifying construct that exemplifies how the combination and
accumulation of diverse learning experiences contributes to the development of academic, behavioral, and socioemotional outcomes
for children and adolescents (Chapman, Buckley, Sheehan, & Shochet, 2013; Hattie, 2009; Pianta & Hamre, 2009). A growing number
of countries (e.g., Canada, China, England, France, Germany, Israel, Singapore, United States) have even focused on improving
classroom climate and classroom dynamics as a central goal of educational reform initiatives, demonstrating an international con-
sensus on the importance of classroom climate in promoting school quality and children’s academic and psychological wellbeing
(Cohen, 2012; Thapa, Cohen, Guffey, & Higgins-D’Alessandro, 2013; Wang & Degol, 2016; Wang, Hofkens, & Ye, 2020).
Despite the promise and importance of classroom climate, scholars have not arrived at a universal consensus on how to
⁎
Corresponding author at: 230 South Bouquet Street, Pittsburgh, PA 15213, United States.
E-mail address: mtwang@pitt.edu (M.-T. Wang).
1
Note: The second, third, and fourth authors (Degol, Amemiya, and Parr) have equal intellectual contribution to this manuscript so they share the
second authorship.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.dr.2020.100912
Received 13 June 2019; Received in revised form 24 December 2019
Available online 22 June 2020
0273-2297/ © 2020 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
M.-T. Wang, et al. Developmental Review 57 (2020) 100912
operationalize the classroom climate construct. There is substantial variation in how classroom climate has been defined and studied,
though the majority of researchers have emphasized the importance of conceptualizing classroom climate as a multidimensional
construct (Klieme, Pauli, & Reusser, 2009; Pianta & Hamre, 2009; Wang, Hofkens, et al., 2020). The diverse operationalization of
components dynamically embedded in the classroom milieu (e.g., teaching quality, classroom organization, teacher-student re-
lationship) has provided a rich characterization of how classroom climate functions; however, the burgeoning research on classroom
climate has not systematically synthesized whether and how classroom climate, when represented as a multidimensional construct, is
related to children’s educational and developmental outcomes. Furthermore, the multifaceted nature of classroom climate may cause
classroom effects on child and adolescent development to vary, pending which classroom climate effects and what developmental
outcomes (academic versus non-academic) are being assessed (Berkowitz, Moore, Astor, & Benbenishty, 2017; Wang & Degol, 2016).
Classroom climate effects on youth outcomes may also be attributable to differences in child characteristics, study design, and
measurement characteristics. For example, as children advance into middle childhood and adolescence, school structures begin to
differ substantially from the primary school setting of early childhood, and the transition to these settings impacts academic and
psychological functioning (Eccles & Roeser, 2011; Vandenbroucke, Spilt, Verschueren, Piccinin, & Baeyens, 2018). Yet, extant studies
rarely consider that classroom climate effects may vary as a function of children’s developmental age/grade level, race/ethnicity, and
socioeconomic status (SES). Likewise, classroom climate research varies substantially in the measurement tools (e.g., external ob-
servation versus self-report survey) and research designs (e.g., cross-sectional versus longitudinal) used to assess classroom char-
acteristics (Marsh et al., 2012; Wang & Degol, 2016). It is, therefore, unclear if research design or measurement characteristics
influence the magnitude of the relations between classroom climate and youth outcomes.
To this end, we used a meta-analytic approach to synthesize the extant literature examining the interrelations between classroom
climate and youth’s academic and psychosocial outcomes. We also examined whether the associations between classroom climate and
youth outcomes varied by theorized contextual, individual, and study moderators. Specifically, we addressed two research questions:
(a) When studies conceptualized classroom climate as a multidimensional construct, what was the overall strength of the relation
between classroom climate and youth’s social competence, academic achievement, socioemotional distress, and externalizing be-
haviors?; and (b) Did the direction and strength of the relations between classroom climate and youth outcomes differ by classroom
climate dimension, child’s grade level, study sample's racial composition, family socioeconomic status, study design, or study method
of measuring classroom climate?
Theoretical framework and conceptualization of classroom climate
Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model posits that human development occurs within a set of interrelated contexts in which
proximal processes mediate individuals’ experiences, cognitions, emotions, and behaviors (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). Proximal
processes within these contexts represent the most powerful developmental influences, as they encompass interactions that the child
experiences daily and over an extended period of time (Bronfenbrenner, 1994). Understanding these proximal processes in the
classroom is informative, as the classroom environment represents a unique developmental context involving instructional, social,
and organizational interactions (Hamre & Pianta, 2001; Wang, Hofkens, et al. (2020)). It is through these processes occurring be-
tween students and teachers that classroom climate provides the resources and opportunities for developing children's and youth's
academic, socioemotional, and behavioral competencies.
From a bioecological perspective, classroom climate incorporates a multitude of dimensions, such as the organization and
structure of the classroom environment; pedagogical, disciplinary, and curriculum practices; and interpersonal relationships among
students, peers, and teachers (Jones, Brown, & Aber, 2008; Wang & Degol, 2016). These dimensions form a set of proximal processes
that may mediate or moderate the influence of other contexts (e.g., family, neighborhood) on children’s outcomes. Though these
processes are interrelated, they are distinct in how they capture important aspects of children’s learning environments and influence
children’s academic and psychosocial outcomes. Although there is a general lack of consensus about what constitutes classroom
climate, the multifaceted nature of classroom climate has been addressed extensively throughout the literature.
Early classroom climate research placed emphasis on teaching practices, examining patterns of teacher verbalizations toward
students, such as the amount of teacher-controlled activities versus student-driven activities (Anderson, 1939; Withall, 1949). Later
work incorporated the management and organization of the classroom environment (Fraser, Anderson, & Walberg, 1982; Trickett &
Moos, 1973; Walberg, 1968). For example, Trickett and Moos (1973) emphasized the psychosocial nature of the secondary school
classroom, conceptualizing the classroom setting as a dynamic system that includes teaching practices, task characteristics, rule
clarity, and order and organization.
More recent conceptualizations of classroom climate have focused on student–teacher interactions within the classroom and
emphasized the multidimensionality of classroom climate (Danielson, 2011; Hamre, Pianta, Mashburn, & Downer, 2007; Klieme
et al., 2009; Leff et al., 2011). For example, Jones et al. (2008) proposed that both classroom teaching practices and teacher-student
relationships contribute to the quality of the classroom’s instructional and emotional climates, which in turn impact children’s
outcomes. In 2009, Klieme and colleagues outlined three basic dimensions of instructional or classroom quality, including cognitive
activation, teacher support, and classroom management. That same year, Pianta and Hamre (2009) also presented a classroom
quality framework that describes how the structure and nature of teacher-student interactions affect child development, emphasizing
the role of instructional support, emotional support, and classroom organization.
Indeed, classroom climate is a complex multidimensional construct, and this complexity is only heightened by the jingle-jangle
that occurs when researchers propose a number of diverse operational conceptualizations. Nevertheless, these conceptualizations
have highlighted at least three basic classroom components associated with teacher-student interactions: instructional support,
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socioemotional support, and classroom organization and management. These dimensions align with several prominent theoretical
models and empirical findings, though they may at times be labeled differently (Fauth, Decristan, Rieser, Klieme, & Buttner, 2014;
Reyes, Brackett, Rivers, White, & Salovey, 2012; Wang, Hofkens, et al., 2020). Each of these three major dimensions contains a set of
specific indicators of classroom interactions that are predictive of youth outcomes (Miller & Wang, 2019; Pianta & Hamre, 2009;
Klieme et al., 2009; Wang & Holcombe, 2010).
Instructional support focuses on features of instruction that provide quality feedback, use techniques to enhance critical thinking,
and communicate high academic expectations for students (Danielson, 2011; Hamre et al., 2007). Instructionally supportive inter-
actions facilitate cognitive learning and promote higher-level thinking through meaning-based class discussions, provision of chal-
lenging tasks, connection of prior and current knowledge, and constructive feedback that expands learning (Fauth et al., 2014;
Hmelo-Silver, Duncan, & Chinn, 2007). For example, researchers have shown that effective instructional techniques encourage
children to develop critical thinking skills, such as adapting learning strategies to solve novel problems and applying knowledge to
real-life scenarios (Fauth et al., 2014; Rieser, Fauth, Decristan, Klieme, & Buttner, 2013; Rolland, 2012). Furthermore, use of con-
structive feedback loops between teachers and students can enhance learning by focusing on the process of continual improvement as
opposed to the outcome (Romberg, Carpenter, & Dremock, 2005).
Socioemotional support refers to classroom characteristics that support the emotional wellbeing of students, including the warmth,
safety, connectedness, and quality of interactions with teachers and peers (Birch & Ladd, 1997; Danielson, 2011). In providing
emotional support, teachers appeal to youth’s need for relatedness through interactions that facilitate the sense of psychological
safety necessary for exploring novel experiences and developing connectedness to others (Pianta & Hamre, 2009). Teachers can
create a positive social classroom climate by being responsive to and respectful of students’ social and emotional needs, getting to
know students’ interests and backgrounds outside of school, and incorporating students’ points of view into learning (Quin, 2017;
Ryan & Patrick, 2001).
Classroom organization and management denotes the practices teachers use to establish daily classroom routines, including re-
inforcing classroom rules consistently, providing positive behavior supports (Arnold, McWilliams, & Arnold, 1998; Klieme et al.,
2009), managing disruptive behavior effectively and fairly (Rimm-Kaufman, Curby, Grimm, Nathanson, & Brock, 2009), and using
preventative strategies to reduce punitive events (Emmer & Stough, 2001). The role of classroom organization is to create productive
and smoothly functioning classrooms that support students’ needs for competence and autonomy so that they can remain engaged in
learning (Downer, Stuhlman, Schweig, Martínez, & Ruzek, 2015; Hochweber, Hosenfeld, & Klieme, 2013; Miller & Wang, 2019).
Taken together, these three dimensions of classroom climate (i.e., instructional support, socioemotional support, and classroom
organization and management) represent the interactive dynamics and developmental processes that vary across classrooms. By
relying on a multidimensional definition of classroom climate, we can leverage imperative features of classroom climate to facilitate
meaningful developmental change for children (Pianta & Hamre, 2009; Wang, 2012). Although some researchers have emphasized
the role of safety, physical arrangement, and classroom composition (e.g., class size, teacher experience, resources, space) in their
measurements of classroom quality (Danielson, 2011; Leff et al., 2011; Thapa et al., 2013), this study instead focused on interactive
dynamics (e.g., instructional quality and quality of teacher-student interactions), as scholars have suggested that interventions to
improve classroom proximal processes are a more cost-beneficial, effective means of fostering positive youth outcomes (Kane &
Staiger, 2012; Thapa et al., 2013).
Optimal classroom climate requires combinations of effective instruction, positive interactions, and organized behavior man-
agement to ensure fulfillment of children’s psychological needs (Connell, 1990; Downer, Sabol, & Hamre, 2010). When children’s
psychological needs are fulfilled through daily interaction and socialization in the classroom setting, they are more likely to be
engaged in learning, develop academic and socioemotional skills, and experience adaptive psychological wellbeing. In fact, self-
determination theory posits that (a) contextual factors are linked to patterns of development through an individual’s appraisals of
how competent, autonomous, and related they feel within a particular context (Deci & Ryan, 2000) and (b) learning and development
are optimized when students perceive that their learning environment fulfills needs for competence, autonomy, and relatedness
(Connell & Wellborn, 1991). Students’ need for competence is fostered when they feel their classroom setting is adequately structured
and are aware of what they need to do to be successful in that classroom. Autonomy is promoted when students experience freedom
in determining their own behavior and choices, and the need for relatedness is met when teachers and peers contribute to an
emotionally supportive environment (Skinner, Kindermann, Connell, & Wellborn, 2009).
Accordingly, research has demonstrated that diverse classroom environments are associated with variations in educational and
psychosocial outcomes for youth (Connell, 1990; Hattie, 2009). Instructional practices, interactions with others, and classroom
organization create opportunities for students to engage in a variety of academic and social activities that help build relationships
with others in the classroom (Wigfield, Byrnes, & Eccles, 2006). Through these classroom experiences, students co-construct their
identities by developing a sense of their competencies and skills, social standing among teachers and peers, and ability to self-regulate
their own learning. This information cumulates to influence youth development across academic, behavioral, and socioemotional
domains (Deci & Ryan, 2000).
Classroom climate and youth outcomes
Classroom climate has been examined in relation to several youth outcomes, and much of this literature found relations between
overall classroom climate and youth outcomes to be inconsistent or small, even if statistically significant (Berkowitz et al., 2017;
Hattie, 2009; Wang & Degol, 2016). These inconsistencies and small effect sizes may be attributable to variations in classroom
climate dimensions or youth outcomes within any given study. While student outcomes cover a variety of indicators of youth
3
adjustment, these indicators tend to fall into one of three broad categories: academic outcomes, behavioral problems, and socio-
emotional development. Academic outcomes refer to academic performance on coursework and standardized tests, motivation to
learn, and classroom engagement; behavioral problems encompass externalizing behaviors, aggression, and disruptive behaviors
within the classroom; and socioemotional development includes psychological and emotional functioning (e.g., internalizing behaviors,
depression, anxiety, stress, and social competence). We review research on each type of outcome in the following sections.
Academic outcomes
Extensive research has examined the associations between classroom climate and academic outcomes across academic perfor-
mance, motivation, and engagement indicators (Hamre & Pianta, 2005; Wagner, Gollner, Helmke, Trautwein, & Ludtke, 2013; Wang
& Degol, 2014). All three dimensions of classroom climate appear to matter for academic achievement, though the direction and
strength of these relationships differ by outcomes of interest and child’s age (Allen et al., 2013; Pianta, Belsky, Vandergrift, Houts, &
Morrison, 2008; Rolland, 2012).
Instructional support. The positive association between instructional support and children’s academic outcomes in secondary schools
has been well-established. For secondary school students, higher math achievement is more likely when math teachers hold high
expectations and make instruction relevant and meaningful to students’ interests and daily lives (Dever & Karabenick, 2011; Wang,
2012). Similarly, when teachers provide academic scaffolding, students are more engaged in learning (Jang, Kim, & Reeve, 2012).
Finally, middle school students who perceived classroom endorsement of personal improvement and effort reported greater
enjoyment in learning compared to students who perceived classroom endorsement of high performance and competition for grades
(Schiefele & Schaffner, 2015; Shim, Kiefer, & Wang, 2013).
The connection between instructional support and academic outcomes appears to be less consistent for younger students.
Although some research has shown that students have higher math performance when elementary school teachers offer more
challenging and mastery-oriented instruction (Curby, Rudasill, Edwards, & Pérez-Edgar, 2011; Fast et al., 2010), other research has
found a lack of support for associations between instructional support and learning outcomes. In kindergarten samples, for example,
classrooms characterized by frequent literacy instruction, evaluative feedback, and instructional conversations were not linked to
higher academic achievement or more on-task behavior (Pianta, La Paro, Payne, Cox, & Bradley, 2002). In another study, more
instructional support in kindergarten classrooms was associated with less positive work habits but was not associated with learning
engagement (Rimm-Kaufman et al., 2009). Likewise, in an elementary school sample, the quality of instructional activities was not
associated with reading achievement (Dupere, Leventhal, Crosnoe, & Dion, 2010).
Socioemotional support. Research has supported the positive association between classroom emotional climate and children’s
academic outcomes, particularly for elementary school children (Dotterer & Lowe, 2011; Fast et al., 2010; Fauth et al., 2014). In
kindergarten, children demonstrated more on-task behavior when teacher-child interactions were characterized as positive (Pianta
et al., 2002). Similarly, elementary school teachers who were more emotionally supportive had students who reported higher
engagement with school (Baker, Grant, & Morlock, 2008; Hughes, Wu, Kwok, Villarreal, & Johnson, 2011; Patrick, Ryan, & Kaplan,
2007; Rimm-Kaufman, Baroody, Larsen, Curby, & Abry, 2015). For disadvantaged elementary school students, improvements in
teacher-child relationships were associated with increased math and reading grades (Elias & Haynes, 2008). Other studies using
middle- and high-school samples have found that the extent to which teachers respected and provided social support for their
students was positively related to course grades (Greene, Miller, Crowson, Duke, & Akey, 2004; Wang, 2012) and student intrinsic
motivation (Jang et al., 2012). Therefore, despite most research leaning toward younger samples, socioemotional support has
emerged as an important dimension in the promotion of academic outcomes.
Classroom organization and management. Studies focusing on organizational climate and academic outcomes have suggested that a
teacher’s ability to manage student behavior is important for learning motivation and engagement. For example, researchers found
that elementary school teachers with better classroom organization skills had students who were more engaged in their learning
(Clunies-Ross, Little, & Kienhuis, 2008; Rimm-Kaufman et al., 2015). In addition, when researchers observed kindergarten teachers
using effective classroom management strategies, children were more likely to remain on-task and persist through challenging
activities (Rimm-Kaufman et al., 2009). In secondary school, classroom management strategies (e.g., clarity and consistency of class
rules) were also associated with greater student interest and emotional engagement in math (Hochweber et al., 2013; Kunter,
Baumert, & Köller, 2007).
While these aforementioned findings have mostly centered on academic motivation and engagement, some studies have shown
that classroom organization may predict academic achievement. For example, students in elementary school classrooms with greater
order and organization were more likely to have higher math and reading scores and experienced greater growth in math and reading
ability over time (Gaskins, Herres, & Kobak, 2012). Another study found that first grade classrooms with greater classroom orga-
nization and less chaos experienced greater gains in reading achievement, although these same factors were not linked to gains in
math achievement (Ponitz, Rimm-Kaufman, Brock, & Nathanson, 2009).
Behavioral outcomes
There is a growing body of research examining the role of classroom climate in behavioral outcomes, particularly with the
dimension of classroom management and organization (Kaplan, Gheen, & Midgley, 2002; Rimm-Kaufman, La Paro, Downer, &
Pianta, 2005). However, these findings are largely inconsistent.
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Instructional support. A few studies suggest that teaching quality may influence positive behavioral adjustment among students. For
example, researchers found that adolescents who perceived greater emphasis on individual improvement and effort within their
secondary school classrooms were less disruptive in the classroom compared to students in the classrooms that focused on grades and
academic performance (Kaplan et al., 2002; Stornes & Bru, 2011). Other researchers have found that middle-school classrooms with a
strong emphasis on academics experienced lower levels of property offenses committed by students, although not lower levels of
other violent offenses (Sprott, 2004).
Socioemotional support. The research on classroom socioemotional environment reveals a few links to lower behavioral problems and
aggression. For example, first grade classrooms with greater peer conflict tended to have higher individual student aggression
(Thomas, Bierman, & Powers, 2011). Furthermore, greater reports of conflict and violence in the interactions between elementary
school students and teachers predicted greater student aggression within the classroom (Lucas-Molina, Williamson, Pulido, & Pérez-
Albéniz, 2015), whereas more positive teacher-student relationships were associated with reduced misconduct across middle and
high school (Wang, Brinkworth, & Eccles, 2013).
Classroom organization and management. Organizational climate has been found to relate to positive behavioral adjustment, although
few studies have examined this link among older samples of children. Studies have indicated that kindergarten teachers who used
effective classroom management strategies more frequently had children with fewer problem behaviors (Rimm-Kaufman et al.,
2009). Similarly, rates of physical and relational aggression were lower in classrooms in which elementary school teachers praised
their students disproportionately more than reprimanding them (Leff et al., 2011). Contrarily, another study found that elementary
school teachers’ behavior management strategies were not associated with students’ behavioral problems (O’Brennan, Bradshaw, &
Furlong, 2014). This discord among existing studies suggests a need for a more systematic examination of the role of classroom
organization and management on student behavioral outcomes.
Socioemotional outcomes
While most classroom climate studies have focused on academic outcomes for students, another less researched, but equally
important outcome is the quality of their socioemotional functioning. In particular, the quality and nature of interactions with peers
and teachers has important implications for student psychological wellbeing, anxiety, depression, and social competence.
Instructional support. Research on the quality of instructional support and children’s psychological wellbeing is mixed. For example,
one study found that when students had low levels of hope, their perceptions of the academic competitiveness in their classroom were
associated with lower satisfaction with their friends and school (Lagacé-Séguin & d'Entremont, 2010). Likewise, teacher emphasis on
personal growth and mastery in middle-school classrooms was associated with students’ greater satisfaction of peer friendships and
less worrying about how others perceive them, while classrooms with an emphasis on grades and comparisons were related to lower
social satisfaction (Shim et al., 2013). Conversely, another study found that a more positive instructional climate in kindergarten was
not associated with higher social competence when controlling for socioemotional climate (Pianta et al., 2002). Synthesized research
on the link between instructional support and students’ socioemotional development is needed to better understand how this
association differs between elementary and secondary school students.
Socioemotional support. Socioemotional climate appears to be the most researched dimension among socioemotional outcomes. Much
of this research has indicated that a positive socioemotional climate can support healthy socioemotional development among
students, though the effect sizes tend to be small (Scanlon, Del Toro, & Wang, 2020). For example, research found increases in
students’ social competence in first grade classrooms characterized by positive peer interactions (Hoglund & Leadbeater, 2004), and a
positive correlation has been demonstrated between the relationship quality and social competence among elementary school
students (Shechtman, 2006). Furthermore, secondary school students with teachers and peers who were more emotionally supportive
were more likely to show empathy (López, Pérez, Ochoa, & Ruiz, 2008). Yet, other research has detected nonsignificant correlations
between teacher-student relationships and peer likeability for 7th through 9th grade students (Engels et al., 2016). Lastly, positive
teacher-student relationships were linked to decreased depression from middle through high school (Wang et al., 2013), while similar
research has indicated that secondary school students were less likely to develop depressive symptoms when their teachers were more
emotionally supportive (Pössel, Rudasill, Sawyer, & Spence, 2013).
Classroom organization and management. Relatively less research has examined classroom organization and its relation to
socioemotional outcomes. Studies among elementary school students detected low to moderate positive correlations between
organization and rule clarity within the classroom and multiple indicators of student social competence (Barbarin, Downer, Odom, &
Head, 2010; Shechtman, 2006). Likewise, a sample of elementary and middle-school students demonstrated higher self-regulation
when their classrooms were characterized by greater organization and rule clarity (Brody, Dorsey, Forehand, & Armistead, 2002). On
the other hand, a study with a sample of kindergarteners found that neither classroom organization nor chaos predicted social
competence (Ponitz et al., 2009). More research is needed to examine the association between classroom organization and student
emotional wellbeing, particularly for older student samples, which have been largely neglected in the literature.
5
Prior meta-analyses
Existing classroom quality meta-analyses provide evidence on the impact of specific aspects of classroom climate on youth
outcomes, though effect sizes tend to vary significantly by classroom climate dimension, child characteristics, and study design.
Several meta-analytic studies have demonstrated that a high-quality teacher-student relationship is associated with a range of youth
academic and behavioral outcomes (Quin, 2017; Roorda, Koomen, Spilt, & Oort, 2011; Vandenbroucke et al., 2018). For example,
two relevant meta-analyses suggested that teacher-student relationships were moderately associated with youth’s school engagement
and course grades (Quin, 2017; Roorda et al., 2011). A recent meta-analysis by Vandenbroucke et al. (2018) indicated a small but
significant association between teacher-child interactions and general executive functioning, working memory, and inhibition.
The quality of classroom instruction has also been associated with children’s academic outcomes (Cohen, 1981; Freeman et al.,
2014). For instance, Cohen’s meta-analysis (1981) showed that instructional support was related to academic achievement, with
teaching skill and classroom structure having the strongest effects. In addition, findings from a recent meta-analysis examining 54
intervention studies of children from primary school suggested that classroom management strategies and programs had a small but
significant effect on children’s academic, behavioral, and emotional outcomes (Korpershoek, Harms, de Boer, van Kuijk, & Doolaard,
2016). The other two extant meta-analyses concurred that teachers’ classroom management practices had a small, positive effect on
decreasing classroom interruption and behavioral problems (Marzano, Marzano, & Pickering, 2003; Oliver, Wehby, & Reschly, 2011).
Although previous meta-analytic studies provided ample support for the role of classroom environment as a predictor of youth
outcomes, the bulk of this research often conceptualized classroom climate as a unidimensional, rather than a multidimensional
construct. Moreover, the classroom climate literature has not systematically examined the potential contextual and individual
moderators that may explain the substantial variation in classroom climate effects detected across existing studies. Framing classroom
climate as a multidimensional construct and examining the roles of different dimensions of classroom climate, sample characteristics,
and study design as potential moderators may clarify the magnitude and significance of the associations between classroom climate
and children’s outcomes. Thus, the present study will conduct a systematic review to synthesize the direction and strength of the
associations between classroom climate and children’s outcomes to better elucidate the complex pathways from classroom learning
experiences to academic success and psychological well-being.
Child and sample characteristics and study design as moderators
While classroom climate does appear to influence their academic achievement, social competence, and socioemotional wellbeing,
students bring with them individualized sets of skills, resources, and challenges that may moderate these classrom climate effects.
Because of these variations, certain groups of students may respond differently to supportive classroom environments.
Developmental differences
Bioecological theories explain how changes in environmental contexts and the individual interact to shape human development
and learning over time (Bronfenbrenner, 1994). As children age, their developmental needs change; hence, to be effective, learning
environments must adjust to support these developmental needs (Degol, Wang, Ye, & Zhang, 2017; Wang, Hill, & Hofkens, 2014).
Unfortunately, classroom environments become more structured and controlling as students matriculate through them, potentially
posing conflicts with a growing adolescent’s need for independence and autonomy throughout middle and high school (Eccles et al.,
1993; Wang & Degol, 2016). The transition from elementary to secondary school is also punctuated by a change from spending most
of the day with one teacher to switching classes regularly and receiving instruction from specialized teachers throughout the day.
This abrupt change in scheduling taxes adolescents’ ability to build and sustain close relationships with teachers and peers (Eccles &
Roeser, 2011), and as such, adolescents may feel that their belongingness to the school, level of autonomy, and overall competence
are stifled upon transitioning to their new environment (Wang & Eccles, 2012). Given shifting elementary and secondary classroom
structures, the function of classroom climate on youth outcomes may fluctuate across school settings; thus, it is necessary to examine
how the strength of associations between classroom climate and youth outcomes varies by grade levels, especially between ele-
mentary school versus secondary school settings.
Racial composition
Another potential moderator of classroom climate effects on youth outcomes is the racial composition of the student body.
Researchers have shown that the student body’s racial composition and same-race peer affiliation are essential for students to develop
positive perceptions of their school climate and a sense of school belonging (Benner & Graham, 2007). For racial or ethnic minority
students, matriculating in a classroom with greater diversity affords opportunities for developing close friendships with same-race
peers and witnessing those peers achieve academic success. Research on elementary school students has also indicated that students
enrolled in classrooms with a greater number of same-race peers display fewer externalizing behaviors and more prosocial behaviors
(Benner & Crosnoe, 2011).
However, schools with greater racial diversity are often concentrated in urban neighborhoods with higher rates of poverty and
crime (Farkas, 2017; Murray & Malmgren, 2005). These schools often struggle to educate children with fewer resources, less qualified
teachers, and higher teacher turnover rates. Schools with high racial diversity are also more likely to have a high percentage of
students from disadvantaged backgrounds (Kelly, 2009). While diverse settings can have positive effects on youth’s psychological
wellbeing and academic achievement (Byrd & Chavous, 2011), the confounding negative effects of poverty and racial discrimination
in diverse classrooms may amplify the positive effects of a high-quality classroom climate (Wang, Henry, Smith, Huguley, & Guo,
6
2020).
Socioeconomic status
Classroom climate effects on youth development may also be partially moderated by students’ family socioeconomic status. In
other words, the benefits derived from a positive classroom environment may vary in strength depending on whether the student is
from a higher or lower socioeconomic background. Given the greater amount of personal adversity faced by youth from low-income
families, it is possible that they may reap more benefits from a positive classroom climate than their higher-income peers (Wang,
Degol, & Henry, 2020). However, a large-scale, meta-analytic examination of these associations has not been tested to date.
Due to historical trends of systemic racism, a disproportionately greater percentage of youth of color are currently living in
poverty (Orfield, Ee, Frankenberg, & Siegel-Hawley, 2016). The race-SES confound affects school and classroom quality through the
segregation of families under current school zoning practices. Youth of color living in poverty are more likely to attend a school
district that is vastly under-funded and under-resourced (Atlas, 2018). Under-resourced schools may have greater difficulty than their
better funded counterparts meeting the diverse needs of its student body. These schools, for example, may have fewer effective
teachers (Ingersoll, 2004), lower quality curriculum (Johnson, Kardos, Kauffman, Liu, & Donaldson, 2004), and fewer school-based
mental and behavioral health programs/services (Cappella, Frazier, Atkins, Schoenwald, & Glisson, 2008). A low-income school,
however, that exemplifies a positive classroom support system may buffer against the detrimental and stressful effects of poverty in
many students’ lives.
Research design and method differences

Research on classroom and children’s outcomes is influenced by study design and the way in which classroom climate constructs
are measured. Relatively few classroom climate studies have used longitudinal study design, and the over-reliance on cross-sectional
designs can introduce bias to aggregated or meta-analytic results. In particular, cross-sectional studies tend to inflate the size of the
relation between constructs partly due to simultaneity and endogeneity bias (Harrison, McLaughlin, & Coalter, 1996). Longitudinal
research designs tend to better address bias while yielding smaller effects.
Moreover, the quality of classroom climate has been assessed by three predominant methods: student report, teacher report, and
external observation (Feldlaufer, Midgley, & Eccles, 1988; Wang & Degol, 2016). Each of these measurement tools has its strengths
and limitations. Teacher reports are biased in that teachers may be motivated to report their classroom processes more favorably than
they actually are. Student reports of teacher behaviors, on the other hand, may be biased by how well the student is performing in the
class or the nature of the student–teacher relationship. In addition, common-method variance may inflate correlations between
classroom climate and student outcomes such that student reports of academic climate may correlate more strongly with student
reports of academic engagement than teacher reports of academic climate (Kasen, Johnson, & Cohen, 1990).
On the contrary, observations may be less biased by perception, particularly when conducted by a third party; however, this data
is limited to the time periods in which the observations took place (Wang, Hofkens, et al., 2020). Because they often rely on a single
data collection point, observations may miss many nuances of how student–teacher relationships, instructional practices, and be-
havior management strategies have been reciprocally shaped over time. Collectively, different study designs and assessment methods
may reveal distinctly unique processes regarding the nature of classroom climate and its relation to student outcomes.
The current study
Given the variations in findings among and across the dimensions of classroom climate and the diverse youth outcomes examined,
a systematic synthesis of the extant literature is sorely needed. In the current study, we used a meta-analytic approach to investigate
the extent to which classroom climate was related to children’s academic, behavioral, and socioemotional outcomes. We also ex-
amined whether the link between classroom climate and youth outcomes varied by classroom climate dimensions (i.e., instructional
support, socioemotional support, and classroom management and organization), grade level, study sample racial composition (i.e.,
percentage of racial minority students), family socioeconomic status, research methods (i.e., observation, teacher report, and student
report), and study design (i.e., cross-sectional and longitudinal study).
Grounded by the bioecological model of human development and the self-determination theory of motivation, we expected
overall classroom climate to have positive associations with youth’s social competence, motivation and engagement, and academic
achievement, but we predicted negative associations with socioemotional distress and externalizing behaviors. We also hypothesized
that instructional support and classroom management would be the classroom climate elements with the strongest positive link with
academic and behavioral outcomes, and socioemotional support would have the strongest positive link with socioemotional out-
comes. In addition, we expected that a supportive classroom environment would be more beneficial for youth’s academic and
socioemotional outcomes in secondary school than primary school because of how challenging the transition to secondary school can
be for many students. Moreover, we expected that effect sizes would be larger for student reports of classroom climate when
compared to teacher reports or observations. Finally, we hypothesized that effect sizes would be stronger for cross-sectional studies
than for longitudinal research, although we expected that the associations for both designs would be significant.
Method
We did a systematic literature search using the online databases that catalog research abstracts, including Educational Resources
Information Center (ERIC), PsycINFO, Psychology and Behavioral Sciences Collection, JSTOR, and Social Sciences Citation Index. For
7
each database, we used a series of search terms, search parameters, and Boolean techniques to achieve an inclusive-yet-focused
search: (“classroom climate” OR “classroom environment” OR “classroom culture” OR “classroom quality”) NOT (“school climate”
OR “school environment” OR “school culture” OR “school quality”). The search included studies published only in English between
2000 and 2016. We focused on studies published after 2000 given that a greater number of studies started to conceptualize and
measure classroom climate as a multidimensional construct after that date. Furthermore, a number of prominent reviews and meta-
analyses of classroom quality research have focused on studies conducted in the 1990s and prior (e.g., Fraser & Walberg, 1991;
Rolland, 2012). As such, we focused our work on more recent literature to avoid reviewing work that has been extensively covered in
prior studies. In addition, we contacted prominent researchers in the field who conduct classroom climate research (including a mass
email to Research Interest Group LISTSERV) and cross-referenced using previous, published narrative review and meta-analytic
studies. This search resulted in 21,505 articles in peer-reviewed journals and 1457 theses/dissertations.
To supplement searches of electronic databases, the reference lists of relevant studies were reviewed to identify eligible studies,
resulting in 12 additional studies of potential relevance. The research team then reviewed each article’s title and abstract to de-
termine the inclusion or exclusion of the study. If the abstract did not provide sufficient information, the study’s method section was
examined. Due to the lack of clarity regarding the measurement and definition of classroom climate, we first examined each study’s
definition, operationalization, and example or actual item questions of the classroom environment to determine how to code into the
three dimensions of classroom climate. If the research team judged the abstract and information in the method section to be eligible
for inclusion based on two criteria (i.e., the studies had to employ conceptualization and measurement of classroom climate that fit
within one or more of the three selected dimensions; the studies examined the relation between classroom climate and children’s
educational and psychosocial outcomes), the full study was obtained for further examination, resulting in 156 articles in peer-
reviewed journals and 29 theses/dissertations. The agreement on the abstract screening and initial decisions about which article to
read between two coders was 95% across all studies before discrepancies were discussed and resolved.
Criteria for inclusion and exclusion
We used the following criteria to determine whether studies should be included or excluded in our analysis. First, studies had to
provide correlations or sufficient statistical information to calculate an effect size for classroom climate and children’s outcomes
(Rosenthal, 1991). Second, studies had to include at least one dimension of classroom climate and include one educational or
psychosocial outcome. Studies that combined different outcomes (e.g., combining student achievement and behavior as a composite
score of school adjustment) or different dimensions of classroom climate in a single scale were not included in the analysis. Mea-
surements of classroom climate and children’s outcomes based on all reporters (e.g., student and teacher reports) or methods (e.g.,
classroom observation, school records) were eligible for analysis. Third, studies were limited to school-aged children and adolescents,
enrolled in kindergarten-12th grade. Fourth, only peer-reviewed studies were included2. Furthermore, studies were excluded if the
study focused on measurement validation; the participants were not enrolled in a mainstream school (i.e., a school primarily serves
students without special needs); and the measure of classroom climate was confounded with other measures (e.g., a general school
environment measure combining school climate and classroom climate, school engagement). These criteria for inclusion and ex-
clusion resulted in 61 journal articles (see the PRISMA chart in Fig. 1).
These 61 articles were then coded in preparation for the research synthesis. We used a double-coded process that has demon-
strated high reliability in prior studies (Rosenthal, 1991). Two coders independently coded all studies and key variables (e.g., grade
level, study design, effect size) included within the meta-analysis. Any disagreement in the coding scheme was resolved by a third
independent coder. The interrater reliability for the data coding was r = 0.87–1.00 for continuous variables, and k = 0.84–1.00 for
the categorical or string variables. The coding scheme and definitions and example indicators of key constructs can be found in the
online supplemental document (see Table S1).
We summarized several characteristics of each study when available (see Table S2), including: (a) study characteristics (e.g.,
study design, measurement), (b) sample characteristics, (c) measure of classroom climate, (d) measure of youth outcomes, and (e)
statistical result of the relationship between classroom climate and youth outcomes. We used simple bivariate correlation coefficients,
r, as measures of the direction and magnitude of the relationship.
Analytic strategies
Effect sizes of the link between classroom climate and youth outcomes were extracted from each study passing eligibility
screening (Borenstein, Hedges, Higgins, & Rothstein, 2009; Rosenthal, 1991). In extant meta-analyses, most researchers have used
fixed-effects and random-effects models; however, these approaches are limited by the assumption of independence (Field, 2003).
This limitation means that studies having multiple effect sizes cannot be appropriately included and analyzed because clusters of
effect sizes in these studies are more likely to be correlated. To combat this limitation, we used a three-level SEM-based meta-analytic
2
This decision was based on the test of publication bias and risk of selection bias. When including non-peer-reviewed studies (i.e., dissertation and
theses), the funnel plot of the effect sizes suggested publication bias, in that effect sizes were not spread across the plot symmetrically. This finding
aligned with a significant Egger’s test (z = −1.754, p < .01). The risk of selection bias was assessed by examining the measurement quality of
classroom climate and youth outcomes (i.e., appropriate reliability and validity for the scales). Most non-peer-reviewed studies were determined as
having a high risk of bias.
8
Fig. 1. Flow diagram of search results.
approach to account for dependence among the effect sizes within and between individual studies (Cheung, 2009, 2014). Specifically,
a three-level SEM-based mixed-effects model can account for variation attributed to clustering within a single study while capturing
variation attributable to effect size differences within studies (level 2) and across studies (level 3), as well as differences attributable
to random sampling of effect sizes overall. This approach not only addresses the assumption of independence, but it also allows for
examination of heterogeneity in effect sizes by including moderators in the analysis (Van Den Noortgate & Onghena, 2003; Wang,
Henry, et al., 2020). This integrated modeling approach provides additional methodological advantages, such as flexible parameter
constraints, a greater accuracy for confidence intervals, and the use of full information maximum likelihood for handling missing
covariates (Cheung, 2009, 2014).
In this study, all analyses were conducted utilizing the metaSEM package (Cheung, 2014) in R Version 3.3.1 (R Core Team, 2017).
We used a three-level SEM-based mixed effects meta-analytic approach to account for clusters and calculate the overall pooled effect
size (pooled d). Following Borenstein and colleagues’ (2009) recommendations, we conducted analyses on correlations transformed
into Fisher’s z, and all analyses were performed using the transformed values. The summary effect and its confidence interval were
then converted back to correlation coefficients for interpretation. If a study did not report the information necessary to convert the
9
summary measure to d, we contacted the corresponding author to request the required information. If a study reported multiple
correlations between classroom climate and youth outcomes (e.g., study provided correlation coefficients between classroom climate
and academic grades and between classroom climate and engagement), the effect size was calculated separately for each association.
In the event that a study provided both bivariate correlations and multivariate analyses to examine the same association, only
bivariate analyses were included. This decision was due to the fact that studies that utilized multivariate analyses frequently reported
R2 values for multiple covariates. This made it impossible for effect sizes to be calculated from the multivariate analyses.
Furthermore, we used I2 and Q statistics to assess heterogeneity in pooled effect sizes (Higgins, Thompson, Deeks, & Altman,
2003). Cochran (1954) Q statistic reflects the total variance in the meta-analysis, while the I2 statistic represents heterogeneity
(Higgins & Green, 2011). We used moderator analyses to explain heterogeneity in the relation between classroom climate and youth
outcomes (Shadish & Sweeney, 1991), but analyses were conducted only when there were at least four effect sizes per subgroup (Fu
et al., 2011). The proportion of explained heterogeneity variance was calculated by including the moderator variable (R2) and the
heterogeneity between effect sizes in each category (I2).
Moreover, we relied on the chi-square difference (Δχ2) to investigate how well the moderator variable explained the hetero-
geneity in effect sizes. Therefore, we reported the chi-square difference for the omnibus ANOVA test between each mixed-effects
model with moderators along with the original mixed-effects model to indicate whether the moderation effect was significant. We
also analyzed continuous moderators by conducting three-level meta-regression with the function “rma.mv” of the metafor package
(Viechtbauer, 2010) in R (see Harrer, Cuijpers, Furukawa, & Ebert, 2019). In this meta-regression model, moderators were included
as predictors, which allowed us to control for the mutual associations between predictors. We examined the following moderators:
classroom climate dimensions, grade, racial composition, socioeconomic status, measurement of classroom climate, and study design.
Finally, we examined the distribution of sample sizes and effect sizes to determine whether the studies contained any statistical
outliers. Grubbs’ (1950) test was applied to identify outliers. We then assessed publication bias using a funnel plot and Egger’s
regression asymmetry test. In a funnel plot, the standard error is plotted on the y-axis and the effect size on the x-axis, with a
symmetrical funnel indicating no publication bias (Sterne, Egger, & Moher, 2008). We then used Egger’s regression asymmetry test to
quantify the publication bias (Egger, Smith, Schneider, & Minder, 1997). The regression line would run through the origin if the
funnel plots were symmetrical and showed no bias.
Results and discussion
We identified 679 effect sizes from 61 studies that met our inclusion criteria and were included in our review and analysis. Across
the 61 studies, 34 studies (264 effect sizes) examined instructional support, 42 studies (320 effect sizes) examined socioemotional
support, and 18 studies (95 effect sizes) examined classroom management and organization. For targeted outcomes, 17 studies (117
effect sizes) measured social competence, 30 studies (151 effect sizes) measured academic achievement, 40 studies (261 effect sizes)
measured motivation and engagement, 12 studies (59 effect sizes) measured externalizing behaviors, and 10 studies (91 effect sizes)
measured socioemotional distress. For measurement of classroom climate, 46 studies (524 effect sizes) used student reports, 9 studies
(36 effect sizes) used teacher reports, and 12 studies (117 effect sizes) used classroom observations. For study design, 57 studies (529
effect sizes) were cross-sectional studies and 20 studies (150 effect sizes) were longitudinal studies. Of the 61 studies, 73,824 par-
ticipants were included, and the number of study participants ranged from 98 to 10,632. The majority of samples were from United
States, but samples from Australia, Belgium, Canada, China, Germany, Greece, Israel, Korea, Turkey, Spain, Finland, United Kingdom
were also included.
The relation between classroom climate and youth outcomes
We first examined the link between classroom climate and each educational and psychosocial outcome (see Table 1). Overall,
classroom climate had small to medium positive associations with social competence (r = 0.18, p < .001), motivation and en-
gagement (r = 0.25, p < .001), and academic achievement (r = 0.12, p < .001) whereas classroom climate had small negative
associations with externalizing behavior (r = −0.18, p < .001) and socioemotional distress (r = −0.14, p < .001). I2 statistics
showed that there was moderate to high proportion of variance in effect sizes attributed to differences between and within studies.
Thus, we conducted moderator analyses to explain some of the variance.
Our findings reveal that classroom climate composed of instructional, socioemotional, and organizational classroom processes is
associated with youth’s academic and socioemotional outcomes. From a motivational perspective (Deci & Dyan, 2000), effects of
classroom climate on children’s development are driven by the interactions that children have on a daily basis with curriculum,
teachers, peers, and classroom organizational structures (Eccles, 2004; Klieme et al., 2009; Wang & Degol, 2016). Through these
interactions, children have the opportunities to engage in different learning activities, develop relationships with teachers and peers,
and hone their academic and socioemotional skills (Connell, 1990; Deci & Ryan, 2000). When the quality of these interactions is high,
children are more likely to fulfill their psychological needs for competence, autonomy, and relatedness that will lead to greater
academic performance and engagement, better social competence, and lower externalizing and internalizing behaviors. Thus, school
environments represent a nexus to positive youth development through the interactional avenues within the classroom.
Child and study characteristics as moderators
We examined the extent to which correlations between classroom climate and youth outcomes varied by classroom climate
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Table 1
Summary of Effect Sizes for Classroom Climate and Youth Educational and Psychosocial Outcomes.
k #ES r LCI UCI I2_2 I2_3 R2_2 R2_3 ANOVA Δχ2 Q Statistic
Overall Effects of Classroom Climate on Developmental

Outcomes
Social Competence 17 117 0.18*** 0.10 0.26 0.41 0.57 – – – 4838
Externalizing Behavior 12 59 −0.18*** −0.12 −0.25 0.41 0.50 – – – 552
Socioemotional Distress 10 91 −0.14*** −0.08 −0.20 0.56 0.30 – – – 572
Academic achievement 30 151 0.12*** 0.09 0.15 0.66 0.25 – – – 1663
Motivation and engagement 40 261 0.25*** 0.20 0.29 0.51 0.47 – – – 14,387
Moderation Effects by Classroom Climate Dimension

Social Competence 0.03 0.00 2.43
Instructional support 8 28 0.20** 0.06 0.33 0.20 0.77 616
Socioemotional support 13 74 0.21*** 0.10 0.32 0.39 0.60 3817
Classroom organization 6 15 0.14*** 0.08 0.19 0.48 0.45 72
Externalizing Behavior 0.04 0.01 1.66
Instructional support 4 9 −0.21** −0.51 −0.05 0.05 0.87 54
Socioemotional support 8 42 −0.20*** −0.29 −0.11 0.39 0.55 449
Classroom organization 4 8 −0.15** −0.26 −0.04 0.04 0.79 46
Socioemotional Distress 0.04 0.69 9.20*
Instructional support 5 36 −0.08* −0.15 −0.01 0.73 0.11 185
Socioemotional support 6 42 −0.19*** −0.26 −0.11 0.56 0.31 238
Classroom organization 4 13 −0.07 −0.16 −0.03 0.65 0.36 40
Academic achievement 0.01 0.00 0.98
Instructional support 17 56 0.12*** 0.10 0.15 0.89 0.00 595
Socioemotional support 21 70 0.12*** 0.07 0.17 0.49 0.44 973
Classroom organization 9 25 0.12*** 0.09 0.15 0.72 0.00 94
Motivation and engagement 0.01 0.00 0.86
Instructional support 26 135 0.25*** 0.18 0.31 0.51 0.48 0.48 8827
Socioemotional support 25 92 0.23*** 0.18 0.29 0.45 0.50 0.50 1807
Classroom organization 11 34 0.23*** 0.15 0.30 0.75 0.24 0.24 3576
Note. LCI = Lower 95% Confidence Interval; UCI = Upper 95% Confidence Interval; I2_2 = heterogeneity at Level 2; I2_3 = heterogeneity at Level
3; k = number of studies; R2_2 = explained variance at Level 2; R2_3 = explained variance at Level 3; *p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001.
dimensions, grade level, racial composition, socioeconomic status, measurement of classroom climate, and study design.
Classroom climate dimension

Overall, the link between classroom climate and youth outcomes did not vary by classroom climate dimensions, except for the
socioemotional distress outcome (see Table 1). According to the ANOVA test (Δχ2 = 9.20, p < .05), the link between classroom
climate and socioemotional distress was stronger for the socioemotional support dimension (r = −0.19, p < .001) than both the
instructional support (r = −0.08, p < .05) and classroom management dimensions (r = −0.07, ns).
All three dimensions of classroom climate (i.e., instructional, socioemotional, and organizational) appeared to be associated with
youth’s socioemotional development, academic achievement, and behavioral problems. This finding suggests that multiple contextual
factors within classrooms are associated with youth outcomes, a key tenant of ecological theories of human development
(Bronfenbrenner, 1994). These contextual factors focus on discrete aspects of classrooms that include effective teaching, positive
student–teacher and peer relationships, and productive classroom management and organization.
Given that these aspects of classroom climate are associated with child and adolescent educational and psychosocial outcomes
uniquely and collectively, it is probably not enough to measure or focus on only one dimension when studying or promoting
classroom climate. Students may still struggle academically in a classroom with high quality instruction if the socioemotional climate
is poor in quality. In addition, instructional, socioemotional, and organizational dimensions of classroom climate do not develop
independently of one another; the quality of one dimension may influence the quality of all others. Indeed, recent research shows that
classroom climate dimensions are interdependent, such that the nature and quality of one dimension are likely to affect other
dimensions (Hamre, Hatfield, Pianta, & Jamil, 2014; Klieme et al., 2009; Wang, Hofkens, et al., 2020). As such, key components that
comprise high classroom quality are usually dynamically interrelated and should be studied in conjunction with one another.
While all three dimensions of classroom climate were linked to youth outcomes, some dimensions demonstrated a stronger link to
certain outcomes than others. In particular, socioemotional support was more strongly linked to socioemotional distress (e.g., an-
xiety, depression) compared to instructional support and organizational climate. This finding is not surprising, given the socio-
emotional nature of both constructs (i.e., classroom climate dimension and youth outcome), thus suggesting classrooms with more
positive social relationships and interactions have students who are less likely to demonstrate socioemotional distress and more likely
to have adaptive psychological adjustment.
The implications of these findings are highly relevant for school counselors and mental health professionals battling the serious
problem of adolescent anxiety and depression. From extant psychological research, we know that adolescence is a developmental
period characterized by a heightened risk for developing depression and anxiety (Avenevoli et al., 2015). Recent estimates indicate
that nearly 13% of adolescents between the ages of 12–17 and 32% of adolescents between the ages of 13–18 suffer from depression
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Table 2
Moderation Effects of Youth’s Grade.
k #ES β(SE) Lower CI Upper CI F(df1,df2)a Q Statistic
Moderation Effects by Grade

Social Competence
Grade 15 108 0.02(0.05) −0.07 0.10 F(1,106) = 0.14 4835
Externalizing Behavior
Grade 12 57 −0.05(0.05) −0.13 0.03 F(1,55) = 1.61 542
Socioemotional Distress
Grade 10 87 −0.05(0.05) −0.14 0.04 F(1,85) = 1.28 445
Academic Achievement
Grade 30 151 0.00(0.01) −0.02 0.02 F(1,149) = 0.00 1653
Motivation and engagement
Grade 38 238 0.03(0.02) −0.02 0.07 F(1,236) = 1.42 14,165
Note. LCI = Lower 95% Confidence Interval; UCI = Upper 95% Confidence Interval; β = standardized regression coefficient; Omnibus test of all a
regression coefficients in the model.; *p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001.
and anxiety respectively, but approximately 60% of these adolescents will suffer in silence, as their symptoms are highly likely to go
undetected and untreated (National Institutes of Health, 2017a, 2017b). Given these alarming statistics, greater appreciation for
school and classroom environmental effects on anxiety and depression is warranted. Preventing or treating mood disorders in
adolescents may be more difficult if their daily environmental contexts are not conducive to their overall mental health. For the
school context, this extends predominantly to the quality of teacher-student and peer relationships, as these are the classroom
components most strongly linked to psychosocial functioning.
Child’s grade level

The link between classroom climate and youth outcomes did not differ by child’s grade level (see Table 2). The results suggest that
positive classroom climate is associated with educational and psychosocial development across both the primary and secondary
school years. This finding is especially relevant given that students’ academic performance, motivation, and engagement typically
declines from primary to secondary school (Jacobs, Lanza, Osgood, Eccles, & Wigfield, 2002; Wang & Eccles, 2013). This decline in
engagement can be attributed to a mismatch in stage-environment fit (Eccles et al., 1993), as adolescence overlaps with the transition
to secondary school. Adjusting to this new environment can be difficult for many students due to the change in setting and the
increased challenges of a high-stakes academic curriculum. A supportive classroom climate may help adolescents better manage their
transition to secondary school, thus maintaining their engagement and potentially mitigating drop out for low performing and
disengaged students (Eccles & Roeser, 2011; Wang & Eccles, 2013). Given the increased risk of developing internalizing and ex-
ternalizing behaviors during adolescence (Wang & Kenny, 2014), promotion of a positive classroom climate may serve as a buffer
against mental health issues.
Racial composition
The link between classroom climate and youth outcomes did not differ by percentage of racial minority students, except for the
outcome of motivation and engagement (see Table 3). Classroom climate was more strongly associated with youth motivation and
engagement when the sample included more racial minority students (β(SE) = 0.07(0.03), p < .05; F(1, 159) = 5.85, p < .05).
Socioeconomic status
The link between classroom climate and youth outcomes did not vary by children’s socioeconomic status (see Table 4).
Table 3
Moderation Effects of Racial Composition of the Samples.
k #ES β(SE) Lower CI Upper CI F(df1,df2)a Q Statistic
Moderation Effects by Percentage of racial minorities

Social Competence
Percentage of racial minorities 9 42 0.03(0.03) −0.03 0.10 F(1,40) = 0.80 298
Externalizing Behavior
Percentage of racial minorities 8 24 −0.01(0.05) −0.11 0.09 F(1,22) = 0.03 172
Socioemotional Distress
Academic Achievement
Motivation and engagement
Percentage of racial minorities 23 161 0.07(0.03)* 0.01 0.12 F(1,159) = 5.85* 10,790
Note. LCI = Lower 95% Confidence Interval; UCI = Upper 95% Confidence Interval; β = standardized regression coefficient; a Omnibus test of all
regression coefficients in the model.; *p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001.
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Table 4
Moderation Effects of Youth’s Family Socioeconomic Status.
k #ES r Lower CI Upper CI I2_2 I2_3 R2_2 R2_3 ANOVA Δχ2 Q Statistic
Moderation Effects by Socioeconomic status

Low SES 4 28 0.19*** 0.08 0.30 0.75 0.25 1145
Middle SES 1 12 0.57*** 0.47 0.65 0.97 0.00 436
Mixed SES 9 60 0.13** 0.03 0.22 0.39 0.54 752
Low SES 3 9 −0.20* −0.37 −0.02 0.70 0.25 254
Middle SES – – – – – – – –
Mixed SES 5 12 −0.22*** −0.31 −0.14 0.60 0.31 115
Socioemotional Distress 0.00 0.04 0.01
Low SES 3 9 −0.13*** −0.18 −0.07 0.66 0.30 28
Middle SES – – – – – – – –
Mixed SES 2 14 −0.12* −0.23 −0.02 0.73 0.19 148
Academic Achievement 0.00 0.24 2.20
Low SES 3 13 0.19*** 0.13 0.25 0.96 0.00 276
Middle SES 3 15 0.17*** 0.13 0.21 0.85 0.04 113
Mixed SES 7 47 0.10** 0.04 0.17 0.21 0.65 279
Motivation and engagement 0.01 0.32 5.99
Low SES 3 13 0.19*** 0.13 0.24 0.87 0.00 102
Middle SES 4 24 0.39*** 0.26 0.52 0.31 0.67 1149
Mixed SES 12 99 0.21*** 0.14 0.28 0.57 0.37 1712
Associations between classroom climate and youth outcomes were mostly consistent across study sample racial composition and
children’s socioeconomic status. These findings are encouraging in that positive classroom climate appears to be potentially beneficial
for all students from different racial/ethnic and SES backgrounds; however, differences in motivation and engagement emerged in
which classroom climate was only associated with higher motivation and engagement for classrooms with more racial minority
students. These findings may reflect the fact that schools with greater racial diversity are often concentrated in high-poverty, urban
neighborhoods (Farkas, 2017). These schools are likely to be under-resourced, have lower quality teachers, and serve a larger
percentage of underprivileged children (Kelly, 2009). Schools with greater concentrations of low-income students usually have fewer
resources to identify and treat students struggling with learning and mental health issues (National Institutes of Health, 2017a,
2017b). Given the greater risk for many of these students of developing academic issues, supportive classroom climates may produce
more pronounced positive outcomes for this academically vulnerable population.
Measurement of classroom climate

The link between classroom climate and student outcomes differed by measurement of classroom climate, except for the socio-
emotional distress outcome (see Table 5). Student report (r = 0.19, p < .001) and observation (r = 0.11, p < .01) of classroom
climate had positive associations with social competence, whereas teacher report of classroom climate had a non-significant effect on
social competence (r = 0.41, ns). In addition, student report (r = −0.19, p < .001) and teacher report (r = −0.34, p < .05) of
classroom climate had negative associations with externalizing behavior. However, observation of classroom climate did not have a
significant association with externalizing behavior (r = −0.10, ns). Student report (r = 0.26, p < .001), teacher report (r = 0.36,
p < .001), and observation (r = 0.12, p < .001) of classroom climate all had positive associations with motivation and engagement
though with different magnitudes. Likewise, student report (r = 0.10, p < .001), teacher report (r = 0.24, p < .001), and
observation (r = 0.12, p < .001) of classroom climate all had positive associations with academic achievement but varied in
strength.
The moderation analyses found that the measurement tools used to assess classroom climate influence the strength of the as-
sociations between climate and youth outcomes. Student reports of classroom climate were significantly associated with all outcomes
assessed in the study. Students experience daily interactions in their classrooms and provide a unique perspective to our under-
standing of how classroom dynamics influence their adjustment (Wagner et al., 2013; Wang & Degol, 2016). If students view their
environment as supportive, then they are more likely to be engaged and mentally healthy; however, if students do not view their
environment as supportive, then outcomes will be less positive, regardless of how positively teachers or observers may view the
environment. As only student reports of classroom climate were significantly associated with socioemotional distress, our findings
validate the importance of assessing student perceptions of classroom climate.
Although all student outcomes were linked to student reports of classroom climate, teacher reports of classroom climate were only
associated with externalizing behaviors and academic achievement, and observation measures were only associated with social
competence and academic achievement. Such findings suggest that each reporter may offer a unique perspective on the overall
dynamics of the classroom environment that may deviate from the perspective of other reporters. Perception matters not just for
determining the valence of the climate dimension under consideration, but also in determining the effect of the climate dimension on
the youth outcome under consideration. However, it is difficult to understand where these differences in measurement effects emerge
13
Table 5
Moderation Effects of Classroom Climate Measurement and Study Design.
k #ES r Lower CI Upper CI I2_2 I2_3 R2_2 R2_3 ANOVA Δχ2 Q Statistic
Moderation Effects by Classroom Climate Measurement

Social Competence 0.00 0.23 10.39**
Student report 11 91 0.19*** 0.08 0.29 0.34 0.65 4285
Teacher report 3 5 0.41 −0.01 0.71 0.02 0.97 404
Observation 5 21 0.11** 0.04 0.19 0.19 0.43 60
Externalizing Behavior 0.00 0.43 12.62**
Student report 9 46 −0.19*** −0.24 −0.13 0.37 0.47 206
Teacher report 3 6 −0.34* −0.61 0.00 0.08 0.91 291
Observation 2 7 −0.10 −0.22 0.03 0.00 0.65 9
Socioemotional Distress 0.00 0.36 3.63
Student report 8 80 −0.15*** −0.21 −0.09 0.59 0.24 445
Teacher report 2 5 −0.18 – – 0.92 0.00 53
Observation 1 6 −0.02 −0.03 0.06 0.14 0.00 7
Academic Achievement 0.00 0.32 33.63***
Student report 20 102 0.10*** 0.07 0.14 0.50 0.41 1070
Teacher report 6 13 0.24*** 0.12 0.35 0.25 0.69 241
Observation 8 36 0.12*** 0.08 0.17 0.50 0.29 132
Motivation and engagement 0.00 0.20 8.98*
Student report 31 205 0.26*** 0.21 0.32 0.53 0.46 13,569
Teacher report 4 7 0.36*** 0.27 0.45 0.96 0.00 136
Observation 7 47 0.12*** 0.07 0.17 0.70 0.14 305
Moderation Effects by Study Design

Cross-sectional 16 99 0.19*** 0.10 0.27 0.45 0.53 4085
Longitudinal 2 18 0.02 −0.11 0.16 0.27 0.64 139
Cross-sectional 11 52 −0.20*** −0.27 −0.13 0.39 0.53 511
Longitudinal 2 7 −0.12*** −0.17 −0.07 0.66 0.00 22
Socioemotional Distress 0.09 0.00 0.3.14
Cross-sectional 9 66 −0.15*** −0.22 −0.08 0.50 0.36 446
Longitudinal 3 25 −0.11*** −0.16 −0.06 0.81 0.00 119
Academic Achievement 0.01 0.01 0.18
Cross-sectional 25 111 0.12*** 0.09 0.15 0.74 0.18 1209
Longitudinal 10 40 0.11*** 0.06 0.16 0.47 0.44 448
Motivation and engagement 0.07 0.03 14.43***
Cross-sectional 35 199 0.26*** 0.21 0.31 0.50 0.49 11,675
Longitudinal 12 60 0.16*** 0.09 0.22 0.55 0.42 1323
based on our meta-analyses. For example, an alternative explanation to these divergent findings could be that some of the mea-
surement tools are not accurately or reliably assessing the variables of interest. Future studies should examine the convergence and
divergence of measurements of classroom climate using different reporters as well as how each source is related to youth outcomes
(Wang, Hofkens, et al., 2020). Examination of student, teacher, and observer reports on classroom climate could inform the extent to
which each of these data sources might be useful for studying the implementation and impact of school reform initiatives.
Study design
The link between classroom climate and youth outcomes did not vary by study design, except for the motivation and engagement
outcome (see Table 5). Studies examining the association between classroom climate and motivation and engagement reported
smaller effects for longitudinal (r = 0.16, p < .001) than cross-sectional (r = 0.26, p < .001) studies.
The moderation analyses show that most associations between classroom climate and youth outcomes did not vary by study
design (i.e., longitudinal and cross-sectional studies), indicating that classroom climate has both immediate and cascading effects on
youth outcomes. As children mature and their psychological needs for competence, autonomy, and relatedness grow more salient,
classroom environments designed to support youth’s academic and psychosocial development may have long-lasting salutary con-
sequences (Eccles et al., 1993; Pianta & Hamre, 2009). Despite similarities in findings across study designs, it is imperative to note
that longitudinal designs can more effectively determine the trajectories and changes in classroom climate by controlling for pre-
viously measured outcomes. Classroom climate is a dynamic process that is likely to change throughout the school year: Students may
struggle at the beginning of the year to adjust to teacher rules and expectations, but they may become more accustomed to their
classroom environment over time ( Wang and Degol, 2016). Such changes in student or teacher perception throughout the school
year cannot be adequately captured by cross-sectional data; thus, researchers should consider longitudinal designs when examining
the associations between classroom climate and youth outcome in their future studies.
14
Fig. 2. Funnel plots for child’s educational and psychosocial outcomes (Egger’s test results: z = −0.06, p = .54).
Publication bias
The Grubbs’ test revealed no significant sample size outliers, and there were no significant outliers among the effect sizes. The
examination of a funnel plot of the effect sizes (see Fig. 2) suggested no publication bias, in that effect sizes were symmetrically
spread across the plot. This was confirmed with non-significant Egger’s test results (z = −0.61, p = .54).
General discussion
Classroom environment is not only an important academic learning setting, but it also serves as a motivational and developmental
context for youth development (Eccles, 2004; Hattie, 2009; Pianta & Hamre, 2009; Wang, Degol, et al., 2020). Understandably,
fostering a positive classroom climate has been essential to many school reform efforts hoping to promote youth’s academic and
psychological wellbeing. In this meta-analytic study, we systematically reviewed and synthesized extant research to estimate the
overall strength of the link between classroom climate and youth outcomes, as well as the degree to which theorized factors moderate
these associations. Overall, classroom climate as a multidimensional construct had small-to-medium positive links with social
competence, motivation and engagement, and academic achievement and small negative links with socioemotional distress and
externalizing behaviors. We detected substantial variability in these effect sizes, which further justified our examination of potential
moderators. Moderator analyses showed that some of the links between classroom climate and youth outcomes varied by classroom
climate dimensions, measurement of classroom climate, and study design, though the pattern of the associations was mostly con-
sistent.
Findings suggest that classroom contexts are associated with a wide range of developmental outcomes. Bioecological systems
theory postulates that socialization processes in the classroom shape youth’s developmental competencies and motivational beliefs,
critical mechanisms that set the stage for long-term development (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). Teachers and peers create op-
portunities for youth to engage in a variety of academic and social activities through instructional methods, classroom organization,
and the provision of socioemotional support. The interactional quality of a given classroom activity provides youth with information
about themselves as being capable, independent learners who are connected to and supported by others (Wang, Degol, et al., 2020).
Youth’s socialization experiences cumulate to support or undermine their motivational beliefs and developmental competencies,
which in turn influence their academic and psychosocial wellbeing (Wang, Hofkens, et al., 2020). The quality of classroom socia-
lization processes is represented by the instructional support, socioemotional support, and management or organization practices
within the classroom context.
The connection between the quality of instructional support and developmental outcomes is conveyed through multiple inter-
actional avenues. Teachers that push for attainably high standards and emphasize mastering new skills over the attainment of a set
performance standard create environments conducive to learning where students experience an increased enjoyment of learning
(Schiefele & Schaffner, 2015; Wang, 2012). Such an environment also inspires increases in students’ engagement and intrinsic
motivation to perform highly in school, potentially resulting in higher academic achievement (Wang & Eccles, 2012; Wang &
Holcombe, 2010). Likewise, when students feel they can achieve, they are less likely to engage in delinquent behavior (Hoffmann,
Erickson, & Spence, 2013) or drop out of school (Quiroga, Janosz, Bisset, & Morin, 2013; Wang & Fredricks, 2014).
The proximal processes involved in classroom management also include approaches teachers use to help students set goals and
guidelines for behavior. The goal for all positive classroom management strategies is for students to regulate their behaviors in
accordance with class codes of conduct. Management or discipline practices that are harsh, reactive, or controlling may undermine
children’s self-motivation to regulate behavior (Amemiya, Mortenson, & Wang, 2019; Pas, Cash, O’Brennan, Debnam, & Bradshaw,
2015). Developmentally appropriate disciplinary practices, on the other hand, are likely to create the necessary conditions for
15
developing students’ classroom-based adaptive coping strategies (Korpershoek et al., 2016). The proximal processes prevalent in
socioemotional support systems may aide students in a similar way: When students feel accepted and supported by adults and peers,
they are more likely to thrive and experience positive adjustment (Lucas-Molina et al., 2015; Rimm-Kaufman et al., 2015). Multiple
socialization processes, therefore, contribute to a child’s development. This finding fits the multi-contextual pathways through which
bioecological theory demonstrates youth grow and change across multiple contexts.
The role of the classroom environment in shaping youth developmental outcomes can also be viewed through the lens of self-
determination theory. In K-12 classroom settings, students seek to fulfill psychological needs while participating in academics,
exploring their identity, and striving to form relationships with others (Eccles & Roeser, 2011). Self-determination theory posits that
optimal youth development occurs in learning contexts that fulfill youth’s psychological needs for competence, autonomy, and
relatedness. These psychological needs refer to underlying motivational processes that contribute to youth’s sense of initiative to
participate in learning tasks. Such processes then inform a student’s beliefs about how competent, autonomous, and socially con-
nected they are within a given context (Deci & Ryan, 2000). Students’ motivational beliefs are cultivated within the context of
complex social and academic classroom networks, creating motivational orientations that either foster or undermine academic de-
velopment. Youth who seek out challenges and persist despite setbacks have developed more adaptive approaches to learning, while
youth who avoid challenges and give up easily have developed learned helplessness (Eccles, 2009; Wang, Degol, et al., 2020).
As evidenced in this meta-analytic study, classroom environments that meet students’ psychological needs are primed for positive
youth development; conversely, a classroom environment that detracts from or subverts psychological needs undermines positive
development. For instance, youth develop competence by engaging in challenging, authentic, and meaningful work (Eccles & Roeser,
2011); autonomy by forming opinions and selecting academic activities and tasks (Niemiec & Ryan, 2009); and relatedness through
supportive interactions with peers and adults (Guay, Ratelle, & Chanal, 2008; Wentzel, 2002). When students are respected and
supported, they are also more likely to feel connected through developing better interpersonal relationships with others, and com-
petent through pursuing their own interests (Green et al., 2012; Wang, 2012). On the contrary, classroom environments that are rigid
or disorganized undermine autonomy and threaten competence, just as competence and relatedness are thwarted by performance-
based or socially comparative instructional practices (Wang & Holcombe, 2010). In sum, positive academic and socioemotional
development thrives in classroom environments that support students’ psychological needs and personal goals.
Limitations
While this study exhibits many strengths, a few limitations and caveats should be noted. Our meta-analytic findings are mostly
based on correlational studies; hence, we cannot assume causality in the association between classroom climate and youth outcomes
(Cooper, 2015). In spite of this, our findings are rather robust, as they held up regardless of whether the study design was cross-
sectional or longitudinal. Approximately two-thirds of the studies reviewed for this meta-analysis were cross-sectional designs.
Despite a strong theoretical basis for classroom climate as an antecedent for youth outcomes, there is a need for longitudinal studies
that can disentangle any temporal sequencing of these relationships. This line of inquiry is imperative given that the association
between classroom climate and youth outcomes is likely to be bidirectional (Pianta, Belsky, Houts, & Morrison, 2007). In addition,
some longitudinal studies have found that instructional, socio-emotional, and organizational classroom characteristics vary
throughout the school year (Cameron, Connor, & Morrison, 2005; Pianta et al., 2007). More longitudinal research is needed to better
understand how classroom climate changes over time, as well as how much variability in youth outcomes may be attributed to
classroom factors after controlling for earlier measurements of youth outcomes.
An additional caveat involves the generalizability of our meta-analytic review. The sampling methods inhibited our ability to
generalize the findings (Owen et al., 2016). For example, it is plausible that studies that failed to find significant associations between
classroom climate and youth outcomes were not published, making them unavailable for our meta-analysis (Quin, 2017). We thus
acknowledge that the publication bias against null findings may have inadvertently overestimated the effect sizes reported in the
study. Furthermore, our review focused on peer-reviewed studies and did not include non-peer-reviewed literature, such as un-
published dissertations or theses. The reason for the exclusion of non-peer-reviewed studies was to ensure we included studies that
have gone through a rigorous scientific review. Indeed, we found that unpublished dissertation studies tend to be of lower quality
than published, peer-reviewed studies based on the assessment of publication bias and risk of bias. Consequently, future research
should adjust for the quality of the study design in the moderator analyses. A final issue limiting the generalizability of our study is
that this meta-analytic study only focused on articles published between 2000 and 2016. Therefore, the results cannot be generalized
to studies conducted outside of this timeframe.
In addition, the lack of scholarly consensus regarding what constitutes classroom climate requires a caveat: this meta-analysis
focused on three major dimensions that involve interactive processes between students and teachers (i.e., instructional support,
classroom organization, and socioemotional support). That is, our conceptualization of classroom climate did not exhaustively and
holistically capture the multitude of classroom climate indicators as described across numerous research studies (e.g., physical space,
institutional environment). Thus, the findings cannot be generalized to classroom climate studies using conceptualizations of climate
that differ from the ones covered in our meta-analysis.
The interpretation of our findings is also limited by the quality and depth of information provided about sample characteristics, as
this information was used to operationalize and examine the moderators included in our study. For example, we examined youth’s
school grade level rather than age as a moderator of classroom climate effects given that many studies did not report participants’ age
or statistics separately for different age groups. Likewise, our moderator examining the SES of the student body was constrained by
how much information was provided within the examined studies, which largely did not include any fine-grained categorization of
16
SES (e.g., family income, parent education). Future research may want to improve upon their methods of measuring and distin-
guishing across socioeconomic backgrounds so that we can better determine how SES influences classroom climate effects on youth
outcomes (Wang, Smith, Miller-Cotto, & Huguley, 2020).
Relatedly, due to limited statistical power, we could not examine intersecting effects involving multiple factors on youth out-
comes. For example, it is plausible that a three-way interaction may exist, in that the effect of a specific classroom climate dimension
varies as both a function of age/grade level and socioeconomic status. Such in-depth intersectional effects were too expansive to
explore given the topical breadth of the current study. However, future inquiries should target specific intersecting moderations to
add further precision to what is known about classroom climate’s nuanced associations with youth outcomes. Finally, it was beyond
the scope of the current meta-analysis to empirically consider the potential mediators between classroom climate and youth outcomes
(e.g., sense of belonging). Future research should explore these indirect effects in depth to better understand the complex pathways
through which classroom climate may shape child and adolescent development.
Future directions
This meta-analytic review study on classroom climate has identified substantial gaps that should be addressed in future research.
These gaps include thinking more critically about how the field conceptualizes and measures classroom climate, investigating in-
dividual and contextual characteristics that might moderate the link between classroom climate and youth outcomes, and placing a
greater focus on the development and implementation of prevention and intervention strategies that target classroom climate at
individual and setting levels.
First and foremost, the multidimensional measurement and characterization of classroom climate should be strengthened. In
choosing a measurement method, researchers need to articulate their definitions of classroom climate, describe which features they
chose to focus on and why they chose them, and explain how their conceptualization enhances or improves upon the existing
literature. Despite a growing recognition that classroom quality is best constructed and captured by multi-method approaches (De Los
Reyes, Thomas, Goodman, & Kundey, 2013; Wagner, Rau, & Lindemann, 2010), research onclassroom environment rarely examines
the robustness of findings across different informants and assessment methods. Using multi-informants (i.e., student and teacher) and
multi-methods (i.e., survey and observation) to document different aspects of classroom climate in relation to youth outcomes may
enable us to examine to what extent student-report, teacher-report, and observational data converge and produce similar patterns of
results (Wang, Hofkens, et al., 2020). Looking at multiple perspectives of classroom climate and multiple indicators of youth out-
comes will also contribute to a more nuanced picture of which perspectives of classroom climate relate to which indicators of youth
outcomes.
Another consideration for future research is the need to investigate theorized moderators of the associations between classroom
climate and youth outcomes. Some evidence supports the variation of effects by individual, contextual, and study characteristics, but
much more work is needed to illuminate which children benefit more from a supportive classroom climate and what contexts buffer
or promote such effects (Wang, Guo, & Degol, 2019). In other words, we need to better understand why, for whom, and under what
conditions classroom climate promotes positive youth outcomes. For example, studies show that there are salient racial/ethnic and
gender differences in perceptions of classroom climate (Benner & Graham, 2007; Gentry, Gable, & Rizza, 2002). Greater attention to
potential race and gender variation in this regard is warranted.
Conclusion
This work represents one of the first systematic meta-analytic reviews quantifying the strength of the link between classroom
climate and youth’s educational and psychosocial outcomes. Our findings illustrate the benefits of supportive classroom climate
across multiple indicators of youth’s academic and psychological wellbeing. While extant literature is replete with findings de-
monstrating the academic benefits associated with a positive classroom climate, our results suggest that the positive classroom
climate’s benefits extend into both social and psychological domains of youth wellbeing. Given the important foundation that youth’s
academic achievement, mental health, and social competence create for positive lifespan development, our synthesis of the inter-
relations between classroom climate and youth functioning fills a critical gap in the field. Our meta-analytic study also tested the
moderating effects of student characteristics, classroom features, study design, and measurement methods. The examination of key
moderators highlights who may benefit the most from positive classroom climate effects and which research approaches may offer
the best approximation of classroom climate’s association with youth outcomes.
With declines in academic achievement, scholastic engagement, and overall mental health that occur over the course of ado-
lescence (Wang & Hofkens, 2019), it is imperative that researchers and practitioners identify critical predictors of positive psycho-
logical and behavioral trends. This meta-analytic review poses positive classroom climate as one effective method for promoting
youth’s academic achievement, socioemotional development, and mental health, especially during adolescence. While it is no small
feat putting research into practice, the evidence suggests that when classrooms are high in quality, children are more likely to strive
for and achieve success.
Acknowledgment
This project was funded by National Science Foundation (1315943) and Spencer Foundation to Ming-Te Wang.
17
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Developmental Review 57 (2020) 100912

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Classroom climate and children’s academic and psychological

Theoretical framework and conceptualization of classroom climate

Classroom climate and youth outcomes

Child and sample characteristics and study design as moderators

Research design and method diﬀerences

The current study

Criteria for inclusion and exclusion

Fig. 1. Flow diagram of search results.

Results and discussion

The relation between classroom climate and youth outcomes

Child and study characteristics as moderators

Overall Eﬀects of Classroom Climate on Developmental

Moderation Eﬀects by Classroom Climate Dimension

Classroom climate dimension

Moderation Eﬀects by Grade

Child’s grade level

Moderation Eﬀects by Percentage of racial minorities

Moderation Eﬀects by Socioeconomic status

Measurement of classroom climate

Moderation Eﬀects by Classroom Climate Measurement

Moderation Eﬀects by Study Design

of psychosocial negativities. International Journal of Adolescence and Youth, 16, 69–95.

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