Unit 1-4 His

HISTORY OF INDIA
1200-1550
B.A. PROGRAMME (HISTORY)
SEMESTER-III
DSC (MINOR PAPER)
DEPARTMENT OF DISTANCE AND CONTINUING EDUCATION

UNIVERSITY OF DELHI
History of India 1200-1550
Editorial Board
Dr. Meera Khare, Dr. Rajni Nanda Mathew,
Sh. Prabhat Kumar
Content Writers
Dr. Meera Khare, Dr. Shubhra Sinha,
Dr. Parul Lau Gaur, Dr. Madhu Trivedi
Academic Coordinator
Deekshant Awasthi
© Department of Distance and Continuing Education

ISBN: 978-81-19169-72-6
Ist edition: 2023
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history@col.du.ac.in
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on 25/08/2023 vide item no. 1267.
 The Unit II (Lesson 3) & Unit IV (Lesson 1) of the present study material are modified
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SYLLABUS
Syllabus Mapping
Unit I: Survey of Sources

1. Persianta’rikh Traditions Lesson 1: Survey of Sources
2. Malfuzat and Premakhyans (Pages 3-33)
3. Inscriptions and Regional Identity: Kakatiyas
Unit II: Political Structures

1. Sultanates of Delhi: Transitions in Ruling Elites, Service Lesson 2: Sultanates of Delhi:
Cultures, Iqtas Transition in Ruling Elites,
2. Articulating Political Authority: Monuments and Rituals Service Cultures, and Iqta
3. Political Cultures: Vijayanagara and Gujarat (Pages 37-59);
Lesson 3: Articulating Political
Authority: Monuments
and Rituals
(Pages 61-94);
Lesson 4: Political Cultures:
Vijayanagara
(Pages 95-117);
Lesson 5: Political Cultures: Gujarat
(Pages 119-148)
Unit III: Society and Economy

1. Agricultural Production Lesson 6: Society and Economy
2. Technology and Changes in Society (Pages 151-175)
3. Monetization; Market Regulations; Urban Centres; Trade
and Craft
Unit IV: Religion, Society and Cultures

1. Sufi Silsilas: Chishtis and Suhrawardis; Doctrines and Lesson 7: Sufi Silsilas, Bhakti
Practices; Social Roles Movement, Doctrines
2. Bhakti; Sant Tradition: Kabir and Nanak; Cults: Jagannath and Practices
and Warkari (Pages 179-201);
3. Gender Roles: Women Bhaktas and Rulers Lesson 8: Jagannath Cult, Warkari Cult,
and Women Bhaktas
(Pages 203-229)

CONTENTS
UNIT I: SURVEY OF SOURCES
LESSON 1 SURVEY OF SOURCES 3-33
1.0 Learning Objectives

1.1 Introduction
1.2 Persian Ta’rikh Traditions
1.2.1 Categories of Persian Ta’rikh Tradition
1.3 Malfuzat and Premakhyans
1.3.1 Malfuzat
1.3.2 Premakhyans
1.4 Inscriptions and Regional Identity: Kakatiyas
1.4.1 Inscriptions as Historical Sources
1.4.2 Inscriptions and Identity: Kakatiyas
1.5 Summary
1.6 Glossary
1.7 Answers to In-Text Questions
1.8 Self Assessment Questions
1.9 References
1.10 Suggested Readings

UNIT II: POLITICAL STRUCTURES

LESSON 2 SULTANATES OF DELHI: TRANSITION IN RULING ELITES,
SERVICE CULTURES, AND IQTA 37-59

2.1 Introduction
2.2 Transition in Ruling Elites and Service Culture
2.3 Service Culture
2.3.1 Iqta
2.3.2 Introduction of Iqta System in India in Thirteenth Century
2.3.3 Some traits of Iqta system under the Sultans of Delhi
2.4 Summary
2.5 Glossary
2.7 Self-Assessment Questions
2.8 References
LESSON 3 ARTICULATING POLITICAL AUTHORITY: MONUMENTS AND
RITUALS 61-94

3.1 Introduction
3.2 Articulating Political Authority: Monuments
3.3 Qutb Mosque: ‘Might of Islam’ or Multiple Meanings?
3.4 Contesting Claims to Authority
3.5 Articulating Political Authority: Rituals
3.6 Conclusion
3.7 Summary

3.8 Glossary
3.11 References
LESSON 4 POLITICAL CULTURES: VIJAYANAGARA 95-117

4.1 Introduction
4.2 Geography and Physical Layout of Capital
4.3 Sources
4.4 Political and Dynastic History
4.5 Articulation and Organization of Political Authority
4.5.1 Vijayanagara as Capital City: Meaning and Interpretation
4.5.2 Mahanavmi Festival
4.5.3 Political Culture: Islamicization
4.6 Vijayanagara State: Historiographical Debate
4.7 Vijayanagara Polity
4.8 Vijayanagara Society and Religion
4.9 Vijayanagara Ecomomy
4.10 Conclusion
4.11 Summary
4.12 Glossary
4.15 References

LESSON 5 POLITICAL CULTURES: GUJARAT 119-148

5.1 Introduction
5.1.1 Geography
5.1.2 Sources
5.1.3 Historiography
5.2 Political History
5.2.1 State and Society in Gujarat: The Making of a Political Culture 1200-1500
5.2.2 Key Developments
5.3 State and Society in Fifteenth Century Gujarat: East Gujarat, the Core Region
5.3.1 Sedentism and Mobility: Settled Agriculture and Trade
5.3.2 Architecture of Power: Building of New Capitals and Structures of Piety
5.4 State and Society in Fifteenth Century Gujarat: Saurashtra and Kuchch
5.5 State and Society in Fifteenth Century Gujarat: Religion
5.6 State and Society in Fifteenth Century Gujarat: Court and Administration
5.7 Language and Literature
5.8 Conclusion
5.9 Summary
5.10 Glossary
5.13 References

UNIT III: SOCIETY AND ECONOMY

LESSON 6 SOCIETY AND ECONOMY 151-175

6.1 Introduction
6.2 Agricultural Production Under Delhi Sultans
6.2.1 Agrarian Policies of Delhi Sultans
6.2.2 Rural Aristocracy
6.3 Technology
6.4 Urbanization
6.4.1 Cities and Social Mobility
6.5 Bazaars and Market Regulations
6.6 Monetization
6.6.1 Money Economy Under Delhi Sultans
6.6.2 Monetization Under Vijayanagara Rulers
6.7 Trade
6.8 Crafts
6.8.1 Craft During Vijayanagara Period
6.8.2 Crafts of the Sultanate Period
6.9 Conclusion
6.10 Glossary
6.12 References

UNIT IV: RELIGION, SOCIETY AND CULTURES

LESSON 7 SUFI SILSILAS, BHAKTI MOVEMENT, DOCTRINES AND
PRACTICES 179-201

7.1 Introduction
7.2 Chisti and Suhrawardi Silsila
7.3 Delhi as the Cultural Node of the Eastern Islamic World
7.4 Sufi Literature
7.5 Bhakti Movement
7.6 Summary
7.8 References
LESSON 8 JAGANNATH CULT, WARKARI CULT, AND
WOMEN BHAKTAS 203-229

8.1 Introduction
8.2 The Jagannatha Cult
8.2.1 Legitimization of Hindu Medieval Kingdoms
8.2.2 The Formative Years and Patronage of Jagannatha Cult
8.2.3 Car Festival and Priests of Puri
8.3 The Warkari Panth
8.3.1 Origin of the Warkari panth
8.3.2 Social Composition and the Saints of Warkari Panth

8.4 Gender Roles: Women Bhaktas and Rulers

8.4.1 Akka Mahadevi
8.4.2 Lal Dey
8.4.3 Mirabai
8.5 Conclusion
8.6 Glossary
8.7 Answer to In-Text Questions

UNIT I: SURVEY OF SOURCES
LESSON 1 SURVEY OF SOURCES

Survey of Sources
LESSON 1 NOTES
SURVEY OF SOURCES
Dr. Meera Khare
Associate Professor (retd.),
PGDAV College, University of Delhi
Structure
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Persian Ta’rikh Traditions
1.3 Malfuzat and Premakhyans
1.3.1 Malfuzat
1.3.2 Premakhyans
1.4 Inscriptions and Regional Identity: Kakatiyas
1.5 Summary
1.6 Glossary
1.8 Self Assessment Questions
1.9 References
1.0 LEARNING OBJECTIVES
 To know about different types of sources of your period of study and their
significance
 To examine various categories of Persian historical court-centred sources
 To discuss Sufi Persian texts like Malfuzat and Premakhyans that were written
in Hindavi in the hinterland courts of north India
 To understand the importance of inscriptions as historical sources, and how Self-Instructional
regional identities are constructed through them Material 3

NOTES
1.1 INTRODUCTION
The Ghurid conquest (1192) and the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate in north
India is an important development in Indian history. The period from the 1200s is
noteworthy, not because the invaders laid the foundation of a Muslim rule in the
subcontinent, important as it might be on its own merit. But it is also noteworthy
because the sources that are now available to the historians from the 13th century
increased in large and diverse numbers. The historians of the Delhi Sultanate (1206-
1526) deal with far many sources in contrast to the previous centuries.
Historians use a variety of sources to reconstruct the past, and the post Gupta
centuries, the 7th-12th centuries for north India, are largely documented using
archaeological, like numismatics and epigraphy. However, the fragmentary nature of
these epigraphic sources, namely the stone inscriptions, though often corroborated by
the Itihas-Puranic text tradition, prevents the writing of narrative accounts of large
regions. On the contrary, a rich corpus of literary sources exists for the period from the
13th century onwards. Archaeological sources continue to be used in your period of
study, but a large number of Persian chronicles are available for the historians of the
Delhi Sultanate. These Delhi-centred Persian histories (Tawarikh, singular ta’rikh)
were written by courtiers, whose main focus was the Sultan, his court and its institutions.
Simultaneously, another type of Persian literature, the table talks or the discourses
of the Sufi saints, the Malfuzat texts and the biographies of the venerated Sufi saints,
the Tazkirehs came to be compiled as well. These non-statist, non-elitist texts also
provide us with alternate political currents, culture and society of the times. Another
literary genre, the vernacular Sufi romance, Premakhyans in Hindavi came to be
written to explain Sufism, as increasingly Islam came to be localized. The local Indo-
Muslim kingdoms patronized these Muslim Sufi poets from 14th century onwards and
a rich corpus emerged that furthers our study of the period.
In the last section, we shift our attention from Persian texts and north India to a
discourse on stone inscriptions as historical sources, while referring to the specific
period of the Kakatiyas in the Andhra region from the 11th century onwards. These
religious endowments in stone are records of specific people in the context of a specific
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time and place. How these inscriptions have led historians to understand the dynamics NOTES
of change in this region will be our concern in the last section.
1.2 PERSIAN TA’RIKH TRADITIONS
The Perso-Arabic world followed two types of history writing: the Arab tradition,
which is an account of regions, their climate, flora, fauna and people. We can call this
type of history writing a sort of democratic biography of nations. It was popular in the
Muslim world till the 10th century. But with the strengthening of the Persian Renaissance
and the coming up of Persianate Sultanate courts, the second genre of Persian style of
history writing, the ta’rikh, became popular. This style is derived from pre-Islamic
Iranian norms of kingship where the ruler is divine and his court is the main focus. This
produced non-democratic histories of the rulers alone, ignoring the rest of the population.
By its very nature, hence, the Persian history writing is panegyric and is exclusively
dedicated to the patron. After the 10th century, it was adopted by the many splintered
sultanates that came into existence in the wake of the collapse of the caliphate.
The Persian ta’rikh (date, chronology; by extension history, historiography)
tradition was introduced into India after the Ghurid conquests of the late 12th century.
These chronicles, therefore, follow the styles and norms of Muslim historiography that
had already been in practice in the larger Islamicate lands. All Persian ta’rikh tradition
that falls in our period of study from 1206 till the 15th century falls within this category
of historiography that had previously existed in the Muslim world. These historical
texts follow a chronological narrative style that deals with state formation, court events,
matters of war and peace and statecraft in general. The main players are the rulers and
their nobility, leading to a very narrow view of political history. This is in contrast to the
reconstruction of the historical past as envisaged from the erstwhile archaeological
sources that produced studies of the material culture of local communities. Nevertheless,
the importance of Persian historical tradition cannot be belittled because these were
written by writers who were close to the court and were often witnesses to
contemporary events. These court chronicles provide us with the necessary chronology
and context to assess the past. The reconstruction of great administrative institutions
and imperial policies of yesteryears’ regimes is only possible because of these court Self-Instructional
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NOTES
In-Text Questions
Tick the right answer:
1. Arab historiography is:
a. Democratic
b. Autocratic
c. Communist
2. There are more literary sources in immediate post-Gupta centuries than ever
before:
a. True b. False
3. Persian courts used Arab historical methods:
a. True b. False
4. Persian Ta’rikh tradition deals with flora, fauna, geography and people:
a. True b. False
Peter Hardy (1961, 116) categorizes Persian histories written in India during the 13th
- 15th centuries into four genres, whose formal writing conventions, as we have seen,
already existed in the larger Islamicate world.
1. The General or universal history of the Muslim world: This category usually
starts from Adam (the first Prophet) or from Prophet Mohammad (the last
Prophet) and working through different dynasties and regions, ends with the
authors’ times with eulogies to the patron ruler. One can say this genre is a
history of the Muslim community in a particular region.
2. The Manaqib or Faza’il type of history: This is a prose eulogy which is a
panegyrical account of the patron.
3. The Didactic history: It is derived from adab (prescribed etiquettes, manners),
the ‘Mirror of Princes’ literature. In the Islamic world, this type of literature is
advice/guidance literature, meant for rulers. It outlines the basic principles of
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Survey of Sources
conduct for rulers, their prescribed manners in dealing with administrative aspects. NOTES
Here, the role of the ruler is that of a moral exempler.
4. Artistic form of historical writing: It can be called versified history in a florid
style.
Before we set out to pick the representative works from these different categories,
it needs to be emphasized that all works of a certain genre do not necessarily follow
any one prescribed narrative style, subject matter or any other definitive formal
techniques. Meaning works that fall under one particular genre are not necessarily
similar, they could be as divergent as two different genres; so much so that often there
is an overlap of religious/hagiographic and historical works.
In this context, it is also interesting that a microcosm of all the elements of
Muslim historiography, as they existed at the beginning of the 12th century, is represented
in a work called Shajara-i ansab-i Mubarak Shahi (Tree of Genealogies, 1208).
The author, Fakhr-i Mudabbir, dedicated his work to Qutb al-Din Aibak (120a6-10).
According to Peter Hardy (1961, 116), this work epitomizes the state of Muslim
historiography of the times. The history part here is brief though (translated as Ta’rikh-
i Fakhr al-Din Mubarak Shah), comprising only the introduction to the genealogical
tables that he compiled. Mudabbir’s work has been called a general history, a universal
history in the form of a genealogy. He gives a description of events of the late 12th and
early 13th centuries, the Ghurid victories and the coming to power of Qutb al-Din
Aibak. He includes the other elements of categories like a eulogy to Aibak and some
moral instructions to him in the didactic genre, thus compiling the Shajara as a microcosm
of the 12th century Muslim historiography (Hardy 1961, 116-17).
Mudabbir wrote another work, Adab al-Harb wa al-Shuja‘a (The Etiquette
of War and Bravery, dedicated to Sultan Iltutmish, 1210-36) in the didactic history
genre.
1. The General or Universal History of the Muslim World
Minhaj al-Siraj Juzjani: Tabaqat-i Nasiri (1259-60)
Juzjani’s Tabaqat-i Nasiri, dedicated to Sultan Nasir al-Din Mahmud (1246-66), is a

work of tremendous importance, frequently used by historians as source material for
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NOTES the early history of the Sultanate. He was a qazi under the Ghurid commander, Qubacha
of Sind (1208-28) and Sultan Iltutmish (1210-36) and later the chief qazi under Sultan
Nasir al-Din Mahmud. A literate man of considerable reputation, he divided his general
history of Islam into tabaqat or grades/sections, devoted to each dynasty from the
Muslim world. The work begins, in the true general history genre, from the Patriarchs
and the Prophet to the first four Caliphs; then Umayyids, Abbasids to early Persian
kings; regional Sultanates to Ghaznavids, Ghurids to early Mu’izzi sultans of our period
of study. The 23 tabaqat are dynastically arranged. In its internal arrangement, the
author organizes his narrative around the beginning and end of individual rulers as sub-
chapters of the tabaqa. He evaluates their achievements at the end of the chapters
along with a list of their maliks (notables). These lists are often arranged around
groups of people belonging to similar social moores with ties of kinship/regions/patrons.
For example, Juzjani mentions Mu’izzi slaves (slaves of Mu’izz al-Din Mohammad
Bin Ghuri 1173-1206) and Shamsi slaves (slaves of Shams al-Din Iltutmish 1210-36)
separately. Here, he was emphasizing the ties of service to a particular Sultan. But of
course, the ultimate hero of Juzjani is Sultan Nasir al-Din Mahmud.
Juzjani’s work is valuable no doubt but it presents certain discrepancies. For
example, he treats history as a succession of events, with chief players being the rulers
and his notables. The succession of events appears to be the same although dynasties
after dynasties succeed in different time frames but the narrative remains static. In
doing so, events are sometimes misdated, are overlapping or are repetitive because of
the dynastic format. He often gives different dates for the same event in different
contexts. Causal explanations are never given and the work becomes a simple political-
biographical narrative. The cause of an event is simply explained as human volition or
divine will. This is because, there is an absence of a critical approach to Arab
historiography, where principles of hadis (transmitted reports of what the Prophet
said and did, constructed after a strict verification) criticism was followed. To Peter
Hardy, this was because of a critical decline of Arab forms of history writing that was
getting replaced by the Persian ta’rikh tradition.
Yahya ibn Ahmad Sarhindi: Ta’rikh-i Mubarak Shahi (1428-34)
Yahya ibn Sarhindi wrote his Ta’rikh-i Mubarak Shahi in the general history of the
Muslim world genre but in a north Indian regional context. He was a courtier of the
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Survey of Sources
Sayyid rulers of Delhi and wrote the work as an offering to Sultan Mubarak Shah NOTES
Sayyid (1421-1434). The work begins with Mu’izz al-Din Ghur, the conqueror of
north India and the rest of the reigns of sultans follow with an account of their accessions,
wars, appointments and revolts. He derived his work from earlier works of Juzjani,
Barani and Amir Khusrau. But once again he doesn’t indulge in answering the causation
of a particular event, nor goes for any critical techniques, as used in Arab history
writing. According to Peter Hardy, Sarhindi often has the recourse to the formula
‘God alone knows the truth’ and the work contains many morals in prose and verse
(1961, 120). It is only for the decline of Mohammad Bin Tughlaq that he enumerates
some causes, as pointed out by Harbans Mukhia (1976, 30). Otherwise, the work is
a bare narrative of wars, rebellions and enthronements.
Muhammad Bihamad Khani: Ta’rikh-i Muhammadi (1439)
Bihamad Khani’s Ta’rikh-i Muhammadi is very similar to Juzjani’s Tabaqat but in

addition gives an account of Timur, and of the conflicts of the ruler of Kalpi (near
Jhansi) with their neighbours. Bihamad Khani’s father worked for Kalpi rulers. Like
Juzjani, no attempt is made to explain the reasons for events and neither is there any
critical enquiry of sources that precedes his writing. Once again, like Juzjani, there is
the presence of miraculous elements, the uncritical formula of divine will, as both treat
history like a pure succession of events.
2. The Manaqib or Fazail Type of History
Shams al-Din Siraj Afif: Ta’rikh-i Firuz Shahi (c. 1398-99)
Shams al-Din Siraj Afif was a courtier of Sultan Firuz Shah Tughlaq (1351-88). His
work, Ta’rikh-i Firuz Shahi is a highly stylized prose eulogy, dedicated to the Sultan.
Written after the invasion of Timur (1399), the work is divided into 5 qisms (parts) of
18 muqaddams (sections). Only 4 qisms and 14 muqaddams in full and some parts
of 5th qism and 15th muqaddam have survived. Opening thirty pages are devoted to
the praise of God, the Prophet and the spiritual achievements of Sufis and virtues of
Sultan Firuz Shah. It is a valuable source for reconstructing the administrative and
public welfare activities of the Sultan. It tells us about the power of the nobility and the
‘ulama’ (Muslim theologians) under him, his leniency and the gradual weakening of Self-Instructional
Material 9

NOTES his power and the state. Further details are there in the corrupt practices in his army, in
the muster of soldiers and the lax control and discipline. The figures for the total revenue
of the Empire are given to us for the first time by any historian of the Sultanate. The
author, in true eulogy to the Sultan points out the low prices of commodities during his
reign. Further, Afif gives an account of Firuz Shah’s buildings, his civic works etc.
Then we get to know that the Sultan had installed a clock with a gong in the capital
city. There are lighter anecdotes described like the Ashokan pillars being transported
from Topra and Meerut to be erected in his new city of Firuzabad. From Afif, we also
get to know that the Sultan revered sufis and the ‘ulama’ alike. In Afif’s world, the
Sultan was an embodiment of all virtues. To Peter Hardy (1961, 121), Afif it seems
wanted to present a golden age associated with Firuz Shah before the collapse of the
Sultanate under Timur.
Afif is an important source for the reign of Firuz Shah Tughlaq, but his sources
too are no more than ‘reliable reporters’ and ‘honourable narrators’ (Hardy 1961,
121). He too doesn’t follow the rigorous hadis criticism method of Arab historiography.
Unknown Author: Sirat-i Firuz Shahi (1370)
The Sirat-i Firuz Shahi, written by an unknown author is divided into four sections,
dealing with events of Firuz Shah Tughlaq’s accession in 1351 till his expedition to
Thatta, Sind. The work is a eulogy to the Sultan’s virtues; is an account of his building
activities, his astronomical observatories and instruments of warfare.
To sum up this genre, Peter Hardy (1961, 121-22) observes that in both these
eulogistic works, historiography is a form of pious panegyric; it is a story of what must
have happened when an ideal ruler like Firuz Shah presided over the Delhi Sultanate.
He further comments that in all these works and in Barani’s account, Firuz Shah is the
ideal Sultan, maybe because he was the patron of Sunni theologians and a disciple of
the Chishti mystics, from whose ranks came both Afif and Barani.
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NOTES
In-Text Questions
5. Fakhr-i Mudabbir wrote:
a. Shajara-i ansab-i Mubarak Shahi
b. Ta’rikh-i Mubarak Shahi
c. Tabaqat-i Nasiri
6. Juzjani wrote in which genre:
a. General history
b. Panegyric
c. Didactic
7. Tabaqat-i Nasiri is dedicated to:
a. Nasir al-Din Mahmud
b. Balban
c. Firuz Shah
8. All Persian historical works use rigorous enquiry tools:
a. Yes b. No
9. Afif’s history portrays a golden age of the Sultanate:
a. Yes b. No
3. The Didactic History
Zia al-Din Barani: Ta’rikh-i Firuz Shahi (1357)
Zia al-Din Barani (1285-1357) is by far the most used source for writing the history of
the Delhi Sultanate. He was a courtier trained in the classical Perso-Arabic literature.
He was well-versed in religious sciences and matters of law and courted definite views
on his idea of history. His family held high positions under the Delhi sultans and he had
been a boon companion (nadim) to Sultan Mohammad Bin Tughlaq (1325-51). He
was close to the poet Amir Khusrau and the Sufi Shaikh Nizam al-Din Auliya, near
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NOTES Barani had enjoyed the patronage of Mohammad Bin Tughlaq, but he fell from
grace when the regime changed hands with the accession of Firuz Shah Tughlaq. He
was thrown in prison and his last days were spent in abject penury. He was probably
a bitter man when he wrote his most famous work, the Ta’rikh-i Firuz Shahi.
Dedicated to Firuz Shah, in his failing years, he tried hard to win over the Sultan in
every possible way. The sensibilities and contours of his work have to be understood
within this context. His vicissitudes in life compelled him to revise the first version of
the Ta’rikh that he had compiled in the 5th year of the Sultan. But most probably when
his fortunes did not improve, he came up with a second enlarged recension, two years
later. This is an important fact, to be kept in mind while understanding his motives in
writing the history of the Sultanate. The two versions differ in the sense Mohammad
Bin Tughlaq is far less appreciated in the second than in the first. The intellectual
culture of the Sultan’s court doesn’t receive any attention in the second version, while
his experiments of the transfer of capital that was glossed over in the first receive
extensive coverage in the second. Barani’s writing exhibits his dilemma and
circumstances.
Falling within the genre of advice literature, the work covers the period (1266-
1357) from Sultan Balban (1266-87) to the early years of Firuz Shah Tughlaq. He
witnessed the reigns of eight Delhi Sultans. He was influenced by the conventions of
adab literature, the ‘Mirror of Princes’ genre. His other work, the Fatawa-i Jahandari
(Principles of Government) is a piece of advice literature as well, and may have been
conceived as a conclusion to the Ta’rikh. Some more works are attributed to him, for
example, to name a few: Sana-i Muhammadi, Hasratnama and Ta’rikh-i Barmaka.
But from a historiography point of view, Ta’rikh and the Fatawa are his two most
important works. In these, he followed what was common to adab literature written in
the other parts of the Islamicate world. But nevertheless, his contribution to the political
history of the Delhi Sultanate around the general maxims of adab is still noteworthy.
Each chapter of the Ta’rikh opens with a list of maliks of the ruler, his date of
accession, followed by events, though Barani is not very strong in his chronology.
Administrative policies and measures are described of the sultans and so are their
personal natures. Barani is unique in giving some information on economic history, like
his description of the market regulations and land revenue administration of ‘Ala’ al-
Din Khalji (1296-1316). He describes the same Sultan’s army reforms. He comments
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on the Sultan’s disregard for the Shari’a (Islamic sacred law) but lauds his economic NOTES
measures. His discussion of Mohammad Bin Tughlaq’s administrative policies is a
testimony to his astute history writing. He gives us a very valuable list of contemporary
religious divines, historians, philosophers, poets and physicians.
Historian Irfan Habib (1981), in his readings of Barani, finds that there were 3
simultaneous developments in the Sultanate that were observed by Barani. One was
that there was a growth of despotic monarchy and secondly, a greater and greater use
of terror by the sultans. And finally, Barani is aware of a wholesale change in the
composition of the nobility. Monarchy for him was anti-Islamic but was justified by the
need for social order. He is also aware that the king’s council is important. To Barani,
royalty is nothing but terror, and despotic powers do not come from God but are
established by force. He also tells us about zawabit (state law) overriding the shari’a
law. He doesn’t like the changes in the class of nobility, for he shows a class bias. He
is conscious of high birth and low birth and largely blames the falling of the Sultanate
on the upstarts who had come to power. He praises Balban for recruiting high-birth
people. These observations show that the historian’s analytical mind for his narrative
goes beyond a mere narration of events. He seems to be seeking causes for his events,
no doubt the information is valuable to us. But when he is talking about these changes,
he is at the same time implying that all these factors actually led to a crisis under
Mohammad Bin Tughlaq when the nobility rose in rebellion.
This is because, for Barani, history is actually didactic and religious in nature, it
is to be studied to derive lessons from it. A full exposition of this philosophy is to be
found in his Fatawa-i Jahandari. Barani’s explanations of historical situations fully
subscribe to this maxim. Many examples are given by Peter Hardy to support this
view. For example, Balban keeps theMongols at bay, and suppresses their revolts
because he has appointed God-fearing people. But since he is violent towards Muslims,
he loses his favourite son to the Mongols. Mohammad Bin Tughlaq faced a sea of
troubles because he patronized unorthodox scholars. The worldly successes enjoyed
by ‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji is attributed to the presence of Shaikh Nizam al-Din Awliya’
near Delhi (Hardy 1961, 122-23). God’s will is a running thread of his discourse.
Barani’s investigating tools, like the rest of the historians, were his own knowledge
of events, as he was associated with the courts of the Sultans. He relied on received
truth, for he did not follow the rigours of hadis criticism methods of verifying facts. But Self-Instructional
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NOTES to him, there was no distinction between hadis and history. Peter Hardy sums up
Barani’s philosophy of history by calling it a religious philosophy of history. Together
with Quranic commentary, Muslim jurisprudence and the mystic path, history was an
important component of divine truth. He further says: for Barani, true history which
teaches the right morals can only be written by orthodox Sunni traditionalists, for
Barani treats history as a branch of theology, to serve the cause of Islam (Hardy1961,
122-23).
Moving away from Barani’s rhetorical and didactic style and his contribution to
the history of the Delhi Sultanate, it is significant that he equally stands out for his
contribution to the pre-modern intellectual debates on knowledge of the history of the
Islamic world (Auer 2015). Barani’s thoughts on the knowledge of history (‘ilm-i
ta’rikh) are expounded by him in the introduction to the Ta’rikh. Connecting his
thought to the broader intellectual milieu across South Asia and the Middle East during
the 13th and 14th centuries, Blain Auer opines that Barani coherently explains the uses
of history. He argues in his Ta’rikh that the ultimate example of the usefulness of
history is to be found in the Qur‘an, where “God has brought to light the affairs of
those who he accepts and rejects…” (Auer 2015, 212). Here, Barani defines the
Qur‘an as a historical text. Along with the knowledge of the Qur‘an, Barani also sees
history as sharing certain traits with the knowledge of Hadis. For Barani, it is essentially
the knowledge of history that enables Muslims to understand the actions of the Prophet
and his companions (Auer 2015, 213). Among the other uses of history, Barani further
enlists the advisory role of history, its contribution to getting moral and ethical benefits
like the acquisition of abundant reason, personal opinion and patience. The final quality
of history is that knowledge of history is based on truth (Auer 2015, 214-15).
The intellectual context, in the relation between history and knowledge, the
Islamicate world at this time in the 14th century debated on the varieties of sources of
knowledge. One source for various types of knowledge was that it was derived from
God, the revelation, representing the Qur‘an, hadis, theology and law. The second
source was derived from reason, by aql. From this, developed two systems of thought
that categorized all fields of knowledge. Barani considered ‘ilm- i ta’rikh, the
knowledge of history within the genre of al-‘ulum al-naqliyya (transmitted fields of
knowledge, manqulat) rather than belonging to the other genre, al-‘ulum al-aqliyya
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(rational fields of knowledge, ma‘qulat). To manqulat belonged the study of Qur‘an, NOTES
hadis, theology and history while ma‘qulat meant the study of philosophy, math,
medicine, logic and astronomy. Indeed in the 14th century when Barani wrote his
Ta’rikh, intense debates on the standing of history as a distinct field of knowledge
were beginning to develop. Many treatises in defence of historians and their methods
were written (Auer 2015, 216). We need to place his work in this context too, in his
justification of history, in his contribution to the theory of history.
As one can see, opinions are divided on Barani’s veracity as a historian of the
Delhi Sultanate. Full faith in him as a source is propounded by Irfan Habib and earlier
by Mohammad Habib. Peter Hardy (1961) doubts Barani’s treatment of history because
he treats it as a branch of theology. In the third rung are the writings of Muzaffar Alam
(2008) and Blain H. Auer (2015) and some later writings of Hardy, who see his work
in the larger context of works of Nizam al- Mulk Tusi or Ghazali or in the 14th century
intellectual debates around the discipline of history from the larger Islamic world.
In-Text Questions
10. How many recensions did Barani write of his Ta’rikh-i Firuz Shahi:
a. 3
b. 2
c. 1
11. Barani has great appreciation of Sultan Mohammad Bin Tughlaq in the second
recension of the Ta’rikh:
a. Yes b. No
12. Barani has a declared class bias:
a. Yes b. No
13. For Barani history was twins with Qur‘an and hadis:
a. Yes b. No
14. Barani puts history with:
a. manqulat b. ma‘qulat
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NOTES 4. Artistic Form of History Writing
In this genre falls Hasan Nizami’s Taj al-Ma’athir, a historical Khamsa (set of 5
poems) and one prose work of poet Amir Khusrau and Isami’s Futuh al-Salatin.
Hasan Nizami: Taj al-Ma’athir (1206-1217/1228)
Taj al-Ma’athir of Hasan Nizami is an early work of little historical facts. The work
plays around with florid ornamental effects. He uses rhymed prose/verse to give an
account of events. The deeds of Ghurid conquerors are versified with hyperbolic
analogies. For example, every soldier is as bloodthirsty as Mars, every army is as
numerous as the stars and the soldiers carry lances like meteors etc. Nizami’s
protagonists are always generous, brave and cultured (Hardy1961, 124).
Amir Khusrau: Historical Khamsa (1289-1320) and one prose,

Khaza’in al-Futuh (1311)
Amir Khusrau (1253-1325), the court poet from 1298 onwards, is a fine and typical
example of versified form of history writing. He wrote in both Persian and Hindavi. He
saw the rise and fall of many dynasties, being close to the court. Among his five poems
in Persian that can be termed historical are: Qiran al-Sadain (1289); Miftah al-
Futuh (1291); Duwal Rani Khizr Khan (1316/1320); Nuh Siphir (1318) and
Tughlaqnama (1320). The prose that he wrote in this genre is Khaza’in al-Futuh
(1311).
Qiran al- Sa‘dain is a masnavi (a poem written in rhyming couplets), describing
the meeting of Bughra Khan (son of Sultan Balban 1266-86)) with his son Sultan
Kaiqubad in Awadh. Interspersed with qasidas (a panegyric, ode to a patron), he
brings out the state of Kaiqubad’s mind. But at the same time, in this poem, there is a
description of Delhi, its buildings, people, tanks and reservoirs. There are descriptions
of Mongols and their habits and other picturesque details. This is Khusrau’s masterpiece.
The popularity and acceptance of the text can be discerned from the three commentaries
that were written on it in subsequent times.
Miftah al-Futuh is a brief masnavi that describes the victories of Sultan Jalal
al-Din Khalji (1290-96). Written poetically, it also deals with the splendour of the
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Survey of Sources
court where Khusrau recited a poem each day to the patron ruler. Miftah is cold and NOTES
insipid as compared to Qiran and remains a pure panegyric to Jalal al-Din Khalji.
Duwal Rani Khizr Khan is a tragic love story of Prince Khizr Khan, the son of
Sultan ‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji and Duwal Rani, daughter of Raja Karan of Nahrwala. We
find descriptions here of palace intrigues; private lives, education and training of princes;
in general the life of royalty. It also gives an account of the early sultans of Delhi.
However, sometimes the authenticity of this work is questioned.
Nuh Siphir or 9 heavenly bodies/planets deals with the achievements of Sultan
Qutb al-Din Mubarak Shah Khalji (1316-20). The 9 Siphirs are like 9 chapters. The
first one deals with the accession of Mubarak Shah and his Deogiri campaigns to the
Deccan. This is followed by an account of the buildings of Mubarak Shah and his
general Khusrau Khan’s campaigns against Tilang and Warangal. There are praises of
Delhi, as being above Cairo, Bukhara and Tabriz. The third siphir is of great importance,
as it gives an account of India and its achievements. There is a description of India’s
fauna, flora, religion, sciences and languages. India’s contribution to the numerical
system (hindsa), music and the game of chess are described too. In the 4th siphir,
frank pieces of advice are given to the Sultan and his heirs, soldiers and nobility. Indian
winter is praised in the next siphir which goes on to describe the hunting expeditions
of the Sultan. The next two siphirs discuss festivities at the birth of princes, buildings
and paintings. Game of chaugan, modern-day polo is described in the next chapter
and there is praise for the poetry of the Sultan in the last section. Historical facts are
given a poetic fantasy and epics look like romances.
Tughlaqnama
This work was commissioned by Sultan Ghiyas al-Din Tughlaq (1320-25) after he
defeated the last Khalji, Khusrau Khan and came to power. It mainly deals with the
rise of Tughlaqs and the murder of Qutb al-Din Mubarak Shah Khalji. The work
doesn’t use any flowery language and can be in a qualified way termed as purely
historical. There is a chronological order here along with facts. From this work, we get
to know how different groups like the Hindus and the Kokhars supported Ghazi Malik
(Ghiyas al-Din Tughlaq), while the Muslims supported Khusrau Khan in the tussle for
power in 1320.
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NOTES The only historical prose, Khaza’in al-Futuh, describes the campaigns of ‘Ala’
al-Din Khalji to the Deccan. It is ornate and purely an embellished court chronicle.
Mukhia (1976, 31-33) rightly points out that Amir Khusrau uses poetic imagery
extensively to describe historical facts in all these works. He does not make any serious
systematic study of the past for his first concern was poetry. History is not an enquiry
for him and literary effects are more important. Also, he avoids unpalatable events in
order to laud his protagonists, though he does comment on the wine indulgences of
Kaiqubad and Mubarak Shah.
Isami: Futuh al-Salatin (1349-50)
The third poet, Isami wrote his Futuh al-Salatin of nearly 12000 verses in a masnavi
form as well. It is fashioned after Firdausi’s Shahnama, the most popular poem of the
Persianate world. The poet, it seems, shifted under protest to the Deccan when the
capital shifted to Daulatbad under Sultan Mohammad Bin Tughlaq. He then took
patronage in the court of the founder of the Bahamani kingdom. Isami especially praises
Sultan ‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji and calls him the great conqueror of Hindu princes but is
hostile to former patron Mohammad Bin Tughlaq. Mukhia observes that chronology is
not Isami’s strong point and he gives wrong dates as well (1976, 9). Divine will as an
agency of change is frequently mentioned in his work too.
All these histories are prone to poetic imagination, hence the facts are lost.
Peter Hardy even doubts their veracity as parts of Indo-Muslim historiography, although
important they may be as historical facts. He characterizes manaqib genre as one that
subordinates history to poetry and arts (1961, 125).
In-Text Questions
15. Versified history is court centred:
a. Yes b. No
16. Artistic form of history uses rigorous enquiry tools:
a. Yes b. No
17. Qiran al-Sa‘dain is Khusrau’s masterpiece:
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Survey of Sources
Conclusion: Some General Remarks NOTES
After a survey of these Persian histories, certain discrepancies emerge that are common
to all forms of history writing. To begin with, all of them are strictly court-centred.
Deeds of common people or their conditions are rarely given. The sultan and his
courtiers are the main focus. There is never an impartial assessment of rebellions, and
if there is any mention, then they are equated with sins, and rebels are considered as
sinners (Minhaj). It is only Isami who justifies revolts under Mohammad Bin Tughlaq.
According to the writer, the revolts happened because the Sultan was a heretic. It is
easy to understand why he was justifying acts of defiance against his erstwhile patron.
We know his antagonism towards the ruler because of the transfer of the capital, the
process in which he and his family had suffered. Otherwise, there is a suppression of
views of opponents and parallel centres of power are barely mentioned. These
chronicles are not just court and camp-centred but Delhi-centred as well.
On another plank, as opined by Peter Hardy (1961, 125-27), human actors
tend to conform to ideal prototypes in these works. In addition, there is a sense in this
body of literature that the present succeeds the past, rather than grow out of it. Further,
there is a reluctance to question evidence in the Arab hadis criticism methodology,
and as a consequence, there is an assumption that all events are driven by God. All
history is a component of the Islamic revelation and is a branch of theology to serve
the cause of Islam.
However, a shift begins to appear in the course of the late 15th-16th century in
the Indo-Persian ta’rikh tradition. Historical change, predetermined by fate and the
hand of God, came to give way to the efficiency of human agency. There is a world of
difference in the writings of Isami, Barani etc. and Khwaja Nizam al- Din Ahmad (d.
1594), who compiled one of the first works under the Mughals. Divine fatalism in
Isami begins to give way to the power of human agency in bringing change in Khwaja
Nizam Ahmad’s work (Tabaqat-i Akbari). In between these two is the work of Rizq
Allah Mushtaqi (d. 1581/82), whose work, Vaqi‘at-i Mushtaqi (1540-70) displays
faith in both fatalism and human agency as agents of change. Such a shift in the worldview
is characteristic of a transition from medieval to ‘early modern’; from the Sultanate to
the Mughal.
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NOTES
1.3 MALFUZAT AND PREMAKHVANS
1.3.1 Malfuzat
Another form of Persian literature are the mystical texts of Sufis. These texts can be
classified variously as those that are primarily concerned with Sufi teachings, instructional
treatises (isharat); biographies of mystic saints (tazkirat); their poetry collections
(diwans); their letters (maktubat) and collection of their discourses and conversations
by their disciples (malfuzat, singular malfuz). Mystic texts are mainly concerned with
Sufi morals, rituals and the spiritual masters’ specific teachings associated with their
specific orders. But nonetheless, being non-statist and non-elitist, these texts throw
some light on the life and conditions of common people, providing us with an alternative
viewpoint, missed or overlooked by the court historians.
Malfuzat texts are of prime importance, the players here are the Sufi teachers
(shaikhs, pirs), popularly called awliya’ (friends of God), their disciples and the
common public. These texts differ in style, authenticity, form and content, as much as
the court chronicles do. Their value as spiritual religious texts is uncontested, but they
are equally valuable in corroborating information of court histories. Besides, they are
records of contemporary ordinary lives, their dresses, their customs, their fears and
beliefs. In the daily conversations that were held in the assemblies of these masters,
there are vignettes of various aspects of social and cultural history.
The development of Chishti malfuzat literature may be seen in two stages (Ernst
1992, 65). The discourses of Nizam al-Din Awliya’ (1325), Nasir al-Din Mahmud
Chiragh-i Dihli (d. 1356) and Burhan al-Din Gharib (d. 1338) from the Deccan are
considered ‘original’, all written by literate and courtly disciples. These texts follow
the ‘orality’ element faithfully and the Sufi masters in these texts frequently use features
of oral style like questions, exclamations, quotations of poetry etc. In contrast are the
later ‘retrospective’ malfuzat that are characterized by monotonous flat dialogues
and point to a purely literary hand at work. These stress the hagiographic mode of
personal charisma and authority of the master while the earlier texts focussed on the
teaching element in an oral mode. (Ernst 1992, 65). Loss of oral character and increasing
literary quality of malfuzat characterizes later malfuzat, which is often spurious.
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According to Carl Ernst (1992, 82), by the 15th century the oral element is eliminated NOTES
in many texts.
We shall now give a few examples:
1. Fawa’id al-Fu’ad (Morals of the Heart, 1307-22), malfuz of Shaikh Nizam
al-Din Awliya’
Malfuzat in India emerged to canonize the teachings of Shaikh Nizam al-
Din Awliya’ (d.1325), the most revered saint of the Chishtiyya order, who
lived in the environs of 14th century Delhi. His disciple Amir Hasan Sijzi (d.
1336), a prolific poet, compiled the great saint’s oral teachings in a written
text, the Fawa’id al-Fu’ad (Morals of the Heart, 1307-22). Earlier, Chishti
saints of the first generation like Mu‘in al-Din Chishti (d. ca 1233), Qutb al-
Din Bakhtiyar Kaki (d 1232), and Farid al-Din Ganj-i Shakkar (d. 1265)
emphasized on verbal teaching and mystical treatises and biographies were
considered most suitable to convey mystical learning. The transition from
oral teaching to written text occurred with Sijzi in Fawa’id, evidently a
spontaneous decision (Ernst 1992). Today, the Fawa’id is a valuable malfuz
text. According to Carl Ernst (1992, 63), “in theory, the malfuzat was as
close as one could get in words to the actual presence of the Sufi master”.
At times, the master himself corrected the text.
Sunil Kumar (2010, 374) suggests that probably a body of such literature,
in the form of imaginary fictional records of the discourses of masters did
exist, but Sijzi made it more distinguishable. Earlier, the malfuzat were simple
monologues but Sijzi made his work very interactive and intimate which
transposed the reader/listener to the assemblies of the great saint himself
(Kumar 2010, 374-75). It was a very popular work in its time as well.
2. Khair al-Majalis (The Best of Assemblies, 1350), malfuz of Shaikh Nasir
al-Din Chiragh-i Dihli (d. 1356)
Shaikh Nasir al-Din Chiragh-i Dihli was a successor of Nizam al-Din Awliya’.
This text follows Fawa’id as an authoritative canonical model.
3. Malfuzat of Shaikh Burhan al-Din Gharib (d. 1338)
After the capital shifted to the Deccan under Mohammad Bin Tughlaq, at
least four malfuzat were compiled by Rukn al-Din Kashani and his family Self-Instructional
Material 21

NOTES members at Khuldabad on the teachings of Shaikh Burhan al-Din Gharib.

He was a disciple of Shaikh Nizam al-Din as well.
4. Some other disciples of Nizam al-Din Awliya’ compiled a few more malfuzat
of the great Shaikh like Durr-i Nizami and Qiwam al-‘Aqaid, but none
came up to the mark of Fawa’id.
5. Jawami‘ al-Kalim, malfuz of Shaikh Bandenawaz Gesuderaz of Gulbarga
(d. 1422).
6. Surur al-Sudur (1350), malfuz of Shaikh Hamid al-Din Nagauri (d. 1276)
by Farid al-Din Mahmud.
We have already mentioned that many fabricated malfuzat exist as well, like
other mystic literature of biographies and poems. By the 15th century, much of the
orality element of first stage malfuzat of Nizam al-Din Awliya’, Chiragh-i Dihli and
Burhan Gharib was lost and more fabricated texts appeared, building on the charisma
of the past saints.
Finally, it is interesting that in these Sufi texts (Fawa’id and Khair-al Majalis),
the master is presented as the Sultan al-mashaikh wa al-‘arifin (the Sultan of the
Shaikhs and the Pious), a distinction that the Delhi Sultan could never garner (Kumar
2010, 376). The court histories suggested that the reign of the incumbent ruler was the
grand culmination of a history of great rulers, while the malfuzat gave that honour to
the Shaikh who was the culmination of all charismatic, pious friends of God. While
using the same tropes, similes and analogies, the heroes of the two sources, tawarikh
and malfuzat, however, are different. Historical, panegyric, didactic all are present
and reconfigured in the malfuzat (Kumar 2010, 376-77).
Conclusion
This alternate form of literary text in a way makes us conscious of the discursive nature
of our sources, their richness, where we have to be careful in accepting in total whatever
is written in one type of source.
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NOTES
In-Text Questions
18. Malfuzat literature is:
a. Biographies of Sufi masters
b. Letters of Shaikhs
c. Recorded conversations of Sufi Shaikhs and Pirs
19. Malfuz is court centred:
a. Yes b. No
20. Khair al-Majalis is the malfuz of:
a. Nizam al-Din Awliya’
b. Nasir al-Din Chiragh-i Dihli
c. Bandenawaz Gesudaraz
1.3.2 Premakhyans
After the invasion of Timur (1399) and against the declining fortunes of the Delhi
Sultanate, many local Indo-Muslim courts came up in the northern plains in the 15th
century. A new literary genre came into being in these courts, as many of these regional
potentates came to patronize Muslim Sufi poets, writing Sufi romances in local languages.
Sufi romance, as a literary theme, had existed in the Perso-Arab world, but these
esoteric romances, popularly called premakhyans, premkahani (love stories) took
new elements of local folk tales and combined them with Sanskrit and Persian literary
tropes. They were composed in eastern Awadhi/Hindavi languages. A large body of
these works has survived and increasingly historians use them today. Studies have
shown that the 14th and 15th centuries witnessed a great churning of literary production,
a vernacularization of classical literary genre patronized by local courts in the hinterlands
of north and central India.
These new literary Hindavi Sufi romances may have been composed in Avadhi
but were written in the Perso-Arabic script (turki lipi). The format of premakhyan
was taken from Persian masnavi, rhyming couplets, but the larger framework was the Self-Instructional
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NOTES indigenous genre of katha, story-telling, meant to be musically rendered, listened and
performed (Trivedi 2008, 198-99). The underlying theme of this genre, like the Persian
Sufi texts, is the Sufi concept of ultimate love for the divine, realised after many tribulations
and hardships to finally unite with the only one transcendent God. Popular local tales
of love and ballads were adapted to express the mystical yearning for God in allegorical
terminology in these works (Trivedi 2008, 198). The poets of this genre elevated the
vernacular language Hindavi to a literary status. These works were very popular and
were written and performed in Delhi, Jaunpur and eastern Bihar.
Scholars see this as the localization of Indian Islam that had begun to take its
roots and a synthesized culture emerging with borrowings from each other. It was
through these vernacularized Sufi works that the Perso-Arabic hegemony of Sufism
was broken and Sufi concepts were conveyed to the common man in his language.
The genre is also seen as a fusion of trans-regional Islamicate world system with local
Hindustani societies (Behl 2003). Many times, the imagery was borrowed from stories
that were popular in the wider Islamic world.
We shall enumerate some examples:
Chandayan (1379)
Maulana Daud’s Chandayan is the earliest work of Sufi premakhyan, written during
Firuz Shah Tughlaq’s time in Dalmau, near Rae Bareily. Daud was a disciple of a Sufi
Shaikh. The work is derived from the Ahir folklore of the region and is written in a
Persian rhyming couplet (masnavi) form. Daud used the indigenous aesthetics theory
from the Sanskrit mahakavya (literature) tradition to express Sufi emotions of
separation/union with the ultimate transcendent reality. The Sufi concepts of fana,
annihilation, are used here as tropes to depict the dynamics of the relationship between
God, the Sufi and the world. The author clearly mentions that Chandayan is a poem
written in turki script and rendered in hindui (hindavi) language (turki lipi likh hindui
gri) (Trivedi 2008, 199).
The plot, as in all other works, centres on a brave warrior who pushed by a
desire to win over the beloved goes on a valiant mission. There is austerity and even
renunciation on the way to achieve that goal. The overlord of the aspiring hero comes
in the way as he too covets the same beloved; after much tribulations, the hero is
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Survey of Sources
united with the beloved. Sometimes, Nath yogic powers are employed as well to NOTES
obtain or regain the heroin. In these poems, outcomes may differ but overall plot and
theme remains the same.
Mrigavat (1503) by Qutban, also a Sufi follower, dedicated his work to Hussain
Shah, the Sharqi ruler of Jaunpur (1458-1505). He uses the same formula to tell the
story of a Prince who goes on a long search for the magic doe. A trans-cultural Islamicate
world system is integrated here in the romance between the Prince of Chandragiri and
Princess Mrigavati of Kanchanpur (city of gold), a fantasy locale reminiscent of the
stories from Arabian Nights.
Padmavat (1540) by Malik Mohammad Jayasi, again a disciple of Shaikh
Burhan, tells the story on a similar theme of Princess Padmavati, daughter of the ruler
of the distant Sinhaldip and Raja Ratansen, the ruler of Chittor and their union in the
genre of Sufi concepts of love.
All these works, Chandayan, Mrigavat and Padmavat present a blend of
indigenous and Islamic traditions. They have structural similarities with the masnavi
tradition. “The layout of the prologue, called stuti khand is in the fashion of Persian
masnavi, the imagery and mystical idioms are typically of the Nath-yogis…” (Trivedi
2008, 200). Again, what is surprising is while their script is Persian, they rarely use
Persian words and if at all, the use is in an Indianized fashion. The audience, a mixed
medley of common man, would have identified with this literary tradition. Trivedi (2008,
200) rightly sums up: they use Hindu vocabulary to define Islamic concepts.
Some other examples are:
Chitai-Charita (c.1520), by Narayan Das was written in Sarangpur, Madhya Pradesh.

Mir Manjhan Shattari wrote Madhumalati in c 1540. A later work, Chitravali (1613)
was composed by Usman Ghazipuri and there would be many more.
Conclusion
As sources, Premakhyans are not imperial court-centric, like the Sufi malfuzat. But
they are different from the latter in the sense thatthey are meant to initiate the common
man in his familiar dialect. These works go a long way in the vernacularization of Islam,
as it took roots in the Indian soil.
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NOTES They are valuable source material to reconstruct aspects of social and cultural
life of the common man. There is description of contemporary musical instruments,
rituals, domestic fights; of qasbas, small towns and local architecture, all are described
here. The social and cultural trappings of the world they represent is the warlord’s
hinterland court, surrounded by a rural folk world.
In addition, these poems also tell us something about the regional power
configuration of the 15th century. The power dynamics of these aspiring warlords, their
rural gentry, their constraints and strategies of legitimation, are described oralluded to
here. They are the stories of ambitious warriors of 14th and 15th centuries until most of
them were subsumed by the Mughal Empire.
These works are valuable sources to reconstruct the life of rural gentry, the
power dynamics of nascent and aspiring courts and their ambitious warriors before
Mughal experiments began to take shape in the 16th century.
Let us now move from literary sources to archaeological sources to understand
the full repertoire of sources that the historian has at his disposal.
In-Text Questions
21. Premakhyans are love stories of:
a. Kings and queens
b. Sufi romances
c. None of these
22. Premakhyans are written in:
a. Persian
b. Hindavi
c. Awadhi
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NOTES
1.4 INSCRIPTIONS AND REGIONAL IDENTITY:
KAKATIYAS
Epigraphy is an important source to study the past. If the Persian ta’rikh tradition and
other literary sources emphasize what people are supposed to do and normative ideals,
inscriptions on the contrary tell us what people actually did. Stone inscriptions typically
appear on temple walls, free standing pillars or rock slabs and can reveal regional,
social, political and cultural practices. Copper plate inscriptions have long been used
as historical sources, especially in south India where a rich corpus exists of these
donative plates.
Cynthia Talbot (2001), while doing a study of the Andhra region under the Kakatiyas
(1175-1325), has argued for the importance of stone inscriptions as historical sources
for medieval Andhra, which can be equally true for other regions. According to her,
inscriptions are always place-specific and time-specific, a fact that is missing in literary
sources that are timeless, and their geographic location and date can seldom be
pinpointed (Talbot 2001, 12-13). She further elaborates that texts invariably cast their
royal patrons in the mould of bygone heroes and tend to suppress any contrary evidence.
We have already seen this trend in the court-centric Persian tawarikh. Besides,
inscriptions, many times concerning not always the higher elites, are always dated
andappear in specific thought-out original places like temple walls, pillars and stone
slabs (13). In this way, information from the inscriptions is better contextualized, as
they have a definite geographical and temporal setting.
Medieval stone inscriptions from the Andhra region are records of religious
donations made by individuals to particular deities and temples. The details contained
in these inscriptions are valuable as they give us information about the social standing
of the person making the donation, his name, his occupation, his family, the date of the
gift, what kind of property he is pledging for endowment and the praise of the monarch
(Talbot 2001, 11). Inscriptions are therefore records of activities of real individuals
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NOTES and how they lived their lives in practice. Medieval Andhra inscriptions throw up
diverse social groups of merchants, herders, chiefs, wives, mothers, and not just kings
and brahmans. These social groupings are far more in numbers than what is given in
literary texts (Talbot 2001, 11). In fact, according to Talbot, social typologies that can
be constructed with the inscriptions are at variance with brahmanical literature. There
is mention of very few jatis (castes) in the inscriptions; clans and occupational status is
more important here than in the literary sources.
Talbot further argues that because inscriptions are materially embodied records
of practice; they can be examined in the manner of archaeological artefacts and a
corpus of inscriptions can be likened to an archaeological assemblage, found in one
place or in one era (Talbot 2001, 13). Their chronological distribution and location
patterns can then help us understand the given society’s sensibilities, which is not
possible with literary sources. The study of Indian inscriptions is still unsystematic and
undeveloped as compared to methodologies used for other archaeological artefacts
(Talbot 2001, 13), but there is ample evidence of a large number of inscriptions that
can enhance our historical understanding. However, Talbot is aware that inscriptions
cannot be the only sources to construct the past; they have to be supplemented with
literary or other sources (Talbot 2001, 16).
Through a study of inscriptions from medieval Andhra, Talbot’s work has brought into
focus a history of a region that was never considered a fertile nuclear zone nor was it
considered a thickly populated area to attract historians’ attention. However, a rich
corpus of inscriptions that come from this region throws up a vibrant society in transition
from the social and political mobility patterns that emerge in these sources. Through a
study of these donative inscriptions that appear in Andhra (1000-1650), she has argued
that these acts of piety are closely wound up with processes of state formation in the
region (Talbot 2001, 1-11). Through inscriptions, she establishes that this was an age
of agriculture spread and movement of agrarian societies from the wet coastal zones
to the drier uplands, a society in the process of state formation. Alongside this came
the spread of temple cult and increased religious donations and commercial activity, as
evidenced by these inscriptions (Talbot 2001, 1-11). Literary evidence is inadequate
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28 Material

Survey of Sources
As regional societies matured and became more confident, regional languages NOTES
took over the role of Sanskrit. The language of the Gods in medieval Andhra was
displaced by Telugu, or in some regions, Telugu displaced Kannada and Tamil as a
language of status in the western and southern regions, as increasingly inscriptions
started to appear in Telugu. With the collapse of the Sanskrit cosmopolis, regional
languages started coming up, as elsewhere in the subcontinent in the second millennium.
The shift towards a regional medium in inscriptions and literary texts shows that elites
everywhere were becoming more localized. And in Andhra with Telugu as the preferred
language of inscriptions, a distinct Telugu political, social, cultural and geographical
identity began to take shape. Much of present day geographical Andhra comes into
being at this time. Through patronage of their local language, as the language of the
inscriptions, the donors asserted their powers in the process of state formation and in
the consolidation of their powers (Talbot 2001, 1-11).
Conclusion
Talbot’s work is ingenious in augmenting our knowledge of how historians can use
non-literary sources to construct the past. Of course, every region and every period
are different as the sources available are not uniform everywhere. But that’s exactly
what is to be checked out in these very different genres, as to why they appear at
certain points in time, what is their context and who their patrons are.
In-Text Questions
23. Inscriptions are always elitist:
a. Yes b. No
24. Inscriptions as sources are more important than literary sources:
a. Yes
b. No
c. None of these two
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NOTES
1.5 SUMMARY
Historians construct the past using different types of sources that differ in time and
space. Among the many sources for studying the Delhi Sultanate, Persian histories
(tawarikh) are an important source. These were elitist and court-centred and rarely
gave opponents’ viewpoints. Persian historical genre has many categories: general,
eulogies, didactic and versified history. Barani is one of the most eloquent writers of
the Delhi Sultanate and opinions differ on his veracity as a source. Equally important
Persian source is the malfuzat, the Sufi recorded conversations, as they are not court-
centred. Sufi premakhyans stand for local rooting of Islam. Sufism was expressed in
the vernacular in these poems. Inscriptions are an important source and in some regions
even more important than literary sources. The case study of Andhra region in medieval
times throws up a vibrant region in transition, marked by expansion of state society
and the coming of a distinct Telugu identity.
1.6 GLOSSARY
 Persian Ta’rikh: It is a tradition of historiography that follows a chronological

narrative.
 Malfuzat: It refers to discourses, sermons and conversations delivered by the
Sufis.
 Barani: He was a Indian Muslim political thinker.
 Sufi premakhyan: It is a distinct Islamic literary tradition.
 Kakatiyas: They were an Indian dynasty that ruled between 12th and 14th
century.
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NOTES
1.7 ANSWER TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS
1. (a) Democratic
2. (b) False
3. (b) False
4. (b) False
5. (a) Shajara-i ansab-i Mubarak Shahi
6. (a) General history
7. (a) Nasir al-Din Mahmud
8. (b) No
9. (a) Yes
10. (b) 2
11. (b) No
12. (a) Yes
13. (a) Yes
14. (a) manqulat
15. (a) Yes
16. (b) No
17. (a) Yes
18. (c) Recorded conversations of Sufi Shaikhs and Pirs
19. (b) No
20. (b) Nasir al-Din Chiragh-i Dihli
21. (b) Sufi romances
22. (a) Persian
23. (b) No
24. (c) None of these two
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NOTES
1.8 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
1. Give a survey of different types of sources for constructing the history of Delhi
Sultanate.
2. Describe the characteristic features of Persian Ta’rikh tradition.
3. Evaluate Barani as a historian of the Delhi Sultanate.
4. Write an essay on Sufi literature as a source of history.
5. Write an essay on inscriptions as sources of history.
6. Write short notes on the following:
a. Minhaj al-Siraj Juzjani
b. Baranis theory of history
c. Fawa’id al Fu’ad
d. Premakhyans
e. Importance of inscriptions as sources
1.9 REFERENCES
 Habib, Irfan. 1981. “Barani’s Theory of the History of the Delhi Sultanate”.
The Indian Historical Review, Vol. 7 (1981): 99-115.
 Hardy, Peter. 1961. “Some Studies in Pre-Mughal Muslim Historiography”. In
Historians of India, Pakistan and Ceylone, edited by C.H. Phillips, 115-
127. Bombay: Oxford University Press.
 Kumar, Sunil. 2007. “Appendix”. In The Emergence of the Delhi Sultanate:
1192-1286, 362-77. Ranikhet: Permanent Black.
 Nizami, K. A. 1982. History and Historians of Medieval India. New Delhi:
Munshiram Manoharlal.
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Survey of Sources
 Talbot, Cynthia. 2001. “Introduction”. In Precolonial India in Practice: NOTES

Society. Region and Identity in Medieval Andhra, 1-17. Delhi: OUP.
 Trivedi, Madhu. 2008. “Images of Women from the Fourteenth to the Sixteenth
Century: A study of Sufi Premakhyans”. In Rethinking a Millennium:
Perspectives on Indian History from the Eighth to the Eighteenth Century:
Essays for Harbans Mukhia, edited by Rajat Datta, 198-221. Delhi: Aakar
Books.
1.10 SUGGESTED READINGS
 Alam, Muzaffar. 2004. The Languages of Political Islam in India: c. 1200-

1800, 71-92. Ranikhet: Permanent Black.
 Auer, Blain. 2015. “Pre-modern intellectual debates on the knowledge of history
and Ziya al-Din Barani’s Tarikh-i Firuzshahi”. Indian Economic and Social
History Review, 52, 2 (2015): 207-223.
 Behl, Aditya. 2003. “The Magic Doe: Desire and Narrative in a Hindavi Sufi
Romance, circa 1503”. In India’s Islamic Traditions 711-1750, edited by
Richard M. Eaton, 180-208. Delhi: OUP.
 Ernst, Carl W. 1992. : “The Textual Formation of Oral Teachings in the Early
Chishti Order”. In Eternal Garden: Mysticism, History, and Politics at a
South Asian Sufi Centre, 62-84. Albany: State University of New York Press.
 Habib, Irfan. 1984. “The Price regulations ‘Ala’uddin Khalji - A defence of
Zia’ Barani”. Indian Economic and Social History Review, 21, 4 (1984):
393-414.
 Habib, Mohammad. 1981. “Life and Works of Ziyauddin Barani”. In Politics
and Society During the Early Medieval Period: Collected Works of
Professor Muhammad Habib, edited by K. A. Nizami, vol. 2, 286-366. New
Delhi: Peoples Publishing House.
 Mukhia, Harbans. 1976. “Chapter 1”. In Historians and Historiography
During the Reign of Akbar, 1-40. New Delhi: Aakar Books.
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UNIT II: POLITICAL STRUCTURES
LESSON 2 SULTANATES OF DELHI: TRANSITION IN

RULING ELITES, SERVICE CULTURES, AND
IQTA
LESSON 3 ARTICULATING POLITICAL AUTHORITY:

MONUMENTS AND RITUALS
LESSON 4 POLITICAL CULTURES: VIJAYANAGARA
LESSON 5 POLITICAL CULTURES: GUJARAT

Sultanates of Delhi: Transition in Ruling Elites, Service Cultures, and Iqta
LESSON 2 NOTES
SULTANATES OF DELHI: TRANSITION IN RULING

ELITES, SERVICE CULTURES, AND IQTA
Dr. Shubhra Sinha,
Department of History,
Kamala Nehru College
Structure
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Transition in Ruling Elites and Service Culture
2.3 Service Culture
2.3.1 Iqta
2.3.2 Introduction of Iqta System in India in Thirteenth Century
2.3.3 Some Traits of Iqta System under the Sultans of Delhi
2.4 Summary
2.5 Glossary
2.8 References
 To discuss the transition in Ruling Elites and service culture

 To examine the ruling elites under the Ilbaris, Khalji and the Tughluqs
 To learn about the service culture during Delhi Sultante
 To understand the origin and introduction of the Iqta System in India in thirteenth
century
 To dicuss the Iqta system under Iltutmish, Balban, the Khaljis and the Tughluqs
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NOTES
2.1 INTRODUCTION
Delhi Sultanate was distinct from the earlier political system especially in context to the
character of ruling class i.e., nobility (amir) and the administrative system of Iqta. In
the political set-up of Delhi Sultanate, the nobility was next to Sultan and occupied
pivotal positions in the administration and played a crucial role in carving out a strong
Turkish empire. Thus, those who lived on the exploitation of others and wielded political
power constituted the ruling class.
2.2 TRANSITION IN RULING ELITES AND SERVICE

CULTURE
The history of the Sultanate period, to a great extent, is the history of the achievement
and failure of the Turkish nobility which was not a monolithic entity but belonged to
different tribes of the Turkish race like Khitai, Qara Khitai, Ilbari, etc. Contemporary
texts like Tabaqat-i Nasiri of Minhaj i-Siraj Juzjani, Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi of Ziya al-
Din Barani, etc., throw important light on structure and composition of the governing
class. In the expansion of Mohammad Ghori’s territory in India after the second battle
of Tarain (1192), the Turkish slave (mamluk/bandagan) Qutbuddin Aibek played a
very important role. The origin of Turkish nobility under the sultans of Delhi was due to
Qutubuddin Aibak (1206-1210) and Iltutmish (1210-1236). Initially, all nobles were
bandagan, mostly of Turkish origin and they not only helped in the establishment but
also in the consolidation and expansion of the empire. Granting high offices to bandagans
was a practice adopted from Central Islamic lands and this was the reason behind
their occupying all the important positions in the administration and army. Sultans
themselves were also members of this group and their rise to power was based on
personal merit and statesmanship. The Sultan and nobility in this newly acquired region
depended on each other for their survival. As per ABM Habibullah, the Indo-Turkish
slave bureaucracy of the thirteenth century was like a joint family. Besides Turks, the
Taziks and the Khaljis were also part of the nobility but the Sultans gave exclusive
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patronage to the Turks. Here, it is important to note that the composition of ruling NOTES
elites, patronage, and the terms and conditions of service changed from time to time
according to circumstances and political actors. For example, the rise of Turkish slaves
was disliked by the old Ghorian nobles (amirs of the principality of Ghor) as they saw
it as an infringement of their claim in conquest of India and this culminated in open
conflict between the two after the death of Mohammad Ghori.
Ruling elites under the Ilbaris
The ascendency of Turkish slaves in the thirteenth century is not only the history of
initial hostility between the old and new nobility, free men and slaves but also between
the three outstanding Muizzi slaves (slaves of Mohammad Ghori) controlling his
appanages, Taj al-Din Yalduz, Nasir-al -Din Qubacha and Qutubuddin Aibek. Juzjani
described them all as bandagan -i khass. Their rise to this position signified their
extraordinary ability as well as close personal ties with their master, Mohammad Ghori.
The brief reign of Aibek, saw the beginning of breaking ties with Ghazni and the
creation of Qutbi slave group of Turkish origin. On the sudden death of Aibek, the
Lahore-based Qutbi amirs raised Aram Shah as the ruler. Amidst this chaos, Iltutmish
(a senior Qutbi slave) was invited by amir-i dad and maliks of Delhi to succeed to the
throne of Delhi. Protest came from the head of the bodyguards, sar- jandar, an
important official of the imperial household. This was the first evidence of an inter-
dispensational conflict among the Qutbi nobles. Doubt related to the legality of his
accession was resolved when he presented a deed of manumission from slavery to the
Qazis of Delhi. The twenty-six-year reign of Iltutmish can be roughly divided into three
phases: 1210-20, when he successfully suppressed his opponents; 1221-27, when he
saved the nascent Sultanate from the danger of Mongol invasion; and 1228-36 when
he worked for his personal and dynastic authority. As the real founder of the Delhi
Sultanate, his administration derived its strength from two groups of officials: Turks,
consisting of Qutbi slaves, and the migrant Taziks (free men). As per Juzjani, he had
made the Sultanate of Delhi and its centre Hazrat-i-Dehli, a heaven/abode for those
escaping Mongol deluge and this was the reason behind the influx of notable Taziks
from different parts of central Asia. Some of them were Ala al-Din Jani, the prince of
Turkistan, Malik Taj al-din Inaltegin, the prince of Khwarzam, Izz al-Din Muhammad
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NOTES Shah Mahdi, etc. How quickly they were absorbed in Iltutmish’s dispensation is difficult
to ascertain but in administration their place was next to the Turks. Iltutmish, like his
predecessors, created an exclusive group of loyal Turkish slaves, the Shamsis. Within
the bandagan-i Shamsi he created an elite cadre of privileged Shamsi bandagan-i
khass referred as Chihalgani or Chalisa. The term Chalisa has often been interpreted
by the usage of number forty but in reality, it was a metaphor for an unspecified number.
As per Barani, Ghiyas al-Din Balban and Sher Khan belonged to this group. During
the rule of Iltutmish Turks, Taziks, local Hindu chieftains were the base of his
administration but important responsibilities in administration, the army, and iqta were
the prerogative only of the Turks.
The period following the death of Iltutmish allowed free play for nobles and led
to an emergence of powerful racial groups, leading to conflict between the crown and
nobility, Turks and non-Turks, as well as within each group. It was also a period when
nobles consolidated their hold on the crown, created new alliances, power groups and
turned into king makers. The brief reign of Rukn al-Din Firuz Shah (1236) was dominated
by the Taziks. The increase in power of Taziks was resented by the Turks and resulted
in the removal of Rukn al-Din and the placement of Raziyya (1236-40) on the throne.
What followed was the removal of one ruler after another. In fact, the period between
the death of Iltutmish and the emergence of Balban (1236-1266) witnessed
unprecedented exaltation of the power of nobility and the decline of prestige of crown.
Sunil Kumar has divided this period into three unequal periods of contrasting character:
1236-42, the period of ‘inter dispensational’ conflict, when remnants of Shamsi were
in conflict with the successors of Iltutmish and their military retinues; 1242-55, the
period of ‘intra-dispensational’ conflict when members of the Shamsi slave were in
conflict with each other; and 1254-66 which saw new dispensation of power of the
Shamsi slave Ulugh Khan, the future Sultan Ghiyas al-Din Balban (1266-86). The
ascendancy of the governing class was also reflected in the emergence of a new office
“Naib-i mumlikat” or “deputy of the country”, who for all practical purposes possessed
absolute authority. Balban, during the lifetime of Sultan Nasir al-Din Mahmud (1246-
66), had not only assumed this office but also enjoyed all insignia of royalty. He worked
to restore the prestige of the Crown by crushing the power of Turkish nobility and
creating his own Ghiyasi nobles (which goes back to the regime of Nasir al-Din
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Mahmud), but how much power he gave to them is difficult to ascertain. His nobility NOTES
still included Taziks, Mongols, Khaljis, etc. By adopting the policy of blood and iron,
propagating the divine theory of Kingship, and stressing on noble birth as a prerequisite
for state service, he deliberately kept them away from the throne. He regarded nobility
not as co-sharer of power but as subservient to the Crown and that is why there was
an absence of powerful group of nobles in his court. Historians like SBP Nigam and
KA Nizami have charged Balban with sapping the roots of Turkish power in order to
safeguard his own interests. When Khaljis entered as a competitor for the crown
neither his incompetent successor Kayquabad (1287-90) nor the old Turkish nobles
could resist. In these circumstances, Jalaluddin Khalji (1290-96) ascended the throne
of the Delhi Sultanate, negating the hereditary claim as the basis of sovereignty and
kingship.
The racial composition was a distinguished feature of Turkish nobility throughout
the thirteenth century up to the reign of Kayquabad. The most important social group
was Turks. Next to them were the Tajiks of Central Asian origin. As per Juzjani,
Iltutmish received them with great honour and gave them important posts as they were
talented in the art of administration. The Khaljis were also a part of the nobility but a
lack of patronage had driven them to the eastern regions of Bihar, Bengal and Assam.
It was during the reign of Balban that they made steady progress. For a brief period,
Abyssinians attained positions of power during the reign of Razia (when she promoted
Yakut) and Ala al-Din Masud. Another new element in the politics of the Sultanate
were the Mongol immigrants. These neo-Muslim amirs became prominent during the
latter part of Balban’s reign and were part of a coalition that supported Kayquabad’s
accession. There is also reference to Afghans who did not make much progress initially
in nobility. Balban had great confidence in them and gave them the position of
commander in the army. It’s interesting to note the presence of Hindu rural chieftains
like Rai, Rana, and Raja in the court of Iltutmish and Kaiquabad but it seems that their
political role was negligible as there is no reference of their participation in the conflict
between crown and the nobility. In fact, a marked feature of the thirteenth-century
ruling class was the gradual broadening of social base, and its religion did not have
significant place.
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NOTES
In-Text Questions
1. The system of Bandagan originated in India:
a. True b. False
2. Taziks were incorporated into nobility by:
a. Qutubuddin Aibek b. Iltutumish
c. Balban d. All of them
3. The Turks were a monolithic group:
a. True b. False
4. Which of the following introduced the policy of blood and iron:
a. Razziya b. Ala al-Din Masud
c. Nasir al- Din Mahmud d. Balban
Ruling Elites under the Khalji
The accession of Jalaluddin Khalji was described by Barani as a shift of power from
one race to another, thus creating the misunderstanding that the Khaljis were non-
Turks. What impact it had on the composition of the ruling elite is a matter of analysis.
In the Jalali dispensation, members of his family like Malik Khamush (brother), Alauddin
Khalji (nephew), etc., and fellow Khalaj- tribes’ men were promoted. This new order
was based on the principle of blood relation and tribal polity. It’s important to note that
in choosing his team, he did not ignore the old experienced Ilbari and Ghiyasi nobles.
For example, Fakhr-al -Din, an old Ilbari noble, continued to be the Kotwal of Delhi.
S.B.P. Nigam is of the opinion that Jalaluddin’s policy in winning the support of these
nobles was one of reconciliation and it was the most practical approach to strengthening
his position as Khalji’s were still in minority. Nevertheless, this attitude was perceived
as a sign of weakness by the Ilbaris; two vigorous attempts were made to dethrone
Jalaluddin Khalji. In the suppression of these revolts, the younger generation of Khaljis
and neo-Muslims played an important role. The reign of Jalaluddin Khalji did not
make any far-reaching change in the social composition of the nobility. It was a
continuation of the system of Ilbaris with an emphasis on racial taboos and at times on
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42 Material

opportunity, the new elements in nobility, especially the younger generation of Khaljis, NOTES
remained dissatisfied.
The dramatic change in the composition of ruling elites came with Alauddin
Khalji (1296-1316). His reign can be roughly divided into two phases in context of
the formation of ruling elites. The first phase is linked with creating a new class of
nobles based on personal service and blood relation. All those who had helped him in
the coup including old Jalai nobles, who were part of the conspiracy, were duly rewarded
with high posts, iqtas, inam, etc. Some of the recipients were his relatives like Almas
Beg, Sulayman Shah, etc.; others were his old associates from Kara and Awadh, like
Ala al-Mulk and Nusrat Khan. The need to expand the empire also resulted in the
recruitment of old Ilbari nobles in administration but real power was confined to the
Sultan and his nearest kin. With the consolidation of his authority, the process of rooting
out old Jalali nobles and Mongols began on an account of suspicion. Alauddin neither
could tolerate opposition nor was ready to treat them as equal, and in order to curb
the threat of opposition from nobility, he took the following actions: confiscated their
property, prohibited their festive gathering and marriage alliance without the permission
of the Sultan, prohibited the sale of liquor and reorganised the intelligence system to
keep an eye on them. The first phase saw a restricted role of Shamsi and Ghiyasi
nobles and an apparent decline in the number of Turkish slaves. To quote Peter Jackson,
“…may have been a matter of policy-a reluctance on Ala al-Din’s part to allow Turkish
ghulams the stranglehold on administration that they enjoyed in the thirteenth century.”
This second phase is associated with the appearance of two new groups as part of
Alai dispensation: the Afghans and the Indian slave officers, who were Hindu converts.
The most prominent was Malik Kafur, an Indian captured from Gujarat. He played an
important role in executing the expansion of Khalji Empire in South India. The new
class of Alai nobles were recruited on the basis of personal service and loyalty. How
influential were they, is difficult to ascertain but an important fact is that Kafur became
more and more powerful and Sultan’s attachment to him struck the base of
administration. After Alauddin’s death, Kafur raised a puppet ruler and continued to
annihilate influential Alai nobles, who were his opponents. Talented old nobles were
replaced by new inexperienced slaves. Even in this scenario, a sufficient number of
Alai nobles survived. Mubarak Shah Khalji (1316-1320) continued to assign
responsibilities to important Alai nobles like Hushang, Khwaja Hajji, etc. The influence
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NOTES of Indian Muslims continued even after the murder of Malik Kafur and it is evident that
during his brief reign, Mubarak Shah relied on Indian slaves like Hasan and Khusraw
Khan blindly.
Racial organisation continued to be the distinctive feature of nobility under
Jalaluddin Khalji. Although he adopted policy of reconciliation in context of old nobility,
important posts were given to his blood relatives and important tribesmen. Besides
Khalji, he gave patronage to neo-Muslims and as a result, many Mongols had settled
down around Delhi. They had played a significant role in suppressing the revolt of
Malik Chajju. During the reign of Alauddin Khalji, the old Ilbari nobles and the
supporters of Jalaluddin were suppressed ruthlessly. He promoted Indian Slaves in
order to counterbalance the influence of the Khalji nobles. The Afghans made further
progress in social hierarchy under Khaljis. An important point to be noted is that in
spite of continuity of racial organisation, talent and knowledge began to be valued in
context to recruitment. The character of nobility gradually turned out to be
heterogeneous as the doors were now open to people of diverse backgrounds, including
the underprivileged. Nobility was no longer the prerogative of Turks or Taziks. IH
Siddiqi in his article has highlighted this aspect of social mobility.
Ruling Elites under the Tughluq
Evolution of Tughlaq nobility is associated with Ghiyasuddin Tughluq (1316-20), a

Qara’unas Turk. He had served Alauddin Khalji for many years. Amir Khusrau and
Barani have referred to his military achievement against the Mongol invaders on the
North-West frontier. Initially, he did not enjoy much support but after his accession he
took care to draw in old Alai nobles and secure their good will. He paid attention to
their rehabilitation, prestige and position by giving them Iqtas and offices. For example,
Ayan al-Mulk Multani remained the governor of Malwa. Even nobles like Malik
Hoshang, who lent no support to the Sultan against Khusrau Khan, were also treated
kindly. Ghiyasuddin, thus, not only tried to satisfy Alai nobles but also honoured old
nobles of Ilbari. Since he came to the power with help of elements form North-West,
he included them in his nobility, like Burhan al-Din, Kamal al-din, etc. Tension did
emerge when he deputed new elements of nobility, with the amirs of the old regime.
However, his brief reign of four years did not see any noteworthy opposition.
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The enthronement of Muhammad bin-Tughluq (1325-51) initially marked the NOTES

continuity of nobility which he inherited from Ghiyasuddin Tughluq (Ghiyasi nobles)
but the revolt of Baha al-Din Garshap and Kishlu Khan resulted in recruitment of new
cadre of nobility, thus creating a new power base. According to M Athar Ali, creation
of this nobility was done by two methods: firstly by promoting those loyal nobles who
were already in service and secondly by opening doors of nobility to foreign immigrants
from Central Asia. What particularly attracted a great number of immigrants was
probably the story of his generosity and Ibn Battuta (a Moroccan) was beneficiary of
this. Mohammad bin Tughlaq used to address them as “Aziz” (honourable One). As
per M. Athar Ali, besides counterbalancing the old dissatisfied Ghiyasi nobles, another
reason behind the recruitment of foreigners was that they would not have a local base
and would be dependent on the Sultan. He created a cadre of Amiran-i-Sada
(commander of hundred, a system of chain of decimal commands) for foreigners and
was assigned responsibility in South India. The eminent foreigners in his court were
Arabs, Mongols, Afghans, Khurasanis, Persians, Badakshais, etc. An interesting aspect
of nobility was recruitment of all those communities into service who so far had not
gotten an opportunity in administration. A number of them were non-Muslims, like
Ratan (a Kayasth skilled in calculation), Kishan, Bhiran, and Samara Singh. Barani
criticises the appointment of low-born people like Aziz Khummar (the wine distiller)
and Pera Mali (a gardener). The recruitment of low-born Hindus as well as Muslims
in the Sultanate governing class was the natural culmination of the process going on for
the thirteenth century, reflecting the plebian character of the ruling elites. In conclusion,
the composition of nobility was heterogeneous in character including elements like
Ghiyasi nobles, Turkish Mamluks, foreigners, Hindus as well as the the low-born.
During the period under review, Mongols and Afghans progressed further in social
hierarchy. However, in the course of time, this diversity had an adverse impact on the
Sultanate and it is well reflected in the policies of Muhammad bin-Tughlaq and the
soaring ambition of the nobles. His reign is marked by resistance from the nobility.
The character of nobility under Firuz Shah Tughluq (1351-1388) continued to
be heterogenous and it included distinguished immigrants of the previous reign. He
also built a corps of his own armies, consisting of Turks and ‘Hindustanis’, like the
earlier Sultans of Delhi. One of the interesting developments of the reign was assigning
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NOTES administrative responsibility to bandagan-i-Turk. According to Afif, the total number

of royal slaves rose to 180,000 and of these, 40,000 were part of his court. Some of
them were Malik Bashir and Malik Dilan. There are references to the presence of free
amirs, like Persians, Afghans, Indian converts, etc. He made nobility hereditary and
this was the part of his general policy of appeasement. His rule of forty years was thus
marked by absence of any powerful groups and challenges but rivalries continued.
The period of later Tughluqs (1388-1414) is very similar to the period after the
demise of Iltutmish. Incapable successors failed to control the nobility which was the
bulwark of the Sultanate. The death of Firuz Shah saw the emergence of two camps-
one under Wazir and another under Prince Muhammad.
In conclusion, on one hand, the heterogeneous character of nobility served as a
system of check and balance but on the other hand the nobility could never be combined
together under the Tughluqs. The hereditary aspect encouraged nepotism in
administration. Since all the posts were reserved for family members, new talents did
not get an opportunity. Lastly, the slaves in administration weakened the hereditary
nobles and in the course of time they were responsible for the downfall of the Sultanate.
Under the Lodhis (1451-1526), the generally tribal concept of sharing power was
adopted by the nobility.
In-Text Questions
5. All the Sultans of Delhi created their own exclusive nobility:
a. True b. False
6. Tughluqs were:
a. Ilbari Turk b. Khalji Turk
c. Qara’unas Turk d. None of them
7. Malik Kafur was a noble under:
a. Jalaluddin Khalji b. Alauddin Khalji
c. Mubarak Shah Khalji
8. The rank of Amiran-i-Sada was created by Firuz Shah Tughluq:
a. True b. False
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NOTES
2.3 SERVICE CULTURE
Prof. Sunil Kumar has thrown ample light on the service and political culture under
Delhi Sultanate and has used two terms ‘bandagi’ and ‘naukari’ to analyse the
relationship between the Sultan and nobles. The term ‘bandagi’ derived from the
Persian term banda and was based on the tradition of servitude. The term ‘naukar’,
derived from nokod, referred to free and honourable servants. The new service culture,
introduced in the Delhi Sultanate, formed the essence of military and administrative
apparatus. It outlined who the new social elites are and also charted out their duties
and limitations. This new socially dead and natally alienated Turkish bandagans, who
were raised as princes and trained as leaders, were unique and completely opposite to
the nobility by birth (blue blooded), as prevalent in Europe. While being a Turk and a
banda of Sultans was regarded as prestigious, the service culture was such that they
did not have absolute or permanent status. They enjoyed tenure or power only as long
as the master wished, and the mechanism was such that with the death of the master,
it was not necessary that the bureaucrat would continue in power or claim social
status. So even though it was a salaried nobility, it was not like a modern bureaucratic
system where they could continue even if masters changed. The irony of this elite was
that even during the tenure of the master if they fell out of favour, they would be either
removed or would be posted in difficult terrain, far away from the capital almost like
punishment transfer ordemotion. Dirk Kolff links this service culture to the tradition of
naukari in the subcontinent associated with the military labour market. Salaries in this
case were interpreted as purchasing skills and service. Sunil Kumar expands this
argument to say that service culture depended upon personal relations with the Sultan,
not just whether one was a Turk or not, nor if one was a slave or not. This perhaps
explains why the Khaljis and Tughlaqs never tapped into the military labour market
and rather appointed from a diverse background to counterbalance each other and
almost all those appointed had personal subservience to the ruler and his status/power
depended on his relation with the Sultan.
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NOTES 2.3.1 Iqta
Medieval political system of Turkish rule rested on Iqta and Kharaj. By means of
Iqta, the ruling class obtained their income without any permanent attachment to the
territory and also determined social position along with the political influence of the
ruling class. Iqta derives from the Arabic term Qatia, meaning a portion of land and
can roughly be translated as the English word fief.
The iqta was a territorial assignment and its holder was designated muqti. A
saljuqiar statesman of the eleventh century, Nizamu Mulk Tusi, in his text Siyasatnama,
gives us a classical view of the iqta as it developed just before the Ghorian conquests
of northern India:
Muqtis who hold iqta should know that they have no claim on the subject/
peasants (ri’aya) other than that collecting from them in a proper manner the due tax
mal (land tax) .... if any muqti does anything other than this they [the king] should take
away his power and resume his iqta’.... They [the muqti] should in truth realise that
the country and the peasantry (ra’iyat), all belong to the Sultan, with the muqtis
simply placed on their head.
Nizamu’1 Mulk Tusi here emphasises the fact that muqti’s right is to collect and
appropriate taxes especially land revenue, and there were certain obligations on the
part of the muqtis to the sultan. The revenues he collected from the iqta were meant
to provide him resources for fulfilling his obligations. The muqti was thus tax collector,
army paymaster, and also commander rolled into one. The area that the sultan did not
give in iqta1 was called khalisa; here the sultan’s officials (amils) collected the land
revenue directly for the royal treasury.
Origin of Iqta
The Institution of Iqta is as old as Islam, itself. It existed right from the early days of
Islam and its development can be traced back to the period of Abbasid Caliphate.
Under the Buwaiyyid rulers of Central Asia, militarisation of the Iqta system began.
They began the practice of assigning Iqta to its amirs and military officials. The Saljuq
rulers began practice of giving iqtas to its cavalry men to serve the state personally.
There is reference to five types of iqtas under them and the most important were
administrative iqtas which had administrative as well as military obligations.
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48 Material 1.
Irfan Habib Economic History of the Delhi Sultanate : An Essay in Interpretation Indian
Historical Review, vol. IV, No. 3, 1978-295

2.3.2 Introduction of Iqta System in India in Thirteenth Century NOTES
When the Ghorians conquered India, the conquests were initially divided up among
commanders who maintained themselves and their troops by plunder and collection of
tribute. It shows that Ghorian conquerors were familiar with the practice of iqta
assignments. The areas conquered by these commanders were later on designated as
their iqtas, and their holders were called muqtis; they were also called walis and their
territorial assignments were called wilayats. Malik Nasiruddin Astam and Qutubuddin
Aibek held Iqta of Kutch and Hansi but with regards to how it worked, the sources
are mute. After the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate, conditions largely remained
the same.
The Sultanate in its earlier phase has had yet to stabilise its monetary system.
The only means of distributing salary to the officers was the assignment of land revenue.
Land grants to collect revenue therefore became the order of the day. The other
important reason for introducing iqta in India was to enable the sultans to demand a
vast share of the surplus produce of the society. In iqta, the assignees (designated
muqtis or wali) collected the kharaj and other taxes and maintained themselves and
their troopers out of this, sending the surplus to the centre. The sultans assigned iqtas
to their nobles for their maintenance instead of cash salaries. It was also a means to
maintain law and order, liquidate feudal tendencies, connect far flung areas to the
centre, and satisfy the economic greed of the governing class. So, a muqti had
multifarious responsibilities of being a tax collector, administrator, military commander,
etc. There are references to two types of Iqta in India: Iqta-i-Tamlik and Iqta-i-
Istighal. Under Iqta-i-Tamlik, land was given and it had administrative responsibility,
whereas under Iqta-i-Istighal, stipend was given for sustenance. It did not carry any
administrative responsibility.
In traditional historiography Iqta implied a piece of land or territory but as per
recent research, Sunil Kumar is of the opinion that Iqta used to be an extensive territory-
consisting of qasba, shahr (towns), forts, bazars (commercial marts), riverine and
agricultural tract. Importance of an Iqta also depended on geographical and strategic
location and this was also basis of appointment. For example, Multan, Ucch, Lahore,
Lakhnauti, etc. were important iqtas and were always given to important members of
the governing class. Besides, responsibilities of in charge differed from areas to areas.
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As per Peter Jackson, the Persian chronicler uses variety of terms for province and Material 49

NOTES Iqta is one of them. Owners of Iqta were referred to as wali, muqti or muqta,
iqtedar, etc. Irfan Habib has discussed elaborately three stages in the evolution of
Iqta system under the Sultans of Delhi.
In-Text Questions
9. Iqta system originated in India:
a. True b. False
10. Kharaj is tax on commodities:
a. True b. False
11. Only land used to be assigned in lieu of service.
a. True b. False
12. There were five types of Iqta under:
a. Samanid b. Saljuq
c. Sassanid d. Abbasid
Iqta System under Iltutmish
With the accession of Iltutmish in 1210, the iqta system seems to have become the
main aspect of administrative organisation of the Delhi Sultanate. During the 26 years
of this reign (1210-36), the entire Sultanate from Multan to Lakhnauti was divided
into big and small tracts of land called iqtas and were placed under the charge of
officers designated as muqtai. Thus, there were two categories of iqtas, the iqta of
provincial level and small iqtas in the form of certain villages. Iqtas at the provincial
level were given to important nobles. They carried both revenue and administrative
responsibilities. Small iqtas in the form of certain villages were given to ordinary soldiers
directly employed by the Sultan in lieu of their salaries. In such iqtas, the holders were
not entrusted with any administrative or financial responsibilities. These small iqta-
holders were generally called the iqtadars. Barani mentions two thousand such
iqtadars during the reign of Iltutmish. They were assigned these iqtas in doab. Thus,
during the thirteenth century, the Sultans assigned different regions, large as well as
small, to different nobles, who were required to perform administrative, fiscal and
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military functions. The sultan sought to enlarge their own Khalisa. He is said to have NOTES
appointed a slave of his as the Shahna of the Khalisa of Tabarhind (Bhatinda).
Apparently, Delhi and its surrounding districts also were included in the Khalisa land.
An important point to be noted is that it was only given to the Turks and they used to
be transferred from one Iqta to another. However, Sunil Kumar is of the view that
during the thirteenth century under the rule of Iltutmish the military commanders-
bandagan i-khass were seldom shifted from their Iqta and their administrative
experience was valued. Most military commanders used it as their safe sanctuary in
times of conflict. The trend changed from the mid-thirteenth century.
Iqta System under Balban
During the larger part of the thirteenth century, the muqti seemed to have depended
on tribute extorted from local potentates or plunder (in the form of cattle and slaves)
from the mawasat or unconquered areas. Balban’s expeditions in the Doab and Katehr
were essentially raids of the kind organised on a very large scale. He instituted an
inquiry into the terms and tenure of the iqtas given to the Turkish soldiers in Doab
which were given during Iltutmish’s time. It was discovered that many of the original
grantees were dead by this time; those who survived were too old and infirm to render
any military service. They retained their hold on the iqta and claimed hereditary rights
over them. It seems they were inspired by Saljuq tradition.
Balban held the other view. These iqtas, he said, were given in lieu of military
service. When the grantees discontinued to perform their part of obligations, the contract
on the basis of which they held these iqta, became null and void. The occupants of the
iqta however argued that these lands were given to their ancestors by way of reward
by the state in the past and carried no obligation for the future. Balban refused to be
guided by this logic, though he made certain concessions in favour of these iqtadars at
the advice of Fakhruddin, the kotwal of Delhi. The principle of hereditary iqta was
definitely rejected by him and the khwaja was appointed to watch and control the
activities of the iqtadar. According to Irfan Habib, this was a new appointment and
through it he wanted to know the income and expenditure of the Iqta. Sunil Kumar
quotes Juzani in context to refer to the presence of Khwaja in India along with muqta
during the reign of Iltutmish and so the placement of Khwaja was not a new practice.
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NOTES Besides, Khwaja also kept account of troves seized by mukti, and looked after the
distribution of khums. Under the successors of Iltutmish, they also maintained a register
of fighting forces of mukti. There are also instances of collusion between the muqti
and khwaja. Even under Balban, the recipients of Iqtas were Turks.
Iqta system under the Khaljis and Tughluqs
The iqta underwent certain changes under these rulers. Prior to the last decade of the
thirteenth century, the muqtis enjoyed all the executive powers in civil, military and
financial administration. But afterwards, they no longer remained under the absolute
control of the iqta administration. In fiscal matters, they were brought under the
increasing control of the central government. They had to submit the accounts of revenue
collection and expenditure. They could take only an agreed amount for themselves
and their troops, and send the balance to the sultan’s treasury. The mode of payment
for soldiers underwent a change at the hands of Alauddin Khalji. He abolished the
small iqtas by which soldiers (hashm/qalb) of the sultan’s army used to be paid and
substituted cash salaries. This was associated with his administrative and economic
reforms, and for soldiers, he initiated a market control policy, where the prices of each
and every commodity were fixed by the state. Nevertheless, as noted by Moreland,
he left the large iqtas assigned to the commanders unaffected. Alauddin annexed the
areas near the capital and turned them into Khalisa land. It now covered the whole of
the middle doab and parts of modern Rohilkhand. Iqtas now began to be assigned in
far flung areas and kept strong control over them. The royal intervention which began
under Balban reached its peak under Alauddin Khalji.
A fundamental alteration in the position of the iqta-holders took place during
the period of the early Tughluqs. Ghiyasuddin Tughluq clearly divided the allotment of
the revenues within an iqta for the personal income of the muqti and that for the
payment of troops placed under his charge. As a result, a muqta could not claim a
single penny from the salaries of troops. The following pictures emerge from the
instructions issued by him to the muqtis and walis, as reported by Barani:
(i) A particular iqta was estimated officially to yield a minimum income, which
was assumed to be appropriated in two portions:
(a) the pay of the troops placed under the muqti and
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52 Material

(ii) Apparently, if more revenue was collected from the iqta than the minimum NOTES
allowed,it was normally sent to the royal exchequer.
(iii) The muqti could, however, appropriate out of this excess up to 4 to 10
percent of the total amount of annual revenue at which his iqta was ‘valued’.
This would be allowable, but not more than this.
(iv) The muqti was not to appropriate any amount of the iqta income allotted
to the troops.
The next step was to separate the revenue and fiscal charge from the military
charge altogether. This significant change seems to have come after the succession of
Muhammad Tughluq. These fiscal responsibilities were now withdrawn from the muqti
or wali and put under different officers. According to Ibn Battuta, the iqta of Amroha
was under two officers, one designated as amir, presumably in charge of the army and
the civil administration and the other was revenue collector, wali-ul-kharaj. The farming
out of iqta on an estimated fixed amount annually also began under Muhammad bin-
Tughluq and could only have been possible if the two charges were separated. He
gave the iqta of Kara to Nizam Mian Bhangari in lieu of a few lakh tankas. Shihab
Sultani was another person who had the iqta of Bidar and the adjoining areas from
Muhammad bin-Tughluq in lieu for one crore of tankas to be paid in the three years.
The control of the centre over the iqta appears to have receded under Feroz
Shah Tughlaq. He was compelled to grant concessions to his nobles, allowing for
inheritance as well as non-transfer of assignments. One can see his policy of
appeasement, even in context to muqtis. He restored the system of payment of soldiers
by land assignments, now called Wajh. It is possible that when applied to muqti’s
troops it encouraged sub-assignment by the muqtis and made central intervention in
the administration of iqta to protect the interest of the troops very difficult. Thus, the
double government (central intervention and muqtis administration) in the iqta, which
was noticed under Muhammad bin-Tughluq, no longer appears under Feroz Shah
Tughlaq. Not much information is available regarding the working of the Iqta system
under the later Tughluqs and Sayyids (1414-51). However, under the Lodis (1451-
1526), the system was reorganised and the term Sarkar and Pargana replaced Iqta.
Sikandar Lodi followed in the footsteps of Feroz Shah Tughlaq in making it hereditary.
Under the Sur rulers, the traditional iqta system continued unchanged. They also
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Material 53

NOTES and position in lieu of a cash salary. These parganas and sarkars were called the
wajahdari-iqta. The Sur kings also assigned iqta to their nobles excluding the tax-free
land grants given to the scholars and pious persons for their maintenance. Though
Islam Shah is reported to have abolished the iqta system and established the system
of cash payment by bringing the whole kingdom under Khalisa, a careful study reveals
that it continued even during his reign. The Jagirdari system under Mughals was
based on it.
2.3.3 Some Traits of Iqta System under the Sultans of Delhi
1. The geographical distribution of iqta during the period under study seems to be
of peculiar nature. We find that the smaller iqta were generally concentrated in
regions around Delhi and the bigger ones tended to spread towards the peripheral
areas. Since a number of small iqta were concentrated around Delhi and very
few extending over the larger zones, they were unevenly spread throughout the
Sultanate.
2. Some idea of the manner in which the muqtis were selected during the thirteenth
century could be found in the biographical sketches of the twenty-five important
muqtis mentioned by Juzjani of the reign of Iltutmish. These sketches reveal
that almost all the muqtis started their career as royal slaves. Before the
assignment of iqtas, they were first put to different kinds of jobs at the court.
They were appointed to the responsible position of muqtis only after the Sultan
had fully satisfied himself about their abilities and efficiency. This has been more
or less normal practice throughout the Sultanate.
3. Here, it will not be out of place to mention that most of the discussions about the
distinction between the terms iqtadar, muqtis and wail, are speculative in nature
because the contemporary evidence is not only meagre but conflicting on these
points. For our general understanding, the holders of small iqta were called
iqtadars while those holding big ones were generally known as muqtis or walis.
Their accounts were settled at the Diwan -i- Wizarat. By the name of the
Lodis, the muqtis seem to have been officially called wajahdars. But the land
assignments were still called iqta. The terms muqti, hakim and amir were also
used by people for the assignees.
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4. The Wajahdar, muqti or hakim had no right over the land grants. Sultan NOTES
Sikandar Lodi specifically mentioned the farmans very clearly. If any noble was
reported to have disobeyed the royal farman by oppressing anyone who held
wajah-i-maash, he was severely punished and dismissed by Sikandar Lodi
from the state service. Similarly, no noble could occupy any land which was not
specifically mentioned in the farman of assignment.
5. The tenure of the office of muqtis, according to Nizamul Mulk Tusi, was three
years. He emphasises that the muqtis should be transferred after every two or
three years, lest they might grow too powerful. Apparently, this practice was
followed with slight modification by the early sultans of Delhi. A closer study of
the appointments and transfers in some of the important iqtas, like Awadh,
Badayun, Baran and Lahore indicates that during this time, the average tenure
of the office of muqtas was between four to five years. In the case of a distant
iqta like Lakhnauti, the policy was still more rigorous. In such cases, the average
tenure came to only three years. On perusal of some of the important iqta like
Awadh, Badayun, Baran, Lahore and Multan, it comes to light that the frequency
of transfer in the iqta located closer to Delhi was much less than what it would
be in a place like Lakhnauti. After Iltutmish had annexed Bengal in 1225, the
policy with regards to the transfer of the muqtis appears to have undergone a
change in so far as the muqtis of the newly annexed province of Bengal were
concerned. They were transferred quite frequently.
Both the Lodis and the Sur kings exercised their royal prerogative and authority
by transferring or dismissing the nobles from their iqta whenever they desired. But it is
also noteworthy that muqtis of the Afghan period were not subject to frequent transfers
like the Mughal nobles under Akbar and his successors. The muqtis or wajahdars
were not transferred from their iqta unless they lost the royal confidence.
A detailed study of the evidence relating to iqta assignments made by the sultans
of Delhi during the thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth centuries indicates
that the muqtis performed the following main functions:
(i) to wage wars against the local chiefs and foreign invaders,
(ii) to appoint their own deputies over important towns and out posts,
(iii) to assign lands and make free grant of land to their favourites and men of
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NOTES (iv) to maintain a considerable number of soldiers out of the revenues assigned
to them.
The muqti or wajahdar took keen interest in the progress and expansion of
agriculture in his iqta. The peasants were encouraged to bring new land under cultivation,
encouraged to cultivate cash crops like tobacco, cotton, etc., and also got loans from
him whenever necessary. In simple words, Iqtas facilitated commercial development
like trade and commerce and established an economic link between rural (unit of
production) and urban area (unit of consumption). It created a new type of socio-
economic structure with control over the rural elites like rai, rana, raja, rawat, etc. If a
muqti was posted somewhere outside his iqta, his representative administered it on
his behalf. He exercised full military and executive powers inside the iqta, quite
independent of the hakim of the sarkar or the province. For example, Sultan Bahlul
Lodi appointed Masnad-i-ali, Umar Khan Sarwani as the hakim of the Lahore sarkar
while he was given iqta in the sarkar of Sirhind. Iqta which played a positive role in
consolidation of Sultanate, in course of time was also responsible for its disintegration.
Under strong rulers like Alauddin Khalji and Muhammad bin-Tughluq, the system
worked smoothly but under the weak rulers, there was a tendency to defy the central
authority. One cannot ignore its role in the decline of the Sultanate.
2.4 SUMMARY
Iqta, which played a positive role in the consolidation of the Sultanate, in the course of
time, was also responsible for its disintegration. Under strong rulers like Alauddin
Khalji and Muhammad bin-Tughluq, the system worked smoothly but under the weak
rulers, there was a tendency to defy the central authority. One cannot ignore its role in
the decline of the Sultanate.
2.5 GLOSSARY
 Amir- noble.
Self-Instructional
56 Material  Amir-i-dad- the military justiciar.

 Bandagan- a Persian word for slave. NOTES

 Badagan i- Khass-special slaves.
 Chihalgani or Chalisa-the corps of trusted bandagan within the larger retinue
of Shamsi bandagan.
 Diwan-i-Wizarat-department of finance.
 Doab-land between river Ganga and Yamuna.
 Farman-an official order.
 Ghulam-Slave.
 Hashm-soldiers.
 Hazarat-I Dehli- revered city of Dehli.
 Kharaj-land revenue imposed on non-Muslims.
 Khums-war booty.
 Inam-reward.
 Iqta- a territorial assignment to officials in lieu of their salaries in Delhi Sultanate.
 Khalisa-crown land.
 Kotwal-castellan.
 Mamluk-an Arabic word for slave.
 Sar Jandar-head of the bodyguard.
 Social mobility-improvement in status of a group/community in a society.
 Tanka-a silver coin.
 Tazik-free men of Central Asian origin.
 Qalb-cavalrymen.
 Qazi-a judge.
 Qasba-a small town.
 Wazahdar- another term for the owner of Iqta.
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Material 57

NOTES
1. (b) False
2. (b) Iltutumish
3. (b) False
4. (d) Balban
5. (a) True
6. (c) Qara’unas Turk
7. (b) Alauddin Khalji
8. (b) False
9. (b) False
10. (b) False
11. (b) False
12. (b) Saljuq
1. Trace the transition in the Sultanate ruling class under Khaljis and Tughluqs.
2. Describe the role and nature of the ruling elite under the Delhi Sultans in the
13th century. Highlight the changes in the nobility over the 14th century.
3. Assess the composition of the ruling elites in the Delhi Sultanate. How did
Alauddin Khalji and Muhammad bin-Tughlaq further widen its social base?
4. Examine the changes in the Iqta system in the 13th and 14th centuries. How did
it define the relationship between the Sultan and the ruling class in this period?
5. Discuss the evolution and working of the Iqtadari system under Delhi Sultanate.
6. Critically analyse the evolution of the Iqta system in Delhi Sultanate. Has recent
Self-Instructional research changed the perception related to it?
58 Material

NOTES
2.8 REFERENCES
 Nizami, KA. 1961. Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth
Century. Aligarh.
 Athar Ali, M. ‘Nobility under Mohammad Tughluq’. PIHC. Vol.42. pp.197-
202.
 Jackson, Peter. 1999. The Delhi Sultanate, A Political and Military History.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
 Chandra, Satish. 2007. History of Medieval India (800-1700). Delhi: Orient
Blackswan.
 Kumar, Sunil. 2007. The Emergence of the Delhi Sultanate:1192-1286. ,
New Delhi: Permanent Black.
 ‘When Slaves were Nobles: The Shamsi Bandagan in the Early Delhi
Sultanate’, Studies in History, Vol.10, pp23-52.
 ‘Bandagi and Naukari: Studying Transitions in Political Culture and Service
under the North Indian Sultanates,13th-16th Centuries’, in After Timur Left,
ed. By Francesca Orissini and Samira Shaikh, Delhi: OUP.pp.60-108.
 Tpan Raychaudhari and Irfan Habib (ed.) 1982. Cambridge Economic History
of India, Vol.2, pp.68-75. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
 UN Day, Some Aspects of Medieval Indian History, New Delhi,1971.
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Articulating Political Authority: Monuments and Rituals
LESSON 3 NOTES
ARTICULATING POLITICAL AUTHORITY:

MONUMENTS AND RITUALS
Dr. Meera Khare,
Associate Professor (Retd.),
Structure
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Articulating Political Authority: Monuments
3.3 Qutb Mosque: ‘Might of Islam’ or Multiple Meanings?
3.4 Contesting Claims to Authority
3.5 Articulating Political Authority: Rituals
3.6 Conclusion
3.7 Summary
3.8 Glossary
3.11 References
 To understand the cultural apparatus of the Delhi Sultanate, how the state was
legitimized
 The examine the monuments as sites of articulation of authority with a case
study of the Qutb Complex
 To discuss the issue of Islamic iconoclasm
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NOTES  To know about Qutb Mosque and its various interpretations

 To analyse the contestations of authority between the Sultan and the Shaikh.
 To learn about the articulation of authority through court rituals and divergences
therein.
3.1 INTRODUCTION
In the previous section, you read about the political infrastructure of the Delhi Sultanate.
The regime of the Delhi Sultans lasted for more than three centuries (1206-1526). In
this period, they brought large tracts of the country under their sway and built up a
fairly efficient system of governance, generating a sizeable revenue. The conquering
commanders, soldiers and elites came from lands beyond to establish their authority
over a conquered people who practiced a different religion and had different notions
of temporal authority. As the regime expanded and the dynasties changed, a large
number of people of different ethnicities, Turks, Persians, Afghans, Mongols and other
socio-cultural groups, joined in to participate in the political dispensation of the Delhi
Sultans. Given the heterogeneous nature of the nobility and the crown that was forever
challenged, augmented by the problems of governing an equally heterogeneous
population, issues concerning legitimation of power, as in any other political formation,
were always central to the Sultanate.
Articulation of political authority, its cultural forms and practices are active
components in any processes of state formation. Political authority has no meaning
unless it is articulated and this articulation comes from the cultural tropes of a given
society. Symbols of authority in literary and visual sources draw their imagery and
narratives from tradition while incorporating novel ideas as well. In our discourse here,
the Delhi Sultans carried with them the cultural baggage of the Ghaznavid and Ghurid
empires from the Perso-Islamic world. Symbols of authority and other cultural practices
had already been worked out in the larger Islamicate world before the Ghurids set out
to establish their power here.
Architecture, court rituals, royal ceremonies and insignia, titles, dresses, coinage,
court chronicles (poetry and prose) were significant elements in the articulation of
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authority of the Delhi Sultans. In all these agencies we see a marked preference for NOTES
using imagery and narratives from the religion of Islam as a source of authority. Tropes
from pre-Islamic Persian traditions of absolutist kingship and its attendant court rituals,
as was the practice in the larger Islamicate world, were utilized. The Sultan in the
Perso-Islamic world was depicted as bringing prosperity to his subjects. This was
also true of the kings in the indigenous tradition, but to Perso-Islamic kingship, this
was not because the king was a sacral being but because he practiced a pious Muslim
behavior. Peter Hardy aptly summarizes the persona of the Sultan vis-à-vis a Hindu
king: “It is not by reason of his being, but by reason of his behavior, that the sultan
becomes the means whereby subjects enjoy welfare. The real agent is god. “ (Hardy
1978, 228).
However, this does not make the Delhi Sultanate a theocracy because tenets of
Shari’a never informed their administrative practices and state-laws were important.
But for legitimation, the Delhi Sultans were ‘Kings of Islam’, who upheld their faith
and the ruling of the Shari’a; they gave due place to the ‘ulama’, visited the Sufis and
did their pious duty by constructing mosques, madrasas (Islamic seminary) and minars
(towers). Historians interpret their regimes as Islamic, militarist, despotic and centralist
but in actual practice, this may not be the case.
With this template, in the following sections we will study the articulation of
authority of the Delhi Sultans through their architecture and court rituals. Starting with
the construction of many cities of Delhi, we will move to the first Sultanate mosque, the
Qutb mosque and the meanings that were attached with it then and now. Case study of
the Qutb Mosque and other mosques will engage us with the issue of Islamic iconoclasm
and temple desecration. These issues are closely wound up with the first mosques that
came up after the conquest.
Further in the discourse, we will see that texts and architecture become sites for
articulating and contesting political authority. In the last section, we will discuss royal
rituals, titles and insignia from the accepted Perso-Islamic repertory but will at the
same time point out differences and digressions from the normal. The same alternate
concepts of authority or a discordant is discerned in court chronicles and Sufi literature,
vis-à-vis the proclamations made in the monument inscriptions (Qutb Mosque), thus
giving us a window to the nature of authority under the Delhi Sultans.
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NOTES
3.2 ARTICULATING POLITICAL AUTHORITY:
MONUMENTS
The most visible form of expression of political authority is monumental architecture.

The many cities of Delhi with their mosques, tombs, palaces, fortresses, shrines and
water works are a standing testimony to the authority, pomp and splendour of the
Sultans. These monuments represent their tremendous power and their ability to control
the necessary resources to build at such a large scale. It also means that they were
very successful in harnessing a system which accepted and applied new technologies
of construction, innovative designs, plans and decorative motifs and put together
ingenious forms.
1. Sultanate Capitals
The very first fact that strikes you about the Delhi Sultans is that they constructed
many capital cities in the area of Delhi. The first Sultanate capital was the area around
the citadel of Prithvi Raj Chauhan, Qila Rai Pithora, in the south west of the present
city. This area was referred to as Dihli in the Persian texts. Later, Sultans constructed
Kilokhari, Siri, Tughlaqabad, Adilabad, Jahanpanah and Firuzabad - the list is long.
Water scarcity, security issues, and shortage of space may have been the possible
reasons for this frequent shifting of the capital. The new settlements came up in the
vicinity around the core settlement of Dihli but later sites like Firuzabad were selected
as well.
It is undisputable that the new capitals under new regimes symbolized a particular
Sultan’s power and charisma, but Sunil Kumar’s study has shown that this frequent
shifting was not just because of the lofty aspirations of the Sultans of Delhi but a
response to the challenges posed by the political conditions of their age (Kumar 2011,
125-35). The competitive politics of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries and the
attendant fragility of the regimes may have necessitated the change. What is implied in
Kumar’s study is that the need to house new political dispensations that always came
with change of regimes, may have been one of the reasons to construct anew. Also, to
mitigate the challenges of the old dispensation, it might have been prudent for the
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exuded a sense of grandeur for the new Sultan and would have been a perfect setting NOTES
to display their powers.
2. Construction of Masjid-i Jami‘, the Qutb Complex
Construction of a congregational mosque, masjid-i jami‘, was one of the first acts of
the victor after a conquest in the Perso-Islamic world. It was an accepted norm in the
Islamic world as architectural patronage of religious places was central to Muslim
kingship to express Sunni orthodoxy. The Indian conquests of Ghurid Sultans in the
last decades of twelfth century too were followed by construction of mosques in the
conquered areas of north India.
The first royal mosque, called masjid-i jami‘, the congregational mosque, was
a simple structure when Aibak (1206-10) laid its foundation in Delhi in the citadel of
Prithvi Raj Chauhan soon after the conquest in 1192-93. The Qutb Mosque, as it is
called today, however, was not the first mosque to come up on the Indian soil. Merchants
and trading communities had put up mosques in the areas of Sind and Gujarat much
before the Ghurid conquerors came to north India, as they needed their places of
worship. But this mosque was different, it was put up in the wake of a conquest. It was
hurriedly put up after demolishing existing temples in the vicinity and re-using their
spoils. It was meant to make a statement of conquest, a symbolic appropriation of
land.
The congregational mosque, masjid-i jami‘, of the city (then called Dihli-i
kuhna, old Delhi) naturally became a symbol of power of the conquerors and a site
for articulating the authority of the future Sultanate. Structures were added and expanded
in subsequent reigns of different Sultans, as the exigencies demanded.
a. Construction of the Mosque under Aibak and Iltutmish
Aibak envisaged his mosque as a simple rectangle (214x149 feet) in the Arab hypostyle
plan of a courtyard surrounded on three sides by colonnades and the qibla (direction
of the prayer) wall with a niche, mihrab, on the west side. The northern and southern
colonnades of the Qutb mosque are three bays deep, while the qibla colonnade is
four bays deep and the entrance colonnade on the east is two bays deep. The ceilings
of these colonnades are corbelled with flat slabs of stone and the whole structure is
surmounted by low conical domes. A feature appears here of the muluk khana, the Self-Instructional
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NOTES royal enclosure. It appears as a mezzanine floor on all the four corners of the structure.
This feature is derived from Ghurid mosques, not seen in Iranian examples.
Sometimes later, a set of five arched openings as screens, maqsura, were thrown
in front of the qibla wall (1199) to cordon off the qibla colonnade, a feature frequently
appearing in Perso-Islamic mosques. A set of smaller arches were spread across the
upper stories of this screen but not much of that survives today. The arches are corbelled,
the local artisans having yet not learnt the ‘Islamic’ true arch, instead the craftsmen
have used the ‘S’ curved ogee arch derived from the Buddhist tradition. In its time, the
central arched screen, flanked by two smaller arched screens on either side in two
tiers, must have looked lofty and with the profuse surface decoration of arabesque,
serpentine floral creepers alternating with bands of ingeniously inscribed Qura’nic verses,
the structure would have been a sight to withhold and would have certainly attracted
the religious community.
Around the same time, Aibak further constructed or rather laid the foundation
of a tower, a minar, today called the Qutb Minar (1199) on the southern side of the
mosque, which would have served as the tower to call the faithful to prayer. Built in the
fashion of Ghurid victory towers, additionally, it would have served as a symbol of the
conquest, the conqueror’s stamp of victory. The Minar’s inscriptions address the infidels
and proclaims eulogies of the conquest and together with religious inscriptions that
cover its entire surface is a sight to behold. It was originally squatish in appearance but
later a fifth storey was added by Firuz Shah Tughlaq (1368) to make it look taller,
alluding that the Minar and its structures indeed were a symbol of Sultanate authority.
By this time, the focus had shifted to other cities of Delhi but the Qutb complex of
Dihli-i kuhna continued to have its importance.
The beauty of the Minar stands in its diminishing storeys where the finest tracery
work is executed in red sandstone of its bracketed balconies that separate each storey.
Alternating between wedge-shaped flanges and circular scallops forming the first storey,
all the other storeys use either circular scalloped surface (second storey) or only wedge
shaped (third storey) or plain circular surfaces make up the fourth and fifth storeys.
The stalactite bracketing of small arches of the balconies are reminiscent of the cusped
stone temple ceilings and are the monument’s crowning glory.
Iltutmish (1210-36) extended the mosque and completed the unfinished Minar.
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articulating his power, he made an extension to the colonnades on the eastern, northern NOTES
and southern sides (1229-30). The extension brought the Minar within the southern
courtyard. He extended the screens as well with three more additional arches. Iltutmish’s
screens are plain surfaces vis-à-vis the profusely decorated ones of Aibak. But their
beauty lies in the Kufic and Tughra styles of calligraphic panels that cover their surface.
The Sultan added his tomb (1235) here as well. The arches continued to remain
corbelled. A Gupta period iron pillar from a Vishnu temple was brought and erected in
front of Aibak’s mosque screen (1220’s). This was reminiscent of a tradition of re-
erecting antique pillars in edifices to symbolically appropriate the authority of past
great rulers and dynasties. Later, Firuz Shah Tughlaq too re-erected an Ashokan pillar
in his city of Firuzabad.
b. Extension under ‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji
The greatest extension to the mosque came under Sultan ‘Ala’ al- Din Khalji (1296-
1316). He more than two times doubled its size and added a lofty southern gate, the
‘Ala’i Darwaza (1311) to the complex. The city would have been growing and the
principal mosque would have had to accommodate more people as contemporary
sources tell us that Delhi under Iltutmish became ‘the centre of circle of Islam’, markaz-
i da‘ira-i Islam. Literati and other people from the pan-Islamic world took refuge in
Delhi as increasingly Mongol devastation eroded Central Asian state systems. The
incumbent Sultan after his ambitious conquests and administrative measures further
needed to articulate his authority in the most appropriate site of the city’s congregational
mosque.
‘Ala’ al-Din extended the colonnades further to east and north. Not much of his
extension remains today but it can be conjectured that the size of the Mosque now
increased four-fold. A lofty black stone minar was juxtaposed with the old one, though
it could not be completed. The only complete structure that stands today is the southern
gateway, the ‘Ala’i Darwaza. The gateway is of red sandstone and white marble and
shows new constructional techniques from Syria and Iraq. The dispersal of craftsmen
in those turbulent times from West Asia must have contributed to fresh impulses coming
in. The interior walls of this gateway are embellished with arabesque patterns carved
in low relief and has vertical bands of naskhi inscriptions proclaiming the Sultan’s
greatness, his piety and him being the second Alexander.
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NOTES ‘Ala’ al-Din also built a ‘L’ shaped madrasa with blocks of halls and rooms in
the complex. It stands much in ruins today. These acts of the Sultan would have made
him a good pious ruler who had been chosen to lead the Muslim community. We shall
come back to Sultan’s claims to moral authority through these inscriptions later in the
text.
Conclusion
The Qutb mosque, the congregational mosque of the city, and its Minar were significant
in their times as preferred sites of expressing authority. This can also be gauged from
the fact that the form of the Minar with its circular and fluted shaped walls was often
repeated in later Sultanate architecture. The form comes back as small engaged turrets
in the Begampuri, Khirki and Bara Gumbad mosques in Delhi. Architecture from the
regional Sultanates too imitated the tapering Minar. Shah Jahan as well fashioned his
Hastsal Minar (1634) in Delhi after the first storey of the great Minar.
The Qutb site, thus, was envisaged as a major site for articulating political
authority of the Delhi Sultans. After all, it housed the city’s congregational mosque and
a lofty tower that was the symbol of authority of new rulers. Mosques like temples
were social spaces, as they are today. Here, the Friday sermons were given, social
and cultural codes were generated and were lived spaces for the community. This was
a place where the power of the Sultan was most palpable.
In-Text Questions
1. The oldest medieval city of Delhi is:
a. Kilokhari b. Siri
c. Dihli-i Kuhna
2. The first building in the Qutb Complex was:
a. Qutb Mosque b. Qutb Minar
c. Iltutmish’s tomb
3. The foundation of the black minar was laid by:
a. ‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji b. Iltutmish
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3. Rewriting the Sacred Space: Temple Desecration and Articulation of NOTES

Authority
The foundation text of the Qutb Mosque appears in naskhi script on the main eastern
portal of the Mosque. It clearly tells us how it was built. It says that the debris of
twenty seven Hindu and Jain temples, each of which had the cost of two million diliwals,
was employed in its making. The act of destruction of temples to construct this mosque
cannot escape the viewer either as the mosque’s colonnades employ re-used temple
pillars.
Besides the Qutb Mosque, there are three more mosques that are considered
‘conquest mosques’ (1192-1220) by historians (Flood 2007, 145-150; Flood 2008,
xiv-xviii). All four stand as stamps of victory over the infidels. Contemporary with the
Qutb Mosque are the Arhai din ka Jhompra Mosque in Ajmer (the prayer niche is
dated 1199), the Shahi mosque at Khatu in Rajasthan (no foundation text but an
inscription is dated 1203) and Tughril’s Chaurasi Khamba mosque at Kaman (1204),
which is also in Rajasthan in the Bayana region. All were constructed at the command
of the Turkish commanders of the Ghurids.
The most glaring thing about these other three mosques, like the Qutb Mosque,
is that they too re-use and recycle spolia of Hindu and Jain temples. In this sense, they
are different from the earlier mosques of Sind and Gujarat which do not use material
from temples. The later regional areas under the provincial sultanates of fifteenth century
too show examples of temple material being re-used to construct mosques.
Temple destruction in the wake of Sunni orthodoxy and Islamic iconoclasm and
then the re-use exhibit a ‘Might of Islam’ paradigm, an “Islamic invasion’ of India.
These ‘conquest mosques’ are a distinct type that proclaim the victory and legitimization
of new overlords in terms of a superior Islam rewriting the sacred space and labelling
their state a Muslim state.
a. Islamic Iconoclasm
However, overemphasis on re-use and ‘the Might of Islam’ paradigm elides the
innovative architectural features of these edifices, but before we dwell on that, it is
important to understand the actual position of Islamic iconoclasm in the Muslim world.
The opposition to figural depiction in Islam is not based on any Qura’nic injunctions
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but is based on hadis (transmitted reports of what the Prophet did and said), leading Material 69

NOTES to practice of aniconism in mosques, seminaries, shrines and tombs. But this attitude
was never altogether monolithic (Flood 2007, 143-44), there are deviations in early
Islam. Also, it varied from region to region. In our examples too, many a times we see
disfigurement or defacement of a figural imagery, which then looks more to be damaged
rather than destroyed.
Temples were the centres of political, social and economic power in medieval
times, so naturally, they were the first victims after any conquest. Destruction of rivals’
forts, palaces, cities and places of worship was a regular feature of medieval warfare.
Examples abound from pre-conquest times when ‘Hindu’ rulers too appropriated
rivals’ icons and deities, destroyed temples and re-used temple spoils. Pillars were
lifted and re-erected by way of commemorative practices to seek legitimacy by
associating themselves with past rulers, much like what Iltutmish did when he re-
erected the Gupta iron pillar in the precincts of the Qutb mosque.
Rajtarangini (12th century), a chronicle from Kashmir, mentions the ruler
Kshemagupta (11th century) had Jayendra Vihara burnt to ground and then lifted the
brass Buddhas and stone from there to reuse in his Shiva temple in Srinagar (Flood
2008, xxxiv). Many other examples exist as well. Jain temples were plundered under
the Paramaras in Dabhol and Cambay (late 12th century) in Gujarat area (Flood 2008,
xxxv). Cholas, the followers of Shaivism, are known to have destroyed Buddhist
stupas, Jain and Vaishnav shrines (Flood 2008, xxxv). Inter-religious strife was common.
And the same discourse goes for Islamic communities as well. Ismaili mosques
were razed by Mahmud Ghazni (1026) in Multan (Flood 2008, xxxvi). Much like
today, rivalries were seen among rival Sunni factions as well, for example, among
Shafi and Hanafi madrasas. Mutual destruction of religious structures by heterogeneous
identities was a feature of medieval warfare. Here, we need to remember that in all
these, historical context of destruction is important.
Islamic iconoclasm, as seen in these ‘conquest mosques’, is interesting because
it was never in absolute terms as iconic evidence of monuments tells us that motifs and
certain features were consciously retained. Temple spoils were used selectively. The
iconographic motif of kirtimukha (radiant lion face), used as a talisman to ward off
evil, appears more than thirty times on the pillars and lintels of the Qutb Mosque
(Flood 2007, 158-59). Here, the motif has been left untouched. Again in the Qutb
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Mosque, the decorative element of lotus, water-pot (kalash), ten incarnations of Vishnu NOTES
(on the outer southern wall), yakshas-yakshis (nature spirits), scenes from the birth of
Krishna (on the wall panel, northern side), all appear on these re-used pillars and flat
stone slabs of ceilings. Celestial nymphs, the apsaras are defaced but not the
kirtimukha, meaning Islamic iconoclasm was not random and fanatic.
Conclusion
Actually, we need to re-read this Islamic iconoclastic moment as a transformative one,

bringing in new forms and enriching the history of Indian architecture. The cultural
interaction of the conquerors and the conquered would not have gone wasted in a
monologue of destruction. This was a start of a dialogue, creating new forms in its
wake. There is a history of this dialogue as motifs travelled from India to Afghanistan
and vice versa even before the conquest. Figures of garuda (large mythical bird),
rosettes, kalash, lotus scrolls from the temple repertory appear in Ghurid mosques in
Afghanistan at this time.
b. A Cultural Dialogue or a Disruption?
To read the iconoclastic moment as a transformative one in the history of Indian

architecture is the concern of Michael Meister in his study of the Adhai din ka Jhompra
Mosque at Ajmer (Meister 1972). He sees considerable ingenuity in the new forms of
pillars and ceilings of this ‘conquest mosque’, created by the local craftsmen from the
debris of the plunder. According to him, the re-use of spolia in the Delhi mosque
seemed expedient, while at Ajmer, it shows calculation on part of the craftsman (Meister,
1972, 304). There is disorder in Delhi but here we see a conscious effort to integrate.
The workforce, in all probability were Hindu workmen, who combined plundered
material with new forms and created something totally transformed. What we see
today in the mosque is a pillar that is combined with two layers of plundered shafts
sitting on a newly created shaft, thus giving the whole pillar a sense of height and
airiness, an architectural feature not seen in any temple or mosque. The new shaft
below uses indigenous motifs in their diamond shaped niches but by leaving empty
spaces above, the artisan seems to have overcome his native decorative urge and in
the wake, he has created a new pillar form. Ceilings too show combination of old
work with new (Meister 1972, 305). The torana arches of the Hindu temples are
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NOTES transformed as the cusped arches of the screen in front of the qibla (Meister 1972,
306). These modified and transformed elements of the Ajmer mosque were a response
of the local craftsman to his Muslim patron.
In a similar vein, historians see the Qutb complex as a social document, where
architecture and sculpture are wedded together. The forms of the Qutb complex are a
starting dialogue between architectural traditions of Islam and the sculptural tradition
of the indigenes.
Conclusion
What we have been discussing here is that we need to re-read the discourse of Islamic
iconoclasm as a random practice. The parts of the debris of the temples were not
arbitrarily put together, though in some examples that might be the case, but here at the
Qutb and in the mosque at Ajmer, a cultural dialogue seems to be ensuing. This, of
course, does not belittle the significance of temple destruction as a statement of
authority.
In-Text Questions
4. Destruction of religious places was a part of medieval warfare:
a. Yes b. No
5. Islamic iconoclasm in most cases is not random:
a. Yes b. No
6. Qutb Minar is:
a. Islamic b. Indo-Islamic
4. Firuz Shah Tughlaq and Articulation of Authority: The Shrine of the

Holy Foot, Qadam Sharif
After the early Sultans and Khaljis, Tughlaqs who came to power were great builders.
Among them Firuz Shah Tughlaq’s (1351-88) patronage is distinctive because not
only did he build cities, mosques and madrasas but what is interesting is that he built
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72 Material

on the imagery of the Prophet, as an exemplar of the most perfect man, meant to be NOTES
emulated by rulers, came to be architecturally immortalized in the Shrine of the Holy
Foot, Qadam Sharif (1374/75-76). Delhi came to be marked once again as the centre
of Islam and its ruler projected the image of a pious Muslim ruler, who visited and built
Islamic shrines, made pious statements and patronized mosques, madrasas, khanqas
(Sufi hospice), serais (inns) and water works. To him, these activities promoted Islam
and he considered their construction his pious duty.
The shrine complex consists of the tomb of his son, Fateh Khan (d. 1374) and
the enshrined footmark of the Prophet, both the architectural spaces together being
called the Shrine of the Holy footprint, Qadam Sharif. The complex also houses a
madrasa and a mosque besides the shrine (dargah) and the tomb. The whole is
surrounded by a wall. The stone slab with the enshrined Prophet’s footmark had been
brought to the Sultan by those who carried the caliphal robe for him from Mecca. The
complex underlines the connection between imperial power and divine law. The Prince
lies buried underneath and on top is enshrined the stone slab bearing the impression of
the Prophet’s foot.
The shrine was a much revered place in the Sultan’s time and became a pilgrimage
centre for many years thereafter. That Firuz Shah projected an image of piety is also
evident from his epigraphs that are highly personal statements of his piety, where he is
searching for his own salvation but certainly his utmost pious act was this shrine.
3.3 QUTB MOSQUE: ‘MIGHT OF ISLAM’ OR

MULTIPLE MEANINGS?
We have seen that the Qutb Mosque as the first ‘conquest mosque’, assembled by
using the temple spolia, is the most typical example of the ‘Might of Islam’ statement of
authority. It is widely read as a statement of Quwwat-al Islam, (might of Islam) in
India and the beginning of a Muslim rule. The Mosque sets the tone for the nature of
the Delhi Sultanate.
Sunil Kumar, in his study of the Qutb, however says, this might be the most
dominant reading of the complex today, but in its time it had different meanings for
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different people and was looked at from multiple perspectives (Kumar 2001). Its Material 73

NOTES builders as well as its detractors attached a host of meanings to it in medieval times
(Kumar 2001, 141), many of which were reworked in the early modern period. For
him, there is a multileveled history of the mosque. (Kumar 2001, 176). It is unfortunate
that only one meaning has survived today, much perpetrated by present day historians
and the contemporary Persian chronicles themselves. There is much gap that exists in
the scholastic interpretations of chronicles and popular perceptions of the mosque and
its minaret in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Looking at how the complex was
viewed in popular cosmology of nineteenth century, we need to reread it as a statement
of ‘Might of Islam’ in India.
1. Political Context
According to Kumar, much of this viewpoint emanates from the concept of a unitary
centralist state, working with a homogenous nobility and where Hindus and Muslims
were two distinct monolithic communities, forever confronting each other (Kumar
2001, 148-49). Often, the texts, both contemporary and modern, give us the impression
that the ruling classes were predominantly Muslim who lorded over their Hindu subjects
and the Muslim state was all powerful (Kumar 2001, 149). Barani’s definite class
biases may be remembered in this context. But he too was referring to a change when
warning against low castes and non-Muslims, who had risen to good positions.
The fact is, going by the political exigencies of the times, there could never be a
homologous group of ruling elites, for the group was beset by considerable disunity
and contestations amongst themselves. At the same time, the authority of the Sultans
never went unchallenged either. There were numerous centres of power. We have
already seen the statements of power of Tughril in his architecture, contemporaneous
with Aibak’s statements in the Qutb Mosque. It is understandable then, that the
significance of the complex had different meanings for different people in its own time
and the perceptions of it evolved over time. Taking cognizance of this, the ‘Might of
Islam’ paradigm should be re-contextualized in the wake of Kumar’s study.
2. The Mosque and the Muslims
How was the Qutb Mosque viewed by different people in its time? One can easily
comprehend that for the Sultans the complex was a statement of authority in Islamic
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appear as protectors of the faith. The early Sultanate was beset by a highly factionalized NOTES
political environment. Through their epigraphy in the mosque, they addressed the
Muslims so as to displace rival claims made by Mu‘izzi peers (Kumar 2001, 157).
Aibak and later Iltutmish appear as Amir al-Umara, the protector of the fortunes of
the Muslim community, a statement important and meant to displace others. For these
Sultans and later as well, this was the best place to bring all divergent Muslim opinions,
all rival claimants and factions under one umbrella of the faith, hoping to garner obedience
by proclaiming their legitimacy through the monument.
For the Muslims, the complex in its time and for later generations, would have
ensured their security and safety under a good Muslim ruler who constructed mosques,
schools and tombs and was an upholder of their faith and the Shari’a. It stood for their
unity. Inscriptions on the Minar address the infidels but on the maqsura, the screen,
statements are made to the faithful who have gathered for prayer. In the wake of
Mongol devastations, a large number of literati, soldiers and merchants of all hues had
immigrated to the Sultanate to try out their fortunes and Delhi had become the dome of
Islam, Qubbat al-Islam, but there was no confessional coherence.
In this context of doctrinal differences among the Muslims, one incidence needs
to be noted. Juzjani makes a mention of one Sufi, Nur Turk who attacked the mosque
during the end of Iltutmish’s reign (1236). Nur Turk attacked the mosque because to
him it was a symbol of ‘ulama’ power who believed in only outer meaning of things
and had frivolous trappings. He openly criticized them and had no qualms about attacking
the main mosque of the city that was the symbol of ‘ulama’ power (Kumar 2001,
163-65). The incidence points to fissures within the Muslim community.
Sufis, the friends of God who had mystical knowledge, were influential people
who could control the population and their power was never ignored by political
authorities. As a matter of fact, as we will see later the two realms of the Sultan and the
Sufi often clashed. The Sultans by constructing mosques and madrasas could hope to
enlist the ‘ulama’ support to counter the Sufi. The Sufi and the ‘ulama’ were both in
their spheres influential members of the Muslim community.
The monument was important in disseminating the sentiment of coherence to a
highly fractionalized Muslim group. Sufi, ‘ulama’ and Muizzi peers all needed to cohere
in the early Delhi Sultanate and the Qutb mosque was the best chosen site as the city’s
masjid-i jami‘. Self-Instructional
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NOTES As we will see later, the mosque was looked at differently by the Sultan and the
Sufi, they had rival interpretations of it. We have seen that ‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji extended
the mosque, making it loftier and more awe inspiring. The inscriptions compare the
place to the other sacred mosques of Islam, the Dome of the Rock Mosque, Jerusalem
and the Mecca Mosque. The mosque was sacred because the Sultan had built it
rivalling these other sacred mosques and that there was presence of pious men there
because of its sacredness. Interestingly in another discursive statement, this time of
Shaikh Nizam al-Din Awliya’, the mosque was sacred because the feet of so many
pious Shaikhs and pious men had walked there, and it was they who had made it
sacred (Kumar 2001, 168).
3. The Mosque and the Hindus
Surprisingly, there are no contemporary inscriptions or any texts that describe the
horror that might have been witnessed by the majority population who saw their places
of worship being dismantled and a new place of worship of an alien religion coming up
(Kumar 2001, 158). The graffiti in Devnagari inscribed on the Minar by a Hindu
craftsmen reads: “the pillar of Malikdin. May it bring good furtune.” Another inscription
calls the Minar as the victory tower of ‘Ala’ al-Din, “Shri Sultan Alavadi Vijaystambh”.
Two artisans by the names of Nana and Salha record their contribution to Minar’s
repair and to having completed the work by the grace of Sri Visvakarma (divine
architect) during Firuz Shah Tughlaq’s reign (1368) (Kumar 2001, 158).
It is also to be noted that not everything in the vicinity was destroyed by the
conquerors. Kumar brings it to our notice that barely eight hundred metres away from
the Qutb, the site of such devastation, a large garden, bagh i- Jasrath, the garden of
Jasrath, continued to exist (Kumar 2001, 158). Adjoining the garden was a reservoir,
built by a ‘Hindu’ queen prior to the conquest. The hauz i-rani was a site of many
court ceremonies in thirteenth century. These areas were left undisturbed (Kumar
2001, 158-59).
Once again, the whole issue of destruction needs to be historically contextualized.
We have seen that temples were centres of power and destruction of places of worship
was a part of medieval warfare for legitimization purposes. The Qutb mosque had
come up on the site of Hindu and Jain temples, the site of political, social and economic
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authority in pre-conquest times.
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But it is also true that the destruction would have signaled a different mode of NOTES
governance; it would have led to a fracture in the relationship between the king and his
subordinate chieftains as temples were distributive centres as well and their destruction
would have necessitated that change (Kumar 2001, 159-161).
Interestingly, coinage too doesn’t exhibit any major rupture, testifying to a hybrid
arrangement following the conquest and may be even an effort to integrate. Gold coins
issued from Benaras (1193) and Kannauj bear the Ghurid Sultan’s name in Sanskrit,
without the bombastic Islamic titles and the Goddess Lakshami is depicted on the
reverse (Flood 2008, xxix). Sultan Mu‘uizz al-Din’s Ghuri’s name on the coins is
preceded by the title hamira (Sanskrit title, derived from Arabic Amir) or Srimad
hamira, the latter being a hybrid title (Flood 2008, xxx). This is contrary to the court
chronicles and the inscriptions that are so rhetorical in seeing the conquest as the
victory of Islam.
4. The Mosque in Popular Perception
After ‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji, the Tughlaqs built other cities and other mosques; the Qutb’s
importance may have diminished. However, elsewhere in the city, the Sufi influences
only increased. In the 14th century itself, the shrine of Shaikh Nizam al-Din Awliya’
had become a venerated shrine and continued to be visited by later Mughal rulers as
well. Near the mosque, the shrine of Shaikh Qutb al-Din Bakhtiyar Kaki (d. 1235)
too became an important Sufi shrine of Delhi. Kaki was the preceptor of Baba Farid,
who in turn was the preceptor of Nizam al-Din Awliya’ and hence the popularity of
Qutb al-Din Bakhtiyar Kaki’s shrine too increased along with Nizam al-Din Awliya’s.
By the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Kaki’s charisma had been popularized in
common man’s perception. He too was venerated by the Mughals and the later Mughals
made some additions to his shrine as well (Kumar 2001, 169ff).
We get some information regarding the charisma of Qutb al-Din Bakhtiyar Kaki
when the first history of the mosque came to be written by a Delhi judge, Sayyid
Ahmad Khan who wrote on the monuments of Delhi in his monograph, Asar al-
Sanadid (1846-47). By this time in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, in
popular cosmology, Shaikh Qutb al-Din Bakhtiyar Kaki had come to be regarded as
the senior most in the hierarchy of saints, the Qutb al-aqtab, meant to keep the order
in the world (Kumar, 170). He came to be regarded as the Qutb, the axis around Self-Instructional
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NOTES which the world revolved and the neighbouring Minar came to be described as Qutb
Sahib ki lath, the staff of Qutb al-Din Kaki, which pierced the sky and like the saint
connected heaven and earth, thus providing stability and shelter. In this oral popular
tradition, it was the saint who was the Qubbat al-Islam, the dome of Islam, the sanctuary
of Islam and not the masjid-i jami‘. And again, popular cosmology, due to the Shaikh’s
charisma came to name the Minar after him, the Qutb Minar (Kumar 2001, 169ff).
Interestingly, Sayyid Ahmad Khan did mention that one of the local names of
the Minar was Qutb Sahib ki lath and amongst other names, the mosque was also
called Quwwat al-Islam. But these names belonged to oral history, to the realm of
popular memories. For in the more ‘accurate’ Persian texts, the mosque is nowhere
called Quwwat al-Islam, nor does this name appear in the inscriptions. Then how did
these nomenclatures come in the public realm?
Sunil Kumar’s essay puts this in the right perspective. According to him, in the
realm of popular culture and memories, the Minar that was named after the Sufi saint,
Qutb al-Din Bhaktiyar Kaki became the minar of Qutb al-Din Aibak, the military
commander. And the term Qubbat-al-Islam or the sanctuary of Islam, which was first
used by Juzjani for Delhi and later applied to the domain of Kaki, came to be later
transformed to Quwwat al-Islam or the Might of Islam for the Qutb Mosque. The
names fitted well with the military persona of the military commander Aibak, who had
effected the conquest and had re-used the temple spoils to build the mosque - the
‘Might of Islam’, Quwwat al-Islam mosque (Kumar 2001, 169 ff).
This interpretation of the mosque has stuck to the monument till this day.
Conclusion
To conclude, we saw that in its own time the Mosque and its environs meant different
things to different people. For the Muslim community, it was a symbol of their faith,
patronized by the Sultans. The Sultans tried to cohere divergent Muslim views by
bringing all adherents under the faith, symbolized by the mosque. They hoped to counter
other centres of power by appealing to the tenets of faith and the ‘ulama’. For some
Muslims like the Sufi Nur Turk, it was a scholastic place to be attacked. To the Hindus,
it ruptured their mode of governance and to Shaikh Nizam al-Din Awliya’, it was
sacred because men of piety used its spaces. This was contrary to what ‘Ala’ al-din
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Khalji thought of his mosque. To him, it was sacred because he had built it and it NOTES
rivalled all other holy mosques of Islam.
During the course of next centuries, the complex came to be associated with the
charisma of the Sufi Qutb al-Din Bakhtiyar Kaki, whereby the Mosque and its Minar
came to be equated with him. But as time advanced, in the realm of popular cosmology,
it came to be associated with the persona of Qutb al-Din Aibak, the Ghurid commander,
and came to be christened the ‘Might of Islam’ Mosque.
In-Text Questions
7. Qutb Mosque is a symbol of piety:
a. For Hindus
b. For Muslims
c. None
8. Name Qubbat al-Islam was used for:
a. Delhi
b. Kaki
c. Both
3.4 CONTESTING CLAIMS TO AUTHORITY
The historical texts of the Sultanate give us an impression of an uncontested monolithic

state with a composite homologous ruling class. The monumental architecture itself
exuded that impression but in reality this unity was fragile. Just like the Qutb Mosque
generated different meanings to different people and in different times its meaning
changed for all times, the meaning of authority too changed in different types of sources
and in different times. There were always contesting claims to authority in a politically
fragile environment of an ethnically heterogeneous elite population and fractionalized
religious identities. In this section, we will proceed to the discourse of contesting claims
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NOTES 1. The Architecture of Baha’ al-Din Tughril
If Aibak was laying his claims to authority by the construction of Delhi’s masjid-i
jami‘, in the neighbouring region of Bayana in Rajasthan, there was another claimant
to another political dispensation. This was Baha’ al-Din Tughril, the Ghurid commander,
who was given the iqta of Bayana (1195-1210) by Mu‘izz al-Din Muhammad bin
Ghur himself just like Aibak had been put in charge of Delhi. Juzjani tells us that he
consolidated his position there by constructing a new capital city of Sultankot and a
fort in the region. He settled well known men and merchants and in general made his
territory prosperous, quite independent of Aibak and can be considered his rival. He
too made statements of his valour as a vanquisher of infidels, much like Aibak in his
architecture.
Tughril is associated with the construction of two mosques, Chaurasi Khamba
in Kaman and Ukha Mandir mosque in Bayana (Shokoohy 1987). He also constructed
an idgaah (place of prayer) in Bayana. The Chaurasi Khamba Mosque in Kaman in
the Bayana region (1204) bears an inscription on the doorway of the main entrance
where Tughril’s statements went beyond those of Aibak’s. The inscription is badly
damaged but he declared himself the Padishah and Sultan. For early Sultanate history,
this is important as Tughril’s statements of authority rivalled Aibak’s, making a point
that the latter’s authority was never unchallenged (Shokoohy 1987, 414-15). This
also brings into focus the fact that the Sultanate was never a monolithic entity.
2. Sultan and Sufi
As early as the twelfth century, Islamicate courts tended to develop along with the
power of Sufi Shaikhs, who had great influence in society. By the twelfth century, the
organized orders of Chishtis and Suhrawardis had come to establish their own areas
of social influence. This had an impact on the exercise of authority by the Sultans, who
too were carving out their own spheres of influence. Historically, the evolution of Sufi
religious polities and the Delhi Sultanate happened simultaneously.
The Sultans often collaborated and at times contested and clashed with these
Sufi Shaikhs to claim power and influence. This was natural as their spheres of influences
often overlapped. It is interesting that the Sufi texts venerated their masters in much the
same rhetorical way as the Sultans who were eulogized in their court chronicles. We
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can see a confluence of imagery of Sultan and the Shaikh in their respective texts. NOTES
Shaikh Nizam al-Din Awliya’, the most revered Shaikh of fourteenth century Delhi
(1243-1325) was called ‘Sultan of Shaikhs’ by Amir Khusrau. Juzjani called his patron
Sultan Nasir-al-Din Mahmud, ‘the Sultan, as having attributes of the friends of God,
awsaf-i awliya’. Afif too equates Firuz Shah to a Shaikh. In the representations of
their protagonists, historiography and hagiography had a symbiotic relationship.
This relationship, between the Sultan and the Shaikh, during our period of study
is demonstrated below through a case study of two protagonists, Sultan ‘Ala’ al-Din
Khalji and his contemporary, Shaikh Nizam al-Din Awliya’, and their respective claims
to moral authority.
Sultan ‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji (1296-1316) and Shaikh Nizam al-Din Awliya’, who
set up his hospice in 1286 in the environs of Delhi, were contemporaries and so were
Barani, Amir Khusrau and Amir Hasan Sijzi, the textual compiler of the Shaikh’s
conversations. In the fourteenth century Delhi, both ‘Ala’ al-Din and Nizam al-Din
had their respective domains and spheres of influences. The Shaikh had his hospice in
Ghiyaspur, near Delhi and the Sultan presided in his capital city of old Delhi, Dihli-i
kuhna and Siri. The Shaikh like the Sultan held his ‘court’, gave audiences to people,
distributed beneficences and carried on other ‘courtly’ activities.
Sunil Kumar while studying the discursive statements of ‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji and
Shaikh Nizam al-Din Awliya’ through the sources of court chronicles, malfuzat and
inscriptions has observed the presence of a disagreement between the two protagonists
about their moral claims to authority (Kumar 2000). There is an oft repeated trope in
the sources as to who had the actual moral mandate to rule and who was responsible
to uphold the moral order in the world, the Sultan or the Shaikh? The Sultan’s domain
of temporal authority and the sacral domain of the Shaikh’s authority seem to overlap
in terms of claims to moral authority.
We know that one protagonist was a great conqueror, an administrator who
had brought in reforms and had expelled the Mongols and the other, the contestant to
the Sultan’s authority, the Shaikh was very popular among the literati, elites and the
common populace and exerted great social influence. At some point of time, both the
protagonists laid claim to moral authority, as recorded by sources. According to court
chronicles of Amir Khusrau (Khaza’in al-Futuh), Barani (Ta’rikh-i Firuzshahi) and
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NOTES the inscriptions of the Qutb Mosque vis-à-vis the malfuz literature of Amir Hasan Sijzi
(Fawa’id al-Fu’ad), as Kumar’s essay (2000) demonstrates, it seems that at one
point there seemed to be two Sultans in Delhi in the fourteenth century. Interesting as
it might sound, however, we should not overstate this discourse of Sultan-Sufi conflict
and their claims to authority.
a. Qutb Mosque’s Inscriptions and ‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji’s Claims to Authority
We have seen how ‘Ala’ al-din extended the size of the Qutb Mosque and validated
his authority. The ‘Ala’i Darwaza and the foundation of the new black stone minar
furthered his claims to kingship. This architectural evidence is further enhanced by the
Mosque’s ambitious inscriptional programme under his aegis. The Sultan’s moral claims
to authority are best illustrated in the inscriptions of the masjid-i jami‘. Reading these
together with chronicles, it is significant how through multiple narratives, contesting
centres of moral authority can be discerned.
The inscriptions of ‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji appear in ornamental naskhi over the
arches and pillars of the entrance portals and windows of the ‘Ala’i Darwaza. They
are an even mixture of Qur’anic verses, Prophet’s Traditions and commemorative
statements praising the Sultan’s actions (Kumar 2000, 43). Most of the mosque users
were illiterate but the word of God was conveyed to them through the imam’s (leader
of prayer) sermons or when they interacted with each other in the congregational
activities of the mosque.
Before ‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji, Aibak and Iltutmish too had inscribed the qibla
wall, portals and screens of the masjid-i jami‘, but he differed dramatically from both
his predecessors (Kumar 2000, 44). Iltutmish’s statements emphasized the need for
Muslims to follow the Shari’a, and for disciplining popular social practices, the actual
implementation of which was left to the ‘ulama’ (Kumar 2000, 44). Iltutmish did not
claim powers to implement the Shari’a, himself, that being the domain of the ‘ulama’.
In contrast, ‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji’s inscription on the right pier of the southern
arch of the ‘Ala’i Darwaza proclaims him as ‘the fortifier of the foundations of Muslim
laws and strengthener and confirmer of places of worship’ (Kumar 2000, 44). In
other words, it was through the personal intervention of the Sultan that the Muslim
community had the opportunity to learn and be guided by the social and religious
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precepts of the Shari’a (Kumar 2000, 44). Further, the Sultan argued that since he NOTES
had the privilege to be born with a hallowed image, he had the prerogative to interfere
in the affairs of the Holy Law (Kumar 2000, 44).
The inscriptions further go on to say that since ‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji had the
attributes of past prophets like Moses and Solomon, God had entrusted him the
responsibility of maintaining the commands of the Muslim Law (Kumar 2000, 45).
‘Ala’ al- Din was therefore a reviver of the Holy Law, rather than just a protector
(Kumar 2000, 45). He was further compared with prophet-conquerors like Alexander
from the Islamic traditions. The Sultan in the inscriptions took the title of Sikandar al-
Sani, second Alexander or the Alexander of the Age.
Further, the Mosque was founded on the Sultan’s piety. Kumar explains (2000,
45), Khalji inscriptions by linking ‘reviving’, ‘protecting’ and ‘strengthening’ the Shari’a
to the construction of mosques, it was not a mosque constructed out of a ruler’s vanity
but because of the Sultan’s piety. Elsewhere in the inscriptions, ‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji had
constructed mosques, schools and pulpits to instruct Muslims and that he was the
founder of the roots of the Hanafi school of law (Kumar 2000, 47).
b. Amir Khusrau and ‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji’s Claims to Authority
It is interesting how Amir Khusrau too was independently conjuring up a similar image
for the Sultan, when he called for the ruler’s claim to be a reviver of the Shari’a. For
Khusrau, the Sultan had been chosen by God as his deputy on earth, khalifa and the
iconography of the mosque represented this relationship (Kumar 2000, 48). Inscriptions
and Amir Khusrau independently cohered in the image of the Sultan as somebody
who had the attributes of other Islamic prophets like Moses and Solomon. Khusrau
too calls him the Alexander of the age, the sage and conqueror and a jurist who had a
special relationship with God (Kumar 2000, 48). The mosque and Amir Khusrau
from their different spaces were conveying similar claims to moral authority of the
Sultan.
c. Barani and Rethinking of ‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji’s Claims to Authority
Barani’s writing, however, was recording a different discourse. To Barani, the Sultan
was irreligious, never read the prayers, did not care for the Shari’a and gave many
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NOTES incidents of his profane eccentricities, his illiteracy and his ignorance of Islam, as well
as foolishly wanting to fashion another body of religious precepts (Kumar 2000, 49).
Barani goes on to say that the Sultan was so well known as an abhorrer of Islam that
a renowned hadis scholar chose not to visit Delhi.
And further, says Barani, since there was no religious guidance, the citizens of
Delhi would have suffered the fires of hell. And hence, the actual saviour of Muslims in
Delhi was not the Sultan but Shaikh Nizam al-Din Awliya’, the other ‘Sultan’ of Delhi
who was the guide and protector of the residents of the city (Kumar 2000, 50).
Further, it was due to the religious prayers of the Shaikh that the Mongols had withdrawn
away from Delhi. The price regulations of the Sultan were successful because of the
Shaikh’s concern for the material benefit of the residents.
Barani further suggested that a special relationship with God existed between
the Shaikh and God instead of that between ‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji and God. In these
statements, Barani clearly destroyed the Sultan’s claims to moral authority. In his writing,
there is an alternative account vis-a-vis the Mosque’s inscriptions and Khusrau (Kumar
2000, 51). To Barani, it is the Shaikh who is the friend of God, and is the ‘actual’
Sultan (Kumar 2000, 52). This is not to say Amir Khusrau did nor revere the Shaikh;
to him too, the Shaikh was the greater of the two, but still one of the two Sultans in
Delhi (Kumar 2000, 56).
d. Amir Hasan Sijzi and Shaikh Nizam al-Din’s Claims to Authority
Somewhat similar thoughts were being recorded for the Shaikh in his malfuz, the
Fawa’id al-Fu’ad by Amir Hasan Sijzi. Here, the Shaikh was a beloved friend of God
and because of his virtues he was the Sultan of Shaikhs, the Axis of the World, the
Sultan of Shaikhs and the Pious, the Protector and Lord of the Muslims (Kumar
2000, 54). All the court rituals were followed in the Shaikh’s ‘court’, prostration and
kissing of the Shaikh’s feet as he ruled over the hearts and minds of people.
The real ‘Sultan’ of Delhi, therefore, according to Sijzi, had the moral right to
guide people because he alone possessed the knowledge and virtues. It is significant
that the Fawa’id does not mention ‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji even once, while some earlier
Sultans are mentioned. The text further criticizes the text bound superficial knowledge
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of the Shari’a, and the outward ritualistic knowledge of the ‘ulama’ (Kumar 2000, NOTES
57). The Shaikh scorned the building of mosques, pulpits and schools because their
constructors had misunderstood the entire meaning of prayer (Kumar 2000, 57).
Instead, the Shaikh insisted on the importance of a spiritual master, a guide to gain
immediate spiritual benefit. These are familiar traits of Sufi literature. ‘Ala’ al-din was
comparing his mosque through his inscriptions to the Jerusalem Dome of the Rock
mosque and the Holy Mosque in Mecca in its sanctity but to the Shaikh it is the
prayers offered in the company of one’s preceptor that the real majesty of God can be
experienced and not in any of these hallowed mosques.
The Shaikh through these utterances trivialized the very things that the Sultan
was referring to in order to establish his claims to moral authority. In fact to Nizam al-
Din Awliya’ it were the feet of so many saints and the pious who had treaded in Delhi’s
masjid-i jami‘ that it had acquired so much tranquility (Kumar 2000, 60). This was
quite contrary to what the Sultan’s inscriptions were saying. ‘Ala’ al-Din’s role as a
reviver and protector of the Shari’a, (as he had constructed mosques and schools)
were contested in the Shaikh’s sayings. The mosque represented the Shari’a, had
been constructed by him and the pious congregated there because the place was
sacred. The Shaikh was saying that the feet of the saints had made it pious.
Conclusion
The Shaikh and the Sultan both claimed to be protectors and guides of Muslim
community because they were sustained by alternate versions of Islam for there were
no monolithic doctrinal principles which existed in the community. They were
representatives of two contesting systems of thought in the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries. Though Kumar warns us that we should still not presume an easy binary
juxtaposition of beliefs - Sufi mystical thought and Sharia textual rigour (Kumar 2000,
62). Sufis and ‘ulama’ came in different hues and there were other competing systems
of thought as well (Kumar 2000, 62). Sultan-Sufi confrontation therefore, should not
be overstated, but it does point to fissures in Sultanate authority.
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NOTES
In-Text Questions
9. Sikander al-Sani was a title given to:
a. ‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji b. Iltutmish
c. Aibak
10. Sultan of Shaikhs was a title given to:
a. Qub al-Din Bakhtiyar Kaki b. Nizam al-Din Awliya’
c. ‘Ala’ al- Din Khalji
11. Which Sultan according to Barani was irreligious:
a. ‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji b. Aibak
c. Iltutmish
3.5 ARTICULATING POLITICAL AUTHORITY:

RITUALS
Court rituals and trappings of kingship were as much needed and practiced as were
construction of lofty buildings to articulate authority in pre-modern times. Visual display
of pomp and pageant on special occasions and in the court added to the charisma of
political powers and was a significant factor in the processes of state formation. Titles
in coinage and texts, rituals of salutation and practices of ceremonies, all conferred a
semblance of special powers to the Sultans.
1. Traditional Forms of Legitimacy
We have seen that in the texts, the Delhi Sultans are referred as ‘Kings of Islam’, ‘the
Sultan who protects the ruling of the Shari’a’ or ‘the Sultan who protects the Faith’,
tropes that are drawn from the religion of Islam. Also, the historical texts associate
them with pre-Islamic Persian, Islamic prophets and pious men like Sufis. At the same
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time, the imagery and narratives for the persona of the Sultan were also drawn from
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caliphal authority. Their titles on coinage and the inscriptions, like the historical texts, NOTES
follow this formula.
Considerable descriptions of titles, associating the Sultans with caliphal and
other authority can be deciphered in the sources. Pages and pages are devoted to the
titles of Sultans in these histories and they appear as well in inscriptions. Persian titles
of kingship appear as Shahanshah, Khusrau as do Arabic titles of Malik and Amir.
Association with caliphal authority is seen in titles of ‘al-sultan zill Allah fi‘l-‘ard’
(the Sultan is God’s shadow on earth), ‘yamin al-dawlah’ (the right hand of power)
and ‘nasir amir al-mu’minin’ (helper of the commander of the faithful). Sometimes,
the Sultans appropriated the caliphal authority themselves; Qutb al-Din Mubarak Shah
Khalji (1316-20) called himself ‘khalifullah’ (khalifa, successor of Allah) and Delhi
became the ‘dar al-khilafat’ (abode of the khalifa). Amir Khusrau in his writings
called ‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji, the caliph of the age.
Same titles appear on the coinage. Caliph al-Mustansir’s name was inscribed
on Iltutmish’s coinage. Caliph Al-Mustasim appears on Balban, Kaiqubad and Jalal
al-Din Khalji’s coinage, though caliphal authority by that time had fallen (1258). It was
mere fiction of the Caliph, a symbol of authority that continued.
Coming to the court rituals, Balban introduced traditional Persian salutations in
court like pa’-i busi (kiss the ground) and sijdah (to prostrate). The ritual of the
Friday sermons (khutbah) included the incumbent Sultan’s name and was conveyed
to the community. Amir Khusrau in Qiran al-Sa’dain, celebrating the meeting of Sultan
Kaiqubad and his father Bughra Khan, the governor of Lakhnauti, describes the public
assertion of authority through symbols of taj (crown), takht (throne), durbash (baton),
kaukaba (star), bows, sword, arrows, kettle drums and colourful parasols (Hardy
1978, 237). These trappings went a long way in conveying the splendours of authority.
Mention should be made here of the ritual of acquiring the mandate and the
banner to rule from the Caliph. Caliphal legitimization of authority was symbolic but
important. The Caliph transferred authority by an investiture, manshura and a caliphal
robe, khil‘at. These were acknowledged in public display of ceremonies of their
reception. Juzjani, Barani and Afif describe these events. We have seen one such
occasion in Firuz Shah Tughlaq’s time. Before that Iltutmish, Mohammad Bin Tughlaq
too received these mandates.
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NOTES 2. Divergences and Deviations
The dominant cultural code of court ceremonies and rituals, as discerned from the
sources, was Perso-Islamic, where imagery and narratives were drawn from the faith
of Islam and Persian norms of absolutist kingship. But certainly these court rituals and
practices would have transformed as time progressed and exigencies demanded, much
like the frequent change of capitals. Transitions in the composition of the ruling elites
would have also had an impact on the political culture and court rituals, as every new
political dispensation brought its own retinue of men.
Two such episodes or political customs are noted by Sunil Kumar in his essay
on court cultures that were different from the accepted norm (2011). One was a
Khalji succession custom and the other was the custom of carrying a ceremonial object
in Tughlaq festival celebrations (Kumar 2011, 135-40). These two dynasties, Khaljis
and Tughlaqs, came from the marches of Afghanistan and probably had some local
traditions to follow, which they brought to the Delhi courts but the hegemonic discourse
at the court was Perso-Islamic and hence went unnoticed by court historians.
The unusual succession episode happened when after Jalal al-Din Khalji’s (1290-
96) murder, his widow Malika-i Jahan placed his younger son to the throne and herself
as his regent (Kumar 2011, 137-38). She ignored the claims of the elder son, Arkali
Khan, the one who had the late monarch’s trust and was much more competent. The
latter accepted it passively and the power to the throne went unchallenged till ‘Ala’ al-
Din Khalji usurped the throne. ‘Ala’ al-Dn Khalji’s own power was challenged by one
Ikit Khan, the son of his younger brother. The Sultan had reversed the Khalji’s accepted
order of younger sibling inheriting the throne, as he was the older sibling. It seems that
in succession order, the Khalji custom of inheritance gave the throne to the younger
sibling, which was ignored by ‘Ala’ al-din but remembered by Malik-i Jahan.
In an interesting way, this fact was noticed by Barani but he explains the whole
episode in terms of a gender bias. He interprets the whole episode as arising out of the
failure and inefficiency of Malik-i Jahan by choosing the younger sibling rather than
accepting it as a novel custom. Barani, the die-hard Persianate court chronicler, could
not comprehend the customs of the ruling family, who were recent immigrants to the
Sultanate and were probably continuing to practice their succession rituals (Kumar
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2011, 137-38). He condemns the action of Malik-i Jahan but does not acknowledge NOTES
the custom as he couldn’t see beyond the dominant cultural code of the court. Persian
literati of the courts could not comprehend the cultural landscape of their protagonists
who were recent immigrants to the Sultanate and were now its rulers (Kumar 2011,
138). Their retinue came from nondescript social backgrounds and their customs were
incomprehensible to people like Barani. They were used to giving advices to their
masters in a Persian aristocratic normative system (Kumar 2011, 136), and their
narrative was presenting the state as a coherent cultural whole in an Islamicate mode.
The second ritual that Kumar mentions is the use of ghashiya (meaning to veil),
a ceremonial object to be carried in ceremonial processions of Tughlaqs (Kumar 2011,
138-39). In a narration of the ritual, Ibn Battuta, the Moroccan traveler gives us an
account of a royal procession in a festival during Mohammad Bin Tughlaq’s time. In
this festival celebration, he notes the political ritual of carrying a ghashiyah, a saddle
cover of gold, encrusted with precious jewel by the retainers who walked in front of
the Sultan. Battuta on another occasion, when the Sultan entered the city on his
accession, mentions the ritual of scattering of coins from machines mounted on elephants,
but does not mention the ghashiyah, though this adds to our knowledge of another
ceremonial ritual.
Barani and Sarhindi describe numerous Sultans’ triumphal entries on many
occasions, writing about the usual paraphernalia, but do not mention the carrying of
the ghashiyah, the origins of which were from Turko-Steppe lands (Kumar 2011,
139-40). One wonders perhaps if these non-Islamic practices did not suit these
historians and they ignored it. In their historiography, the Sultanate was established as
a Muslim state, legitimized through Perso-Islamic traditions where there was no place
for deviations. The importance of these events and rituals is absent in the court chronicles
as the homogenizing impulse of presenting the state as a monolithic Perso-Islamic
centralist dispensation, a running thread of their history writing, would have been at
variance with these two unfamiliar frontier-pastoral cultural traditions (Kumar 2011,
136).
But the Sultanate was an ever changing entity, absorbing all the elements of
non-Islamic, non-Persianate traditions as well.
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NOTES
In-Text Questions
12. Articulation of authority in the Delhi Sultanate was in a Perso-Islamic Mode:
a. Yes b. No
13. Ghashiyah was a saddle cover:
a. Yes b. No
14. Persian chroniclers could not comprehend non-Islamic customs:
a. Yes b. No
3.6 CONCLUSION
We saw in the foregoing discussion how the Delhi Sultans articulated their authority
through construction of several capital cities and monuments with a case study of the
Qutb Complex and the Shrine of the Holy Foot. Entwined with the history of the Qutb
was the discourse of the ‘Might of Islam’ paradigm and the need for re-reading of
Islamic iconoclasm and looking at the beginning of a new dialogue and the emerging
forms of Indo-Islamic architecture.
The state in Persian histories is presented as a centralist Islamic state, a linear
complete whole that was unchanging. Instead, what we saw was that it was a fragile
political world that absorbed a variety of elements where the Sultan’s power was
always challenged and contested. We saw this in one example of the architecture of
Bah’al-Din Tughril right in the early years of the Sultanate, while many other examples
exist as well in Sultanate and later history.
In a further case study of the Qutb Mosque, we observed multiple levels and
visions of meaning of the monument and how it came into being the ‘Might of Islam’
Mosque. The contesting claims of Sultan ‘Ala’ al-din Khalji and Shaikh Nizam-al-din
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Awliya’ established that the meaning of authority changed in different types of sources NOTES
and in different times. In this exercise, it came about that there was no monolithic,
unchallenged political authority of the Sultans in a politically fragile environment of an
ethnically heterogeneous population of elites, Muslims, Hindus, Sufis and others.
In the last section, we observed divergences and deviations, however fleetingly
noticed, in the court rituals. They helped us to understand that presentation of authority
was not always in the dominant Perso-Islamic cultural code, as the Sultanate absorbed
new elements all the time, no matter that these diversions went unnoticed by the Persian
texts which were so obsessed with presenting their narrative in an Islamicate cultural
mode.
Modern research has shown that the discourse of the monolithic state with a
homogenous ruling elites, or a centralist Islamic state trampling over its Hindu subjects,
as envisaged by the Persian court chronicles, needs to be re-read and not taken as the
gospel truth.
3.7 SUMMARY
The Delhi Sultans articulated their political authority through monuments and court
rituals, titles, coinage and referred themselves to the tropes from Islam and Iranian
traditions of kingship. Qutb Mosque and its Minar were an important site for expression
of power. Qutb Complex can be read as having multiple meanings and not just one
having ‘Might of Islam’ association. Its significance evolved over time. Political power
was never in the monolithic nor the state unitary and nor were there any united cultural
identities in the pre-modern state. Through monuments and court rituals, the state
endeavored to legitimize its power. Moral claims to the authority of the Sultan and the
Shaikh at times was contested, discrediting the unitary nature of power. The deviations
in court rituals went unnoticed by the court histories as they were against the dominant
Perso-Islamic cultural code. But this again points to a fragile political world in spite of
court pageantry and monumental architecture.
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NOTES
3.8 GLOSSARY
 Authority: It is the power or right to give orders.

 Delhi Sultanate: It was a late medieval empire based in Delhi.
 Qutb Mosque: It was a mosque built during the rule of the Delhi Sultanate.
1. (c) Dihli-i Kuhna

2. (a) Qutb Mosque
3. (a) ‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji
4. (a) Yes
5. (a) Yes
6. (b) Indo-Islamic
7. (b) For Muslims
8. (c) Both
10. (b) Nizam al-Din Awliya’
12. (a) Yes
13. (a) Yes
14. (a) Yes
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NOTES
1. Assess the importance of the Qutb Complex as a site for articulation of political
authority of the Delhi Sultans.
2. Write an essay on the significance of the Qutb Complex.
3. What were the various means of articulation of authority under the Delhi Sultans?
4. In which ways was the authority in the Delhi Sultanate articulated and contested?
5. Account for the multiple meanings that are attached to the Qutb Complex.
(a) Monuments and authority in the Delhi Sultanate
(b) Qutb Mosque
(c) Sultan and Sufi
(d) Court Rituals
(e) Qadam Sharif
3.11 REFERENCES
 Flood, Finbarr Barry. 2007. “Islam, Iconoclasm and the Early Indian Mosque.”
In Demolishing Myths or Mosques and Temples?Readings on History and
Temple desecration in Medieval India, edited by Sunil Kumar, 141-74. Delhi:
Three Essays Collective.
 Kumar, Sunil. 2000. “Assertions of Authority: A Study of the Discursive
Statements of Two Sultans of Delhi.” In The Making of Indo-Persian Culture:
Indian and French Studies, eds. M. Alam, F. N. Delvoye and M. Gaborieau,
37-65. New Delhi: Manohar.
 Kumar, Sunil. 2001. “Qutb and Modern Memory.” In The Partitions of
Memory: The Afterlife of the Division of India, edited by S. Kaul, 140-
82.New Delhi. Permanent Black.
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NOTES  Kumar, Sunil. 2011. “Courts, capitals and kingship: Delhi and its sultans in the
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries CE.”. In Court Cultures in the Muslim
World: Seventh to Nineteenth Centuries, eds. A. Fuess and J. P. Hartung,
123-48. London: Routeledge.
 Flood, Finbarr Barry. 2008. “Introduction”. In Piety and Politics in the Early
Indian Mosque, edited by Finbarr Barry Flood, xi-lxviii. New Delhi: Oxford
University Press.
 Hardy, Peter. 1978. “Growth of Authority Over a Conquered Political Elite:
Early Delhi Sultanate as a Possible Case Study.” In Kingship and Authority in
South Asia, edited by John F. Richards, 216-41. Madison: University of
Wisconsin (South Asian Pub. no. 3).
 Meister, Michael W. 1972. : “The ‘Two-and-a-Half Day’ Mosque.” Oriental
Art, 5, no. 18 (1972): 57-63. Citation refers to reprint in Architecture in
Medieval India: Forms, Contexts, Histories, edited by Monica Juneja. 2001,
pp 303-14. New Delhi: Permanent Black.
 Shokoohy Meherdad and Natalie H. Shokoohy. 1987. “The Architecture of
Baha al-Din Tughrul in the Region of Bayana, Rajasthan.” Muqarnas, 4, (1987):
114-32. Citation refers to reprint in Architecture in Medieval India: Forms,
Contexts, Histories, edited by Monica Juneja. 2001, pp 413-38. New Delhi:
Permanent Black.
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Political Cultures: Vijayanagara
LESSON 4 NOTES
POLITICAL CULTURES: VIJAYANAGARA

Dr. Parul Lau Gaur,
Ram Lal Anand College,
University of Delhi
Structure
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Geography and Physical Layout of Capital
4.3 Sources
4.4 Political and Dynastic History
4.5 Articulation and Organization of Political Authority
4.6 Vijayanagara State: Historiographical Debate
4.7 Vijayanagara Polity
4.8 Vijayanagara Society and Religion
4.9 Vijayanagara Ecomomy
4.10 Conclusion
4.11 Summary
4.12 Glossary
4.15 References
 To study the historiographical debate regarding the nature of Vijayanagara state

 To discuss the multiple meanings manifested by the imperial capital
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NOTES  To understand the role of rituals in the representation of political power

 To examine the concept of Islamicate and its influence on Vijayanagara Empire
 To analyse the key features of Vijayanagara polity, society and economy
4.1 INTRODUCTION
Towards the close of the thirteenth century A.D., four kingdoms flourished in India in
the south of Vindhyas, the Yadavas in the north–west, the Kakatiyas in the north-east,
the Hoysalas in the centre, and the Pandyas in the extreme South. So the centuries
before the establishment of Vijaynagar, South India was divided into numerous regional
kingdoms. These kingdoms were often at war with each other. They also had to face
the powerful invasion from the Delhi Sultanate established in North India. The areas of
resistance to the Sultanate persisted throughout the South particularly in the Tungabhadra
region where later on the Vijayanagara kingdom was established. Soon, the Delhi
Sultanate started weakening towards the end of 1320 and they started to withdraw
from that area. The earlier kingdoms which ruled did not survive and started to collapse.
Therefore, the kingdom of Vijayanagara emerged after the withdrawal of the Delhi
Sultanate and the collapse of the Deccani states. To the south of Tungabhadra river
emerged the Vijayanagara Empire and within a few decades, it was recognized as
South India’s largest empire. Vijayanagara at the zenith of its power displayed imperial
grandeur.
4.2 GEOGRAPHY AND PHYSICAL LAYOUT OF

CAPITAL
The region comprising the Vijayanagara kingdom included the areas of Andhra Pradesh,
Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. This vast extent of the empire consisted of several
topographic and ecological zones which included “the dry, upland regions of interior;
mountainous, forested areas; and also coastal areas”. The Vijayanagara Empire
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emerged in semi-arid upland which made the agrarian expansion difficult. Due to the
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region’s aridity and rugged topography, agriculture in this area relied primarily on NOTES
reservoir irrigation and seasonal rainfall. Therefore, the rulers made efforts to expand
more towards fertile river valley and sea-coasts and deltas. “Forested regions were
transformed into zones of agricultural production through construction of irrigation
facilities and resettlement of agricultural communities.” There was a narrow alluvial
strip along Tungabhadra River extending to the Krishna River. This area was the Raichur
Doab (meaning land between two rivers), a zone of confrontation throughout the
Vijayanagara period.
On the basis of physical features and the types of visible remains in each area,
the city was divided into sacred centre and urban core. The area known as
“sacredcentre” houses the Virupaksha, Krishna, Vithala and Tiruvengalanatha temples
and are located in the northern portion of the city along with the associated bazars,
shrinesand residential areas. Another area known as “urban core” was surrounded by
fortification walls, and has many remains of gateways, roads, halls, residential areas
and also the royal centre.There was also an Islamic quarter with mosque and cemetery
of its own.
4.3 SOURCES
The sources for the reconstruction of Vijayanagara history are both literary and
archaeological. The literary sources include religious treatise, legendary stories and
royal biographies. Some works were attributed to kings like Devaraya II
(SobaginaSone), the Vijayanagara queen Gangadevi (Madhuravijayam) and
Krishnadevaraya (Amuktamalyada and JambavatiParinayam).
There were also accounts of foreign travelers who visited Vijayanagara court
from areas as far as Europe, Central Asia and East Asia.The traveler Ibn Battuta, who
visited during the reign of Harihara I, documents the foundation of the kingdom of
Vijayanagara. Abdur Razzak visited Vijayanagara during the reign of Deva Raya II of
the Sangama dynasty. Duarte Barbosa (a Portuguese) came here during the early
years of Krishnadevaraya and gives a vivid description of the social conditions of the
people, their customs and traditions. Another Portuguese traveler who visited the
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NOTES Vijayanagara Empire was Domingo Paes. He visited during the time of Krishnadevaraya
and describes the glory of Vijayanagara. Alfonso de Albuquerque, a Portuguese
statesman, also gave an account of the times of Viranarasimha Raya of the Tuluva
dynasty. Fernao Nuniz visited the empire during the reign of Achyuta Raya and wrote
his chronicle. All these travelers display the grandeur and numerous riches of
Vijayanagara in their writings.
Besides the above mentioned, we also have accounts of the late eighteenth and
early nineteenth century British colonial officials such as Buchanan, Colin Mackenzie
and Thomas Munro.
It is impossible to reconstruct the history of Vijayanagara period without analyzing
some thousands of available inscriptions. Many of them refer to the gifts or donations
made to Hindu temples. The architectural remains of residences, fortification and surface
artifacts comprise a significant archaeological data along with ceramics.
4.4 POLITICAL AND DYNASTIC HISTORY
The origins of the first rulers of Vijayanagara Harihara I and Bukka RayaI belonging to
the Sangama (C.E.1486-1505) dynasty is a matter of debate although it is well
established that they were the founders of the “city of victory”. Bukka Raya I (also
known as Bukka I) shifted the capital from Anegondi to Vijayanagara. The struggle
between Bahmani- Vijayanagara started during the reign of Bukka I. The Krishna-
Tunghabhadra doab region remained the bone of contention between Vijayanagara
and Bahmani. Bukka I’s son Harihara II consolidated the authority of Vijayanagara all
over Southern India. “The early Sangamas endowed temples throughout their expanding
territories and encouraged the expansion of reservoir based agriculture in the semi-
arid upland regions around the capital.” After the death of Harihara II, Devaraya I
became the king who was coronated in 1406. Devaraya I and Devaraya II undertook
the task of consolidating control over extensive territories. The Sangama dynasty fell
in C.E.1485 when Saluva Narasimha, a chief under Virupaksha II, seized the throne
from a military weakened king. The Saluvas ruled Vijayanagara from C.E. 1486-
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1505. Another king of this line Viranarasimha improved the efficiency of his army by NOTES
introducing changes in the methods of recruitment and training of his forces. He also
maintained friendly relations with the Portuguese. The Tuluvas (C.E.1505- 1569)
marked the apex of imperial extent and authority. Under Tuluvas, Vijayanagara
witnessed urban expansion at the capital and throughout the empire with large scale
construction of temples, irrigation works, fortifications and other facilities.
Krishnadevaraya was one of the ablest kings of Tuluvas and was a great warrior. He
constructed new townships and took keen interest in art, architecture and literature.
The final dynasty was that of Aravidu (C.E. 1569-1654), whose kings ruled from the
capitals of Penukonda, Chandragiri and Vellore.
In-Text Questions
1. Which of the following statement is /are true?
(i) Ramraya was the founder of the Vijayanagara kingdom.
(ii) Ruler Bukka I shifted the capital from Anegondi to Vijayanagara.
(iii) Krishadevaraya belonged to the Saluva dynasty.
2. Match the following:
Traveler Ruler
(a) Abdur Razzak (i) Krishnadevaraya
(b) Alfonso de Albuquerque (ii) Achyuta Raya
(c) Durate Barbosa (iii) Devaraya II
(d) FernaoNuniz (iv) ViraNarasimha
3. Match the following:
Ruler Dynasty
(i) Harihara I (a) Tuluva
(ii) ViraNarasimha (b) Saluva
(iii) Krishnadevaraya (c) Sangama
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NOTES
4.5 ARTICULATION AND ORGANIZATION OF
POLITICAL AUTHORITY
The urban morphology and architectural remains of the Vijayanagara are highly visible
expressions of royal ideology and imperial ambitions. John Fritz expounds the meaning
of Vijayanagara, South Indian imperial capital. The varied images of king and his royal
behaviour are reflected in both sacred and secular buildings. The king is depicted as a
warrior (Battle scenes), hunter (scene of royal hunting also projecting royal leadership),
promoter of prosperity (initiating construction, projects for welfare of people) and
redistributor of wealth (performance of rituals and giving gifts).
Several carved panels in the royal centre portray foreigners in front of royal
figures. The scenes of royal hunting were displayed on the sides of the platform
associated with the mahanavmi festival. “There were also scenes related to athletics,
wrestling, acrobats and other contests which displayed the strength, skill and
combativeness of those who served the king.” By redistributing his wealth, the king
enhanced his royal power. The royalty displayed his wealth through possessions,
monumental buildings and richly furnished quarters where the king enacted his public
and private roles. The conduct of various entertainment acts was also a means by
which king displayed and distributed wealth. The numerous panels on mahanavmi
platform, the Ramachandra temple and stone basements of several palace structures
depict dancing women, musicians and acrobats performing in front of seated royal
figures.
The kings contributed to the wealth of the temples and land by financing hydraulic
works. The kings also performed many Brahmanical and Jain rituals which is attested
by numerous stone temples of the sacred centre, urban core and the suburbs of
Vijayanagara.
The overall structure of the city manifest that Vijayanagara’s kings were actively
drawing homology between themselves and the ideal God King – Lord Rama. The
comparison was made even between the capital and Ayodhya. The area around
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Vijayanagara contains many sites that are associated with the epic Ramayana. The city NOTES
of Vijayanagara and its immediate surroundings were closely associated with Rama’s
meeting with Hanuman and his alliance with Sugriva. The Rama cult in Vijayanagara
was not very ancient and it has been patronized by royal families from fifteenth century
onwards.
The nucleus of the kings’ activities was the royal center where Lord Ramchandra
temple was located. Fritz suggests, “Ramchandra was conceived as being within the
king, empowering or generating his activities”. The elaborate Ramayana carving in the
Ramchandra’s temple complex “represents the symbolic importance of the temple in
the context of the city and empire”. The structures led Fritz to conclude that Vijayanagara
was laid out as a cosmic city. He further opines that “in the interior of the enclosure
ensure, the emphasis on the Rama, on the exterior it is the King and his activities which
were celebrated.”
This nexus of gifts and honour created a link between the King and the recipient
and thereby became helpful in legitimating status hierarchy. The temple is aligned with
various landmarks and structures, all the roads from outside converge on the plaza in
front of the temple. The temples inner shrine is aligned directly South of Matanga hills.
Both Matanga and Malyavanta hills (hills associated with mythical events of Ramayana)
can be seen from within the temple complex.
The most significant ritual which gives visibility to this association of terrestrial king and
celestial gods was the Mahanavami festival which consisted of nine days of celebration
followed by a tenth final day, the Dasmi. The earliest eye witness report of the festival
in Vijayanagara was provided by Nicolo Conti in C. 1420 followed by Abdur Razzak
in C.E.1442 A.D and Paes and Nuniz in the sixteenth century. In the word of Stein,
“The elaborate festival was a celebration of the reigning king and of the institution of
the kingship and empire”. Further, he suggested that “local rulers and lords from
throughout the empire were required to come to the capital during the festival and
demonstrate their loyalty to King and empire.” The annual tributes were paid to the
king, and the king presented, during the Mahanavmi celebration, return gifts in the
form of honours to lower-ranking elites. So in the words of Stein, the mahanavmi
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NOTES rites reconstituted the “centralized and hierarchic” phase of state during which “territorial
chiefs, subordinate kings, revenue officials and companies assemble at the royal city”.
The most important monument used in the festival was the house of victory
(Mahanavmidibba/ Mahanavmi platform) from where the king performed his prayers
and also witnessed the various processions. In the words of Norobu Karashima, “the
festival symbolized the Vijayanagara kings sovereignty which combined its ritualistic,
administrative and military aspects.”
It is also necessary to consider the role of political culture which helped in the creation
of Vijayanagara’s imperial identity. Political culture is a useful theoretical category
which refers to meaning embedded in a set of symbols, practices and beliefs which
defines a political system and is often used for political legitimation. In the context of
Vijayanagara kingdom, it was Islamicate political culture which was acknowledged
by its rulers in an attempt to participate in a cosmopolitan culture that extended beyond
South India. Scholars like Philip Wagoner drew attention to this political strategy termed
as Islamicization by which “indigenous elites attempt to enhance their political status
and authority through participation in the more “universal culture of Islam through the
adoption of certain Islamic cultural forms and practices”. The political culture is also
manifested in particular domain of material culture –elite dress and costume of
Vijayanagara. Wagoner points that Vijayanagara kings and their followers adopted in
court, Islamic inspired long sleeved tunics called “kubayi” and the high conical caps
of brocaded fabric called “kullai”, which was prevalent both within and outside the
Indian subcontinent. It differed from earlier wrapped style of royal dress. This style of
dress was opted for formal public audience. The court was a place where the
Vijayanagara elites met and interacted with Muslim visitors and so Islamic norms were
stressed in covering the body.
It was also evident through travelers’ account documents, literary sources and
paintings that the ‘robes of honor’ ceremony (distribution of high-quality silk and cotton
cloth) was common in Vijayanagara court. According to Carla Sinopoli, “this ceremony
of bestowal of royal robes had its origin in the courts of the Islamic polities of Northern
India. It fulfilled the same function of representing and acknowledging political authority
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Vijayanagara rulers not only adopted Islamic inspired court dress but also NOTES
Islamicate political language evident in the adoption of title “Hindu- raya-Suratrana”
or Sultan among Hindu kings. It was first inscribed in an inscription of Bukka I, the first
Vijayanagara rulerin C.E. 1352.
Islamicate culture also shaped methods of warfare. They assimilated Turkish
cavalry and archery techniques. Devaraya II started the practice of employing Muslims
in the Vijayanagara army. The Muslim presence can be attested not only from literary
and epigraphic sources but also from monumental evidence in the form of Muslim
quarter in the city containing mosques and tombs. Even the grant of nayankara
assignments in return for military service may also have been modeled on medieval
Islamic practice of giving iqtas, which was introduced to India by the Delhi Sultanate.
The Vijayanagara courtly architecture also had elements of north like domes
and arches and also Hindu temple architecture like stepped roofs, curved eaves and
plaster decoration. So, there was a fusion of both Southern “Hindu” architectural
traditions and the Northern “Islamic” tradition. In the words of Michell, “the style of
courtly monuments may be considered as a manifestation of the cosmopolitan nature
of the capital; it is a visible expression of the city’s social and cultural complexity.”
The Vijayanagara kings assimilated many aspects of Islamicate material culture,
techniques in warfare and vocabulary making them quite distinct when compared to
the earlier cultural patterns in South India.
In the words of Stein, ‘Vijayanagara was a city of diverse foci–markets, palaces,
temples, mosque- a city in which power was more secular than sacred’.
In-Text Questions
4. How did the urban lay-out and architectural remains of Vijayanagara city serve
as expression of imperial political authority?
5. How did the adoption and assimilation of Islamicate culture help Vijayanagara
rulers to participate in cosmopolitan political culture?
a) Mahanavmi festival
b) Foreign travelers accounts
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NOTES
4.6 VIJAYANAGARA STATE: HISTORIOGRAPHICAL
DEBATE
There are various approaches to the study of Vijayanagara state. Certain historians
like N. Sastri regarded Vijayanagara as a strong military state that was heavily centralized
under effective rulers. According to Sastri, the Vijayanagara state emerged as a reaction
against the Muslim threat and this influenced the growth of administrative institutions in
the state. The Vijayanagara rayas were devoted to upholding the Hindu Dharma and
tried to establish administrative institutions on the basis of Hindu dharmashastras. He
also defined the empire as a confederacy of many chieftains operating under the
leadership of the biggest of them, that is, the king. The centralization was effective only
under strong rulers, but under weak kings, the warrior chiefs on whom the king was
dependent, showed resistance and posed challenges to the imperial authorities. The
above notion of Vijayanagara as a Hindu state does not portray an accurate picture of
Vijayanagara state.
Scholars like Richard Eaton point out that the military troops of Vijayanagara
had been recruited from the Sultanate ranks and also that the state adopted orborrowed
features from the Turko-Persian iqta land revenue system in its own amaram system.
Historians like Satish Chanda pointed out the distinction between Amaram and iqtadari
system. In his opinion, it is difficult to equate amaram with the iqta system of the Delhi
Sultanate. That the King also adopted many aspects of Islamicate culture was quite
visible in the Islamic style of dresses and the choice of Islamic buildings for secular
ceremony.
Burton Stein questioned Sastri’s view and puts forward his own theory regarding
the nature of Vijayanagara state, that is, the segmentary state. Stein defined the
segmentary as a polity in which there were several political domains among which
power and sovereignty are distributed. The king may not have excessive political and
economic powers than other rulers, but has a ritual or symbolic dominance over them.
There is a ritual dominance of the king’s political center over the other center which
also holds together the state as a single unit. The relationship of the segments in relation
to the central authority was pyramidally arranged. These segments were largely
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autonomous economically and resources did flow between the hierarchical levels of NOTES
the segmentary state in the form of taxes and tributes but at the same time such flows
were limited and mediated by temples. These segments also included domains ruled
by military elites, which had been created by the state to attain centralization.
For Vijayanagara, feudal interpretation is most explicit in the writings of Norobu
Karashima. After studying the Tamil epigraphic sources of Vijayanagara Empire in
Tamil Nadu, he observed that Nayankara system can be characterized as feudal. The
feudal relations were hierarchical in nature, descending from the King to the Nayaka
and then to landlords in the village. The Nayakas were able to cede territories to sub-
Nayakas who acknowledged both the rulers and the Nayakas as their lord. He finds
Vijayanagara feudalism very similar to the Tokugawa feudalism of Japan.
Stein’s segmentary model has been criticized on various grounds as it was basically
a borrowed concept from African ethnologist Adian South Hall and didn’t apply well
to the Vijayanagara state. Although he discusses the broad trends of Vijayanagara
political economy, he ignores the relation of economy and political status. In Stein’s
opinion, the feudal model ascribed to Vijayanagara state is inappropriate. Many local
elites and their competing interests of temple and the high level of commodity production
and exchange would cross cut the administrative segments.
The above historiographical discussion on the nature of Vijayanagara state brings
out the many layered complexity of Vijayanagara polity and the role played by many
participants in the economic structure and practices. But the issue of craft production
and political economy was not taken in the various historiographical interpretations.
Morrison and Lycett recognize the importance of considering multiple sources
of power- military, political, economic and ideological. “The capital was both a sacred
place and a fortified imperial centre. Vijayanagara rulers also recognized the utility of
local chiefs in the armies and incorporated the regional deities”.
Carla Sinopoli’s research particularly insists that the study of craft production
can refine our understanding of Vijayanagara state. There is meagre evidence to suggest
that Vijayanagara rulers exerted direct control over economic production. They utilized
existing institutional structures such as temples, caste and merchant groups as main
investors and involved them in decision making process over economic production
and distribution. However, it is noticeable that direct control was exerted on goods
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NOTES which were essential for maintaining their centres and institutions of power especially
weapons and warfare animals like horses. The rulers were keen in the distribution of
exotic goods like Chinese porcelain. Earthenware vessels were most abundantly found
in many Vijayanagara sites which must not have been under the imperial control.
In-Text Questions
7. Discuss the various approaches to the study of Vijayanagara state.
8. “The Vijayanagara Empire was the nearest approach to a war state ever made
by a Hindu kingdom.” Elucidate.
9. How has the study of Vijayanagara craft production refined our understanding
of Vijayanagara imperial control?
4.7 VIJAYANAGARA POLITY
The Rayas divided their empire into a number of provinces called Rajyas and
mandalams. The largest administrative division was the rajya, also called the chavadi
and uchachavadi. The high ranking officers were in charge of the rajayams and
administered state with the help of subordinate officers called adhikaris who were
military officers. According to N.Karashima, the Saluva period marked the transition
of Vijayanagara polity from the early system to the Nayakasystem that brought a new
social formation to South India. Many significant developments in the social and political
organization can be witnessed after the establishment of Vijayanagara. The Nayankara
system was an important characteristic of Vijayanagara political organization. Nayaka
refers to a person of dominance in Sanskrit language. This was a general term till it
acquired a specific meaning in the Vijayanagara period that is military chief. Nayakas
were endowed with land for their maintenance and the villages under their control
were designated as ‘amaram’. The holders of Amarams were called Amaramnayaka.
The institution of Nayakas was studied in detail by two Portuguese travellers, namely
Paes and Nuniz, who visited India during the reign of Krishna Deva Raya and Achyut
Raya of the Tuluva dynasty respectively during sixteenth century.
The Nayakas performed a significant task of collecting revenue from the land
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whenever required. They also administrated civil as well as criminal justice. They had NOTES
no proprietary right on the land they held and King assured that there were frequent
transfers of Nayakas from one territory to another.
Contemporary Portuguese chroniclers Paes and Nuniz revealed that these
Nayakas had to pay fixed contribution to the rajas. This brings up the question of
feudal obligation. Scholars like D.C. Sarkar and Aiyengar, who base their views on
the account of foreign travellers, believe that this system was based on feudal relations.
They characterized the relation between the Vijayanagara King and the Nayaka as
being feudal in nature. The above view has been criticized on the grounds that though
certain similarities may exist, there were certain basic differences between Nayaka
system and the European feudal system.
T.V.Mahalingam believes that it would be inappropriate to identify the relationship
between the Vijayanagara Rayas and the Nayaka with the feudal relation that existed
between lord and vassal.
Burton Stein refuses to accept the feudal interpretation pointing out that most of
the binding ties of allegiance which characterized the lord-vassal relationship of feudal
Europe were missing. He prefers the term ‘tributary’ over lordship because the amaram
was not a military estate.
Norobu Karashima brings to light traces of sub-infeudation among Nayakas.
The element of hereditary worship was absent as the Nayaka was tenant-at-will. The
granting and re-granting of amarams and changes and transfers of Nayakas were
recorded in epigraphs. The amaranayaka lacked the essential feudal element of a
landlord-peasant relationship.
Philip Wagoner located the origins of Nayaka system in the iqtadari system
which had been practiced in the Islamic world.
The Nayakas were engaged in various duties in the administration of the territorial
unit. He performed several civil and military functions. Apart from collecting revenue,
they also promoted trade and industry.
Besides the amaram, the Vijayanagara inscriptions refer to other land tenures,
Bhandarvada (Crown) and Manya (Tax free) grants. Bhandarvada villages were
owned by the kings who received a major share of the produce, leaving the minor
share to the cultivators. Manya included three kinds of assignments Brahmadeya Self-Instructional
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NOTES of temple rituals and performance of temple rituals), and mathas. Mathas was land
given to Saiva and Vaishnava sects for their maintenance and study of their respective
theologies. There was also growth of Ayagar system at the village level. The Ayagars
were the village servants who were appointed by the state to conduct the affairs of the
village. These Ayagars included the accountant, headman, watchman, waterman,
magistrate, etc.
Certain Vijayanagara inscriptions refer to Poligars or dependent warriors of
the Nayaka and Poliyami or military contingent of these warriors. The poligars and
poliyami were definitely new elements noted in the Vijayanagara administration.
In-Text Questions
10. Discuss the nature of Vijayanagara state with special reference to Nayaka
chiefdoms?
11. Assess the nature and significance of Nayankara system?
4.8 VIJAYANAGARA SOCIETY AND RELIGION
There were also broad social categories based primarily on occupation. There was
the rise of many occupational groups, which led to the formation of new sub-castes or
jatis. There was division of sudras into vadangai-idangai group or right hand group
and left hand group. Agricultural jatis or castes were grouped under vadangai and
the marginalized castes, artisans and traders under idangai. In the words of Sinopoli,
“these groups acted as corporate units in coordinating tax payments, regulating
production and behavior, settling disputes andorganizing religious festivals among other
activities.”
The vertical and horizontal social mobility were striking characteristics of this
period. Horizontal mobility refers to the territorial distribution of people and there is no
alteration of social status. Vertical mobility indicates a change in the social or economic
status of an individual. We do have evidence of inter-professional mobility. Many
lower caste people belonging to varied occupations like artisans, craftsman and weavers
moved upward on the social ladder.
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Norobu Karashima draws attention to “the emergence of new landed groups, NOTES
those who had no previous standing as landlords; Chettis or merchants; Reddis or
soldiers; Kaikkolars or weavers and Manradis or shepherds”. The emergence of
these new groups to a position of local dominance also undertook irrigation
improvements with wealth acquired from trade, production and even office.
The Sudras practiced different professions and were carpenters, goldsmiths,
blacksmiths, weavers and barbers. The weavers, oil-pressers and metal workers appear
to have become economically and socially prominent during this period. In modern
Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh, the weaving community included the Devanga, Saliyar,
Jeda and Saniyar castes. In Tamil speaking region, Kaikkolar came to be the most
important weaving community. In Vijayanagara, several Kaikkolar individuals emerged
as master weavers and individuals who owned or supervised many looms. The
enhanced social status of the Kaikkolar community throughout the period is perhaps
best evident in their expanded role in temple administration and references to them in
inscriptions.
The position of craft producer in social hierarchy also varied and this could be
attributed to the type of craft production done by them. The artisans who produced
significant textiles and metal objects were able to improve their status while those
products which had low value produced by potters were subjected to low social and
economic status.
The religious policy of Vijayanagara reflects a tolerant spirit. There was patronage
to temples and institutions belonging to Hinduism, Jains and Muslims. Vijayanagara
rulers also integrated regional deities and religious symbols of their religious pantheon.
They were elevated to the status of Lord Vishnu and Siva.Vijayanagara kings belonging
to different dynasties indicate different affiliation of kings to particular temples. The
Sangamas were Saivites. The Saluvas and Tuluvas were Vaisnavites, and under the
later Tuluva kings, there was investment in Vaisnavite institutions. There is also evidence
of religious differences in religious texts and inscriptions. When a dispute arose between
Srivaishnavas and Jains, Vijayanagara king Bukka declared, “Jains were entitled to
same privileges as the Vaishnavas.” Devaraya also built a mosque in his capital for the
benefit of Muslim soldiers.
Temples were the prime instruments for Vijayanagara political purposes. They
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NOTES were made not only by kings and royal households but also by local elites, temple
employees, merchant guilds and small investors. The donor received religious as well
as material benefits. Burton Stein points out that land was given with an intention that
it should be improved through the construction of irrigation facilities. People were
entitled to a share of the increase in production. The share went to the temple which
offered the food to the deity. The produce or cooked food was returned as prasadam
or sacred food.
4.9 VIJAYANAGARA ECONOMY
The Vijayanagara state derived most of its income from land revenue and trade. The
arable land was classified into three categories- dry, wet and garden land. The
Vijayanagara kings made attempts at the cultivation and expansion of agricultural land
and yields. Agricultural facility was provided for the production of a range of crops.
The irrigated wet crops included rice, sugarcane crops and vegetables, while dry
crops included millet, pulses, oil seeds and cotton.
Taxes were collected according to return on the field in cash or kind. We have
already noted the development of the tenure system in the above unit. These assignments
were further assigned to the peasants or kudi for the purpose of cultivation. The land
was called Kudige. The Kudi kept the share of the income and rest went to the
holders. The responsibility of tax collection was given to Nayakas who collected
these taxes by their own servants or by giving out to others. There were taxes on
settlements or villages. Beside agricultural taxes, the state collected commercial, police
and military taxes. It is also noticeable that the rulers, landlords and investors were
entitled to shares. The non-agricultural taxes were collected in cash.
A significant feature of Vijayanagara economy was investment in small scale
irrigation. This involved providing substantial facilities such as canals and large reservoirs.
Perennial water was required for wet and garden crop. According to Morrison and
Sinopoli, “the material benefit to Vijayanagara kings from these investments was
significant. The areas watered by canals and large reservoir were very productive and
the donors share was also sizeable”.
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The Vijayanagara period also saw the increase in use of currency. There were NOTES
many reasons for this like expansion of internal and international commerce and also
the growth of temple towns. There was also a transition from an economy based
largely on payment in kind to one based on goods and coinage. The coins included
gold, silver and copper varieties. Coins were minted by state, regional centers and
merchant guilds. Indian merchants received currency in exchange for various
commodities. Gold gadyanas and varahas had the highest value. Silver coins were
called Tara and copper denomination included pana and jitals. The lower
denominations were in copper which was used for day to day transactions.
The Vijayanagara period also saw steady increase in internal and external trade
culminating in the Portuguese intervention of early sixteenth century. Trade route
connected different mercantile towns and places of political and cultural importance.
The capital city was connected by a route which passed through Chandragiri, Tirupati
and Pulicat. Another route connected Vijayanagara with Udayagiri, Kondavidu (place
of military importance) as well as places of religious importance, of which Srisailam,
Vijaywada, and Simhachalam deserve mention. There were a number of articles of
inland trade including pulses, millets, wheat, spices, ghee and oil, to name a few. These
commodities were sold in bazar or fairs or santas, established by rulers or local
chieftain in order to encourage trade and to cater to the needs of village.
Vijayanagara was also a participant in global economy. In 1400, the maritime
trade was divided in three trading zones, the Mediterranean and costal Atlantic, Arab
maritime zone in the Indian Ocean and the Chinese trade of the China’s seas and
Japan.
The South Indian commodities involved in international commerce included rice
and other food items, timber, textile, iron ore, pearls and semi-precious stones. From
China came silk, from Sri Lanka elephants and gems, from Sumatra came camphor
trees and from Persia came horses. Many commodities like cotton textile, copper,
quick silver and vermilion along with other dyes, velvets and rose water were exported
to distant lands.
The Vijayanagara Empire, except for the Malabar Coast, claimed hegemony
over many surplus regions. The Coromandel Coast consisted of two separate sub-
regions or areas namely the Northern Coromandel (trade around Masulipatnam) and
the Southern and Central Coromandel (ports extending from Pulicat to Nagapattinam). Self-Instructional
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NOTES Both had different mercantile groups which operated here. The Vijayanagara ruler
established links with small mercantile townships of the coast like Basrur (dominated
by Saraswat Brahmins). The major metropolitan port of the area was Bhatkal
(dominated by cosmopolitan mercantile communities). It had long distance trade and
was exclusively oriented to the west mainly the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea. Pulicat
and Bhatkal had the distinction of being the eastern and western outlets for Vijayanagara
and enjoyed the prosperity. The Portuguese also established trade at Pulicat.
Temple towns were also sites for financial and trade transactions. The town of
Tirupati at the base of Vengadam hill abode of Venkateshwara at Tirumalai enjoyed
numerous donations. These centres created urban facilities and led to the growth of
prominent commercial and artisanal production. They were major consumers of goods
and served as stimulus to trade. The increased donation to the temples show that
merchants and skilled artisans benefitted from the growing prosperity of Vijayanagara.
In-Text Questions
12. Discuss the salient features of the Vijayanagara society?
13. Discuss the Salient features of the Vijayanagara economy? Did this period
witness a rise in monetisation?
4.10 CONCLUSION
South India was divided into a number of competing states and empires from A.D.
900- 1300. After the collapse of earlier dynasties, the South Indian imperial capital of
Vijaynagar became the political and economic centre of a vast empire. It differed from
the earlier South Indian dynasties in both scale and diversity. Vijayanagara was the
conceptual, and not geographic centre of the empire. The success of the rulers lay in
the fact that while they incorporated local traditions, the imperial court also tried to
establish a distinctive identity by adopting cultural and military elements from the larger
subcontinent. The city also had an important sacred association with the ideal god-
hero king of the Ramayana, Lord Rama. The Ramchandra temple remained the nucleus
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of the royal centre and it had its own significance in the urban context and symbolic NOTES
layout of the capital. The king celebrated the Mahanavmi festival, a public ritual that
served to incorporate the entire realm. The kings adopted an extremely broad, spatial
and cultural array to give shape to a distinctive representation of the empire. Islamicate
culture became a factor that shaped styles of prestige and matters of power manifested
in clothing, vocabulary and warfare methods. The kings attempted to exert control
over certain luxury goods and those related to warfare. Thus, imperial ideology was
expressed materially in monuments, luxury goods and ritual practices.
The growth of the Nayakas resulted in many significant changes in the
organization of social and political order by introducing the Nayankara system. It
became the mainstay of the Vijaynagar power. This system has often been compared
to the iqtadari system and feudal system. The Ayagar system was crucial in the
Vijayanagara administration as the ayagars or village administrators acted as a link
between the villagers and imperial representations at different levels. Society in this
period also witnessed significant changes and there was an emergence of divergent
social occupational groups. The community belonging to the left-hand division (idangai)
were primarily non-agriculturalists and the right hand division (vadangai) were involved
in agriculture. Agriculture witnessed the introduction of complex features in the land
tenure system. The long distance trade and internal trade and commerce flourished,
enabling the mercantile communities to play a crucial role in society and economy.
In the words of Stein, “the significance of Vijayanagara lies in the fact that it saw
transition of South Indian society from its medieval past.”
4.11 SUMMARY
The Vijayanagara emerged after the withdrawal of Delhi Sultanate and the collapse of
Deccani states. For the purpose of study, historians and archaeologists have divided
the city into two broad zones, sacred centre and urban core. The sources for the study
of Vijayanagara include literary texts, accounts of foreign travellers, records of British
colonial officials, inscriptions and other archaeological remains.
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NOTES There were four dynasties which ruled the Vijayanagara Empire, the Sangama
(C.E.1486-1505), the Saluva (C.E. 1505-1569), the Tuluva (C.E.1505- 1569) and
the Aravidu (C.E.1569-1654). The urban layout of the capital citypoints out that there
was a conscious effort to link the terrestrial king with the divine God Lord Rama. The
Ramachandra temple remained the nucleus of the royal centre.
Public rituals like Mahanavmi were important in ideological control and
legitimization. The large structure associated with this festival was mahanavmi platform
upon which the king displayed himself to his landlords and in exchange was paid
homage by them. There was also evidence of influence of Islamicate culture manifested
in the domain of material culture like costume and dresses (“kubayi”and “kullai”),
adoption of titles (“Hindu- raya-Suratrana”), warfare techniques and courtly
architecture. This helped the kings to participate in cosmopolitan culture quite distinct
from earlier cultural patterns of South India.
There are various theoretical models to explain the nature of the Vijayanagara
Empire namely “war-state”, feudal model and segmentary state. Besides these, the
study of craft production was an effective tool through which the extent of state and
institutional organisation and control can be studied. The Vijayanagara structure and
administration differed from the earlier Indian polity. A system of local administration
based on land tenure and military service was rendered to the king known as the
Nayankara system. Other land tenure consisted of bhandarvada and manya. The
holders of ayagar status provided services and in return received taxes and shares of
agricultural produce. There was also rise of many occupational groups which became
an important component of castes. Agricultural jatis or castes were grouped under
vadangai and the marginalized castes, artisans and traders under idangai. This was
also a period of increased social mobility. Religious institutions served as centres of
socio-economic exchange. They legitimised the king’s rule and also led to the
development of agricultural tracts through reallocation of gifted cash and land
improvement projects.
The empire participated in both internal and external trade. The Vijayanagara
period saw increasing monetization and taxes on agriculturalists were collected both in
cash and in kind.
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NOTES
4.12 GLOSSARY
 Amara- land grant for giving military services

 Amara Nayaka- holder of amara grant.
 Ayagar- village servants.
 Bhandarvada- crown land.
 Brahmadeya- tax free land given to Brahmans.
 Chavadi- administrative division in the Vijaynagara Empire.
 Chetti- merchant.
 Devadana- land given to temples.
 Gadyana- a gold coin.
 Hindu- raya- Suratrana- Sultan among Hindu kings.
 Idangai-left hand group.
 Iqta- revenue from land given in lieu of military service.
 Jital- copper coin.
 Kaikkolar- weavers
 Kasu- copper coin
 Kubayi- long sleeved tunics
 Kudi-peasant.
 Kullai- high conical caps
 Manya- tax free grant.
 Poligars- dependent warrior of Nayaka.
 Poliyami- military contingent of the warriors.
 Santa- fair.
 Vadangai- right hand group.
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NOTES  Varahas- gold coin.

 Tara- silver coin.
1. (ii)
2. A (iii) B (iv) C (i) D (ii).
3. (i) c (ii) b; (iii) a.
1. Explain the politico-military and agrarian structure of the Vijayanagara state.

2. Discuss the nature of Vijayanagara state with special reference to Nayaka
chieftains.
4.15 REFERENCES
 Fritz, John M. 1986. “Vijayanagara: Authority and Meaning of a South

Indian Imperial Capital”. American Anthropologist, New Series, vol.88
no.1,pp.44-55.
 Sinopoli, Carla. 2003. Political Economy of Craft Production: Crafting
Empire in South India, C.1350-1650. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
 Stein, Burton. 1989. The New Cambridge History of India 1.2, Vijayanagara,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
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NOTES
 Karashima, Norobu.2014. The Concise History of South India: Issues and

interpretation, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
 Sinopoli, C.M. and K.D.Morrison. 1995. Dimensions of Imperial Control:
The Vijayanagara Capital. American Anthropologist 97(1):83-96.
 Sinopoli, C.M. and K.D.Morrison. 1992. Economic diversity and integration
in a pre-colonial Indian empire World Archaeology 23(3):335-352
 Subrahmanyam, Sanjay. 1990. The Political Economy of Commerce:
Southern India, 1500-1650. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
 Talbot, Cynthia and Asher, Catherine. 2006. India before Europe. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
 Wagoner, P.B. 2006. “Sultan among Hindu Kings”: Dress, Titles and the
Islamicization of Hindu Culture at Vijaynagara.” Journal of Asian Studies
55(4) 851-880.
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Political Cultures: Gujarat
LESSON 5 NOTES
POLITICAL CULTURES: GUJARAT

Dr. Meera Khare,
Associate Professor (Retd.),
Structure
5.1 Introduction
5.1.1 Geography
5.1.2 Sources
5.2 Political History
5.2.1 State and Society in Gujarat: The Making of a Political Culture 1200-
1500
5.3 State and Society in Fifteenth Century Gujarat: East Gujarat, the Core
Region
5.3.2 Architecture of Power: Building of New Capitals and Structures of
Piety
5.4 State and Society in Fifteenth Century Gujarat: Saurashtra and Kuchch
5.5 State and Society in Fifteenth Century Gujarat: Religion
5.6 State and Society in Fifteenth Century Gujarat: Court and Administration
5.7 Language and Literature
5.8 Conclusion
5.9 Summary
5.10 Glossary
5.13 References
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NOTES
 To identify key developments of trade, pastoralism, and local polities, religious

and literary diversities that shaped the characteristic political culture of Gujarat
 To point out the specific configuration of the core region of East Gujarat,
Saurashtra and Kuchch that made the Gujarat polity
 To understand the religious plurality of Gujarat
 To understand the various aspects of state and society as they finally shaped out
in fifteenth century Gujarat
 To decipher that the state of Gujarat was a product of change through continuity
 To characterise the Sultanate of Gujarat as a finest example of Indo-Islamic
vernacular state in the fifteenth century
5.1 INTRODUCTION
After Timur’s sack of Delhi (1398-99), the empire of the Tughlaqs started to weaken
and it soon splintered into a number of regional sultanates. Among the first regions that
broke away from Delhi were Bengal in the east (1342), Bahamanids in the Deccan
(1347) and Sindh and Multan to the west. Soon, Jaunpur (1394), Malwa (1401) and
Gujarat (1407) too declared independence. States in Rajasthan (15th century) also
broke away from Delhi.
Each of these regions had their cultural specifics, and while taking elements of
political governance and other cultural inputs from Delhi, these regions established
sultanates having distinctive local characteristics. Politically, the Delhi Sultanate declined
but one can see a regional consolidation of culturally innovative regimes in these truly
Indo-Islamic successor states. The period of the fifteenth century was a period of
significant transition, of political and cultural transformation that was drawn from various
local traditions as seen in the history of these sultanates.
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Literature in local languages started to develop and a distinctive architecture NOTES

that was not drawn verbatim from the Delhi tradition began to develop. Music and
illustrated manuscripts developed in the vernacular as sects of Bhakti movement and
Sufism took strides. In the fifteenth century, the interregnum between the decline of the
Delhi Sultans and the rise of Mughal power was a period of considerable transformation
and the emergence of composite Indo-Islamic cultures.
In this section, we will study the regional Sultanate of Gujarat, which had been
incorporated as a province of the Delhi Sultanate by ‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji in the early
fourteenth century. The region was then called by its then capital, Anhilvada or
Naharwala in Persian sources. Sometimes, it was also referred to as ‘Gujarat’. After
the Delhi authority weakened, Zafar Khan, the Tughlaq Governor declared himself
independent from Delhi. In 1407, he took up the formal title of Muzaffar Shah and
thus began the dynasty of Muzaffarids, sometimes also called the Ahmadshahi dynasty.
The Sultanate lasted until 1572-73, when it was conquered by the Mughals. Sporadic
attempts were made to regain power by the Sultans but they were finally defeated in
1584.
In discussing the different aspects of Gujarat Sultanate, we will study the various
factors that were at work in the process of creation of the Sultanate, the seeds of
which were laid in the Chalukya regime and when the region was a province of the
Delhi Sultanate. Going further, we will study the different settlement patterns, and the
role of trade, pastoralists and local polities. Administration, architecture, religious and
legitimation patterns will be our concern as well.
5.1.1 Geography
Gujarat, as a region, has many ecological zones. It has a long coastline in the west and
south while the north-west consists of desert and scrublands suitable for nomadic
pastoralists. The east and north-east have good agricultural lands and there is dense
forest cover in the centre of the Saurashtra peninsula which comprises the hilly tracts in
its eastern region. The desert region of Kuchch which is to the north of Saurashtra has
the salt marshlands of both the Ranns to its north and east. The north-west region of
Gujarat has always been open to immigrants and nomadic pastoralism. Invaders,
traders, pastoralists and peasants from long ago have always moved into its spaces as
have traders coming in from coastal regions. These four zones, the mainland east Self-Instructional
Material 121

NOTES Gujarat, the coast, the Saurashtra peninsula and the desert of Kuchch have had different
settlement patterns and consequent political organisations.
Besides these different ecological zones of different settlement patterns, Gujarat
is also at the intersection of economic and cultural worlds of the sub-continent. In the
classical brahmanical texts, it was considered marginal because it was at the outer
edge of the main centres of Puranic practices in the Gangetic area, but yet it had some
important pilgrim centres. Again, it was at the edge of the advancing Islamic Turkish
frontier from the north while having trade links with both north and south India. And
finally, not a point of any less significance, the region has since long belonged to the
Indian Ocean trade network (Sheikh 2010, 3). Actually, merchants and traders, along
with pastoralists, were key elements in the socio-political formation of medieval Gujarat.
5.1.2 Sources
We have a sizeable corpus of sources to study medieval Gujarat. Persian chronicles

and literature, inscriptions in Sanskrit, Arabic, Persian and old Gujarati, ballads and
biographies, poems and stories of valour in Sanskrit and Apabhransha comprise some
of these. Works on religious traditions in Sanskrit, Persian and Arabic exist as well.
Travellers’ accounts and a large body of Jain manuscripts, often illustrated, comprise
the repertory as well. Later, Mughal chronicles too wrote about Gujarat.
Besides, the region has a rich architectural tradition of both secular and religious
buildings of mosques, tombs, Sufi shrines, waterworks and other utility architecture.
Inscriptions on hero-stones and step-wells from the rural areas too, enhance our
knowledge of Gujarat. Coins of thousands of varieties exist as well and the Cairo
Geniza records give us some information about the Gujarat trade.
Gujarat’s pre-modern history was dominated for a long time by the influential nationalist
writings of K. M. Munshi, who contended that the end of Chalukya-Vaghela rule
(940-1304) after the Sultanate armies of ‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji attacked the region
inaugurated an era of subjugation that ended all regional creative processes and
destroyed the ‘Hindu’ culture of the region. The Vaghela defeat was followed by the
Self-Instructional formation of the independent Muslim Sultanate of Gujarat (1407), only to be later
122 Material

subsumed to the Mughal Empire. To him, the Chalukya-Vaghela regime was the last NOTES
‘Hindu’ bastion in the west of the advancing Muslim frontier that could not survive the
onslaught and thus ended the golden age.
However, as we will see in the discourse based on recent research, the situation
was far more complex and was not just an easy binary of ‘Hindu-Muslim’ conflict. We
will see that many community configurations and negotiation strategies were involved
in the making of the Muslim Sultanate of Gujarat in the fifteenth century. The Sultanate
was a result of a long process of state formation. The role of militarised local pastoral
warriors, traders and multi-religious environment is significant in the forging of the
region of Gujarat. Besides politics in Gujarat combined with the effects of an expanding
agrarian society and the impact of newer areas coming under increasing urbanisation
because of trade (Sheikh 2010, ‘Introduction’). It was this interplay of sedentism and
mobility that characterised the Sultanate.
The second debatable viewpoint on the historiography of this region is that the
fifteenth century in which the new dispensation emerged was considered a twilight
century, sandwiched between the collapse of the Delhi Sultanate and the grand imperium
of the Mughals that came up in the sixteenth century. New research on Gujarat instead
shows that this period was one of transformation, of political and cultural processes
that were at work, closely drawn from regional and local specifics (Sheikh 2010,
‘Introduction’). The Sultanate came to be identified with local languages and cultures,
as poets began to write in Gujarati, Dingal and Gujari, a Gujarati version of early
Urdu. And in this multilingual, multicultural milieu, a new regional Indo-Islamic
architecture with its characteristic local features as well came into being. In this respect,
the fifteenth century was extremely productive in regional state formation of vernacular
Indo-Islamic states, the apogee of which was the Sultanate of Gujarat.
5.2 POLITICAL HISTORY
Ahmad Shah I (1411-43)
Zafar Khan as Muzaffar Shah declared himself independent (1407-11) but it was the
second ruler Ahmad Shah who firmly laid the foundation of the new independent state.
Self-Instructional
Material 123

NOTES Ahmad Shah I fought the Rajput states in Saurashtra region and southern Rajasthan.
He captured Girnar in Saurashtra but gave it back to the chieftain after a promise of a
tribute. He took control of Jhalawar, Bundi, Dungarpur and Idar. He was known to be
a just ruler but has been labelled a bigot by historians because he razed temples in the
pilgrim centre of Siddhpur and levied the jaziya. However, this is despite the fact that
he employed many Hindus in his administration. Manik Chand and Motichand, from
the Hindu trading community, were ministers under him. He fought the Muslim rulers
of Malwa. Malwa rulers always gave shelter to disaffected rebels and Rajput enemies
of Gujarat. The Sultans in turn meddled in Malwa’s internal politics. Gujarat was
constantly at war with Malwa and Rajput chieftains from the north. Later, the state
clashed with the Portuguese, who were beginning to control the ocean.
Mahmud Begada (1459-1511)
He ruled Gujarat for more than fifty years. Gujarat reached its highest glory under him.
He was called Begada because he captured two strong forts (garhs), Girnar (Junagarh)
in Saurashtra and Champaner in south Gujarat. Saurashtra had fertile tracts and rich
ports, though infested with pirates. Girnar was a key to administer Saurashtra, a
prosperous region and a base to operate into Sindh. After the conquest of Girnar, the
town continued to flourish along with the pilgrim town, Dwarka which was also attacked
by him to ward off the pirates who came in the way of Haj pilgrims there. Begada
came to control most of modern day territory of Gujarat, along with parts of southern
Rajasthan, territories of Malwa and southern coastal lands almost till today’s Mumbai.
Begada integrated varied local political and cultural realities and established a
true Indo-Islamic state based on consensus. Begada tried to checkmate the growing
naval power of the Portuguese by befriending the ruler of Egypt but he was unsuccessful.
The Portuguese were interfering in trade with west Asia. As we will see he was a great
builder of secular and religious buildings, fostered trade and it was under him that the
state reached its highest pinnacles.
5.2.1 State and Society in Gujarat: The Making of a Political Culture

1200-1500
The seeds of the political culture that characterises the Sultanate of Gujarat were laid
Self-Instructional in the previous centuries of the Chalukya-Vaghela regime (940-1304). Gujarat
124 Material

underwent major transformation in the fifteenth century under its sultans. It is against NOTES
the background of human movement involving migrations, pilgrimages, trade and
settlement of lay and religious personages that the state came into being.
New research points to cultural continuity from the Chalukya-Vaghela period
to the Sultanate. From 1100 onwards, a multicultural and multiethnic ethos developed
in the region leading to the formation of regional Gujarat polity (Sheikh 2010). The
role of pastoral nomadism, traders, herders, pilgrims, and religious figures is as significant
in this process as that of rulers, which finally took fruition under Mahmud Begada.
In Chalukya-Vaghela time, territorial integration of Gujarat’s core territories was

achieved, creating a regional identity for future rule, but not a linguistic identity. A strip
of territory extending north to south, an area from north of Patan to Cambay on the
coast, was the core territory. The country came to be called Gurjaradesha. With the
growth of trade and urban centres, the Chalukya kingdom further expanded under
Siddharaja (1094-1143). Areas under him included south Rajasthan and parts of Malwa.
Kumarapala (1143-74) further undertook conquests and extended it till the Vindhyas.
His territories included the Saurashtra peninsula and Kuchch. However, these boundaries
were porous and ever-extending.
Certain key factors define the Chalukya-Vaghela dispensation from the late
twelfth century onwards. And these continued to give the region a particular political
culture under the Sultanate as well. We will discuss some of these developments that
shaped the fifteenth century society and polity under Gujarat Sultanate.
Trade, Traders and Merchants
Gujarat with its extensive coastline was always open to trade from Red Sea to Indonesia
and overland to Central Asia right till the borders of China. Trade was navigated from
the Mediterranean to Malaca and large colonies of merchants came up on the coasts
of Gujarat. The region has a productive hinterland that supplied cotton and indigo for
trading purposes and from tenth century these products had shifted from being luxury
items to being part of bulk trading. Leather goods, timber, sugar, dyes, spices and
semi-precious stones were some other trade commodities that the region traded in.
Self-Instructional
Using raw silk from China and Bengal, Gujarat made silk cloth and velvet as well. Material 125

NOTES Drugs and medicinal products were the other articles of trade. The region, as today,
had a growing textile industry.
This trading pattern continued even when there were political changes and newer
elements came in. Under the Chalukyas, Anhilwad-Patan, Siddhpur, Srimal, Godhra
and Dahod were important centres of trade. Cambay and Somnath too were urban
centres. Gujarat’s links with Indian Oceanic trade and Arabian Sea networks led to a
growth in commercial activities under the Chalukyas and later the Vaghelas and this
trend continued under the Sultanate. Towns and settlements came up on important
trade routes, and rulers encouraged mercantile activities because it was beneficial to
both the state, traders and merchants. Trade and politics were never separate categories
in Gujarat history.
Upcoming rulers and claimants to power were dependent on the resources of
the traders and merchants and financiers for war supplies and in return offered them
safe passages. They had to be accommodated by each political dispensation as they
had local powers. Vaghela rulers were controlled by Jain merchant families and wealthy
trading communities were always a factor to reckon with for political formations (Sheikh
2010, ‘Introduction’).
Pastoralists
Incursion of pastoral groups, often militarized, was a regular feature of the region of
Gujarat till the fourteenth century and in smaller waves later as well. They came from
Sindh, Punjab, Rajasthan and sometimes even lands beyond. They took territories in
Saurashtra, Kuchch and central and eastern Gujarat. They exploited pilgrim traffic
and trade, and at times became merchants as well. They functioned independently no
matter who the political rulers were. Nomadic pastoralism led to the extension of
agriculture and grazing areas. By the twelfth century, most of Gujarat and Saurashtra
were home to immigrants, with chieftains coming from Sindh and Rajasthan from the
north-west and north while the Bhils and Kolis descended from the hills and forests.
Merchants and pastoralists were important groups in the process of state
formation. Their spheres often overlapped, and they acknowledged each other in their
texts. Merchants could be itinerant and pastoralists could be traders. They needed
each other. Often, the rulers had pastoral backgrounds. They influenced state policies
Self-Instructional and interfered in politics as they had local power. It was their interaction with the
126 Material

regional powers that created a characteristic polity. This sub-regional political activity NOTES
played a significant part. Rulers had to accommodate them. They set themselves as
local rulers. An example is of a twelfth century Jain merchant Jagadu of Bhadreswar in
Kuchch who had considerable local power interests and controlled the Persian Gulf
horse trading. Merchants interacted with itinerant nomads who they met at periodic
markets and fairs. They needed each other for the sale of merchandise. Temple and
pilgrim centre fairs are well documented (Sheikh 2010, ‘Introduction’).
Local Polities
A third crucial process is discerned at a sub-regional configuration. From the twelfth

century onwards, warriors, pastoralists, merchants and men of obscure lineages from
north and north-west continued to settle in the region. They made their power bases
and became stronger after the decline of the Chalukya-Vaghelas with the construction
of forts as their bases and capturing local resources. These local chieftains continued
under the Delhi Sultanate. Later, they reconstituted themselves as Rajputs and came
to establish their minor courts.
Kuchch and Saurashtra were home to these militarised semi-pastoral and pastoral
groups. In lieu of acquiring lands and establishing strongholds, these clans and groups
rendered military service to the Chalukyas. Memorial stones, inscriptions, some literary
texts and oral narratives are their main sources from where we get to know of their
power equations with the regional rulers.
These clans and local polities went through a process of Rajputisation later to
re-articulate their status. Genealogies were made to link them with past great Rajput
dynasties as they gathered power. Regional powers had to negotiate with them. They
were important cogwheels until the end of colonial times. They did not call themselves
Rajputs at this time but establishing networks and alliances would later prepare them
to be called Rajputs in the sixteenth century. Gohils of Saurashtra, Chauhans of
Champaner, and Rathods of Idar claimed descent from older Rajput clans but had
pastoral backgrounds. Chudasamas of Junagargh migrated from Sindh. Together with
these and others, Bhils and Kolis from the hills and forests too spread across the
region. Afghans were the other migrant groups here (Sheikh 2010, ‘Introduction’).
Core areas were surrounded by these often militarised pastoral social groups
and migrant bands who settled in time with their fortifications. Alliances had to be Self-Instructional
Material 127

NOTES negotiated and forged with them. It was only during Begada’s time that administrative
measures incorporated them. These local polities lasted long until independence. There
were two hundred such princely states in Gujarat on the eve of independence that had
to be integrated.
Religious and Literary Diversity
Sameera Sheikh calls Gujarat a religious marketplace where many religious affiliations
existed at one time (2010, Chapter 4). Various immigrant groups were embracing
Sanskritic religion or were getting attracted to Ismaili missionaries. Arabs had been
visiting the coast and had set up their colonies and places of worship. From the late
twelfth century, Gujarat was home to many missionary religious groups, and by the
fifteenth century, there were many Hindu, Jain and Muslim sects. Local cults and
deities also survived. All these religious affiliations had their shrines and pilgrimage
centres, and religious personages needed patrons and resources. It was a religiously
diverse society by the end of Chalukya-Vaghela regime and all these categories were
often flexible and negotiable.
Chalukyas patronised literary activity in Sanskrit, Prakrit and Apabhramsha.
They practised Puranic forms of universal kingship but at the same time patronised
Jains, who were a successful trading community. Jain tenets are reflected in their literature
and in the trope of Jain ideals of kingship. To add to the literary diversity, Arabic and
Persian were introduced after the Delhi Sultanate conquest.
The evolving political order in Gujarat was juxtaposed with these factors of
trade, pastoralism, local patrilineality, literary plurality and diverse religious orders of
sects, pilgrims and missionaries. The emerging political order was a consensus and a
balance of these networks.
The Region under the Delhi Sultanate 1304-1407
The Khalji campaigns of 1304 ended the Vaghela power. A number of inscriptions
recorded this event, along with later literature. The new political dispensation, though
governed by distant Delhi, soon realised the importance of trade in the region. Alp
Khan, the governor, appointed after the conquest, had a conciliatory attitude towards
Arabs, Jain and Ismailis merchants. Jain texts mention Alp Khan and memorialise him
Self-Instructional by noting his granting of an order to restore the destroyed Jain temples.
128 Material

Under the administration of the Delhi Sultanate, Gujarat’s revenue far exceeded NOTES
that of other provinces. Anhilvada and Cambay were much coveted postings for the
Delhi nobles. Under the Tughlaqs, the province came under their direct control. Sources
tell us about Mohammad Bin Tughlaq’s problems with local chieftains and nobles. The
fight with Gohil rulers of Piram eventually led the governor Zafar Khan to usurp power.
However, there were far reaching effects of the Delhi takeover. Gujarat now
came to be drawn into the larger Islamicate world. Persian was introduced and
inscriptions in Persian started to increase. With the migration of Sufis from north India,
Islamicate conditions further developed. Temples too came to be dismantled and reused.
Bharuch and Cambay mosques that were built during Tughlaq rule made use of temple
spoils. Muslim wealthy merchants built many structures during this time in the fourteenth
century, as they vied for recognition of power from the Tughlaq governors. A delicate
balance of power between state’s agents and wealthy economic power holders came
into being. However, governors from Delhi adapted to local conditions as well.
Even after Vaghela’s defeat, Jains continued to work for the governors and in
later times too under the Sultanate and the Mughals. They adapted to the new controls.
As traders and bankers, they were close to all political dispensations and with other
trading communities. Local chieftains and imperial governors too continued to form
their political bases. New incursions of pastoralists continued their mutual reliance on
merchants, as reinforced in the literature of the times. Local literary traditions too did
not die out. Jain sects continued their literary production. Although Gujarat was now in
the Persian cosmopolis and more and more Persian inscriptions appeared after ‘Ala’
al-Din Khalji’s conquest, Sanskrit inscriptions continued to be produced. Many bilingual
inscriptions can be attributed to this time.
In the period from 1200-1407, material culture underwent great change,
preparing the template for the Sultanate that had a characteristic political culture, different
from all other regional Sultanates of the fifteenth century. Many of its political,
administrative and cultural institutions that survive today coalesced under the Gujarat
Sultans. We studied the various developments under the Chalukya-Vaghelas and the
Delhi Sultanate. These factors were just as important as the role of rulers. Gujarat’s
political culture can be only studied by juxtaposing it with factors of trade, pastoralism,
local polities and diverse religions that continued to exist from Chalukya times. The
Sultanate dispensation was a change through continuity. Self-Instructional
Material 129

NOTES
In-Text Questions
1. Pastoralism was a key factor in the making of the region of Gujarat:
a. Yes b. No
2. Arabs had been visiting the Gujarat coast since long time:
a. Yes b. No
3. Gujarat Sultanate was a product of:
a. Change b. Change through Continuity
5.3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN FIFTEENTH CENTURY

GUJARAT: EAST GUJARAT, THE CORE REGION
East Gujarat, the core region, is a plain comprising fertile agriculture plains and trading
networks. From old times, it was the seat of power and authority. This eastern strip
had been urbanised very early and its trade and agriculture were already monetized
when the Sultanate was established. Monumental architecture undertaken by the Sultans
characterises this core region, by way of ‘settling’ the region.
There was settled agriculture in these plains but it was not necessary that these
agriculturalists were always in agricultural production or that they were strictly sedentary.
Economic and political exigencies often compelled these agriculturalists to migrate and
resettle and be mobile. At the same time, political authority in this region was equally
wound up with trading activities.
Authority in east Gujarat was then equally dependent on exploitation of settled
agriculture and it was also imperative for powers to have a smooth conduct of trade.
Settlement and administration in this region were governed by compulsions of trade.
Campaigns were undertaken to safeguard trade to ensure regular supply of war and
Self-Instructional animals. Trade routes’ safety was guaranteed by construction of roads. Rulers strove
130 Material

to strike a balance between settlement and mobility, as it suited both the sultans and NOTES
the merchants. Politics here was heavily wound up with trade from time immemorial.
Since necessities of trade influenced settlement and administration patterns in
this core region the rulers began to invest in long term economic and political settlement
of the region (Sheikh 2010, 63). The ‘settlement’ meant constructional activities of
forts, towns and roads. The rulers personally supervised construction of several new
forts, city walls and towns. The Gujarat Sultans ruled from three capitals. Ahmedabad
and Champaner were built under them and Anhilwad-Patan was the old capital.
In these new towns, merchants, traders, artisans and even agriculturists were
made to settle in surrounding areas. Secure settlements were provided to merchants
and producers and their routes were made safe. According to Sheikh, political power
was still associated with mobility as it was necessary for rulers to maintain not just
settled agriculture or growth of towns but also to safeguard the very mobility of Gujarat
(Sheikh 2010, 64). Movement of traders, pilgrims, war supplies, army and pastoralists
with their animals was crucial for political power and the right conditions had to be
provided by the state. A stable currency, regular custom and security were also a part
of this. Rulers had to manipulate relations with merchants and immigrants to form
alliances and exercise power. Settlement, resettlement and mobility went hand in hand.
There are many instances of rulers typically ‘settling’ the wild areas, as for example
the Kanbis were given inducements by Ahmad Shah to settle in Charotar area after the
defeat of the local Kolis (Sheikh 2010, 65-66). Soon, this area became a very productive
region. Lands were cleared by rulers and local potentates, and royal grants were
made to ensure agricultural production, especially for cash crops like cotton and indigo.
Sheikh mentions three types of settlers in east Gujarat. There were people who
after getting military successes settled there. Bands of clans captured areas, routes
and settled in this part (Sheikh 2010, 66). The other settlers in the region came for
economic reasons. Traders and Brahmins from southern Rajasthan who entered became
bankers, priests and merchants. The Kanbis probably moved from Punjab and settled
on major trade routes and in the new towns of Champaner and Ahmedabad. The third
category of settlers in Gujarat were religious people. Brahmin groups moved and
attached themselves to local courts. Some got attached to wealthy merchants and
some were even patronised by the sultans. The writer Gangadhara (c. 1450) visited
the Sultan’s court and silenced everyone there. Brahmin poet Udayaraja composed a Self-Instructional
Material 131
Sanskrit eulogy in the fifteenth century Rajavoda Mahakavyam, dedicated toBegada..

NOTES Ismaili preachers, Sufis and Muslim scholars were patronised by the court on a
large scale and got stipends or rent-free lands. The estates of Bukhari Sufis at Vatva
and that of Shaikh Ahmad Khattu at Sarkhej were important centres of spiritual power
and counterpoints to the courts of sultans. Religious architecture was patronised by
the courts on a large scale.
It is a paradox that sultans were encouraging ‘settlers’ but immigration continued
and mobility was important too. Interestingly, chroniclers talk about the safety of roads
as one of the signs of good government (Sheikh 2010, 64).
5.3.2 Architecture of Power: Building of New Capitals and Structures of

Piety
To facilitate easy movement and to counter threats, the Sultans of Gujarat used three
capitals in the fifteenth century. Ahmad Shah I (1411-43), after consolidating his
administration and nobility, shifted the capital from Anhilwad-Patan to the new city of
Ahmedabad to its south, whose construction was started in 1413. The north had been
pacified, where Patan was located, and now he needed to counteract threats from
Saurashtra and the hilly chieftains of the east. Ahmad Shah built separate quarters for
different types of merchants and artisans in his new city. He settled weavers and
craftsmen and religious people and people who had been granted rent-free lands. He
further built fortified forts to secure the new city. He also built mosques, madrasas
and palaces and bazaars in the city. Derived from Jain temple construction of the
region, these buildings are different from Delhi.
In 1470, Begada founded the new town Mustafabad at the foot of the hill after
defeating Junagarh, and this became the second capital of Gujarat. Later with threats
from Malwa and the eastern hilly chiefs, Begada built Champaner as a capital for
himself that he had captured in 1483-84 to bring Khandesh and Malwa under control.
The new town that was constructed came to be called Muhammadabad. The rulers
promoted settlement and agriculture in these territories through grants to nobles. These
cities were surrounded by strategic fortifications. Forts and citadels were built or
restored and massive structures of mosques, tombs and schools came up in these
capital towns.
Self-Instructional
132 Material

Mosques and Tombs NOTES
Temple building associated with Shaivite shrines declined around 1250, much before
‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji’s conquests. The Jains however, continued to build their structures.
But this did not affect the pilgrimage traffic which continued to develop under the
Sultanate (Sheikh 2010, 82). Pilgrimage centres like Dwarka and Girnar continued to
flourish as shrines continued to be visited. But the link between royalty and temple was
broken as the local polities, the new Rajputanizing pastoralist chieftains, had not yet
embraced the merit of deriving legitimacy from Brahmins and building of large temples.
The situation, however, now changed with the Sultanate in power.
Mosques and tombs were acts of piety for the Muslims. Some mosques did
come upon the sites of temples. After the region became a province of the Delhi
Sultanate, patronage to Islamic structures increased. The earliest large-scale mosque
that came up, after the Khalji conquest, is the Jami Masjid of Cambay (1325), built by
a wealthy businessman. Notable examples under Ahmad Shah I are his mosque in his
new citadel at Ahmedabad (1414) and the grandest of them, the Jami Masjid of
Ahmadabad (1424), embellishing his new city. The majestic Teen Darwaza, the
triumphal gateway to the citadel, was also built by him. Ahmad Shah also encouraged
his nobility to build and there are over fifty mosques in Ahmedabad along with many
tombs. His nobles Haibat Khan and Sayyid Alam among others built mosques in the
new capital.
The other important ruler, Mahmud Begada, built the Jami Masjid of Champaner
(1485). The tomb of Mubarak Sayyid is another fine example (1484) in Mahmudabad,
near Ahmedabad. His nobles were also great patrons. The mosque of Muhafiz Khan
(1485-92) and Shah Alam’s tomb (1475) are some examples. The finest glory of
architecture came at the end of Begada’s reign in the Mosque of Sidi Sayyid in
Ahmedabad (1510-15). In some ways, this is the final fruition of the architecture of
Gujarat.
Utility Architecture
Thirteenth century in Gujarat was a time when many religious missionaries started to
settle in the region. These sects were in search of converts and patrons, and were on
the move. The time also saw an increase in water-architecture of step-wells. Gujarat
Self-Instructional
Material 133

NOTES region is known for these vavs, the step wells. These were usually built along trade
routes to facilitate traders, merchants, missionaries, pilgrims and in arid zones to aid
agriculture. Most of these were under ‘Hindu’ patronage but there are instances of
Muslims constructing them as well. Women donors were also associated with them,
including Muslim women (Sheikh 2010, 81). Begada’s wife’s instruction on the building
of Dada Hari Vav (1485) in Ahmadabad is one such example. The structure is a
combination of Jain, Hindu and Islamicate architecture.
At the local levels, fortifications and town walls came up which were usually
built by local rulers or supra-local authorities. Patrons of religious structures in local
areas were also mostly local merchants or courtiers. Regarding commercial buildings,
there is no evidence of any permanent marketplaces, although an inscription refers to
a construction of a watershed inside a customs office. There were serais, colleges for
scholars, but sources do not mention shops or institutional buildings (Sheikh 2010,
75).
Urban Settlements
Houses were built with complex constructional techniques. They used timber framing
with brick walls. Timber was not indigenous to Gujarat so the superior quality was
imported by sea (Sheikh 2010, 85). Ibn Battuta writes of impressive homes of Cambay
merchants. Cambay was an important port with a cosmopolitan population. It was an
outlet for trade from Patan and a point from where people embarked on the journey to
Mecca. The city of Patan was also a manufacturing centre and Cambay was a seaport.
The control of Patan-Cambay belt was important to rulers and this was the hub of the
core region.
Weavers and dyers, printers and leather workers were given incentives to migrate
where they could be assured of work security. In this generally smooth urban
environment, there was relative stability of currency regardless of political change.
After the Turkish conquest, the silver tanks were introduced, to be replaced by the
mahmudi. Imports and movements outward of commodities were well balanced.
Rulers and merchants worked together in mutual interest.
There were colonies of foreign merchants in Cambay who administered their
own affairs. Actually, urban Gujarat was highly urbanised with numerous fortified towns
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and multi-storied houses of wood (Sheikh 2010, 85). Needless to say, this was directly NOTES
related to trade and commerce.
In-Text Questions
4. Name the different capitals of the Gujarat Sultanate.
5. The Vavs were water structures:
a. Yes b. No
6. Which was the core region of Gujarat?
a. Saurashtra
b. East Gujarat
c. Kuchch

GUJARAT: SAURASHTRA AND KUCHCH
While mainland east Gujarat, the core territory of Sultanate authority, was interspersed
with fertile agricultural lands and a network of trade and settled towns, Saurashtra and
Kuchch in the west were dominated by competing pastoral clans and the main towns
here were port towns involved in sea trade. Pilgrim traffic was extensive here because
great centres of pilgrimage sites like Dwarka, Girnar and Somnath fall in the peninsula.
Politics and trade were connected here too. After the early fifteenth century, like in
eastern Gujarat, here too we see a pastoralist-trading world undergoing a transformation.
We have seen the incursion of bands of militarised clans, sometimes in small
numbers or at times whole clans with their cattle wealth coming through the porous
border with Sindh and Rajasthan. Sometimes, these pastoralists settled down to
agriculture but at other times they maintained their occupational flexibility, and through
military power became chieftains. We hear of powerful clans like Chudasamas, who
migrated from Sindh and Jadejas or ones like Jhalas, Gohils or the sun worshipping
Kathis (Sheikh 2010, Chapter 3).
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NOTES Many of these chieftains were landholders and could become plunderers as
well. Bards and guards accompanied the merchandise caravans, as Bhils and Kolis
were constant threats to them. Merchants paid cesses and taxes to the local chieftains
for the secure passage of their merchandise while passing through their territories.
Garasiyas were landlords and the powerful among them would defy the sultans who
could only demand tributes from them because they were powerful enough to oppose
any kind of bureaucratized jagir system.
Many of these clan groups underwent identity formation and by the sixteenth
century they were beginning to claim Rajput status. The Chudasamas of Junagarh who
claimed lunar lineage were ultimately defeated by Ahmad Shah in 1414, the place
being left to the chieftain in lieu of a tribute and allegiance. This local polity was finally
annexed to the Sultanate under Mahmud Begada and Junagarh was made a mint town
of Mustafabad. Jadejas of Kuchch who claimed high Rajput status had Muslim lineage
but the Rajput connection was highlighted in the sources (Sheikh 2010, Chapter 3).
A political and mercantile system based on alliances and customary ties gave
way to more settled court-based order, with accompanying semi-bureaucratization
and brahmanisation (Sheikh 2010, 123) by the early fifteenth century. To these newly
emerging clans in the fifteenth century, descent and genealogy became more important
and a deciding factor rather than alliances. The sultans, in order to control war supplies,
went for extensive conquests of these clans, who after putting up resistance generally
ended up agreeing to pay tributes to the sultans. They continued to set up small courts
and seek brahminical forms of legitimation through Sanskrit chronicles, emphasizing
their illustrious lineages.
An interesting factor was that the religious associations of these pastoral clans
were flexible and pragmatic. They could switch their affiliations. A Jain merchant could
build an Ismaili mosque as he patronised Shaivite shrines. One branch of the clan may
have been Shaivite, another Ismaili and yet another could be following Sunni practices
(Sheikh 2010, 123). Aspects of accommodation can be seen in the frontier politics of
Saurashtra and Kuchch.
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NOTES
In-Text Questions
7. Chudasamas belonged to Kuchch:
a. Yes b. No
8. Religious affiliations of the pastoral clans was not flexible:
a. Yes b. No

GUJARAT: RELIGION
Chalukyas were Shaivites who built many temples, gave grants to Brahmins and
employed them as priests and administrators. The famous Somnath temple in the
Saurashtra region predates the Chalukyas but they patronised it and the Chalukya
ruler Mularaja was the shrine’s devotee. Many Shiva temples were built under Mularaja
and Siddharaja’s patronage. This was followed by merchants and feudatories. However,
Jains were powerful financiers and merchants in the Chalukya dispensation. They too
built their shrines and exercised considerable influence on the rulers. We hear of a time
when influential Jain ascetics appealed to the rulers to restrict animal slaughter, which
was a part of Shaivite rituals. That Jainism was influential can also be gauged from the
fact that one of the Chalukya rulers Kumarapal converted to Jainism. Kumarapal’s
prohibition of animal slaughter was opposed by Shaiva sects, though he continued to
build and restore Shiva temples.
Shaivism was practised by the court and there were influential Jains as traders
and administrators, but there is evidence of the practice of Buddhism as well in the
Gujarat region. Besides, there is evidence of integration of local cults and deities under
the Chalukya-Vaghela dispensation. Various Shaivite sectarian monasteries too existed.
Under the Vaghela power and later when the Delhi Sultanate controlled the
area, in the early fourteenth century, temple construction, that is, monumental Shiva
temples declined. The pastoralist chieftains and local patrilineal cities however, continued
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NOTES to build shrines and Shaivite monasteries. This continued throughout the period of the
Gujarat Sultanate.
Vaishnavism
Vaishnavism became increasingly popular in Gujarat from the fifteenth century onwards
and today it is the most recognizable Gujrati religiosity. But as we have seen it was not
always so. It may have been there in earlier times too but as a royal cult it lost out to
Shaivism by the tenth century. Probably some merchant groups, Chalukya officials
and pastoralist chieftains in Gujarat were followers of it right through. But most of the
Vaishnav shrines in the Dwarka region belong to the sixteenth century. Some Krishna
shrines in the past seem to have a Shiva association, like the Krishna temple in Samalaji
in Sabarkantha district. But by the mid fifteenth century, Krishna temples became very
popular and Krishna themes began to dominate vernacular poetry as well.
The popularity of Bhakti Vaishnavism in the fifteenth century has been attributed
to the visit of seer Vallabhacharya (1479-1532) to Gujarat, who claimed to have
Muslim devotees as well. Traders and peasants were attracted to the saint. Interestingly,
some clans clamouring for Rajput status claimed their descent from Krishna without
adopting him as their clan deity.
Jainism
We have seen that Jains acquired powerful positions under the Chalukya rule.
Kumarapal converted to Jainism. In the thirteenth century, the Jain Vastupal was a
minister to the Vaghela ruler. His brother was also a great philanthropist and a builder.
Edifices were built at Jain pilgrimage sites. During Sultanate rule as well, Jains were in
good relations with the rulers and were free to practice their faith. Lonka Sah, a
wealthy layman, started a breakaway sect of the Shvetambara sect of Jainism. The
new sect was opposed to image worship; here, it may have been influenced by Islamic
aniconism in the fifteenth century. Jains continued to be traders and practiced
occupations in accounts and finance.
Ismailis and Other Muslim Sects
Muslim traders had been living along the coast of Gujarat for long. The Bhadreshvar
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138 Material

and Anhilvada record their presence in the hinterland. Muslim merchants and missionaries NOTES
travelled from north India to Gujarat as well from the fourteenth century onwards.
Among the other sects were the Nizari missionaries and the Mustali. Nizaris were
popular with peasants while the latter influenced the merchants and later came to be
called Bohras. Sufis too settled in the region and wielded great spiritual powers among
the populace (Sheikh 2010, 147-53).
Pilgrimage
Monumental temple buildings declined in the thirteenth century but networks of pilgrim
sites were consolidated. The earliest to encourage pilgrim sites and the merits of
pilgrimage were the Jains. With the rise of Vaishnav Bhakti in the fifteenth century, the
towns of Dwarka, Dakor, Samalaji and Girnar were drawn in the pilgrim cycle. At the
same time, Muslim shrines of Shaikhs too were visited by pastoralists and other groups
and became very popular. Gujarat has innumerable such religious sites like Chaklasi in
Kheda district, Amod, the shrine of Baba Ghor, Bala pir, Daval Shah Pir and Haji Pir.
By the end of the fifteenth century, a web of local and trans-regional tombs and shrines
had developed. Trade and settlement followed around these Hindu and Muslim sites,
some being very wealthy and influential (Sheikh 2010, 153-58).
Other cults of the goddess and sun worship sites can also be discerned. Many
hero-Gods and local deities have dual identities of both Muslim and Hindu in bardic
literature. All this points to a multi-religious contour of Gujarati society.
These religious missionaries travelled along with pastorals and merchants. The
coasts of Kuchch and Saurashtra were inhabited by clans using both Hindu mythology
hero tales and cults of new converts. The merchants often had multiple sectarian
affiliations because of the mobile nature of the economy. The sultans contributed to the
stabilisation of these multiple sects by settling the clans and subduing their fissures. By
ensuring safe routes, the sultans helped religious sects settle and could now hope for
adherents to come to them peacefully without aggressive efforts to convert (Sheikh
2010, Chapter 4). By regularising trade, the Sultanate could provide material wealth
to the merchants who were the greatest donors to these shrines after the royalty and
nobility.
In the foregoing discussion, we noticed that late twelfth century Gujarat was the
site of missionary activities of different sects. Political power was juxtaposed with Self-Instructional
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NOTES trade as well as these religious interests. Trade and politics were in turn interlinked
with sectarian and community terms. The rise of Vaishnavism, Sufi and Bhakti, based
on personal relationships with God, became popular. Jain, Ismaili and Shaivism were
replaced by bhakti oriented sectarian activities. In the Sultanate, all rulers, feudatories
and merchants were patrons of religious activities.
In-Text Questions
9. Temple construction in Gujarat declined after Khalji conquest:
a. Yes b. No
10. Vaishnavism came in Gujarat in:
a. 1250
b. mid thirteenth century
c. fifteenth century
11. Gujarat was a religiously plural society:
a. Yes b. No

GUJARAT: COURT AND ADMINISTRATION
The state came in then not by recourse to homogeneous ethnic or cultural values.
Instead, it came in despite multiple group interests that were flexible and
accommodating. The state depended for its prosperity on trade amidst the continuing
tensions of settlement and mobility. They built on a large scale to keep roads safe,
fortified towns, and built capitals so that the population could be mobile and productive.
The Gujarat sultans presided over a loose system of alliances. We have seen
these dynamics. It worked because traders, religious preachers, Sufis, and pastoralist
clans all had an interest and hence they brought in cohesion (Sheikh 2010, 186). We
shall discuss some of these features at the height of the Sultanate, and how they were
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140 Material

Army Organization NOTES
The Army was the most important wing of the administration. Zafar Khan raised or
rather assembled a medley of soldiers from the local populace but in 1425 Ahmad
Shah introduced a regularised system. He streamlined the payment to soldiers which
he disbursed half in cash and half by grants of lands in their native territories. This gave
an impetus to the itinerant soldier to settle down. Later, Mahmud Begada made these
payments hereditary as jagirs came to be given to the descendants of the soldiers,
thus ensuring loyalty. The Sultanate employed Arab and Abyssinian mercenaries and
professional mercenaries as well. Many chieftains, and their clans gave allegiance in
times of war. Soldiers were recruited from peasant and landed communities (Sheikh
2010, 186-92).
Horses used for warfare were supplied both by overland as well as by sea
routes from Central Asia. Supplies of swords from Gujarat became world famous.
They commanded boats and there is evidence of warfare by sea as well. Zafar Khan’s
sea engagement during the second campaign to Somnath and Diu was among the first
water engagement during an attack. Ahmad Shah reportedly sent seventeen vessels to
recover the islands of Mumbai and Salsette. A naval battle (1507-8) ensued at Chaul
between the Portuguese and the Sultanate. The flotilla was commanded by one Malik
Ayaz, who was assisted by the Sultan of Egypt and the Ottoman governor. In this
naval skirmish, the Portuguese suffered a defeat (Sheikh 2010, 190).
Revenue Administration
The claim over revenue of the crown lands, the khalisa, was always exercised by the
controlling authorities and the recalcitrant chieftains always defied it. Zafar Khan as
the Tughlaq governor was sent to Gujarat to reclaim the khalisa revenue that had
been given away by the governor. When Ahmad Shah became the Sultan, he streamlined
the revenue system. He is credited with starting the vanta system of revenue collection
where chieftains who were defeated were given some part of their revenues and the
rest was state’s share. This vanta or part was one fourth of the land and its revenue.
The other three fourths were crown lands. By guaranteeing their fixed share, the system
ensured loyalty from the rebellious chieftains, who were most often difficult to bring
under control.
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NOTES Not all territory was settled within the vanta system. Some chieftains continued
to be independent in the fifteenth century. The territory under them was called ‘gras’
or mouthful. From here, arose the term ‘grasiya’ that was used for them. Later, this
group came to be called Rajputs. They paid an annual tribute and the sultans did not
interfere. They collected revenue in kind and levied cesses on trade as well.
Direct control of territory was administered in two ways. In the first instance, it
was given as a military assignment, iqta. The iqta holders were expected to raise
troops. From Ahmad Shah’s time but more so under Begada, alternatively an official
in the fort or the town of that area was appointed to administer the system and collect
revenue. Military outposts or thanas came up to raise other local levies. Village headmen
and other intermediaries as well were involved in the administration of revenue collection.
Regular reports from the regions were sent to the treasury and accountants of the state
(Sheikh 2010, 192-97).
The military assignments came to root the chieftains and they began to have
economic interests in their assignments and in due course of time these military
assignments became hereditary and further stabilised the clans. This settlement of land
in turn stabilised trade. Pastoral groups were settling down to a mercantile identity by
the fifteenth century, according to a 1525 inscription. The inscription is partially in
Sanskrit and Gujarati. Step-well’s inscriptions from Begada’s reign indicate a growing
link between state, pastoral chieftains and trade. (Sheikh 2010, 196). The final
consequence was the pacification of pastoral militant groups, the future Rajputs and
their triangular relationship between the Sultan, trader and chieftain.
Legitimation of Authority
Sultans like elsewhere legitimised their claims through marriage alliances, by claiming
employment associations with Delhi Sultans, and often from blessings and intercessions
of Sufis. They married daughters of their chieftains. It is interesting that the titles and
adjectives for the Sultans were drawn from the same repertory of literary conventions
as those that were used for Chalukyas or other Hindu kings. In a fifteenth century
Sanskrit work, Rajavoda Mahakavyam, Sultan Mahmud Begada is represented as a
chakravartin, the Indic universal king. His kingly qualities are compared with Indic
gods and goddesses and his court description is reminiscent of Sanskrit epics and
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Islamic Iconoclasm NOTES
Islamic iconoclasm and destruction of temples, as for the Delhi Sultanate, here too
were political acts. Temple building had declined much before ‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji’s
armies ravaged the region under the Vaghelas through the thirteenth century. Of course,
this does not absolve the destruction of royal temples of Somnath, Siddhpur, Anhilwad-
Patan and more. Temples were centres of power and in medieval warfare they were
the first targets. As political acts, as war trophies, the conqueror made his statement of
victory by taking over these symbols of authority of defeated dispensations. This is
how authority was legitimised. We have studied this aspect above in the context of the
Delhi Qutb Mosque.
We see some early aberrations when Alp Khan, the Khalji governor had to
rebuild a Jain temple after it was desecrated during the Khalji campaigns. After this, till
the end of the fourteenth century, we hear of no cases until Zafar Khan and Ahmad
Shah again targeted royal temples. However, independent chiefs continued to build
their small temples. It’s the royal temples that were targeted as a political act. Temples
were left unharmed if the chiefs and local powers accepted Sultanate suzerainty.
Interestingly, a mosque inscription of 1430 from Vijapur in north Gujarat indicates that
a mosque was turned into a temple which had originally been a temple in the past
(Sheikh 2010, 192).
5.7 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE
The Sultanate can be termed as Indo-Islamic vernacular regional state. The Sultans
patronised literature in Arabic, Persian, Sanskrit and early Gujarati, Dingal and Gujari.
It was during their rule that the poets began to write in early Gujarati and Gujari. The
Sultanate can truly be identified with local traditions. We have seen that bilingual
inscriptions that were used even in mosques. Veraval inscription of 1264 is bilingual.
The historical ballad, Kanhadade Prabandha (1456), uses both Persian and Arabic
vocabulary, though it is written in Gujarati. Jain manuscripts were the other rich literary
output from the region. Saints composed in Gujari like the way Hindavi was used by
Sufi Premakhyans in the north.
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NOTES At the same time, Arabic and Persian theologies were patronised by the Sultans
and these studies especially made a headway under Begada. The Sultan was associated
with both Sufis and the ‘ulama’. ‘Ulama’ were attached to the court and had judicial
and administrative functions. Many Islamic treatises were written in the Sultanate.
Music, medicine, and astronomical works were patronised as well. Bards were
patronised by emerging pastoralist chieftains.
The Sultanate had come on its own by the fifteenth century, the process of
which had started from the Chalukya-Vaghela times. By the middle of the fifteenth
century, a system of governance, revenue structures and army organisation was
beginning to emerge. Unlike the Delhi Sultanate, the system was not a bureaucratized
one, so typical of states that preside over predominantly agrarian orders. Neither
were there any elaborate courtly rituals, for, as Sameera Sheikh put it, this was a
trading Sultanate ruling a civic world (2010, 214).
In-Text Questions
12. Khalisa were crown lands:
a. Yes b. No
13. Vanta was a revenue collection system:
a. Yes b. No
14. Gujarat court had elaborate court rituals:
a. Yes b. No
5.8 CONCLUSION
From the above discussion, the greatest achievement of the Sultanate of Gujarat was
that it secured its northern frontiers, which had been a constant source of instability. It
settled the migrant pastorals by making them their vassals through military power, thus
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stabilising the northern borders. The proof of this was that by the sixteenth century, NOTES
these chieftains had attained Rajput status and had come to maintain their own courts
and households within the Sultanate territory, whose power now they did not challenge
(Sheikh 2010, 226). This had never been achieved earlier.
Then the Sultanate managed to regularise trade in a society that was becoming
increasingly sedentary and urbanised. The region was no longer a settled core and an
unsettled hinterland. Through a network of architectural endeavours, roads and
understanding of pastoralist clan politics, diverse religious sects and trade, the whole
region including the hinterland was settled (Sheikh 2010, 226).
Gujarat was the first state to make the transition from a tribute-taking economy
to a semi-bureaucratized one with predictable returns and those institutions lasted a
long time. It was a state that existed on trade. All the policies of the state fostered that.
In addition, the state presided over a delicate balance of a system of alliances, peculiar
to each sub-region. Over the next three centuries, the regions emerged as a definite
unit with a political and linguistic distinctiveness.
And finally, we can call Gujarat as the most finished example of a vernacular
Indo-Islamic state of medieval India. It was a state in which the literati wrote and
composed in Sanskrit, Arabic, Persian, Gujri and Gujarati. Kingship tropes from both
the Indic and the Islamicate traditions freely borrowed from each other in a diverse
religious environment.
5.9 SUMMARY
The making of Gujarat Sultanate can be traced to the Chalukya-Vaghela times, 1200-
1407. There were key factors of trade, pastoralism, local powerful clans and coming
of religious missionaries and diverse sects that shaped the characteristic state and
society. State and society in eastern Gujarat and regions of Saurashtra and Kuchch
was linked to trade, settled agriculture, pilgrim centres and local chieftains. Architecture
was an instrument to ‘settle’ the region, to make it secure and safe for unhampered
trade and other mobile activities.
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NOTES Pastoral clans, merchants were flexible in their occupations and religious
affiliations. Identities were negotiable. The Gujarat Sultanate was not a bureaucratized
state, so typical of predominantly agrarian regions. It was instead heavily dependent
on trade, making it different from all others.
5.10 GLOSSARY
 Pastorals: It is related to shepherds or herdmen.

 Merchants: They are people who trade in commodities.
 Settlement patterns: It refers to distribution of buildings and houses in an
area.
 Sedentism: It is the practice of living in one area for a long time.
 Political culture: It refers to basic values that underlie a political process.
 Trade: It is the exchange of goods and services.
 Religious diversity: It is the existence of two or more religions within a region.
 Architecture: It is the art of designing buildings.
5.11 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS
1. (a) Yes
2. (a) Yes
3. (b) Change through Continuity
4.
5. (a) Yes
6. (b) East Gujarat
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7. (b) No NOTES
8. (b) No
9. (b) No
10. (c) Fifteenth Century
11. (a) Yes
12. (a) Yes
13. (a) Yes
14. (b) No
1. Can the political culture of Gujarat Sultanate be studied in terms of change

through continuity?
2. What were the different aspects of political culture under Mahmud Begada?
3. ‘Trade, Pastoralism and Local Polities are key factors in creating the political
culture of Gujarat.’ Comment.
(a) East Gujarat
(b) Saurashtra and Kuchch
(c) Religion in Gujarat
(d) Army organisation of Gujarat
5.13 REFERENCES
 Asher, Catherine B, and Cynthia Talbot. 2006. India Before Europe, 89-96.
New Delhi: Cambridge University Press.
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NOTES  Chandra, Satish. 2007. History of Medieval India (800-1700), 167-70. New
Delhi: Orient BlackSwan Pvt. Ltd.
 Sheikh, Sameera. 2010. Forging a Region: Sultans, Traders and Pilgrims
in Gujarat 1200-1500, ‘Introduction’. New Delhi: OUP.
 Sheikh, Sameera. 2010. Forging a Region: Sultans, Traders and Pilgrims

in Gujarat 1200-1500. New Delhi: OUP.
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UNIT III: SOCIETY AND ECONOMY
LESSON 6 SOCIETY AND ECONOMY

Society and Economy
LESSON 6 NOTES
SOCIETY AND ECONOMY

Dr. Parul Lau Gaur,
Assistant Professor,
University of Delhi
Structure
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Agricultural Production Under Delhi Sultans
6.3 Technology
6.4 Urbanization
6.5 Bazaars and Market Regulations
6.6 Monetization
6.6.1 Money Economy Under Delhi Sultans
6.6.2 Monetization Under Vijayanagara Rulers
6.7 Trade
6.8 Crafts
6.8.1 Craft During Vijayanagara Period
6.9 Conclusion
6.10 Glossary
6.12 References
 To understand agrarian production and its implications along with the policies of
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NOTES  To understand integration of agricultural and artisan production

 To examine technological changes
 To learn about the establishment of urban centres and corresponding social
mobility
 To analyse the growth of money economy under Delhi Sultans and Vijayanagara
kingdom
 To learn about price control measures of Alauddin Khalji
 To understand development of trade and urban centres during this period and
explore the interlinkages between them
 To explain the nature and functions of the commercial classes and the main
articles of imports and exports
 To examine patterns of inland and overseas trade under the Delhi Sultans and
Vijayanagara
6.1 INTRODUCTION
The conquest of Northern India by the Ghoris and the establishment of the Delhi
Sultanate not only changed the existing political structure but also brought about
economic changes which can be related to various practices like tax collection,
distribution and system of coinage, mercantile activities and improvements in
communication etc. A corollary to these economic changes and the processes of
urbanization were the social changes in the Sultanate. The manifestations of social
changes could be easily identified in terms of social mobility among craftsmen in the
urban centres.
The question arises as to whether the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate marked
any break in the country’s economic history or whether the pre-existing older systems
continued. Professor D.D. Kosambi in his work recognises that changes did occur
with the coming of Islamic raiders but he regarded them as no more than intensifying
elements already present in Indian feudalism. Other historians like Mohammad Habib
suggest that changes were so fundamental in urban economy that it marked the onset
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Society and Economy
of the ‘urban revolution’. As the urban development was dependent on rural base, NOTES
urban revolution was accompanied by ‘rural revolution’.
According to M.Habib, three inter-related developments appear to have
occurred (a) there was a considerable growth in the size and possibly the number of
towns, (b) there was a marked expansion in craft production, and (c) there was a
corresponding expansion in commerce.
Delhi emerged as the largest city of the entire Islamic world. Many powerful
Sultans had beautiful palaces erected and pleasure garden laid out. After Sultan Balban,
every succeeding Sultan had a new capital constructed for himself near or at some
distance from the previous Sultan’s capital. Delhi was thus symbolic of a collection of
several cities. The Qutub Delhi, Sikri, Kilokhri, Siri, Tughlquabad and Firozabad,
were the successive major settlements of Delhi during the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries.
6.2 AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION UNDER DELHI

SULTANS
Agriculture has been a predominant activity in India. In the Delhi Sultanate, there was
an abundance of land and so the agriculture was extensive in nature. A variety of crops
were grown by the peasants of the Delhi Sultanate which has been described by Ibn
Battuta. He mentions the practice of double-cropping, that is, both the Kharif and
Rabi crops were grown on the same soil. He mentions kharif crops, millets such as
kuzru (modern name kodon), qal (gal, hindi kanguni,millet) and shamakh (modern
name sawan). Among the kharif pulses, he lists munj (modern name mung), lobiya and
mut (modern name moth). Two other kharif crops mentioned by him are sesame and
sugarcane, while of rice, he says, ‘they sow it three times a year’. Among the rabi
crops, he goes on to list wheat, barley, chickpeas and lentils.
Under Alauddin Khalji, Thakkur Pheru, the mint master provides a list of twenty-
five crops which includes wheat, barley, paddy, millets. There is also reference to cash
crops like sugarcane, cotton, oilseeds, linseed, seasum etc. Fruit growing was also
prevalent in India. Mango was the most highly priced fruit and grapes were grown in
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NOTES shift to raising grapes and Firuz Shah laid out 1,200 orchards in the vicinity of Delhi to
grow seven varieties of grapes.
The sources of irrigation included wells and canals. Muhammad Bin Tughlaq
gave loans to the peasants to dig wells to extent cultivation. Further, the canals for
irrigation were also cut by Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq and also by Firuz Tughlaq. Firuz cut
two canals Rajab-wah and the Ulugh-khani from the Yamuna river carrying them to
Hisar, one from the Kali river in the Doab joining the Yamuna near Delhi; one each
from Sutlej and the Ghaggar.
The large area of wasteland, including fallow and forest, meant that there was
little shortage of pasture for cattle. There is evidence of large numbers of cattle which
explain that backs of bullocks and not bullock carts were the means of transporting
grains.
The territories from where revenue was collected for the Sultan’s own treasury was
designated as Kharaj while the territories which refused to pay kharaj was known as
mawas. Minhaj Siraj refers to numerous expeditions which were led into the mawas
territories to extort plunder or tribute. The plunder was in the form of cattle or slave. It
is suggested that Delhi and its surrounding areas including parts of Doab region were
under Khalisa.
The changes in the agrarian policies were made by Alauddin Khalji with the aim
to deprive the chiefs of large part of their resources.
It was Alauddin Khalji who introduced the system of measurement of land as
the method of assessment. Alauddin realized that without correct assessment of the
produce, the government would not be in a position to determine the exact amount
that was due to it as revenue. Produce per biswa was taken as a unit for calculating the
yield. The average yields per biswa was multiplied with total area under cultivation to
give the productivity level. The revenue on the basis of productivity was permanently
fixed and the state was ensured a regular income. Alauddin also increased the state’s
share in the produce of the land or the Kharaj to 50%. Other taxes like Gharai (house
tax) and Charai (Grazing tax) were also imposed.
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Society and Economy
Barani states that Alauddin brought the doab into khalisa and the tax (mahsul) NOTES
from there was spent on paying the cash salaries to the soldiers.
In the early fourteenth century, Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq discarded the measurement
of revenue assessment in favour of system of crop sharing. He tried to give concessions
to khuts and muqaddams as they were exempted from paying tax on their cultivation
and cattle. He also provided some relief to the peasants by remitting additional cesses
that used to be levied on all sown lands.
The agrarian policies under Giyasuddin Tughlaq successor Muhammad Tughlaq
needs to be viewed against the backdrop of extension of empire. The regions of
Gujarat, Malwa, Deccan, South India and Bengal was brought under the rigorous
system of taxation as it prevailed in the villages of the Doab. The Sultan later also said
to have attempted an enhancement in the scale of agrarian taxation. Barani states that
that new additional imposts (abwab) were levied on the peasantry. The three major
taxes kharaj, charai and gharai were more vigorously assessed and collected. These
measures brought about an agrarian uprising of great intensity over a very large area
near Delhi and the Doab. There was a contraction of cultivation in Doab and a
corresponding fall in land revenue.
The Sultanate was facing problems in the agrarian system, so Muhammmad Bin
Tughlaq in order to overcome the crisis, advanced sondhar or loans to the peasants to
enable them to extend the cultivation and digging wells for irrigation. A new branch in
revenue called Diwan-i-amir- Kohi was set up. The function was to extend cultivation
and also to improve the cropping pattern as farmers were induced to cultivate superior
crops. However, these measures of the Sultan failed.
Amidst these financial crisis, Firuz Shah Tughlaq ascended the throne. Firuz
abandoned the projects and gave concessions and abolished agrarian cesses. He also
forbade the levy of gharai and charai. Also, jiziya was now levied upon the peasantry
as a separate tax. Firuz also took water tax (haqq-i-shurb) from villages served by
canals.
The composition and power of rural aristocracy has been subject to change. The
chiefs opposing the Ghorians and the early Delhi Sultans are designated rais and ranas Self-Instructional
Material 155

NOTES and their military commanders were called rawats by Minhaj Siraj. The existence of
an earlier feudal hierarchy of raja, ranaka and rauta is established fairly well by epigraphic
evidence from many parts of Northern India. The Sultan and his governor imposed
tribute on the rais and ranas while expecting them to collect taxes.
Agriculture was carried by peasants living in the villages. Cultivation was based
on individual peasant farming and the size of land cultivated by them varied from the large
holdings of the khuts or headman to the petty plots of the balahars or village menials.
The landed intermediaries have played an important role in the development of
agrarian and economic relations under the Sultans of Delhi. Khuts, Muqqadams and
Chowdharis have been used to describe these intermediaries. Before the accession of
Alauddin Khalji, the khuts and other intermediaries claimed to have exemption from
paying agrarian taxes, land tax, house tax (gharai), charai (cattletax). His aim was to
put an effective check upon their increasing income. Khuts and muqqadams collected
duties termed as khoti that equalled one-eleventh of the produce. Alauddin Khalji
withdrew these privileges of intermediaries who were transferred into state officials
and also had to pay taxes.
Ghiyauddin Tughlaq modified these measures and had forbidden the khuts from
levying any cess upon peasants; he exempted them from paying tax on their own
cultivation and cattle. This led to a considerable increase in the power of khuts and
muqqadams.
Muhhamad Bin Tughlaq resorted to strict measures. He tried to bring the entire
system under the same vigorous system of taxation. This further increase in taxation
led to a very serious and long drawn out agrarian uprising in the doab.
By the time Firuz Shah Tughlaq ascended the throne, the pressure on khuts was
almost negligible. In an inscription of this time the word zamindar was now used as a
blanket term for the entire superior class.
In-Text Questions
1. Discuss the role of landed intermediaries in the land revenue system of Delhi
Sultanate.
2. How was agrarian production organized during the Sultanate period? What
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were the main cropping patterns during this period?
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NOTES
6.3 TECHNOLOGY
A significant aspect of the study of economic history is to take into consideration the
history of technology. It’s is now imperative to study the prevalent technology in Delhi
Sultanate. Many technological advancements could be identified in the field of
agriculture, textile, military, and the construction of buildings, paper making and military
technology. According to Irfan Habib, these technological innovations were the result
of various causes like the considerable immigration of artisans and merchants from
Islamic East to India, bringing with them their crafts, techniques and practices. Also,
there was availability of labour through large-scale enslavement and a system whereby
a large share of agricultural surplus was appropriated for consumption in the town.
There was a significant increase in craft production. This was largely a result of
introduction of new techniques. Irfan Habib points out that the introduction of spinning
wheel, the cotton carder’s bow gave a boost to the textile industry. These were immense
labour-saving capacity devices and with its diffusion, there would have been an increase
in the amount of coarse and ordinary cloth production. It is postulated that if the
increase in the production of yarn outstripped the increase in the weaver population or
the absorption into the weaver ranks of men from other castes it is possible that the
caste composition of the weaver class underwent a sudden transformation with the
influx of new elements. Indigo, mainly employed in the dyeing and bleaching of textiles,
also probably saw much improvement in the techniques of its manufacture.
Artificial irrigation has been an important aspect of Indian agriculture. In the
agricultural sector, the ‘saqia’ or Persian wheel with wooden wheels, earthen jars on
the rope chain and wooden pin-drum gearing, worked by oxen revolutionised the
irrigation work in parts of Punjab and U.P. The anonymous Sirat-i-Firuzshahi contains
an account of a well that Firuz built in Delhi within an embanked tank and the water
lifting appliances he furnished it with. The literary sources establish that a water-raising
device known as araghatta or ghati yantra was in use. This was worked by human
power. In the later stage of development, there was an addition of two more wheels,
gear mechanism and the use of animal power.
In the luxurious sector, with the introduction of sericulture, the weaving of silk
cloth received a vertical boom. Self-Instructional
Material 157

NOTES The Turks also introduced the art of manufacturing of paper which began only
during the 13th century, for it is mentioned by Amir Khusrau. It was helpful in the
transmission of knowledge and learning.
Other innovations included the magnetic compass which was an aid for
navigation. Sources indicate that the instrument (a magnetic needle floating on water)
had been used by ships to sail directly across high seas. This exerted considerable
influence on enlarging the volume of India’s overseas commerce.
There were changes in the materials used and in the techniques of construction.
The materials that were now more extensively used than ever before were fired bricks
and rubble, their employment in complex constructions became possible, owing to the
use of lime and gypsum as mortars. These two minerals act differently: lime mortar
hardens slowly and acts chemically on bricks to bind them together; gypsum hardens
rapidly and holds stone or brick together by its own solidity. Both lime and gypsum as
mortars had become inseparable from building construction under the Indo-Muslim
aegis. With the coming into use of lime and gypsum mortar and arcuate techniques, the
environs of Delhi saw sophisticated water works.
In-Text Questions
3. What were the technological developments in North India in the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries? What were their social consequences?
6.4 URBANIZATION
The concentration of artisans leading to the expansion of towns has been suggested by
Muhammad Habib. He states that with the Muslims came the foreign artisans who
were associated with the local artisans and created new crafts for the new aristocracy.
Moreover, the new regime removed all kinds of discrimination against city workers.
The religion of Islam attracted city workers such as elephant riders, butchers, weavers,
etc. to convert and give them some kind of upward social mobility. He views the
conquest by Mohammad Ghori as a revolution of Indian city labour spearheaded by
Ghorian Turks.
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Society and Economy
Later, Irfan Habib modifies his views and explains that the expansion in the NOTES
urban economy happened primarily because of the changes or innovations made in
technology for making paper, textiles and buildings; the flow of gold and silver for
minting coins to promote trade and the formation of the new ruling class that appropriated
large rural surplus through the new land revenue system which they spent in towns
where they resided. With the introduction of iqta system, the principal centres began
to emerge as towns and controlled the neighbouring villages.
There were various factors that helped in the process of urbanization and brought
about important changes in the social and economic life under the Sultans of Delhi.
The institution of khanqah helped the development of old towns to serve as provincial
headquarters. Khanqahs, it was suggested, were constructed and maintained by the
state and were not a Sufi hospice but an institution of public utility to provide
accommodation to travellers, free food and also distribute money to deserving persons.
Another institution that developed in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries was serai,
a term that was was applied to a royal palace or the building owned by a wealthy
person. Barani refers to the royal palaces and those owned by the nobles as serais in
his account of the Khalji Sultan. Mention is made of the serai of Jalali and the serai of
Sultan Alauddin Khalji. These serais were surrounded by forests, and police posts
(thanas) were established around it. These thanas also proved to be a catalyst in the
urbanization process. Barani referred to the thanas established by Sultan Balban at
Jalali, Kampil, Patiali, and Bhogaon. The thanas housed the mosques and madrasas
that had an impact on the locality. Later, these thanas developed into important
townships, acquiring the status of a pargana headquarter.
These institutions of thanas and khanqahs helped in the process of urbanization,
and the bazars encouraged the peasants of nearby villages to raise cash crops, thereby
resulting in prosperity. The bazaars in an urban center served as an institution of great
social and economic importance and it also attracted merchants from foreign countries
carrying merchandise in caravans, who engaged in overseas or overland trade. The
activities of Muslim merchants led to the modification of indigenous crafts and
introduction of new ones. The foreign merchants also brought male and female slaves
who were trained in different arts and crafts. Delhi emerged as the largest city of the
entire Islamic world and chronicles referred to various bazars. Minhaj-i-Siraj gives
refernce to bazaar-i- bazazan, a market meant for the dealers in the city; this indicates
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NOTES bazaar appears to have been built up. The newly founded and old ones expanded due
to the addition of new colonies of immigrants. There is a reference to bazaar-i-buzurg
Lakhnauti, where new settlements were added with new mosques and bazaars. Many
towns and cities developed as markets of international fame like Uchh, Multan and
Lahore, which had big bazaars visited by Indian and foreign merchants.
The visits made by merchants with commercial commodities from various
countries led to the diversification of the production which were in demand. The
karkhanas maintained by the Sultan, high nobles and traders attracted craftsmen and
artisans skilled in their arts and crafts. For instance, in the royal kharkhana of Sultan
Muhammad bin Tughlaq, four thousand silk workers wove and embroidered cloth for
robes and garments.
With the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate, old cities took on the form of cosmopolitan
urban centres, while in the newly founded towns and cities, many artisans and craftsmen
who were considered low caste now prospered which soon led to social mobility
among them. The progress of learning, expansion and consolidation of central authority,
cultural influences such as those of Sufis and the employment of skilled craftsmen in
the royal kharkhanas paved the way for the rise of people from unprivileged families in
the society.
The growth of few cities like Cambay and Delhi were marked by social mobility.
The annexation of Gujarat to the Sultanate of Delhi led to the emergence of Cambay
as an emporium of international trade and commerce. The Sultans also entrusted the
administration of Cambay to a leading merchant like Malik-ut Tujjar. Foreign merchants
like Khawaja Ishaq established khanqah where travellers were served free food.
Similarly, Delhi turned into a metropolitan city after Iltutmish made it a capital in
1210. It became one of the largest cities during the time of Khalji. The karkhanas
(workshops) and madrasas (schools and colleges) contributed greatly to social mobility
in urban centres. Muhammad Bin Tughlaq maintained a kharkhana where 4000 skilled
workers were employed. During the Firuz Shah period, goldsmiths, gem cutters,
perfumers, artisans, skilled at making different types of weapons and armour, were all
employed in large numbers. Many slaves trained in the kharkhanas attained important
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Society and Economy
The kharkhanas also increased social mobility in Delhi. Madrasas like Madrasa NOTES
-i- nasiri and later Madrasa -i- Firuz Shahi had reputed scholars and students
belonging to different strata of the society. Muhammad bin Tughlaq wanted to shift the
capital to Daulatabad as Isami and Ibn Battuta pointed out that the Sultan did not trust
the people of Delhi. Although Delhi was never abandoned after the evacuation of the
entire population, people from neighbouring towns and cities inhabited the city. So, in
Delhi, social mobility increased further. Daulatabad also gained social mobility due to
the migration of people. The establishment of karkhanas and other institutions, cultural
as well as political, led to social mobility.
Many social groups like Afghans, Kalals (liquor-brewers), Jains, Khatris and
Kambos of Punjab became prominent communities. Sultan Balban assigned them
duties at newly established thanas around Delhi and other territories. The Afghans also
rose to the status of high nobles during the reign of Alauddin Khalji.
Another social group of liquor brewers (Kalals) prospered because of the
introduction of liquor distillation. Barani describes them as khumars (wine makers)
and araqis (distillers). The community of merchants and tradesmen also moved upward
socially. They attained high positions during the time of Alauddin Khalji. The Kambos
who were prosperous peasants of Punjab embraced Islam and became very influential
by the time of Firuz Shah so that they could intervene with the governor and approach
the royal court.
Labourers like kahars (palanquin bearers) were available in cities in large
numbers. People were hired to cater to the need of the royalty and their work included
looking after the horses, erecting tents and furnishing them with carpets. The karwaniya
carried the tents and its poles on its shoulders, the farash erected the tents and furnished
it with carpets. The dawadawiya used to walk ahead of the master, carrying torches
at night.
The Chisti Sufis of Nagaur were also responsible for increasing social mobility.
They admitted disciples from different sections of society and many were able to rise
in social strata. The preachings of various Chistis led to social mobility in the cities and
towns.
In Gujarat, the social stratification weakened with the establishment of the
independent Sultanate. Like skilled artists and craftsmen, capable slaves were also
appointed to important positions at the royal court. Self-Instructional
Material 161

NOTES In Vijayanagara kingdom, craft producers were drawn into new pan-regional
economies and all craft producers needed cash. The access to currency and its expanded
flows may have facilitated the ability of some well positioned artisans or merchants to
expand their workshops and access to resources. Participation in market economies
may have resulted in increasing geographic mobility for artisans and their communities
as individuals or groups could more easily relocate to areas, where they lacked
longstanding social connections in order to take advantage of expanding opportunities.
Such areas included the temple towns of the southern region of the empire as well as
administrative centres and the Vijayaanagara capital.
Therefore, one of the processes closely linked with the process of urbanization
was social mobility in India.
In-Text Questions
4. Discuss the vital role played by towns and cities in providing social mobility in
Delhi Sultanate.
6.5 BAZAARS AND MARKET REGULATIONS
The chronicles refer to the functioning of various bazaars while describing the price
control measures of Alauddin Khalji. Amir Khusrau mentions only the construction of
the sera-i-Adl bazaar for the sale of goods such as cloth and fruits. Also, mention is
made of bazzar-i-am which were the nakhas or market meant for the sale of slaves,
horses and other animals. Amir Khusrau also mentions bazaar-i- Chaharsu, which
had shopping streets around a square in four directions since the thirteenth century.
In the words of Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui, ‘The emergence of new urban centres
and the expansion of old ones with bazaars led to socio-economic growth as well as
progress of material culture. Moreover, the foreign merchandise provided the local
craftsmen with creative incentive, new crafts were introduced and indigenous ones
modified. All this led to the expansion of an artisan population and caste restrictions
could no longer hamper professional mobility.”
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Society and Economy
Alauddin Khalji’s market regulations present a landmark in the history of NOTES

economic development. Through these reforms, Alauddin was able to control the
prices of virtually all commodities, establish control over the various markets and
administer them efficiently.
The most widely accepted view is that of Barani who states that after the Mongol
invasions and internal unrest the Sultan had to maintain a large and efficient standing
army who had to be paid in cash. However, financially the state was not able to do so
this. Salaries could not be increased as this would exhaust the state treasury, while a
low salary would lead to discontent. The only way out was to reduce the prices of
commodities for daily use and thus increase the purchasing power of the salary given
to the soldiers. The real reason for these market regulations was probably the need to
find a solution to practical problems, defence and expansion of the empire.
The first regulation pertained to the grain market or mandi. It was run by two
types of merchants- firstly those who had their permanent shops in Delhi and may be
called retailers and secondly the caravans who brought grain to the city. In order to
ensure that the latter continued to supply at the fixed low rates to the capital, Alauddin
ordered the travelling merchants to register themselves with the Shahnah
(superintendent of the market). Such an elaborate system of price control could not be
worked without a large and efficient staff.
Malik Qabul was appointed as the Shahnah (superintendent of the market)
and he ensured that no black market was allowed to persist. The Barid-i-Mandi
reported on the quality of wares and the munhis, that is spies, reported on the goings
of the empire. An important item of price control was cloth. The Diwan-i-Riyasat was
given the charge of controlling the cloth market which was housed in the called Serai-
i- adil. All merchants who traded in Delhi were to register in the Diwan-i-Riyasat.
They were also required to sign an agreement stipulating that they would bring a fixed
quantity of goods into the city for sale at fixed prices. Price regulations were also
applied to horse and slave market.
Regarding the effect of these measures of Alauddin, we find even Barani saying
that the regulations were of great benefit to the general people. The rich trading
community might have found it to their disadvantage the regulations which deprived
them of their excess profit, but to the common man, the measures of Alauddin must
have been a measure of comfort. Self-Instructional
Material 163

NOTES
In-Text Questions
5. Assess the significance of Alauddin’s Khalji’s market regulations.
6.6 MONETIZATION
6.6.1 Money Economy under Delhi Sultans
The establishment of the Delhi Sultanate early in the thirteenth century and its extension
to Gujarat in 1299 and peninsular India a few years later brought about a perceptible
change in the production and circulation of coined money. There is evidence available
of multi-metallic currency system of gold, silver, billon, and copper, as well as the
reliance of the ruling class on moneylenders, who were paid in drafts (qabz-ha) drawn
on the revenues against their loans, showing signs of extensive monetary exchange in
the thirteenth century.
The principal silver coin of the Sultans of Delhi (1215–1350) was the silver
tanka of 169.8 grains. It was first minted by Iltutmish, probably at the standard of one
tola, and this weight standard as well as fineness was maintained by the later Sultans
until the first half of the fourteenth century. The gold tankas were minted in limited
quantities to be used in high-value exchanges, gifts, and imperial and elite hoarding.
The ratio of gold and silver coins that was established was 1:10.
The prices of essential commodities such as grain or garments, bought and sold
by man or by piece, and the daily wages of labourers and artisans were quoted and
paid in jitals. From the mid-thirteenth century, the silver content of each jital began to
be expressed in a unit of denomination called gani or dramma (2.83 grains). The
work, Fawaid-ul- Fuad, contains a reference to shashgani (piece or coin worth six
ganis) along with jital.
An expansion in the size of the silver and billon coinage was the hallmark of the
Khalji and early Tughluq period and points to a widening circle of money use. The
increase in the size of taxes realized by the state in money, cash payments to soldiers
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Society and Economy
and state functionaries, and the use of money in market transactions, suggest a higher NOTES
degree of monetization of the Sultanate economy during the fourteenth century than
that attained in the thirteenth century. A major shift in the use of silver and billon coinage
came about in the second quarter of the fourteenth century when Muhammad Tughluq,
after striking the tanka of 169.8 grains in the beginning, replaced it with a coin of
lower weight (144 grains) called ‘adli’, which was then treated as the standard tanka.
This coin for the first time carried an inscription in Persian. This new currency was
termed as token currency which was already experimented with in Asian empires. But
Muhammad’s experiment met with a failure as Barani says that every Hindu household
became a mint. At the same time, a new billon coin of 144 grains (44 grains of silver)
was issued and put on the scale of the jital as bistgåni.
The contemporary evidence also states that the coins in circulation during the
period of Muhammd Tughlaq were yakgani, dugani (two ganis), also called Sultani,
Shashgani (coin equal to six ganis in value), hashtgani (equal to eight ganis) and
duazdehgani (the coin worth twelve ganis). Sixteen ganis made one tanka.
During the reign of Sultan Firuz, sources confirm that he felt the need to introduce
the coin nimjital (half of a jital) that came to be called adha. Likewise, the dang-i-jital
(one fourth of the jital in value) was divided into four fractions and known as begha
(later chhadam).
Foreign trade was important for the process of monetization and currency
circulation for two reasons. First, in the absence of domestic extraction of gold and
silver and limited production of copper, India had to rely heavily on imports of foreign
coins and bullion to formulate its monetary system and replenish the circulating medium
with fresh supplies. Second, the production and sale of export goods created an
additional demand for money in the internal circuits of exchange.
There is no evidence of any significant domestic extraction of gold and silver,
and there was probably only a limited production of copper from the Rajasthan mines.
It can be seen that the production of precious metal coins in the Delhi Sultanate was
based to a significant extent on bullion supplied through trade with Central Asia, Iran,
the Levant and Europe. Also, a part of the bullion reaching south India and the Deccan
was brought to Delhi through military campaigns under ‘‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji and
Muhammad Tughluq.
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Material 165

NOTES 6.6.2 Monetization under Vijayanagara rulers
The Vijayanagara period was a period of increasing monetization with both the imperial
center and regional rulers minting their own currency. Many taxes and tarriffs were
paid in coins rather than in kind. It may be that much of the wealth was kept in liquid
form and not invested in large scale accumulation of subsistence goods. The increasing
prominence of currency in the Vijayanagara period was related to many economic and
political trends. These included the expansion of internal and international commerce,
the growth of temple towns and the growth and cash payments of a large permanent
military. The expansion in craft production and trade was associated with all these
trends.
The Vijayanagara currency system evolved locally within the Deccan itself,
deriving from the currency system introduced by the Chalukyas of Kalyana around the
middle of the tenth century. The kingdom adopted Indian metrological unit- the masa-
to determine the weights of their denominations. The value used for the masa was
0.856g. The nomenclature given to gold coins were referred as hon, varaha or gadyana
that was minted at the weight of 4 masas (3.4g) at about 89 percent purity. The hon
was provided with four fractional denominations in the form of half, quarter, tenth and
twentieth units, the tenth unit was fanam. The gold hon and its fractional denominations
could be used in a variety of economic transactions, ranging from purchasing luxury
items such as imported Persian warhorses to less expensive commodities like calico
cloth and inexpensive foodstuffs such as rabbits and grapes. This suggests that the
gold denomination was very adaptive and Vijayanagara monetary system was able to
function well with only very limited number of silver and copper coins. In the fourteenth
century, a tiny silver unit known as tara, weighing 2.5 rattis, was minted which served
as a small change for the fanam. Copper coin with 4 masa unit known as the chital
was introduced. The Vijayanagara coins had on the obverse an image of a Hindu deity
or pair of deities and on the reverse the names and titles of the ruling king, generally in
Sanskrit written in Devanagari script.
In-Text Questions
6. Describe the currency system that prevailed under the Sultans of Delhi.
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7. Discuss the monetary system that prevailed under the Vijayanagara rulers.
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Society and Economy
NOTES
6.7 TRADE
The merchants were attracted to the capital, and many villages through which these
merchants passed in caravans developed into towns and cities. The merchants from
Iran, Khurasan and Transoxania came by land. The villages benefitted from selling
fodder and drinking water to merchants travelling in caravans. Towns like Hansi and
Sirsuti expanded into cities due to trading activities. Hansi was a caravan route running
between Multan and Delhi. The territory of Kara and Manikpur supplied its farm
products to Delhi.
Multan was a major trading centre for overland trade. India was connected to
Central Asia, Afghanistan and Persia through the Multan- Quetta route.
Amir Kusrau gives the list of the types of merchants like the bazari, ‘market-
operator’; the saudagar, trader, intent only on profit; the bazzaz, cloth seller, prone to
a lack of rectitude; the baqqal (grain-merchant), sarraf (money-changer), and zar-
gar (goldsmith), all manipulating their scales of weights; and the muhtakir (engrossar),
selling rice at the rates of gold. Another commercial class of Multanis were engaged in
usury and commerce. The Multanis often lended money to nobles. The dallas were
the brokers who acted as intermediary between the buyer and the seller and took
commission from both of them. Ibn Battuta also refers to Sahs who were the Hindu
merchants of Daultabad.
The Indian maritime trade was conducted along the western and eastern coast
of India. The western coast of India, stretching from Sind to Malabar, was linked with
the ports of the Persian Gulf, Red Sea and East Africa. The eastern coast, running
from Bengal to Coromandel but including the Malabar ports, was linked principally
with South-east Asia and China.
The Delhi Sultans established relations between the Persian Gulf and Red Sea.
In the Persian Gulf, hurmuz (hormuz) was the most important entrepôt for the
international exchange for goods which were either bartered or purchased with money.
The rise of hurmuz in the thirteenth century followed the decline of the neighbouring
entrepôt of Qays, where there was a community of Gujarati Bohra merchants.
In the fifteenth century, India imported large quantities of Iranian gold and silver
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coins, ashrafi and lari. Disseminated from hurmuz and Basra, the lari became an Material 167

NOTES important currency of coastal trade in Sind, Gujarat and western Deccan. According
to Barbosa (1516), some amounts of ashrafis and laris (tangas) of Hurmuz were
retained by the Indian merchants after they had sold their goods and bought horses,
hoping to circulate them in India at a better value.
The major port in China from where ships sailed to India was Hangzhou, called
Zaitun by foreigners, in the Fujian province of China. It was reputed to be one of the
greatest ports of the world. By 1200, commodities of the maritime trade were mainly
carried in two types of vessels, evolved at the eastern and western ends of the trade,
and plying almost exclusively within their particular sectors, the ‘dhow’ and the ‘junk’.
Ibn Battuta gives account of the diplomatic relations between the Delhi sultan
Muhammad bin Tughluq and the Yuan emperor. The presents sent to Muhammad bin
Tughluq by the Yuan emperor had consisted of a hundred male and a hundred female
slaves, five-hundred pieces of brocade, 5 mans (64 kg.) of musk, five jewel-studded
garments, five gold-embroidered quivers, five swords, and hundred good horses with
trappings. In return, the Sultan offered a hundred male and a hundred female slaves
‘from among the Indian infidels’ (i.e. Hindus) - the latter being all singers and dancers
– a hundred pieces each of five varieties of cloth, five-hundred pieces of fine woollen
material and a hundred pieces of linen. Other items included a tent and its furnishing,
gold and silver vessels, robes and caps, ten quivers, ten swords, and fifteen royal
pages. We may conjecture that a large portion of the cotton which reached China
came from the three main coastal areas of production which had been exporting
overseas since classical times, Gujarat, Coromandel, and Bengal.
The most significant export of areas bordering on the Persian Gulf was of war-
horses, the vital military material by which land-based powers could maintain their
military ascendancy. Of staple commodities produced in India, teak-wood with its
superior virtues for shipbuilding had been used since pre-Islamic times for ships plying
in the Persian Gulf and the Arabian Sea. The export from coastal areas of India of
surplus grains — mainly rice — provided a staple food for communities in the Persian
Gulf, in south Arabia, and in the Maldive islands. Gujarat, Coromandel, and Bengal
exported cotton cloths and we have the evidence of Ibn Battuta that the communities
in south Arabia and Oman were entirely dependent on this trade for clothing and
staple foods.
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The main export items from India were cotton textiles and spices, rice, indigo, NOTES
honey, ivory and slaves. There was a variety of commercial goods brought by the
merchants from different countries to India. The Chinese mirror and silk, ruby from
Badakhshan, Arab horses, Morocco leather, glass cups from Syria and Rumi brocade
were in demand in the Indian bazaars. Isami gives reference to the availability of Chinese
silk like Khuz, Diba, Shir and Qasab.
The sea ports of Sultanate included Lahri Bandar in Sind and Cambay in Gujarat
(28 miles south-east of Karachi). Ibn Battuta states that Lahri Bandar had a large
harbour visited by merchants from al-Yaman and elsewhere. Cambay soon became a
hub of international trade and commerce. The artisans and workers in Cambay flourished
and constructed beautiful mansions and mosques.
As a result of progress in trade and commerce, the position and condition of the
artisan class improved. The important items of export that attracted the merchants
belonged to the weavers. The tailors skilled in their craft of cutting and stitching were
favoured for they catered to the taste of the members of the ruling elite as they were
fond of well-stiched garments.
The Vijayanagara Rayas also took measures to promote trade and commerce.
In the words of Burton Stein, ‘Vijayanagara’ means ‘city of victory’; as a historical
motif of south India from the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries, it may be construed as
something of a ‘victory of cities or town-life’. To foreign commentators —examples of
increased trade and urban life - the vigour of town life was one of the striking things
about Vijayanagara society. An important inland route connecting North India with the
South passed from Ayodhya to Kanchi through Nellore and Warangal, touching most
of the towns of Andhradesa. This was the chief inland route. The capital city of
Vijayanagara was connected by a route which passed through Chandragiri, Tirupati
and Pulicat. Another route connected Vijayanagara with Kalahasti and Tirupati in
Andhra.
The manufactures and commerce carried on in the Vijayanagara Empire provided
an important source of revenue to the state. An inscription belonging to the period of
Krishnadevaraya mentions the following articles of trade like millet, mangoes, salt,
brinjals, onions, turmeric, dry ginger, lead, tin and copper.
There was nexus between the cities and the largest merchant and artisan
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Material 169

NOTES of Bezawada, Komati merchants with Penugonda, and artisans with Pemdota. The
indigenous merchants mostly belonged to the caste of Chatis (Chettys), the Tamil form
of sethi or merchant. There were many foreign merchants known as pardesis which
included Arabs, Persians, Khurasanis. The exports were greater than imports. Persia
and Arabia in the west, China in the east and Sri Lanka in the South were among the
countries to which South Indian goods were exported. Pulicat was the principal port
of Vijayanagara period. Cotton textiles were exported to Malacca, Pegu, and Sumatra
and also copper, vermilion, dyes, and rosewater were exported to distant lands.
Motupalli was considered a royal port and the account of foreign travellers and Chinese
sources do mention the participation of Muslims and the Chinese junks which frequented
Motupalli.
In-Text Questions
8. What developments occurred in the pattern of maritime trade in Delhi Sultanate?
What importance do you give to the presence of the Chinese factor during
these years?
6.8 CRAFTS
6.8.1 Craft during Vijayanagara Period
Craft producers and the goods they produce are deeply embedded within broader
social, economic, political and ideological contexts.
The specific communities of weavers and smiths particularly experienced
improvements in their status, as evident in their increased prominence in temples as
officers and donors. The increased demands for elite textiles and metal goods played
an important role in these changes. While individual architects and sculptors may have
had similar experiences, we do not find a broad pattern of social enhancement for
stone workers during the period. Potters remained low-status village servants producing
a non-valued good that was consumed by all.
During the Vijayanangara period, craft producers were drawn into new pan-
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Society and Economy
its expanded flows may have facilitated the ability of some well-positioned artisans or NOTES
merchants to expand their workshops and access to resources. The participation in
market economies may have resulted in increasing geographic mobility for artisans
and artisans communities as individuals or groups could more easily relocate to areas
where they lacked longstanding social connections in order to take advantage of
expanding opportunities. Such areas included the temple towns of the southern region
of the empire as well as administrative centres and the Vijayanagara capital.
During the Vijayanagara period, the manufacture of craft goods was diversified
and ranged from goods for immediate use to the production of arms and weapons in
military settings and of pottery in temple towns and rural settlements. Vijayanagara
craft producers were able to produce a variety of goods and generate significant
wealth. The variety of craft goods increased over time to meet the demands of
expanding population and growth in commerce. Along with the labour, raw materials
for craft production were also widely available. The cotton production increased
significantly as agricultural production expanded. In addition, silk, dyes, iron ores,
precious and semi-precious stones, building materials and clay were abundant in South
India. Other materials such as copper was acquired through maritime trade. So the
demands of craft producers were easily met.
A high degree of specialization was required in textile production, which involved
technically specialized weavers, dyers, washers, starchers, cotton carders, tailors,
and merchants. During the Vijayanagara period, the intensity of textile production
increased dramatically to serve the demands of expanding elites and changing styles of
royal dress, as well as of expanding internal and maritime commerce. Kaikkolar,
described as weaver chiefs, were able to accumulate significant personal wealth,
including agricultural land and other property, and were in a position to make donations
to temples in their own names. The members of the five-fold smith community
(blacksmiths, copper or brass smiths, goldsmiths, masons and sculptors, and carpenters)
share a unitary identity at a broad regional level and sometimes appear as a single
category in Vijayanagara-period inscriptions as Kammalar. Gold and silver ornaments
and vessels were no doubt produced in large numbers during the Vijayanagara period,
and are mentioned in numerous texts. Also, the existence of blacksmiths and smaller-
scale smelting facilities were widespread in rural and urban contexts throughout South
India – producing and repairing cart wheels and agricultural tools, and manufacturing
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swords, arrow points, guns, armor and other military hardware. Carla Sinopoli mentions Material 171

NOTES that “blacksmiths are reported as having made and repaired axes, swords, bars, and
other weapons. Other metal workers mentioned in texts included tool sharpeners,
who honed swords and daggers, and tinkers who made and repaired armor, helmets,
face-guards, and the like.” Copper and bronze images of deities and saints were
produced during the Vijayanagara period.
The position of craft producers in social hierarchy varied along a number of
dimensions. These included the social and political value attributed to craft products.
The specific communities of weavers and smiths particularly experienced improvements
in their status, as evident in their increased prominence in temples as officers and
donors. The increased demands for elite textiles and metal goods played an important
role in these changes. While individual architects and sculptors may have had similar
experiences, we do not find a broad pattern of social enhancement for stone workers
during the period. And potters remained low-status village servants producing a non-
valued good that was consumed by all. Potters, producers of goods with low social
value, also had low social and economic status throughout the Vijayanagara period.
Other artisans who produced more esteemed goods such as textiles and metal objects
were able to improve their status in theVijayanagara period.
By the thirteenth century, India had established a reputation for its iron work, wootz
form of Damascus steel. The swords made in India were highly praised. Another
innovation in Indian metallurgy was the technique of tinning copper vessels, which
made it possible to use them for cooking. In addition to these, iron works, leather
crafts, etc. also received impetus.
As far as the mode of building construction is concerned, there was a radical
change. There were changes in the materials used and a shift to the techniques of
arcuate construction that involved the use of arch, vault and dome.
Artisans also learnt new techniques, such as those of lime burners among building
workers, in Firuz Tughlaq’s establishment.
Another device to lift heavy weights, the capstan, was used for the first time in
the transportation of Asoka’s Shiwalak pillar from its original site to Delhi. Each capstan
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had four arms by which it was rotated to draw in the rope looped around the pillar.
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Society and Economy
With the establishment of the Sultanate, paper manufacturing arrived in Delhi. NOTES
Paper cheapened the writing material and gave an impetus to book sales and circulation.
A new element was brought into glassware production in India namely enamelling.
A better quality of transparent glass also began to be produced.
The Sultanate period also saw the making of special kinds of glazed ware. This
technique spread from the Eastern Mediterranean almost simultaneously with the
expansion of Islam. The ware is described as being covered by a siliceous glaze by an
underlying slip or by an admixture of tin, which produces a milky white surface.
In-Text Questions
9. Discuss the status of craft producers in Vijayanagara period of South India.
6.9 CONCLUSION
The agrarian production, the crops grown by the peasant and various methods of
irrigation, the new technological innovations both in the agrarian and non-agrarian
sectors, impacted the overall processes of production and distribution; the emergence
of urban centres, bazaars’ and specialized marketing centres sustained extensive
networks of commodity production, trading networks and the increasing monetization
of the economy were all characteristic features of the economy of this period. This
eased the social mobility and the resultant was that many artisans and craftsmen
participated in the production process, thus enhancing their social status in the society.
6.10 GLOSSARY
 Kharif: monsoon crop

 Rabi: winter crop
 Bohras: Muslim trading community of Gujarat
 Kharaj: land tax Self-Instructional
Material 173

NOTES  Charai: cattle tax

 Gharai: house tax
 Mawas: rebellious rerritory
 Khuts and muqaddams: village headman.
 Haqq-i- shrub: water tax
1. Discuss the land revenue system under Delhi Sultans.

2. Discusss the dynamics of Indian Oceanic trade.
3. Assess the growth of the urban economy under the Delhi Sultanate.
6.12 REFERENCES
 Habib, Muhammad. 1974. ‘Introduction’ to Elliot and Dowson’s History of

India vol. II. Reprinted in Politics and Society during the Early Medieval
Period: Collected Works of Professor Habib, vol. 1, edited by K.A. Nizami.
New Delhi: People’s Publishing House, pp. 33-110.
 Moreland, W.H. 1988 reprint. ‘Chapter 2: The Thirteenth and Fourteenth
Centuries’, in Agrarian System of Moslem India. Delhi: Kanti Publications.
Reprint, pp. 21-66.
 Habib, Irfan. 1991. ‘Agricultural Production’, in The Cambridge Economic
History of India, vol. I, edited by I. Habib and T. Raychaudhuri, 48-53. Delhi:
Orient Longman reprint.
 Habib, Irfan. 1969. ‘Technological Changes and Society, Thirteenth and
Fourteenth Centuries’, Presidential Address, Section II. Proceedings of the
Indian History Congress, vol. 31, pp. 139-161.
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Society and Economy
 Haider, Najaf. 2010 “Coinage and the silver crisis “, in Economic History NOTES
of Medieval India 1200-1500, Volume VIII, Part I (ed.) Irfan Habib in History
of Science, Philosophy andCulture in Indian Civilization General Editor: D.P.
Chattopadhyaya. New Delhi: Pearson Education India.
 Siddiqui, I.H. 1992. ‘Social Mobility in the Delhi Sultanate’, in Medieval
India1: Researches in the History of India 1200-1750, edited by Irfan Habib.
New Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp. 22-48.
 Habib, Irfan. 1984. ‘Price Regulations of Alauddin Khalji – A Defence of Zia
Barani’, Indian Economic and Social History Review, vol. 21, no. 4, pp. 393-
414. Also reprinted in Money and the Market in India: 1100-1700, edited by
Sanjay Subrahmanyam, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1994, pp. 85-
111.
 Habib, Irfan. 1978. “Economic History of the Delhi Sultanate – An Essay in
Interpretation”, Indian Historical Review Vol. 4, pp. 287-303
 Sinopoli, Carla. 2003. Political Economy of Craft Production: Crafting
Empire in South India, 1350-1650. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
pp. 156-294 (Chapters 6-7).
 Phillip B. Wagoner, ‘Money Use in the Deccan, c. 1350–1687: The Role of
Vijayanagara hons in the Bahmani Currency System’, Indian Economic and
Social History Review 51, no. 4 (2014)
 Digby, Simon. 1982. Chapter V: ‘The Maritime Trade of India’, in Cambridge
Economic History of India, edited by Irfan Habib & Tapan Raychaudhuri,
Hyderabad: Orient Longman, pp. 121-159.
 Siddiqi, I.H. 2010. Delhi Sultanate: Urbanization and Social Change. New
Delhi: Viva Books.
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UNIT IV: RELIGION, SOCIETY AND CULTURES
LESSON 7 SUFI SILSILAS, BHAKTI MOVEMENT,

DOCTRINES AND PRACTICES
LESSON 8 JAGANNATH CULT, WARKARI CULT, AND

WOMEN BHAKTAS
Sufi Silsilas, Bhakti Movement, Doctrines and Practices
LESSON 7 NOTES
SUFI SILSILAS, BHAKTI MOVEMENT,

DOCTRINES AND PRACTICES
Dr. Madhu Trivedi,
Associate Professor (Retd.), SOL,
University of Delhi
Structure
7.1 Introduction
7.2 Chisti and Suhrawardi Silsila
7.3 Delhi as the Cultural Node of the Eastern Islamic World
7.4 Sufi Literature
7.5 Bhakti Movement
7.6 Summary
7.8 References
 To discuss the history of Sufism and Bhakti Movement in India

 To understand the role social played by the Sufi teachers
 To examine the relationship between Sufism and State
7.1 INTRODUCTION
Sufism was a mystic movement which marked departure from orthodoxy in Islam. It
basically connotes renunciation of worldly pleasures, complete devotion to God, and
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NOTES the healing of human hearts and sufferings through spiritualism and service towards
humanity. It is a way to reach God through rigorous practices of salat (prayer), faqr
(poverty), zikr (remembrance of God), fana (annihilation) and safa (purity of body
and soul).
7.2 CHISTI AND SUHRAWARDI SILSILA
Sufism was introduced in the Indian subcontinent in the 12th century with the advent of
Shaikh Moin al-Din Chishti, and it became an important institution during the medieval
period with great moral sway over the state as well as the populace. The popularity of
the Chishti Silsila (order) continued to grow under other Chishti Sufi saints, especially
under Shaikh Qutub al-Din Bakhtiyar Kaki, Shaikh Farid al-Din Ganj-i Shakar, Shaikh
Nizam al-Din Aulia and Shaikh Nasir al-Din Chiragh-i Dehli, and it became the most
significant mystic movement in India. Suhravardi Silsila was another important mystic
movement that made a great impact on the people during the 12th and 13th centuries.
There were many other silsilas besides these two mentioned above, such as the Qadiri
and the Shattari. These were orthodox in theology and practices, but liberal in public
life. Saiyid Muhammad Ghaus Gwaliori of the shattari silsila acquainted his disciples
with yogic philosophy and practice through his translation of the Sanskrit classic Amrit
Kund. His Persian translation entitled Baharul Hayayt was quite popular among the
Sufis.
7.3 DELHI AS THE CULTURAL NODE OF THE

EASTERN ISLAMIC WORLD
The most important event of the thirteenth century, which shaped the medieval art and
culture in north India, was the emergence of Delhi as the cultural node of the Eastern
Islamic world. During this period, Delhi also emerged as a great centre of the Chishti
silsila, which had a strong bearing on the growth of medieval north Indian composite
culture. According to Simon Digby, ‘the pre-eminence of the Chishti order over other
Self-Instructional Sufi orders was probably established by the 1230s’, and that Shaikh Qutub al-Din
180 Material

Bakhtiyar Kaki ‘enjoyed the enjoyed the allegiance of the reigning sultan Iltutmish, NOTES
and of the urban population.’ He notes that the prestige of the Chishti Shaikhs grew in
the time of his successor, Shaikh Farid al- Din, and perhaps reached its apogee from
the time onwards when Shaikh Nizam al-Din (d. 1324) established an extensive
khanqah at Delhi in the late 13th century. The Chishti shaikhs were revered by the
majority of Indian Muslims and the most widely attended rituals of pilgrimage took
place around their graves within the capital of Delhi. Simon Digby further remarks that
by the thirteenth century the cult of graves and pilgrimage to local saints was well
established in the Islamic world. Each khanqah or ziyaratgah, located at the grave of
a Sufi saint, formed a hierarchy with the murids (disciples) and khuddams (servants)
as the lowest rung of the ladder and the Shaikhs (chief) at the top. These Shaikhs,
used to guide the murids in the way (tariqa) and stages (muqamat) for union with
God. The capacity for union with God could be cultivated with their guidance alone.
For this, one was required to attach himself to some silsila to which the saints belonged.
Gradually, Indian Sufi khanqahs developed as influential centres of cultural
sharing as they provided a meeting ground for the followers of different faiths, and
integrated well to some indigenous socio religious customs, poetry and music. This
tradition may be traced back to the dargah of Ajmer in the time of khwaja Moin al-Din
Chishti who was highly venerated by the local Hindu populace. The Sufi Shaikhs used
to hold discourses with wandering Hindu saints such as the Nath and the Siddhas,
who made frequent visits to the khanqahs at Multan and Delhi. In Delhi, Shaikh Nasir
al-Din Chiragh used to discuss the importance of yogic breathing exercise. The process
of interaction became more intense under Shaikh Nizam al-Din. He had a large following
covering all classes of people including the Hindus. The spiritual congregations and
cultural gatherings, the mehfil-i sama (the Sufi music) and the urs (the death anniversary
of a Sufi saint) provided a perfect ambience for the amalgamation of Indian and Persian
musical culture. Music became integral to all socio religious practices followed in the
Sufi khanqahs and dargahs. New musical forms emerged here as a result of the
synthesis of court and folk music in the khanqahs of Delhi. The role of Amir Khusrau
is immense in this regard; he had close relations with people at the court and the Sufi
circle, and he was an ardent follower of Shaikh Nizam al-Din Chishti. The song language
used here was Desi spoken in the Delhi region. The amalgamation of Indian and Persian
music laid the foundation stone of Hindustani music, which did not remain specific to
any ethnic group, caste or creed. Self-Instructional
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NOTES
7.4 SUFI LITERATURE
The Sufi poets freely used Indian literary idioms for describing their philosophical
concepts, which led to the emergence of a common literary culture too. The Sufi
romances (premakhyans) were written in a language known as Hindavi, which was
influenced by Prakrit and Apbhransh. The poetic meters used by them were also of
indigenous origin. This trend was initiated at the khanqah of Multan by the Suhrawardi
saint Shaikh Baha al-Din Zakariya Multani during the12th century. He composed Persian
couplets in chhand, which was one of the folk meters used by the Nath and the
Siddha saints commonly referred to as Jogis in medieval literature and folktales; Multan
was a centre of them, and they frequently visited the khanqah of Multan. Chhand
gradually became integral to the Sufi music in and around Sindh and Lahore.
The process of synthesis was already underway at a deep level during the 16th
century when the Mughal rulers assumed power. There was an enormous rise in the
popularity of the Chishti silsila in and around their capital Agra. During this period,
under the patronage of Akbar, Braj region also emerged as a centre of Vaishnava
bhakti cult. There is a possibility that the sama music also had some impact on the
Vaishnava saints. The ecstasy of the performers at the time of the performance of
nam-samkirtan reminds one of hal. Their accompanying instruments were similar to
those used in the sama music such as daff, duhul (dholak), and it is also accompanied
by hand-claps in the manner of qawwali.
In medieval Indian historiography, there is a debate on the role of Sufis as
missionaries or whether these spiritual masters contributed to conversion in Islam.
According to literature from this set of historians, the Shaikhs at times accompanied
military conquests and actually contributed to the expansion of Islam in India. To one
of the earliest historians of medieval India, K.A. Nizami however, Sufis shunned all
court activities and had no involvement in the affairs of the state. They never attended
courts of the Sultans but their khanqas were visited by depressed classes who in turn
got attracted to the egalitarian Islamic ideology of brotherhood and converted. The
argument is that their charisma attracted people to their khanqas and that in this respect
they were peaceful missionaries. Bruce Lawrence, Carl Ernst, and S.A.A. Rizvi among
others also belong to this school of thought. Sufis are depicted as people who believed
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in pluralism and generally spread communal harmony. The counterpoint to this was NOTES
that it is the later Sufi hagiographical literature that depicts the Sufi as a missionary.
Richard Eaton, Simon Digby and Muzaffar Alam have held different views. For
them, even the Shaikhs of Chishti order participated in politics. They participated in
campaigns and interfered with the affairs of the state. Their spiritual territories, wilayat,
often overlapped with the temporal authority of the Sultans. The audience assemblies
of the Shaikhs were like courts of the Sultans. Both the arenas followed the same
court rituals and the two worlds of the Sultan and the Sufi were never really separated.
The Shaikh could control the ruler because he had the ability to bestow rulership on
him. In the previous lessons, you have already seen how ‘Ala’ al-Din Khalji and Shaikh
Nizam al-Din Awliya’, both were contesting claims to moral authority to rule. In this
conflict, the ‘ulama’ sided with the Sultan.
After the conquest of northern India by the Ghorids in the 12th century, Delhi
became the capital of the Muslim rulers in India, and at the same time, Ghazni lost its
former glory and was subsequently deserted. Consequently, the dignitaries, intellectuals
and enlightened class of people migrated from Ghazni to Delhi which was turned into
an important and big centre of Persian learning. From this period onwards, Persian
flourished in Delhi and beyond. When Mongols, under the leadership of Chenghez
Khan, ravaged the Perso-Islamic world, there was a continuous exodus from these
regions of poets, Sufis, jurists, scribes along with artisans, courtiers and other men of
note, who sought asylum in relatively peaceful conditions in India. The Persianized
traditions of these groups came to be implanted deeper in the north Indian milieu.
In the meantime, a large number of dedicated Muslim missionaries from Persia
and Central Asia as well as other Islamic lands were active in India. Most notable
among these were Persian or Persian speaking Sufi mystics, whose saintly bearing and
passionate preaching were important elements not only in the conversion of many
Indians to Islam but also in the spread of Persian language and culture. They also laid
the foundation for a number of Sufi orders (silsilahs). Persian lyric poetry has always
been popular with the Sufis as a symbolic expression of their love of the divine and
their longing for union with God. Thus, the Sufi brotherhoods and their hospices
(Khanqahs) also became instruments for cultivating Persian poetry among the Indian
Muslims. Sufi conversations (malfuz), letters and discourses on religious practice were
all written in Persian. Self-Instructional
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NOTES The sultans of Delhi in the 13th, 14th and 15th centuries extended generous
patronage to Persian scribes, writers and poets, along with the men of piety, through
revenue grants such as imlak, auqaf, idrarat, wazaif, etc.The royal patronage to
Persian continued even after the disintegration of Delhi Sultanate in the Muslim kingdoms
of Kashmir, Gujarat, and Bengal as well as in the North Deccan under the Bahmanids.
They helped extend Muslim rule and with this Persian language and culture, to most
parts of the subcontinent, as far east as Bengal and as far south as Hyderabad. Although
for the most part, these dynasties were not ethnically Persian, they were culturally rich
and thus became propagators of Persian language, literature and the way of life.
Persian language and literature in India were further enriched by the contribution
of great Persian poets of Indian origin. Besides Abul Faraj Runi and Masud Sad
Salman (of Lahore), who were pioneers in introducing Persian literature in India, there
were many others, who played no small part in providing a sound base to the Indo-
Persian literature. One of the eminent Persian litterateurs in those days was Tajuddin,
a Persian poet of Indian origin. He was a native of Delhi and lived there during the
reign of Sultan Iltutmish. The other two Persian poets of the indigenous origin, whose
accounts are available, were Shihabuddin and Aminuddin. The former was a native of
Badayun while the latter belonged to Sanam situated in the vicinity of Patiala. In
succession to these two poets, there appeared on the scene, two great mystic poets
Khwaja Hasan Sijzi Dehlavi and Amir Khusrau Dehlavi, both of whom were closely
associated with Chishti Sufi hospice of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. Besides their
significant contributions towards the growth of Indo-Persian literature, their poetry is
also noted for its sense of universal Sufi message, transcending religious and sectarian
differences. Thus, the Persian writers in India were either settlers from Central Asia or
children of those settlers who spoke Persian as their mothertongue or first language.
Explaining the cultural situation in which Persian became an important literary language
for people coming from different parts of the Islamic world to India, Mohammad
Wahid Mirza opines that the common language of these people was the same (Persian)
and these early settlers laid the foundation of the Indo-Persian culture, that was to find
its perfection in the 16th and 17th centuries under the Mughals.
During the 17th century, the Mughal capital was shifted by Shah Jahan from
Agra to Shahjahanabad (popularly known as Purani Dehli). The cult of ‘urs assumed
great importance during this period, especially amongst the Chishti saints. Many
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important cultural events were associated with it. These events assumed great importance NOTES
during the eighteenth century.
The Sufi khanqahs thus emerged as great centres of cultural sharing. The
composite traditions nurtured at the Sufi khanqahs and dargahs continue to be followed
even today.
7.5 BHAKTI MOVEMENT
Bhakti movement has been chiefly studied as a literary movement or mostly as an

ideological corrective to the practice of rituals and Brahmanism. The protagonists
talked of personal devotion to God without the external paraphernalia. A fresh outlook
to the rise of monotheistic movements in the fifteenth century was provided by the
study of Irfan Habib. He traced the origin of these nirguna (without attribute) bhakti
saints like Nanak and Kabir to the technological and economic changes during the
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.
Technological changes and other factors led to expansion of towns and alteration
in agrarian relations under the Delhi Sultans. Economic changes can be seen in the
increase of craft production and expansion of the textile industry. These sectors besides
others benefitted from the application of technology that the Turks brought in. Spinning
wheel increased cotton cloth production. More commodity production meant an
increase in commerce.
All these changes, according to Habib, created unstable conditions for the
merchants and the artisanal class. They were exploited by people above them and
their condition worsened. The prosperous among them were also not accepted by the
Brahmanical order, they had no social status in the hierarchy of caste. The Bhakti
movement is the voice of these people. It is noteworthy that the leaders of the movement
came from poor artisanal classes, Jat peasants and low castes. Kabir was a low caste
weaver and Nanak was a small time trader. Raidas was a cobbler and Dadu was a
naddaf (cotton carder) and Dhanna was an untouchable peasant.
Though the bhakti reformers were asking for change and protesting against
inequality, they ignored the women. Women had no role in the change that they were
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NOTES asking for. In fact nirguna saints, the third category of saints, were even more derogatory
to women. To Kabir, a woman was more horrible than hell. To Dadu Dayal, a woman
is but an enemy of man. In this respect, the reformers were not radical enough to
change the complete power structure of society.
Background of the Bhakti Movement
The post-Harsha period saw the rapid decline of Buddhism. This development gave
ample opportunities to the Brahmans to revive their power and re-establish their hold
on Indian society.
The Brahmans started emphasising and even creating new distinctions in society.
In every form of temple-priestly daily behaviour, distinctions tended to become rigid.
Every attempt was made to convert the existing socio-religious pattern into a paradise
for the high castes especially the Brahmans, while on the other hand, such conditions
were created that the life for the common people became quite unbearable. Besides
the economic plight, they had to suffer the agony of social discrimination.
In the field of learning and education, the Brahmans had established their complete
hegemony. In fact, education was exclusively used not to enlighten the human mind but
to support the privileged positions of the Brahmans and to deprive the common people
of any say in the existing order.
Such conditions were bound to stir the minds of the thinking people. They started
registering their protests against social evils. In due course, mounting protests became
more pronounced. Firstly, some of the enlightened Brahmans were quick enough to
notice the social decay and they did not have to wait long to realize that ‘Hinduism’
could not be saved in its existing form.
Besides, a new awakening also spread to other sections of the society. Many
leaders emerged from the lower classes to raise the banner of protest against the
prevalent system. In this process, the legacy left by Buddhism and the introduction of
Islam proved significant. The teaching of Islam with its emphasis on the unity of God
and equality of man had one significant influence on the leaders of the Bhakti movement.
Prof. Irfan Habib rightly points out that these saints “picked up their ideas from the
ideological store of Hinduism and Islam.”
The Bhakti movement has been chiefly studied as a literary movement or mostly
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talked of personal devotion to God without external paraphernalia. A fresh outlook to NOTES
the rise of monotheistic movements in fifteenth century was provided by the study of
Irfan Habib. He traced the origin of these nirguna (without attribute) bhakti saints like
Nanak and Kabir to the technological and economic changes during the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries.
The medieval period of Indian history saw the emergence of a number of
reformers, who may be placed in three categories:
(i) The representatives of the first category were those who confined their
work only to the religious sphere.
(ii) The second category contains reformers who extended the scope of their
activities to the social sphere as well. However, these reformers operated
within the framework of Hinduism.
(iii) The reformers of the third category were those persons who totally rejected
the existing socio-religious order and suggested an alternative path.
First Category
Perhaps the most important of the first category was Shankaracharya (788-820). He
laid emphasis on strict monoism (one God) and propagated the teachings of the Vedas.
He tried to give a simple appearance to Hinduism by rejecting many rituals and
ceremonies. However, he suggested no change in the existing social order which was
based on the caste-system. In fac, he defended it. Hence, Shankara’s popularity was
restricted to the upper strata of the society. He, therefore, failed to attract the common
people, who were the victims of the caste system.
Vallabacharya (1579-1531), who was born of a Telegu Brahman family, may
also be placed in this category because his teachings were more or less confined to the
religious sphere. He preached Suddha (pure) mononism (advaita).
Second Category
The reformers who belonged to the second category were aware of the urges of
common people both in the religious and social spheres. Therefore, they made a vigorous
attempt to reform the religious well as social aspects of the society. Consequently, they
stood against the monopoly of the Brahmans over the religious activities of the Hindus. Self-Instructional
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NOTES religion as simple as possible. They showed a direct way of approaching God without
the help of the priests through bhakti (devotion). The basis of their devotion was love
of God and his creatures. Since the central point of all their devotion was love of God
and his creatures, this movement has been styled by the scholars as the bhakti movement.
The leaders of this movement were called santas or saints. Because of the fact that
their approach to religion was simple, direct and emotional, and at times also rational
they were bound to attract the common people. Moreover, their all-out attack on the
caste system made them very popular in the lower sections of the society. Some of the
important saints of this movement were Jananeshwar, Namdev, Ramananda and
Chaitanya.
Third Category
The leaders of the third category were most popular saints like Kabir and Nanak.
Like the socio-religious reformers of the second category, they exposed as well as
attacked the hegemony of the Brahmans and the evils of the caste system. But still they
were distinct from others since they showed the courage to detach themselves from
the existing religious framework. They rejected both Hinduism and Islam and made a
bold attempt to carve out new paths, which ultimately led to the develpment of organised
socio-religious orders of Kabir Panthi and Sikhism.
Bhakti—Love of God
Almost all the saints were saturated with the love of God, Bhakti, or love of the Divine.
Some ancient scriptures recommended three paths for the emancipation of the soul:
(Path of Knowledge), Karma Marg (Path of virtuous deeds), and Bhakti Marg (Path
of love for God). It is believed that by following any one of these paths, man can be
released from the meshes of ignorance and that the emancipation of soul thereby is
possible. But those who followed the path of bhakti believed in direct approach.
A Bhakta needs no temple or church, no scriptures or priestly class for
establishing direct relationship with God. Love of God alone can help him to establish
direct communication with him. Muslim sufis also believe in this principle.
It is to be noted that the Muslims (Arabs) came to Southern India as traders
and merchants earlier than the Turks came as conquerors to Northern India. The
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ideas were bound to influence the teachings of many Bhakti saints of southern India. NOTES
The intermingling of the ancient concept of Bhakti and Sufi cult of communion with the
Divine produced a type of cultural-cum-religious renaissance which first emerged
prominently in Maharashtra. As M.G. Ranade points out that the preachers in
Maharashtra, “were calling the people to identify Ram and Rahim and ensure their
freedom from the bonds of formal ritualism and caste distinctions, and unite, in common
love of man and faith in God.”
The Saints of the Bhakti Movement
Now we turn our attention to the role and achievements of some of the noted saints.
But before that it should be kept in mind that it was not their love of God but their firm
stand against the caste system which made the Bhakti movement popular among the
masses. Particularly with the advent of Kabir and Nanak, the Bhakti movement touched
a new height.
Vallabhacharya
Vallabhacharya (1479-1531) is said to have been born in 1479 in Benaras of Telegu

Brahman parentage. He is regarded as a great exponent of the Krishna cult of
Vaishnavism. Besides he enjoyed very good reputation as a scholar. He produced a
number of works in Sanskrit and Brijbhasha. Some of his works are: Vedanta Sutra,
Sidhant Rahasya, and Subodhini.
The teachings of Vallabhacharya, as pointed out earlier, were confined more or
less to the religious sphere. He strictly adhered to monoism and the central point of his
teachings was loving God. He considered Krishna as the highest Brahaman and the
source of the highest joy. This attainment was possible through dedicated bhakti which
should be full of intense love. He insisted on the complete identity of both soul and
world with the Supreme spirit. He also advocated renunciation. Vallabhacharya attracted
many followers because of the emotional appeal of his teachings. He died in 1531.
Namdeva
Namdeva is considered to be one of the most significant figures of the Bhakti movement.
He is rightly regarded as a great socio-religious reformer. Though born in Maharashtra,
he contributed hymns, both in Marathi and Hindi. His teachings, which turned the Self-Instructional
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NOTES minds of man from the priest-ridden rituals to freedom of love, spread all over India in
the fourteenth century. He gave Bhakti Movement a social goal. Unlike Shankara and
Vallabhacharya, he talked about the problems of the people which they were bound to
face in a caste-ridden society. Namdeva was opposed to idol-worship and he openly
declared:
“Vows fasts, and austerities are not all necessary, nor it is necessary for you to
go on pilgrimage......Realise a fondness for the feet of Hari.”
Namdeva also stated that both Hindus and Muslims were blind in insisting upon
worshipping in temples and mosques, as man worship needed neither temple nor
mosque. Namdev categorically said:
“The Hindu is blind and so is the Musalman.
The Hindu worships in the temple and the Muslim in the Mosque:
But Nama offers his worship to Him who needs neither temple nor mosque.”
Namdeva attacked caste distinctions. He also insisted on the upliftment of
women, mutual toleration and reconciliation between diverse creeds and religions like
Hinduism and Islam. His message had great appeal for the masses. Among his disciples
many of whom became saints in their own right, were Brahmans, Marathas, the outcaste
Mahars, women and also some Muslims.
About the date of birth or death of Namdeva, there is a lot of controversy
among scholars. According to Macauliffe, he was born in 1270. Bhandarkar and
Carpenter do not agree to 1270. According to their opinion, Namdeva was born in
the 14th century. Still, there are other scholars who think that he was born in the 15th
century.
Ramananda
In Northern India, the pioneer leader of the Bhakti movement was Ramananda.
Regarding the date of birth and death of Ramananda, there is a difference of opinion
among scholars. But one thing is certain that he was not born earlier than the 11th
century. He was a follower of Ramananuja (1017-1137), the celebrated Vaishnava
philosopher. Ramananda forcefully preached against the formalism and superstition of
the orthodox religion. Perhaps, he was the first to use Hindi or Hindvi as the medium
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of his instruction and preachings. He was a Vaishnava who worshipped Vishnu in the NOTES
form of Rama and Sita. Though he did not denounce the caste system, he admitted
into his new sect people without caste distinction. His disciples, therefore, came from
all the castes and from both sexes and even his following crossed religious barriers and
Muslims also became his disciples. His twelve disciples included Kabir (weaver),
Sena (barber), Dhanna (jat peasant), Ravidas (cobbler) and Padmawati (woman).
Chaitanya
Chaitanya (1486-1534) was a child of his age. It is, therefore, necessary to say a
word about the social life of Bengal at that time. As in the rest of northern India,
Turkish rule had been established. There was, as elsewhere, a development of
understanding between the Hindus and the Muslims. Hindus offered sweets at the
Muslims shrines and the Muslims responded with similar gestures. Sultan Husain Shah
(1493-1519) was the originator of the cult of Satya Pir to which both Hindus and
Muslims were attracted. It sought to unite Hindus and the Muslims. Satyapir soon
came to be regarded as the name of a deity who came to be venerated and worshipped
by members of both the communities, Hindus and Muslims. With this record of amity
and goodwill, there were social tensions for the lower strata of society which groaned
under the tyranny of the ruling class. But the lower classes also suffered from caste
system and religious narrow-mindedness. Thus, the state of Hindu religious society
was most unsatisfactory. On the one hand, there was the worship of Chandi i.e. Durga
with all its concomitant sacrifies and tantrism of a debased and sensuous nature. On
the other hand, society was suffering from religious narrow mindedness, pride of
pedigree, superstition and excessive ritualism.
It was in this above-mentioned social set-up that Chaitanya was born in 1486.
His parents were Jaganath Misra and Sachi Debi. They belonged to a high class
Brahmin family. Chaitanya received good schooling. At the age of eighteen, he got
married. He set up a school on the banks of the river Bhagirathi and started his life as
a teacher. But he was disgusted with the prevailing conditions and left his school. He
went to eastern Bengal, where he held many debates on philosophical subjects which
added to his scholastic reputation.
At Gaya, Chaitanya met Ishwar Puri, a Vaishnava saint and preacher. Ishwar
Puri initiated Chaitanya into the Bhakti cult. Chaitanya returned home at the age of Self-Instructional
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NOTES twenty three completely imbued with the love of Krishna. He began to spend most of
his time in Sankirtana or singing in worship of the Lord. Chaitanya’s kirtans won him
hundreds of adherents from all sections of society, castes and religions. Two years
later, he took sanyas and started a round of travels, both in the north and the south of
India. He stayed for some time at Kashi and Mathura. He spents the last eighteen
years of his life in Jagannath Puri.
Chaitanya’s leading principle was devotion to God, the Supreme Being. But he
did not conceive of God as a non-arthropomorphic (non-human being i.e, nirguna),
but a saguna manifested in the charming personality of Lord Krishna.
Chaitanya’s God was a personal being full of grace and love for his creatures.
He calls Him Bhagwan or more often, Hari. According to Chaitanya, Bhakti and love
are best exemplified by the mutual love of Radha and Krishna. The way to salvation
lay in prapti or complete surrender to Him. Through a number of stages, man could
be closer to God. The first stage was shanti or quite contemplation. The next was a
dasya or service to Him. In the third stage of sakhya, the devotee felt a friendly
dearness to him. The next two stages were of vatsalya or love like that of a child for his
parents and madhurya, the all engrossing love of a lover.
Chaitanya thought that there was joy in life, for this was the tila or playground of
God. Each devotee has a place in Lila. In existence, there is no misery for existence is
not maya. Once the devotee feels that everything is a part of his sport, his attachment
to wordly objects will automatically slacken and his soul will be liberated. In this
process of liberation, Chaitanya gives great importance to Guru. Again, like the other
contemporary saint-thinkers, he was against asceticism or renunciation.
Chaitanya was also a social reformer of his age. He condemned all caste
distinctions. He insisted; “Learning these temptations and the religious systems based
on caste, the true Vaishnava helplessely takes refuge in Krishna,” Even when he was a
school teacher, he used to visit the huts and houses of the lowliest and the poorest. He
accepted all types of people, and a number of Muslims became his followers. On his
way from Vrindaban to Kashi, he even won ten Pathans to his Bhakti cult. Chaitanya
was fearless in his attacks on those who stood for orthodoxy and fanaticism. He
condemned the ritualistic system of the Brahmans. Equally strong was his condemnation
of the Qazis.
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Kabir NOTES
About the dates of Kabir’s birth and demise there is a good deal of controversy
among the scholars. But it seems to be most probable that “he lived towards the close
of the fourteenth and the beginning of the fifteenth centuries.”
Perhaps Kabir was born in a Brahmin family at Varanasi. Since his mother was
a widow, he was abandoned on the street from where he was picked up by a Muslim
couple: Niru and Nima, who were weavers. Kabir adopted the profession of his new
parents and continued to earn his bread from weaving. He also had a wife and led a
family life.
Kabir was a sensitive person, and, therefore, he found it difficult to accept the
social conditions prevailing around him. At this juncture, he came into contact with
Ramanand and became his disciple. But soon he made a distinct place for himself by
giving shape to his ideas which were rich in social content.
Kabir’s ideas gave a new dimension to the bhakti movement, which became
more social than religious in his hand. By providing a new social orientation to the
Bhakti movement, Kabir made it popular among the toiling people.
According to Kabir, there is only one Supreme Being although he is called by
different names like Ram, Rahim, Allah, Hari, Khuda and Govind. Although God,
according to Kabir, was without shape or form, he was the supreme object of love.
He declared that God and soul were identical and there was no distinction between
the absolute and the devotee. The devotee, therefore, needed no temple or mosque or
pilgrimage to reach him. Idols, avtars, pandits and ulama were superfluous; for the
devotees, love for God was enough. Union with God could be realised through intense
devotion (Bhakti) and guidance of a Guru who could guide the devotees to the correct
path. For union with Him, there was no need to renounce the world or to seek retirement
in solitude. Kabir preached a simple religion which had a special appeal for the masses.
To both Hindus and Muslims, Kabir taught respect for the living creatures,
abstention from violence and bloodshed, and renunciation of pride and egoism. “If
you say that I am a Hindu,” he declared, “then it is not true, nor I am a Musalman......
Mecca has verily become Kashi, and Ram has become Rahim.”
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NOTES However, Kabir was not a follower of either Hinduism or Islam. He kept himself
above Hinduism and Islam. In fact, he rejected the Vedas as well as the Quran. Kabir
said:
“Vedas and Koran are traps laid, for poor souls to tumble in.”
Kabir wanted to remove all distinctions based on caste and creed. Kabir thought
that blind faith and ignorance were responsible for rifts and strifes, and, therefore, he
vehemently attacked blind faith, ignorance, and superstitious beliefs of both the Hindus
and the Muslims. There are a large number of Kabir’s sayings in which he castigates
leaders of both religious communities for their ignorance and fanaticism. He also
criticized blind faith in the scriptures, idol worship, pilgrimages, ritualism, polytheism
and the like.
Kabir makes a scathing criticism of the practices of Hinduism in the following
words:
“There is nothing but water at the holy bathing places and know that they are
useless, for 1 have bathed in them.
The images are all lifeless, they cannot speak, I know, for I have cried about to
them.
The Puranas and the Karma are mere words, lifting the curtain I have seen.
Kabir gives utterances to the words of experience, and he knows very well that
all other things are untrue”.
Again Kabir blasts Islamic practices and attacks Qazis (judges) in the following
words:
“The five prayers which the Musalman offers are all useless, because their prayers
are a mere outward show and sham while they have some other thoughts all the time in
their mind.
By making a show of religious deeds, the Qazi deceives the poor people and
does them harm instead of good.”
While the above-mentioned criticism by Kabir of the practices of Hinduism and
Islam is self-explanatory, it speaks highly about the man who could dare to come out
so boldly in a society that did not have a high level of social consciousness. He did not
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care for the consequences while asserting his views on social evils and hegemony of NOTES
the pundits and ulama.
Kabir was really a supreme figure of the Bhakti movement whose radical ideas
not only exerted considerable influence on the people of his time but continue to inspire
us our times also.
Nanak
Nanak (1469-1539) was born (According to popular belief, he was born in Katik,
October-November, but historians do not accept it) on 15 April 1469, at the village of
Talwandi in Sheikhpur district (now in Pakistan). He acquired some knowledge of
Punjabi, Hindi and Persian, but had no deep desire for traditional learning. He longed
to know the Truth. With a view to enriching his experience of human life, he toured
extensively. It is claimed that he even visited Ceylon and Mecca. In these tours, he
was accompanied by Mardana, a Muslim by birth; it is said.
Kabir’s teachings had a profound impact on Nanak’s thinking. However, his
meeting with Kabir is doubted by Prof. Harbans Singh. Still, it cannot be denied that
there is much commonality between them. Both tried to carve out a distinct path free
from caste system, rituals and priesthood. On several social issues, they developed a
rational attitude.
Nanak died on 7 September in 1539 at the ripe age of seventy. The Muslims
erected a tomb and the Hindus a shrine in his memory. Both of these have since been
swept away by the waters of the river Ravi.
Nanak’s Janamsakhis say that the first words uttered by Guru after his revelation
were, “There is no Hindu, there is no Musalman.” These words also spell out his
mission. It was Nanak’s determination to keep himself above the religious differences
of the Hindus and the Muslims. He did not look at religion as a weapon to divide
people. Rather, he presented religion in a humane framework. He said: “When he has
established his goodwill for all, O Nanak, will he be called a Musalman.”
Again Nanak said: Religion lies not in empty words. He who regards all men as
equal is religious. He stood for “the essential integrity of humanity”.
Guru Nanak laid emphasis on the oneness or unity of God and he conceived
him as Nirguna (attributeless) and Nirankar (formless). This Absolute Supreme could Self-Instructional
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NOTES be understood and there could be no difference between his creatures—Hindus and
Muslims. It could also help in eradicating superstitious beliefs, polytheism and idol-
worship. Nanak used the name of Hari, Ram, Gobind, Allah and Khuda for his Diety.
To the Muslims, his advice was: “Make kindness the mosque, sincerity thy prayer-
carpet, and what is just and lawful thy Quran”.
The teachings of Guru Nanak were direct and simple; he strongly condemned
the superstitions of both the Hindus and the Muslims, he attacked the caste-system of
the Hindus. Caste system was regarded by him as being against the will of God. He
explicitey preached that “class and caste distinctions are just so much nonsense, that
all men are born equal.”
Again, Nanak expressed his noble ideas in the following words:
“I am lowliest among the lowly:
Nanak is with the lowly and has nothing to do with rich.”
Nanak further says:
“God’s eye of mercy falls on those who take care of the lowly;
Nonsense is caste, and nonsense the titled fame.
What power has caste? Nobody is without some worth”
With the passing of time, Sikhism became a full-fledged religion with its own
prophet, i.e., Guru Nanak, a book i.e. the Adi Granth latter on popularly known as the
Guru Granth Sahib, and a church (Gurudwara). Nanak’s pure and serene life, his
humility and forbearance won for him many Hindus and Muslims as his sincere disciples.
Although in the course of the next two centuries, Sikhism saw many changes, in its
essentials it continued to bear the indelible influence of Guru Nanak’s teachings.
Finally, we end our discussion on Nanak by quoting Dr. Gopal Singh.
“For him, there were no final truths except those that answered the questioning
of man-every man- through the ages. He never considered himself either the final
messenger of God, or an exclusive one. And therein lies his eternal glory.”
The saints of Bhakti movement gave to the people a simple religion with emphasis
on the unity of God. The soul was his part, which constantly strove to establish a
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communion with him. The path of salvation lay in Bhakti. Salvation could be achieved NOTES
through intense devotion and by all without distinction of caste or creed or religion.
These saints advocated a middle path of life. True bhakti lay neither in excessive
attachemt to the world, nor by renunciation from it. This was a simple creed which
everyone could follow.
The contribution of these reformers in the religious field was significant. But still
more important was their work in the sphere of social life. The humane teachings of
Bhakti movement had a great appeal for the masses. It showed the futility of meaningless
conflicts when the essence of all religions was the love of God. By showing a path of
direct communion with God, it struck at the exploitation of the masses by the priestly
class.
The attacks of Kabir and Nanak on the superstitious beliefs of both Hindus and
Muslims opened the eyes of the masses and created awareness in them to understand
their exploitation by the vested interests, and also paved the way for equality based on
the solid foundation of amity and brotherhood. These saints were against fanaticism
and therefore attacked Ulama and Pandits for creating an atmosphere of superstition
in their respective religious communities. Kabir boldly said:
This Mahadev, that Muhammed,
this Barahma, that Adam,
this a Hindu, that a Turk,
but all belong to earth.”
Again Kabir says: “he lives from age to age, who drops his family, caste and
race.”
Equally important was their effort to reform the existing social conditions. Their
attacks on polytheism and pilgrimages helped to check expensive rituals and ceremonies.
Their attack attracted people who were part of the caste system and released a new
social consciousness among the lower masses, particularly the people belonging to
lower castes. The lower castes saw in the movement a ray of hope for raising their
status in the caste-ridden society. Many of them joined the movement and some of
them became its prominent preachers as well. One of the disciples of Kabir was
Dhanna, an ordinary peasant. The other well known disciples of Kabir were Sain, a
barber, and Raidas, a cobbler. Self-Instructional
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NOTES The Bhakti saints were men of high character. In addition, many of them had
travelled widely and extensively. Guru Nanak is said to have visited most of the important
places in India and also Ceylon, Arabia and Iran. Chaitanya similarly travelled in most
parts of India, both in the north and the south. On their travels, these saints met people
of all shades and opinions. This further helped them to widen their mental horizon.
The saints of Bhakti movement not only raised the social consciousness of
contemporary people but also made a significant contribution in the development and
enrichment of their languages. In medieval India, Arabic, Persian and Sanskrit were
cultivated in the institutions of Islamic and Hindu studies. However, Sanskrit, Arabic
and Persian were not understood by the masses and what was written in these languages
was read by the educated elite, that is, the microscopic minority. But the message of
these reformers was delivered in the simple language of the common people. Their
common medium of communication and recitation was unaffected poetry as is seen
from Sant Kavya in Hindi Language and literature. There is no doubt that Hindi got a
definite shape at the hands of Sant Kavis like Kabir and Raidas. Similarly, the Vaishnava
poets of Bengal, Maharashtra and Gujarat contributed a lot to the development of
their regional languages. In Punjab, a new script, e.g., Gurumukhi was developed.
In the end, our discussion may be summed up by quoting Professor K.
Damodran.
“The Bhakti movement attained varying degrees of intensity and sweep in different
parts of the country. It appeared in a variety of forms also. Yet, some basic principles
underlay the movement as a whole—
First, recognition of the unity of the peoples irrespective of religious
considerations;
Secondly, equality of all before God;
Thirdly, opposition to the caste system;
Fourthly, the faith that communion between God and man depended on the
virtues of each individual, and not on his wealth or caste;
Fifthly, emphasis on devotion as the highest form of worship; and,
Finally, denigration of ritualism, idol worship, pilgrimages, and all self-
mortifications”.
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Prof. K. Damodaran further opines: NOTES

“The bhakti cult recognised the dignity of man and denounced all class and
caste distinctions and social tyrannies rampant in the name of religion.”
Giving the assessment of the bhakti movement Prof. K. Damodaran remarks:
“The Bhakti movement, however, had its own limitations. It is true that, through
mass prayers, dances and community singing, the personality of the saint inspired the
creative energy of the people. It awakened the masses to a new consciousness and
generated popular impulses to action. It considerably weakened the caste and religious
exclusiveness of feudalism and gave an impetus to anti-feudal struggles. All this is true.
But the impulse for religion is essentially through emotion and not reason. It is, therefore,
incapable of either making a rational investigation of the social problems or giving a
rational solution to them. The Bhakti movement, for all it did to awaken the masses,
failed to grasp the real causes of the maladjustment in the social and economic set up
and to offer a radical cure to human suffering.”
7.6 SUMMARY
In this lesson, you learnt about the role played by Sufism in shaping medieval society.
The Chisti, Suhrawardi and other silsilas of Sufism had great impact over the society
and the state. Sufism and Bhakti movement provided an easy path distinct from the
orthodox ways of religions.
1. Discuss the impact of Sufism on Indian society.

2. What was the social role of Sufis?
3. What was the ideological background to the rise of the Bhakti movement?
4. Discuss the teachings of Kabir and Nanak.
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NOTES
7.8 REFERENCES
 Digby, Simon. 1986. ‘Tabarruqat and succession among the Great Chishti
Shaykhs of the Delhi Sultanate’ in Delhi through the Ages, edited by R. E.
Frykenberg, Delhi.
 Moini, Syed Liyaqat Hussain. 2015. The Dargah of “Khwaja Gharib -un-
Nawaz” of Ajmer, Book Treasure, Jodhpur.
 Trivedi, Madhu. 2012. ‘Musical and Literary Synthesis in the Sufi Khanqahs in
Medieval North India’ in Sufism A Celebration of Love, edited by Ajeet Cour,
Noor Zaheer, Rifaqat Ali Khan, published by FOSWAl, India,.
 Trivedi, Madhu. 2010. ‘Music Patronage in the Indo-Persian Context: An
Historical Overview’, in Hindustani Music, Thirteenth to Twentieth Centuries,
eds. Joep Bor, Fancoise ‘Nalini’ Delvoye, Jane Harvey, Emmie te Nijenhuis,
Codarts & Manohar, Delhi.
 Trivedi, Madhu. 2014. ‘Amir Khausrau in the context of Indo-Persian Synthesis
in Medieval North Indian Music’, in Jashn-e Khusrau 2013 Celebrating the
Genius of Khusrau, edited by Shakeel Hossain for Aga Khan Trust for Culture,
Delhi: Mapin Publishing.
 Trivedi, Madhu. 2007. ‘The Contribution of Sufi and Bhakti Saints in the
Evolution of Hindustani Music’ in Sufism and Bhakti Movement: Eternal
Relevance, edited by Hamid Hussain. New Delhi: Manak Publications.
 Vaudeville, Charlotte. 2007. A Weaver named Kabir. Delhi: Oxford University
Press.
 Schomer, Karine and W.H. McLeod. (Eds.). 1987. The Sants Studies in
Devotional Traditions in India. Delhi: Motilal Banarasidas.
 Hess, Linda. 1983. “The Cow is Sucking at the Calf’s Teat: Kabir’s Upside-
Down Language.”History of Religions vol. 22, pp. 313-37.
 Hawley, John Stratton. 2005. Three Bhakti Voices, Mira Bai, Kabir and
Surdas in their Times. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
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 Manushi (1989). Special Issue. Nos. 50-51-52 (Jan-June). (Madhu Kishwar, NOTES
Ruth Vanita and Parita Mukta articles on Mirabai.)
 Digby, Simon. 1986. “The Sufi Shaikh as a Source of Authority in Medieval
India”. Purusartha (Islam and Society in Medieval India) vol. 9, pp. 57-
77.
 Eaton, Richard M. 1974, 2000. “Sufi Folk Literature and the Expansion of
Islam,” History of Religion vol. 14, pp.117-127. (Also available as Essays
on Islam and Indian History. Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp.189-199.)
 Pinto, Desiderio S.J. 1989. “The Mystery of the Nizamuddin Dargah: The
Account of Pilgrims” in Christian W Troll (ed.) Muslim Shrines in India.
Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp.112-124.
 Lawrence, Bruce B. 1986. “The Earliest Chishtiya and Shaikh Nizam al-
Din Awliya.” in R E Frykenberg, (Ed.). Delhi Through the Ages. Delhi: Oxford
University Press, pp.104-128.
 Rizvi, S.A.A.. 1978. A History of Sufism in India to AD 1600. New Delhi:
Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers.
 Sharma, Krishna. 2002. Bhakti and the Bhakti Movement: A New
Perspective. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers.
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Jagannath Cult, Warkari Cult, and Women Bhaktas
LESSON 8 NOTES
JAGANNATH CULT, WARKARI CULT,

AND WOMEN BHAKTAS
Dr. Parul Lau Gaur (Jagannath),
Assistant Professor,
University of Delhi
Dr. Shubhra Sinha,
(Warkari, Women Bhaktas),
Associate Professor,
Department of History,
Kamla Nehru College
Structure
8.1 Introduction
8.2 The Jagannatha Cult
8.2.1 Legitimization of Hindu Medieval Kingdoms
8.2.2 The Formative Years and Patronage of Jagannatha Cult
8.3 The Warkari Panth
8.3.1 Origin of the Warkari panth
8.4 Gender Roles: Women Bhaktas and Rulers
8.4.1 Akka Mahadevi
8.4.2 Lal Dey
8.4.3 Mirabai
8.5 Conclusion
8.6 Glossary
8.7 Answer to In-Text Questions
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NOTES
 To understand the development of Bhakti and cults, Jagannath and Warkari

 To discuss the patterns of patronage and legitimation
 To examine the role played by the female Bhakti saints
 To learn about the social changes brought by these movements
8.1 INTRODUCTION
Bhakti, as a religious concept, implies complete surrender to a personally conceived

God for attaining Moksha (salvation). One can see traces of bhakti in both Buddhist
and Brahmanical traditions as well as in scriptures like Bhagawat Gita, Narad Bhakti
Sutra, etc. The origin of Bhakti movement in south India during sixth century to tenth
century A.D. and its role in shaping the contemporary socio-religious and cultural
milieu are well-known facts in many folds. This movement, comprising Vaishnava and
Shaiva cults, spread in course of time to regions in north, east and west among the
masses through mediums of different dialects and leaders.
Hinduism has an extraordinary capacity to incorporate and amalgamate other
religions and cults. A cult is a system of worship- a complex of feelings and attitudes,
symbols (rites and rituals) and primarily a relationship with sacred objects and the
world beyond. The incorporation of aboriginal cults occurred in Hinduism from the
very beginning.To understand the Warkari tradition of Maharashtra in context to
contemporary socio-religious and cultural environment during the twelfth-thirteenth
century, this lesson evaluates the doctrines, and practices of the Warkari, and the
gender role along with contribution of the saints associated with the movement. The
emergence of three prominent women bhaktas in the medieval bhakti environment in
three different regions and three different time periods is quite interesting. The lesson
will also help in understanding notions like gender, patriarchy, sexuality, etc. How did
these bhaktin fulfilled their religious aspirations and created a limited space for themselves
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in male dominated world of bhakti? Were they revolutionary or conformists? An attempt NOTES
has been made to answer this question.
8.2 THE JAGANNATHA CULT
The process of Hinduization became intense in medieval times due to two reasons: the
rising Bhakti cult, which emphasised the universality of the divine, and the important
institution of temple which became a vehicle of Hinduization and received royal
patronage. One such process of Hinduization was observed in the context of Orissa.
The holy city of Puri which is the abode of Lord Jagannath, the God of the universe, is
situated on the seashore of the Bay of Bengal.
8.2.1 Legitimization of Hindu Medieval kingdoms
According to H.Kulke, an important function of a state cult of a medieval Hindu empire

was to cope with the centrifugal feudal forces through the three ‘ritual countermeasures’,
that is, the royal patronage of pilgrimage places (tirthas), of brahmins and through the
cult of new imperial temples. The Jagannatha cult was the most appropriate example
of this type of ritual policy. It fulfilled the essential functions of a state cult of the
regional Hindu empire. These were the vertical and the horizontal legitimation and the
ability to unite the various sub-regional nuclear areas of the multi-centred Orissan
Empire through regional loyalty.
The vertical or internal legitimation of Hindu kingship was based on the strong
relationship of the Orissan kings with the Hinduized autochthonous deity of Puri under
which the other sub-regional deities of Orissa had gradually been placed by
Chodaganaga’s and Anangabhima’s religious policies. The vertical or external
legitimation of the Orissan kingship manifested itself in the monumental imperial temple
at Puri and the recognition of its deity as the “king of the Orissan Empire.”
Thus, Puri’s Jagannatha cult provides an excellent example of the intrinsic
relationship between the emergence of a great regional kingdom under the Eastern
Gangas and of regional cult. One of the most fascinating aspects of the Jagannatha cult
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NOTES is its relationship with tribal cults, as still manifested in the unorthodox wooden figures
of Puri’s divine trinity.
8.2.2 The Formative years and Patronage of Jagannatha Cult
The ancient Sanskrit texts and Puranas give reference to the holy city and Lord
Jagannatha. The records describe the ancient account of Shri Purusottam Kshetra and
sanctify the temple of Lord Jagannnath. In the words of Kulke, there was a persistent
tradition of a strong and influential relationship between Western Orissa and the
Jagannatha cult of Puri, which according to both the legendary accounts of Puri and
the political history of Orissa was established for the very first time by the Somavamsa
dynasty. Therefore, none of the inscriptions refer to the present Jagannath temple.
There existed a famous Purusottam temple at Puri during the Somavamsi rule. It is
pointed out that the original image of the Jagannatha temple at Puri was a stone statue
of Nilamadhaba. It was Codagangadeva who promoted the movement of Vaishnavism
and built the Jagannath temple at Puri. An inscription elaborately describes the happiness
of the God Purusottama when he was able to move with his wife Laksmi into the new
temple built by Ganaesvara (Codaganga).
Ksatra and Ksetra
A significant transformation in medieval Hindu kingship was that ksatra (power) became
embedded in a network of relations with holy places (ksetra) of divine manifestations.
It was these ksetras which developed into places of pilgrimage of regional and even
all-India significance. Under the royal patronage, its kshetra became one of India’s
most important centres of pilgrimage, thus spreading the fame of its royal donors even
beyond their temporal realm. Puri and its Jagannatha cult is one of the most illustrative
examples of this close relation between ksetra and ksatra which is a characteristic of
medieval Hindu India. There were large-scale settlements of Brahmins in Jagannatha’s
ksetra and its hinterland, and land donations all over the empire enhanced the wealth
and greatness of the tirtha which attracted more and more pilgrims from Orissa and all
over India.
Jagannatha is an example of the transformation of a tribal God into a great deity
of the Hindu pantheon. The icon of this God is made of a big log of wood and some of
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his essential priests still belong to a local tribe.

Patronage to Jagannatha cult NOTES
Rule of Codaganga and Anangabhima III
The cult had developed in Puri away from the political centres of Orissa, Cuttack, yet
from a certain period onwards, it was drawn into the mainstream of the political evolution
of Orissa to such an extent that kingship became part of the cult, and the cult became
part of the Orissan kingship and its main source of legitimization. This mutual penetration
is closely linked with the formation of the first medieval Orissan Empire by the Gangas
in the early 12th Century which unified their southern homeland Kalinga with central
and Northern Orissa. The new relations between the Jagannatha cult and kingship in
Orissa found their lasting manifestation in construction of the present monumental
Jagannatha temple in the middle of the 12th Century and culminated in the ritual
dedication of the whole Orissan Empire to Lord Jagannatha in the early 13th Century.
Puri and its cult rose into prominence under Codaganga, the Eastern Ganga
king of Kalinga, who began to build the present monumental Jagannatha temple some
decades after he had conquered Orissa in 1112 C.E. The construction of a huge
temple for Purusottama Jagannath by outsider Codaganga was an act of reverence to
an important local deity of Orissa and a chance of uniting various cults of Orissa. The
building of monumental Vaisnava temple of Jagannatha by the Saiva king Codaganaga
was in congruence to honour the religious feelings of the conquered people of central
Orissa and to match the imperial Cholas with whom Codaganga had fought war.
Codaganga’s temple at Puri was built only for Purusottama and his divine wife Laksmi.
In the year 1230, Codaganga’s great grandson Anangabhima III took a decisive
step for the future religious and ideological development of Orissa. He dedicated his
whole empire to Jagannatha and proclaimed to rule under his overlordship (samrajya)
as his viceroy (rauta) and son (putra). It can be inferred that the earlier mentioned
lost stone image of Nilamadhava could have been installed by him. It was during the
same year that Anangabhima introduced the deity Balabhadra into the present
Jagannatha trinity of Puri. The addition of a third deity to an already existing divine
couple indicated a major interference with the established cult at one of India’s most
sacred ksetras.
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NOTES Influence of Pancaratra Philosophy on the Jagannatha cult
An important question arises as to why interference was done with an already established
cult (Purusottama), or in other words, the introduction of Balabhadar into the cult of
Puri. The Pancaratra philosophy came to Orissa which emphasised Krsna’s relation
to his sister Ekanamsa and his brother Balaram- Samkarsana. Ekanamsa was
interpreted as a form of Durga and Balarama as a form of Siva. The main deity
Purusottama was reinterpreted as Krsna. Subhadra from the very beginning had features
of Durga. Subhadra’s iconography had originated from the identification of a tribal
deity with a Sakta goddess. Anangabhima in an inscription has been praised as the son
of three deities, Purusottama, Rudra and Durga. This trilogy provided the germination
for the future Pancaratra re-interpretation of the cult of Puri. Now, Purusottama was
associated with Durga and Rudra. Siva in the form of Rudra-Samkarsana played an
important role in Pancararta. The Pancaratra system helped in the integration of the
three main regional deities of Orissa into the new state cult. The Pancaratra system
was almost ideally able to keep up the most important element of Jagannath cult. It
was later elevated to the state cult of Orissa.
In the year 1230, King Anangabhima undertook a pilgrimage to
Purusottamaksetra and again donated land to God and to a priest.
The years 1237 and 1238 witnessed further development of this Purusottama-
Jagannatha kingship ideology. Anangabhima’s earlier inscription began with a reference
to the “prosperous and victorious” reign of Purusottama. In 1238, the king even counted
his own regnal years as anka years of his divine overlord Purusottama. The dedication
of the empire to ‘the Lord Jagannatha, the king of the Orissan empire,’ combined with
vast land donations to the temple at Puri, and the formation of the trinity at Puri, must
have formed an integral part of an overall restructuring of the ritual policy.
Any service rendered to the king of Orissa became a service to Jaganaatha, the
new overlord (Samraja) of Orissa. Many successors on the Gajapati throne followed
his example and called themselves rauta under the samrajya of Jagannatha.
Rule of Suryavamsa Dynasty
Kapilendra (1430-1467), the usurper of the Gajapati throne and founder of the powerful
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Suryavamsa dynasty of Orissa, went a step further and proclaimed himself to be his
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first servitor (adisebaka). He even made Jagannatha witness of his action. Furthermore, NOTES
many of his inscriptions conclude with the explicit warning that any resistance to donation
and his own royal orders constitute a treacherous attack (droha) upon the state deity,
Jagannatha.
Kapilendra’s son King Purusottama introduced the royal service of ritual
cleansing of the three large chariots (ratha) of the Jagannatha trinity which continues to
be the most important privilege of the Rajas of Puri.
It is also imperative to discuss the famous car festival with whom the Lord of the
Universe was associated with its three chariots which carry Lord Jagannatha and his
divine sister and brother, Subhadra and Balabhadra from their Great Temple through
Puri’s “Great Street” to the Gundica temple, their summer residence for about nine
days. The legendary account given by the temple chronicle of Puri Madala Panji
associates Somavamsa with the Jagananatha cult. The oldest iconographical evidence
of the festival and its temple cars (ratha) comes from the later Ganga period. “A frieze
of a dilapidated temple at Dhanmandal in Northern Orissa depicts a sequence of three
temple cars, each drawn by a large number of devotees”. Today, also, three deities
are distinguished by size, colour and number of wheels. The car festival cannot
commence before the Raja or his representative has sprinkled the three cars with
water and cleaned them with a broom.
Within the context of the establishment of the regional kingdom, there was a
systematic settlement of a large number of Brahmins. The priests of Puri deity were
very powerful. They depended on royal protection and economic patronage and on
the other hand they always tried to keep the rituals as their dominion and main basis of
power free from direct royal interference. Though the priests were dominant they
were not united, and the Brahmin and non-Brahmin priests were at loggerheads. They
used the name of Lord Jagannatha as a defensive measure whenever they were
concerned. The Orissan kings (later Gangas) were aggressive in their relationship with
the priests and tried to control their power and interfere in temple affairs. The power
and prestige and the interference of the priests of Lord Jagannatha got ample
opportunities to increase considerably during the reign of Kapilendra and reached the
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NOTES point of culmination during the reign of Purusottama. This was because both of them
were not rightful heirs to the throne and depended on the priests for their legitimization.
Therefore, the Jaganaatha cult in a rather unique way fulfilled the essential function
of a mighty state cult in a regional Hindu empire. The Somavamsi kings patronised the
Purusottama cult of Puri and in order to consolidate and legitimise their rule the first
historically known Purusottam temple at Puri was constructed. The Orissan kings
Chodaganga and Anangabhima instead of choosing a new Brahmanic cult chose an
autochthonous cult which glorified them and legitimised their power in the domain of
the deity. The year 1230 marks both the establishment of the ideology of Gajapati
kingship of Orissa and the final formation of the Jagannatha cult of Puri. The most
important consequence of this Jagannatha kingship ideology was the undisputed position
of Jagannatha as the state deity of Orissa. Politically, it meant that only those kings
who controlled Puri and its Jagannath temple were recognized as the legitimate Gajapatis
and rulers of Orissa.
8.3 THE WARKARI PANTH
In simple words, it grew from a mere religious doctrine to a popular religious movement
based on equality and social participation. It is in this background that one needs to
study the Warkari panth or sampradaya (cult). Before evaluating the Warkari panth,
it’s important to note that there are five main sampradayas in Maharashtra: the
Mahanubhava, the Nath, the Datta, the Samarth or Ramdasi and the Warkari. Of all,
the most popular cult is the Warkari. It was initiated by Namdev (1270-1350) and
Jnaneshwar (1275-96) during the late thirteenth and fourteenth century. Jnaneshwari,
a commentary on Bhagawad Gita in Marathi, composed by Jnaneshwar is not only
integral to this cult but the followers venerate this text.
The Warkari cult is a living tradition in the region of Maharashtra and is associated
with both the Shaiva and Vaishnava traditions. The Warkari deity is Shri Vitthal of
Pandharpur or Pandarpur (on the banks of the river Bhima, in modern Sholapur district).
He is referred to by various names such as Vithoba, Vithai, Pandrinath, etc. and is
iconographically a manifestation of Vaishnavism, Shaivism and other folk traditions.
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standing on the brick (vitha), with arm on his hips and at times accompanied by his NOTES
main consort, Rakhumai (Rukmani). The hand on hips actually reflects the boyish
nature of Lord Krishna. This form of Lord is swayambhu i.e., the idol has not been
carved or etched but it came into existence on its own. The reference to him as Vithoba
also signifies that he is the idol or shape of knowledge. There are numerous stories
about the origin of his name. It’s interesting to note that the faith of Vithoba originated
in Karnataka and was later introduced into Pandharpur by a sage named Pundalik.
The earliest record of the presence of the Vithoba temple at Pandharpur dates back to
the late twelfth century.
Vijaya Ramaswami in her book “Walking Naked, Women, Society, Spirituality
in South India’’ is of the opinion that the theory and practice of Wari or pilgrimage
occupies a decisive position in the Warkari movement. To quote her, “A Warkari is
one who undertakes annual Wari or pilgrimage to Pandarpur as well as similar Wari to
the samadhi sthal (resting place) of the saints like Jnaneshwar (Alandi), Tukaram (at
Dehu), Muktabai at (Jalgar-Sholapur) and Eknath (at Paithan).” For a Kari (one who
undertakes pilgrimage), participation in the Wari (periodical pilgrimage) is essential to
his or her self-definition and this makes one different from other pilgrims. Besides bi-
annual pilgrimage, belief in salvation through trust in the grace of Lord Vithoba is
another important aspect of this faith.
Vitthal is adorned with many characteristics. He has overwhelming love for his
devotees and is like a loving mate. Another allegory used by the devotees is of Lord
Vitthal as a loving parent. Sometimes, he is also addressed as a female, Vithai. It’s
important to note that Vitthal’s longing for his followers is often greater than his followers’
desire for him. In the abhangs (devotional songs) of Warkari saints, one can repeatedly
see the use of imagery of love towards the beloved in context of devotion. The story of
love between Vithoba and Rukmani is part of Warkari literature. The Warkari panth is
open to all castes,high and low, including untouchables, rich and poor, men and women,
grihastha (householder) and sanyasi (ascetic). There is no gender discrimination. The
panth is not only associated with the creation of composite culture but also demolishes
the man-made boundary of caste and class. A Warkari does not indulge in any kind of
rituals except wearing a simple mala of Tulsi beads, which is also a sign of being
vegetarian (malkari). Besides vegetarianism, they also follow non-violence. One of
the reasons behind their popularity among the commoners is use of popular folk tales,
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oral traditions, bhajan and kirtan in the Marathi abhang form embedding philosophy Material 211

NOTES and religion. It’s also a way to preserve tradition and transmission to the next generation.
Other practices like participation in palki procession (carrying the padukas, symbol of
the feet of saints) by associating with dindis (organisational unit) was later developed.
In fact, dindis not only fulfilled the physical and spiritual needs of devotees but also
played an important role in the institutionalisation of devotional songs and literature.
8.3.1 Origin of the Warkari Panth
Before discussing the contribution of important Warkari saints, it’s imperative to look
at the reasons behind origin of the sampradaya in medieval Maharashtra. Vijaya
Ramaswami has discussed in a great length the socio-economic and ideological base
of the movement. The history of the region has been influenced by its geographical
location and political structure. Due to its position between north and south India, the
region has been like a buffer state with confederal character. During the thirteenth
century, the region was ruled by the Yadavas who were corrupt as well as inefficient.
Both the rulers and upper class were involved in the exploitation of the commoners.
Thus, exploitation along with the frequent famines had an adverse impact on the
impoverished lower class, consisting of peasantry, artisans, etc., resulting in
dissatisfaction among them.
The rule of Yadavas witnessed Brahmanical cultural efflorescence with emphasis
on following Brahmanical rituals, Karma/Dharma theory and way of life by the
commoners. Hemadri Pant in Chaturvarga Chintamani advocated keeping of two
thousand fasts, the preparation of varieties of sweets and list of offerings to the Brahmans.
Consequently, under the Yadavas, the monarchical power and the powers of Brahmans
and other upper classes not only aligned together but were like parasites exploiting the
lower segment of the rural classes, the untouchables. Apart from them, one of the
worst victims of Brahmanical patriarchy were women, with an immense ritual burden
on them. A woman had to observe a number of major and minor vratas (fast) throughout
the year like Savitri vrata, Shulka Panchami, Mangala Gauri, etc. Amidst this
background, one needs to look at the emergence of the Warkari movement in which
they simply asserted that the path of salvation and devotion for everyone through
Vitthal bhakti. There is repeated mention of differences between the Warkari saints
and the Brahmin priestly class in the legends.
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As far as the ideological base of the Warkari panth is concerned, Mahadeo NOTES
Govind Ranade in his text “Rise of Maratha Power” is of the opinion that religious
movements in western India are very similar to the Protestant Reformation in Europe.
This social and religious movement was later incorporated into the political campaign
for Maharashtra Dharma under Shivaji and the Peshwas. As per MG Ranade, the
Warkari panth was both ‘anti-Brahmanical’ and ‘heterodox’. It not only brought
marginalized section of the society to the forefront but often led to conflict between the
Brahmanical and non-Brahmanical manner of bhakti.
In-Text Questions
1. Warkaris are devoted to:
a. Shiv b. Kartikeya
c. Vithoba
2. Chaturvarga Chintamani is written by Hemadri Pant:
a. True b. False
3. Wari occupies a decisive position in Warkari movement:
a. True b. False
4. Which of the following is associated with Warkari panth?
a. Tulsi beads b. Dindi
c. Abhang d. All of them
The Warkari panth had a broad social base. The leaders as well as followers came
mainly from the unprivileged lower segment of the society like the tailors, carpenters,
potters, gardeners, petty shopkeepers, barbers, Mahars, Matangi, etc. However, one
also finds references of Warkari saints belonging to the Brahmin fold. For example,
Jnandesvara or Jnandeva, Muktabai, Eknath and Bahinabai were Brahmins, who were
detested by their own community. A significant aspect of this movement is the presence
of a large number of women saints, with most of them belonging to the lower segment
of the society. They were integrated into the panth from the very beginning.
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NOTES Namdev, one of the earliest Warkari, was a Shudra tailor. He was born in the
village of Naras-Vamni, in the Satara district of Maharashtra about 1270 A.D. in the
family of Vitthal devotees. His early life is shrouded in mystery as the Sant Charit
(hagiographies) related to him were compiled much later after his death. There are
references to many miracles performed by him. It’s interesting to note that he is not
only considered as a Warkari in Maharashtra but also as Nirgun saint in North India.
He is one of the earliest saints to use Marathi in his Bhakti poetry and his compositions
are also included in Adi Granth. Namdev, is said to have accompanied the great saint
Jnandeva on a five-year holy pilgrimage to the holy places of India. One of his followers
was Janabai, his maidservant who describes herself in abhangs as Namyachi Jani (Jani
of Namdev) and no account of the life of Namdeva is complete without her reference.
Both Namdev and Janabai are said to have composed a large number of abhang.
Namdevachi Gatha has some of her abhangs. His samadhi is at Pandharpur.
Jnaneshvar, a near contemporary of Namdev, was born in Apegaon near Paithan
in a Brahmin family that was ostracised by the Brahmin community. His siblings, Nivriti,
Sopana and Muktabai are also well entrenched in the Vithoba panth. He wrote
Jnaneshvari, a commentary on the Bhagavad Gita in Marathi and thus he placed the
Vithoba faith within the larger context of the Bhakti movement. Sant Jnaneshvar is
referred to both as Deva (God) and Mauli (mother). The Warkari tradition is associated
with both Saiva and Vaishnava tradition, and as per Jnaneshwar, for a Warkari, it does
not matter whether the name of the God is Siva or Vishnu. In his writings, there was an
emphasis on equality of caste and subversion of social norms, but at the same time he
advocated sati and was critical of widows who opted to stay alive. The language of
abhangs of upper caste saints is mild in tone and full of spiritual essence and is in
contrast to elements of social protest against the inequality in the abhangs by the lower
caste saints. Jnaneshwar died voluntarily at the age of twenty-two at Alandi.
Some of the other important saints were Chokkamela (a Mahar), Eknath (a
Brahmin) and Tukaram (a Shudra belonging to Kunabi caste). Chokkamela, a disciple
of Namdeva, was born at Mehunaraja, in Buldhana district in the thirteenth century
and since he was an untouchable, he was forced to live in a separate settlement outside
the village. His abhangs are autobiographical in nature. One can find the agony of
being low born on one hand and the conflict with the Brahmanical set up on the other,
as he is not allowed to enter the temple. Through his devotional songs, he questioned
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214 Material social inequality, the concept of purity and pollution. There are numerous folk tales of

interaction between Vithoba and the Bhakta Chokkamela. The whole family including NOTES
his wife Soyrabai, son Karmemela, sister Nirmala and brother-in-law Banka were
devotees of Vithoba and their spiritual and social aspirations were expressed in their
abhangs.
Here, it’s important to note that although there was gender equality, the ideology
of Panth was within a patriarchal structure, as discussed in context of Janeshwar. For
Eknath and Tukaram, women were symbols of worldly attachment and hence an
impediment to attaining spiritual goals. A general instruction was to be away from
them. However, these saints did accept women as their disciples, and the practice of
Wari brought men and women together irrespective of their social background.
A very significant aspect of the Warkari movement is the presence of numerous
women saints right from the beginning. Women saints like Janabai, Bahinabai, Muktabai,
Soyrabai, Nirmala, Kanhopatra, etc., while leading ordinary lives, were able to carve
out a space for themselves within the panth as guru and sant. These women came from
diverse social classes, indicating a broad social base. For example, Muktabai and
Bahinabai were Brahmins, ostracised by their own community, whereas Janabai was a
low born Matangi, Soyrabai and Nirmala were untouchable Mahar and Kanhopatra
belonged to the class of devadasi. Like the lower castes and untouchables, women
were also a dejected and disempowered social group during the period under review.
However, in Warkari Panth, the relationship between the God Vitthal and bhakta/
bhaktin is of equality and companionship. It’s in contrast to the Bhagavata movement
where the notion is of subordination of bhaktins. Abhangs of Warkari women saint in
Marathi are not only recited as part of folk-culture tradition but also makes one aware
of their aspirations, agony, and tensions in the path of Vitthal bhakti.
Muktabai, born in 1279 A.D., was one of the founders of Warkari panth, and is
depicted as a bhaktin, yogini as well as guru. Like her family members, she followed
the path of spiritualism and remained unmarried. She is said to have composed many
abhangs. Some are in the form of poetry and some in dialogues with other saints. In
context to spiritual content, her songs are often didactic, mystical, complex and obscure
whereas from the point of view of social content, it’s conventional. One can also
discern the influence of Nathpanthis on her, like adopting the practice of namajapa
(repetition of name) and the use of yogic terminology. The ascetic side of Muktabai is
more visible in the songs of her disciple Changdev, a tantric yogi. In one of her abhangs, Self-Instructional
she projects herself as a mother of Changdev. Some of her important literary works Material 215

NOTES are Nivritti Mukti Samvad, Tatiche Abhanga, etc. In fact, Muktabai occupies a
very important place in Warkari tradition. Another significant Warkari saint is Janabai,
a near contemporary of Muktabai. She was a daughter of a Shudra bhakta of Vitthal.
She grew up as a maidservant in the household of Namdev. Janabai has composed a
number of abhangs, which are compiled in Namdev Gatha. Her Dalit status, loneliness,
agony, sufferings as an unmarried woman, passion, poverty and orphan servant position
is reflected repeatedly in her verses. One of the most interesting aspects of her abhangs
is the various ways in which Vitthal is being addressed: Lord, woman friend (Vithabai),
beloved, child, and parent. Often, she imagines and mentions how Vithabai is helping
her in everyday household chores, and this brings dignity to the domestic work. In
comparison to Muktabai’s verses, Jana’s verses are full of passion, eroticism, and
love, and at times the expressions are vulgar as well as abusive. While describing her
daily routine, she talks about her loneliness, hard work, low status but without any
element of dissent and protest against the society. She compares her poverty with
Vitthal’s magnificence, but at the same time, for her Vitthal, she is willing to give up
shame, modesty and turn into a prostitute. There are numerous legends associated
with the life and devotion of Janabai towards Vitthal. Like Janabai, Soyrabai, a fourteenth
century Warkari saint, a disciple of Namdeva, also came from the class of untouchables
(Mahar). In her abhangs, elements of protest can be discerned, when she raises her
objection to the practice of untouchability, accuses Vitthal for not taking care of the
downtrodden, but at the same time, she readily accepts the patriarchy. Each of her
abhang ends with the expression Chokayachi Mahari i.e., ‘the wife of Chokha Mahar’.
Kanhopatra, a fifteenth century Warkari, coming from the class of devadasi, not only
repents for her abhorrent act as a prostitute but also asks the Lord to protect her and
claims that her love, devotion, body and soul is for him. She is said to have attained the
status of a Warkari saint simply by devotion to Vithoba and not through any guidance
from any guru. She is the only saint whose samadhi is within the confines of the temple
at Pandharpur. The story of Bahinabai, a seventeenth-century Warkari saint, is of
humiliation and hostility faced in married life in a Brahmin household while treading on
the path of spiritualism. She created her own spiritual space within the patriarchal set-
up giving her an identity. Bahinabai by choosing Tukaram, a Shudra as her guru, also
defied the Brahmanical norms. Her autobiography Atmamanivedana enumerates her
spiritual experiences and visions of her guru Tukaram and her deity Vitthal. She remained
Self-Instructional a dutiful wife throughout her life but as a woman devotee she always struggled in
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maintaining a balance between her duty towards her husband and the devotion towards NOTES
Vitthal. Her abhang takes up a large number of issues like oppression and dependence
of women, religious orthodoxy, the exclusion of women from religious space, issue of
bhakti, her religious aspirations, etc. Bahinabai is still a revered Warkari saint and her
samadhi at Dehu is a sacred place.
In-Text Questions
5. Which of the following is not a Warkari saint:
a. Muktabai b. Sahjobai
c. Jaitunbai d. Soryabai
6. Whose samadhi is at Dehu?
a. Janabai b. Changdev
c. Muktabai d. Bahinabai
7. Jnaneshvari is commentary on Mahabharat:
a. True b. False
8. Janabai’s abhangs are compiled in Namdeva Gatha:
a. True b. False
The Warkari movement is different from the Bhagawat movement in the gender
context. There is broad gender equality, and this is reflected in the abhangs of not only
high caste women but also of low castes being included and sung in the panth. The
notion of women bhaktas as “the bride of lord”, as found in Bhagawata tradition, is
absent in Warkari sampradaya. The relationship between the women bhaktin and
Vithoba is not of unequal love characterised by vivah but of equality and mutual trust.
As far as the notion of bhaktin as dasi is concerned, it is not found in Warkari panth.
The women saints are addressed with similar honorific prefixes as the males: Sant
Janabai. As per GB Sardar, because of dilution of economic differences in the harsh
geographical topography of Maharashtra, the social inequalities could not assume
distinct form. In the abhangs, one also finds anti-caste protests. Warkari movement
created a composite culture among the commoners, resulting in anenrichment of Marathi
language and literature. In recent years, amalgamation of Sufi tradition by including
verses of Sufi Jaitunbai has added another dimension to it. The Warkari ideology Self-Instructional
Material 217

NOTES appealed to both the downtrodden as well as women. Vijaya Ramaswami, while
emphasising the inclusion of women in Warkari Panth, also points out that the ideology
of panth was within patriarchal framework and hence the women saints were conformist.
However, the practice of Wari brought both men and women regardless of caste and
class together. During the course of Wari, they stayed, ate and prayed together and
this historical development cannot be ignored.
8.4 GENDER ROLES: WOMEN BHAKTAS AND

RULERS
In conventional history writing, no emphasis has been given to women’s history. Writing
women’s history and history of gender relations is a recent trend and credit for it goes
to the women historians. While emphasising the need for women’s history, the argument
that was at the forefront, stressed that women as a distinct social group, have established
patterns of behaviour and hence women’s role as well as achievement needs to be
evaluated either independently or in context to contemporary milieu. In simple words,
women’s history is not only history of women in society but also of challenges which
social structure posed in different historical phases through different agents to this
marginalised group.
After the rise and growth of Buddhism between sixth century B.C. and second
century A. D., the Bhakti movement was the most widespread, far ranging and multi-
faceted movement. It began in South India between sixth to tenth century A.D., moved
in continuing waves from one region to another, thus playing a crucial role in shaping
the socio-cultural and religious life in the Indian subcontinent. In other words, it grew
from a mere religious doctrine into a popular religious movement based on religious
equality and social participation. The origin of Bhakti movement has been a debatable
issue among the scholars, but the liberating aspect of the movement has been emphasised
by all in some way or the other. The Bhakti movement asserted equality of all souls
before God regardless of caste, class and protested against ritualism, formalities of
religion, domination of priests, etc. It emphasised simple devotion, love and faith as a
means of salvation (moksha) for all.
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One of the most significant aspects of the Bhakti movement was the emergence NOTES
of women bhaktas. Restrictions were frequently imposed on women during the period
under review, still many women left marks on the history of times in which they lived.
They struggled continuously in their personal lives and ingeniously used small spaces
that were permitted to them. According to Uma Chakravarty, “the problem of the
relationship of woman to God is an important aspect of understanding gender relation
in any society”. The question of women’s place in search for salvation is common to all
religions but it was especially more in the dissent movement of sixth century B.C.,
which had accompanied the construction of caste, class and gender stratified social
order. Amidst this, attempts were made to resolve the issue, leading to a plurality of
situations. For example, Buddhism was forced to concede and give space to women
within the social world of Buddhist Sangha. In one sense, Bhakti was a continuation of
this tradition but it also represented a significant departure because it collapsed the
distinction between the world of the grihastha and the world of the sanyasi. The Bhakti
movement opened the doors not only for the lower caste/ untouchables but also for
women. Thus, the experience of medieval Bhakti was different from the early religious
movement.
This lesson intends to focus on the role and experience of three medieval women
saints: Akka Mahadevi, who lived in south-western Karnataka in the twelfth century,
Lal Dey in Kashmir in the fourteenth century, and Mirabai in Rajasthan in the sixteenth
century.
8.4.1 Akka Mahadevi
To begin with women bhaktas of south India, one has references of many bhaktas like
Avvaiyar, Karikkal Ammiyar, Akka Mahadevi, Antal, etc. The emergence of Akka
Mahadevi needs to be evaluated in the background of Virshavism or Lingayata, a
religious movement initiated by Basava or Basavanna in the region of Karnataka around
1157 A.D. Politically, the region was under the reign of Chalukyas and Kalachuris,
and they with the nexus of Brahmans controlled the rural economy and society during
the period under review. Granting of Brahmadeya and Devdana had turned Brahmans
and temples not only as landowners but led to various types of oppression of the
lower classes, untouchables as well as women. It was in this background that the
Virashaivite movement emerged as a reaction to the exploitative milieu. Self-Instructional
Material 219

NOTES Virashaivites accepted Shiva as the one supreme God and were critical of the
authority of Vedas, Brahmans, useless religious rituals, priestcraft, polytheism, image
worship, caste/varna order, etc. Right from the beginning, they advocated an egalitarian
social order. Its door was open for people belonging to all social classes and castes,
including women. To quote Vijiya Dabbe and Robert Zydenbos, “Just as it condemned
caste and class hierarchies, it accepted the idea that with regard to the soul or
consciousness there is no distinction between men and women”. Thus, from a woman’s
perspective, this was a significant movement as not only women from different social
backgrounds, castes, and classes participated in it but they were encouraged to tread
on the path of spiritualism. It is interesting to note that of all important saints of this
movement, about one-third were women, and Akka (the elder sister) as the Akka
Mahadevi was popularly acknowledged by her contemporaries. On the basis of her
vachanas, the scholars have tried to decipher her mystical views and reconstruct her
personality as well as her passage towards devotion.
As far as Akka Mahadevi’s early life is concerned, it is shrouded in mystery. As
per the literature available, she was born in the village of Udutadi in Karnataka in the
early eleventh or late twelfth century in a family devoted to Shiva. Ambiguity of medieval
sources has resulted in the debate whether she was married to local ruler Kaushika or
not. A fact that is acknowledged by all sources is her renunciation of worldly life, when
she walked out naked from her husband’s home, covering herself with her long hair.
This aspect needs to be looked at as a path chosen by a rebel when she decided to
resolve the conflict between the inner spirituality and her married life. Negating marriage
with a mortal man was not only an act of challenging the established social norm but
also the patriarchal set up. She brings up the pressure created by the institution of
marriage between a wife and a follower of Shiva. For her, worldly family was impediment
in the path of spiritual journey. She repeatedly mentions the hardship which she faced
while trying to unshackle herself from the worldly position. Her acceptance in the Vir
Shaiva fold was not easy and it’s clear from the way she was asked questions by the
prominent saints about her nudity, rejection of marriage, her mystical inclination, etc. in
the religious gatherings. She openly declared herself to be the bride of Chenna
Mallikarjuna (Lord shiva) and her vachanas are intense in the expression of love,
desire, longingness, and agony. One can see the use of imagery related to nudity,
eroticism, etc. It’s important to note that the way Akka handles the question of marriage
Self-Instructional was linked to the question of sexuality and her explicit attitude of the female body. She
220 Material

confronts sexuality in a unique way. For her, body and sexuality were neither an NOTES
embarrassment nor an impediment in search of salvation but an instrument to express
devotion. She also opposed social restrictions and conventional social framework. It
is said that towards the end of her life she shifted to Sri-Shaila, a centre of Shaivism
and eventually died there.
Approximately 350 vachanas of her are available and they are one of the best
poetic expressions in Kannada language. The main theme is the love for Shiva, whom
she treats as a beloved, husband and a master. Often, she becomes an adulterous
lover while expressing her love for Chenna Mallikarjuna. Has penned numerous literary
works like Yogana-Trividhi, Shrishtya Vachana and Akkagala Pithika. Akka’s
position is significant in Virashaivite movement as her achievement was not only personal
but without any support. Akka and other women saints are often criticised that in spite
of opposing the patriarchal system, they continued to follow the same paradigm. In
context to this, it’s important to note that the content of vachanas is not of simple
submission but also of dissent and protest. Opting out of marriage by Akka is a symbol
of rebellion against the traditional social set-up.
In-Text Questions
9. Lingayata movement was initiated by Basava:
a. True b. False
10. Akka Mahadevi came from the family of Vaishnav sect:
a. True b. False
11. Vachanas are verse written in:
a. Tamil b. Kannada
c. Telegu d. None of the above
12. For Akka, Lord Shiva was beloved:
a. True b. False
Lal Dey
Lal Dey who is also known as Lalla Yogishweri, Lalla Arifa, Lallesvari or Lalla was a
woman saint from fourteenth century medieval Kashmir. Not much information is Self-Instructional
Material 221

NOTES available about her early life. As per legends, she was born around 1320 A.D. in a
Brahman family at Sempor and later was married to Nica Bhatt of Pampor. Her life
post marriage was full of hardship, allegations and there are numerous stories of ill
treatment meted by her mother-in-law. Lalla not only survived amidst it but performed
many magics as per Baba Dawud Mishkati’s Asrar-ul-Abrar, before walking on the
path of devotion. Like Akka, she also left the house of her husband and wandered
naked, engrossed in dancing and singing in ecstasy. Her spiritual guru in this journey
was a famous Kashmiri saint Siddha Mol.
She was a yogini, a mendicant ascetic, and a mystic who wandered about
preaching the yogic doctrines. What was the philosophy of Lalla, is an issue of debate
among the scholars. Some label her as a follower of Shaivism, others claim that she
was inclined towards Hathyoga and still others say that she accepted Islam. She was
also considered to be associated with Sayyid Ali Hamadani, a Sufi saint of Kubrawiya
order of Kashmir. Whatever may be the influence, it is certain that she was an inspiring
mystic and often she referred to God as Shiva in her vakh. God, for her, is also Sahaj
which means consciousness of the self. Her philosophy and ideas are reflected in her
vakh. As per Lalla, God is to be found only within and the various names given to the
Almighty is irrelevant. Vakh is also a testimony to her long and painful search for self-
realisation, impact of spiritualism, etc. It’s also an instrument through which she attacked
the caste system, idol worship, Brahmanical rituals, patriarchy and stressed on egalitarian
society. Like her life, her death is also shrouded in mystery. She probably died at the
age of seventy-one at Vejibore, in the vicinity of Srinagar.
As per Jayalal Kaul, Lalla is one of the first among modern Kashmiri poets and
is also considered as maker of modern Kashmiri language. Regarding the nature of her
Vakh, it’s interesting to note that they are not lyrical but they are thought provoking
and interrogative aphoristic verses. It’s interesting to note that there is absence of
erotic imagery and bridal mysticism in her vakh. As per scholars, it was also a medium
of communication between the elite and commoners. Lalla is alive in the memory of
the Kashmiri masses even today through her compositions. Pir Ghulam Hasan in Tarikh-
Hasan has called her a second Rabia, a Sufi saint of Kashmir.
To conclude, Lalla contested the issue of marriage, sexuality, patriarchy, and
spirituality to some extent, the way Akka did. The shedding of cloth and wandering
Self-Instructional
naked was not only an act of defiance but a challenge to the notion of honour as well
222 Material

as shame, traditionally associated with women as means to control sexuality in patriarchal NOTES
Brahminical structure.
8.4.3 Mirabai
She was born at Kudki (in Nagaur district), Rajasthan at the end of fifteenth century in
the family of Rathor ruler Rana Ratan Singh. She was married to Bhojraj (eldest son of
Rana Sanga), the Sisodia prince of Mewar. From her childhood, she was an ardent
devotee of Krishna. She looked upon the Lord as her husband and this became the
reason behind marital discord, ill treatment at her in-law’s place and it led to
abandonment of the house by her. Like Akka and Lal Dey, she also faced hardship
while wandering in devotion. Kumkum Sangari, while evaluating Mira, points out that
she not only renounced the family, broke the social norms but also questioned and
tested male authority.
The figure of Mira is constructed in popular imagination through legends, folk
tales, hagiographies and interpretation of songs, although at times it is difficult to establish
authenticity of poems attributed to her. Her presence in the sixteenth century has been
corroborated by the text Bhaktamal of Nabhadas. There are various images of Mira-
a bhaktin, a mystic, a beloved, a rebel, a dasi and a virahini. Mira belonged to the
Rajput aristocracy, which was known for valor, protection of women, segregation of
women, glorification of sati and Jauhar. All this was linked to control of women by
men. Mira rebelled in this background against her family and kinship group. She refused
to worship Shakti, the Kul Devi of the Sisodia dynasty. This was the first instance of
conflict in the family. Her association with the low community of bhaktas was also
criticised by her family and community. She broke the caste and class barrier by
identifying herself with the lower segment of society. A married woman in traditional
Rajput society was not allowed to mingle with men outside the family. Her movement
was restricted again and again. She was threatened by her family in different ways.
Still, she disregarded her marriage with Bhojraj. Mira did not consider her husband as
God but God as her husband. Her padas, written in Rajasthani- Hindi, not only reflect
her desire for Krishna but the images used in it at times are erotic. Mira’s padas are
lyrical, language is direct and simple. It conveys emotion of joy even in description of
pain and suffering. As per Parita Mukta, Mira’s adoption of Krishna as husband, is a
strong statement on personal liberties of women. An interesting point made by Kumkum Self-Instructional
Material 223

NOTES Sangari, is that, on one hand, Mira wants to seek freedom from worldly life and
marriage, but on the other hand, she seeks a new relation of bondage with Krishna. In
other words, she remains confined to the same patriarchal norms in her devotion to
Krishna, which she opposed. There are numerous stories of Mira’s end at Dwarka
where she spent last days after spending some years at Mathura and Vrindavan in the
company of saints.
In-Text Questions
13. Akka, Lal Dey and Mirabai were medieval woman bhaktas:
a. False b. True
14. Which women bhaktas are referred as “Brides of the Lord”:
a. Lal Dey and Mira b. Mira and Akka
c. Akka and Lal Dey
15. The language of Vakh is:
a. Marathi b. Rajasthani-Hindi
c. Kashmiri d. Kannada
16. All these women bhaktas belonged to lower class of society:
a. True b. False
8.5 CONCLUSION
To conclude, these three medieval woman bhaktas in spite of belonging to three different
regions and three different time period, have commonality in the way they questioned
and challenged the norms of contemporary society. Spirituality gave them freedom
which was not granted to them in orthodox structure and transformed them into thinkers
in their limited space. They all opposed marriage to a mortal man, walked out of this
bond and chose the path of spirituality, which was full of hardships. Acceptance in
Bhakti fold was not easy for all of them. They conveyed their views through verses in
the language of common mass and were critical of caste system, patriarchy, useless
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rituals, Brahmanical dominance, which was a sort of protest and dissent. They NOTES
transcended feminine virtues like beauty, modesty, gentleness and were referred as
shameless, mad (diwani) by the society. A question which has been often raised in
context to the woman bhaktas in the recent studies is, were they revolutionary or
conformist. It is true they opposed patriarchal set up in the society but were followers
of male God. In their spiritual pursuit, they followed traditional social structure and
perceived God as husband and regarded themselves as “brides of the Lord”. For
example-Akka and Mirabai regarded Shiva and Krishna as husband and their motto
was to serve like a wife. It’s in contrast to the perception in verses of male bhaktas like
Kabir, Tulsidas, etc. who regarded women as obstruction in the path of bhakti. This
idea is absent in verses of women bhaktas. The images used by them is related to their
female identity-wife, beloved, sakhi, dasi, etc. and signify aspect of subordination to
male God. Inequality between men and women bhakta continued and this is evident
from the fact that no woman bhakta gave leadership to any religious movement. It’s
true that to some extent they were conformist, but one cannot ignore the role which
they played in contemporary milieu. Even today, they are alive through their popular
bhakti compositions among the masses and some of the compositions are radical.
8.6 GLOSSARY
 Abhang: devotional song.

 Dasi: servant.
 Dindi: organisational unit, fulfilling the physical and spiritual needs of the pilgrim.
 Kari: one who undertakes pilgrimage.
 Malkari: a vegetarian.
 Namajapa: repetition of God’s name.
 Nathpanthis: a group of ascetics who were against conventional religion and
social order. This movement emerged in north India.
 Paduka: symbol of feet of saint.
 Panth: cult.
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NOTES  Vrata: fast.

 Wari: periodical pilgrimage.
 Warkari: one who undertakes annual pilgrimage to Pandharpur and other holy
places associated with the cult.
 Bhakta: a religious devotee.
 Brahmadeya: Land grant to a Brahman.
 Devdana: Land grant to temples and other religious institution a Brahman.
 Gender: Gender identity is understood in relation with sex identity of a person.
Gender identity is socially and historically constructed whereas sex identity is
biologically determined.
 Grahastha: A householder.
 Hathyoga: A system of physical exercises and breathing control in yoga.
 Jauhar: Act of collective sati.
 Pada: A verse.
 Patriarchy: literally means control or authority of men. This term was first used
in Roman law meaning rule of father. Social scientists however have used the
term to denote just man’s authority over woman but also refer to entire social,
economic, cultural and ideological structure that sustains it.
 Sangha: the Buddhist monastic order.
 Sanyasi: Ascetic.
 Sati: A Hindu practice whereby a widow immolates herself on husband’s funeral
pyre.
 Sexuality: is central aspect of being human throughout life and encompasses
sexual knowledge, beliefs, attitude, values and behaviors of individuals.
 Vachanas: A type of poetic prose penned by the Virshavites in Kannada.
 Vakh: Literally means speech, a Kashmiri genre of verses
 Virahini: A woman separated from her husband or lover.
 Yogini: a female yogi.
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NOTES
1. (c) Vithoba
2. (a) True
3. (a) True
4. (d) All of them
5. (b) Sahjobai
6. (d) Bahinabai
7. (b) False
8. (a) True
9. (a) True
10. (b) False
11. (b) Kannada
12. (b) False
13. (b) True
14. (b) Mira and Akka
15. (c) Kashmiri
16. (b) False
1. Discuss the various strands in the making of the Jagannath cult in medieval
Orissa.
2. Write an essay on the Warkari movement of Maharashtra.
3. To what extent did the women saints of Warkari movement challenged the
conventions patriarchal society? Were they rebels or conformists?
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Material 227

NOTES 4. Discuss the socio-economic and ideological base of Warkari movement in

Maharashtra.
5. Critically evaluate with suitable examples whether medieval Indian woman saints
could label as ‘rebels’ or ‘conformist’.
6. To what extent did the medieval women Bhakti saints challenge the convention
of patriarchal society?
7. Explain the emergence of women saints in medieval Indian society.
8. ‘Medieval women Bhakti saints were not revolutionary’. Elucidate this statement
with suitable examples.
 H. Kulke. 2001. Kings and cults: State Formation and Legitimization in

India and South East Asia, Manohar, New Delhi.
 A. Eschmann, H.Kulke and G.C.Tripathi ed.1978. The Cult of Jagannath
and the Regional tradition of Orissa. New Delhi: Manohar.
 C. Vaudeville. 1996. Myths, Saints and Legends in Medieval India. New
Delhi: OUP.
 GA Delury. 1960. The Cult of Vithoba. Pune: Deccan College.
 GT Ashtekar. 1980. Marathi Sant Kaviyon ki Samajik Bhoomika (Hindi),
Panchsheel Prakashan.
 GB Sardar. 1969. The Saint-Poets of Maharashtra, tr. From Marathi by
Kumud Mehta. New Delhi: Orient Longman.
 Iwao Shima. 1988. “The Vithoba Faith of Maharashtra: The Vithoba Temple of
Pandharpur and Its Mythological Structure” in Japanese Journal of Religious
Studies, Jun.-Sep., Vol.15, No.2/3.
 Ruth Vanita. 1989. “Three Women Sants of Maharashtra: Muktabai, Janabai,
Bahinabai” in Manushi, Nos.50-51-52, January-June.
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 SG Tulpule. 1984. Mysticism in Medieval India, Otto Harrassowitz, NOTES

Wiesbaden, Germany.
 Vijaya Ramaswami. 1997. Walking Naked: Women, Society, Spirituality in
South India, IIAS, Shimla.
 Ramanujan, AK. 1971. The Vachanas of Akka Mahadevi in Speaking of
Siva. London: Penguin.
 Lorenzen, David (ed.). 2004. Religious Movement in South Asia, 600-1800.
Delhi: OUP.
 Jayalal Kaul, Lal Ded. 2020. Sahitya Akademie, Delhi. (Available also in Hindi)
 Hawley, John. 2005. Three Bhakti Voices Mirabai, Surdas and Kabir in their
times and Our Times. New Delhi: OUP.
 Kumkum Roy (ed.). 2005. Women in Early Indian Societies, Manohar, New
Delhi.
 Kumkum Sangari. 1990. “Mirabai and the Spiritual Economy of Bhakti” in
EPW,Vol.25, Issue no.28,14 July.
 Madhu Kishwar and Ruth Vanita. 1989. “Poison to Nectar, The Life and Work
of Mirabai”, in Manushi, Nos. 50-51-52, January-June.
 Parita Mukta. 1989. “Mirabai in Rajasthan”, in Manushi, Nos.50-51-52,
January-June.
 Vijaya Dabbe and Robert Zydenbos. 1989. “Akka Mahadevi”, in Manushi,
Nos.50-51-52, January-June,.
 Vijaya Ramaswami. 1992. “Rebels-Conformists? Women Saints in Medieval
South India,” in Anthropos, Bd. 87. H.1./3. (1992), pp.133-146.
 Vijaya Ramaswami. 1997. Walking Naked: Women, Society, Spirituality in
South India, IIAS, Shimla,.
Self-Instructional
Material 229

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DEPARTMENT OF DISTANCE AND CONTINUING EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF DELHI

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HISTORY OF INDIA

DEPARTMENT OF DISTANCE AND CONTINUING EDUCATION

© Department of Distance and Continuing Education

© Department of Distance & Continuing Education, Campus of Open Learning,

© Department of Distance & Continuing Education, Campus of Open Learning,

Unit I: Survey of Sources

Unit II: Political Structures

Unit III: Society and Economy

Unit IV: Religion, Society and Cultures

© Department of Distance & Continuing Education, Campus of Open Learning,

1.0 Learning Objectives

© Department of Distance & Continuing Education, Campus of Open Learning,

UNIT II: POLITICAL STRUCTURES

2.0 Learning Objectives

3.0 Learning Objectives

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4.0 Learning Objectives

© Department of Distance & Continuing Education, Campus of Open Learning,

LESSON 5 POLITICAL CULTURES: GUJARAT 119-148

5.0 Learning Objectives

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UNIT III: SOCIETY AND ECONOMY

6.0 Learning Objectives

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UNIT IV: RELIGION, SOCIETY AND CULTURES

7.0 Learning Objectives

8.0 Learning Objectives

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8.4 Gender Roles: Women Bhaktas and Rulers

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LESSON 1 SURVEY OF SOURCES

1.0 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

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© Department of Distance & Continuing Education, Campus of Open Learning,

1.2 PERSIAN TA’RIKH TRADITIONS

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1.2.1 Categories of Persian Ta’rikh Tradition

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1. The General or Universal History of the Muslim World

Minhaj al-Siraj Juzjani: Tabaqat-i Nasiri (1259-60)

Juzjani’s Tabaqat-i Nasiri, dedicated to Sultan Nasir al-Din Mahmud (1246-66), is a

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Yahya ibn Ahmad Sarhindi: Ta’rikh-i Mubarak Shahi (1428-34)

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Muhammad Bihamad Khani: Ta’rikh-i Muhammadi (1439)

Bihamad Khani’s Ta’rikh-i Muhammadi is very similar to Juzjani’s Tabaqat but in

2. The Manaqib or Fazail Type of History

Shams al-Din Siraj Afif: Ta’rikh-i Firuz Shahi (c. 1398-99)

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Unknown Author: Sirat-i Firuz Shahi (1370)

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3. The Didactic History

Zia al-Din Barani: Ta’rikh-i Firuz Shahi (1357)

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© Department of Distance & Continuing Education, Campus of Open Learning,

NOTES 4. Artistic Form of History Writing

Hasan Nizami: Taj al-Ma’athir (1206-1217/1228)

Amir Khusrau: Historical Khamsa (1289-1320) and one prose,

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© Department of Distance & Continuing Education, Campus of Open Learning,