^^'

HENRY BRADSHAW SOCIETY

;^ounbeb in t^t ^tax of

Our Bor^ 1890

for

t^t

iUtirx^

of

(Rare

Bifur^tcaf

Zt]ctB.

Vol.

XXXVI,

ISSUED TO MEMBERS FOR THE YEAR

AND

igo8,

PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY

BY

HARRISON AND SONS,

ST.

MARTIN'S

LANE,

PRINTERS IN ORDINARY TO HIS MAJESTY.

FACSIMILES
OF

THE CREEDS
FROM EARLY MANUSCRIPTS.
EDITED BY

A.

E.

BURN,

D.D.

WITH PALAEOGRAPHICAL NOTES BY

The Late DR.

LUDWIG TRAUBE.

HARRISON AND

bonbon SONS, ST. MARTIN'S LANE,

His Majesty.

Printers in Ordinary to

iQog.

4 ^T^^t3 15 7^

LONDOK
HARRISON AND SONS, PRINTERS IN ORDINARY TO HIS MAJESTY,
ST.

martin's lane.

CONTENTS.
PAGE

Preface

...

vii

HISTORICAL NOTES BY THE REV.

I.

A.

E.

BURN,

D.D.

The

I.

Apostles' Creed
Introduction
...

2.
3.

Creed of Cyprian of Toulon

Cod. Bernensis, N. 645

(^Cod. Colon.

212)

2
3

4.
5.

The

Gallican Sacramentary {Cod. Paris,

Gallican Missal {Cod. Vatic. Pal.

lat.

13246)

4 6

The

lat.

493)
lat.

6. 7.
8.

The Sacramentary of Gellone

{Cod. Paris,

12048)
...

8
ID
12

'Y\i&(Zxt.^A o{Yx\mm\\xs,{Cod. Einsidlensis, 199)

Conclusions

II.

The Nicene Creed

I.

in

(i)

Cod. Vatic,

lat.

1322

(ii)

Cod. Tolos. 364; 13

IS

The Creed The

of the Nicene Council

...

2.

Constantinopolitanum

III.

The Athanasian Creed:

I.

Introduction
Leidrat's

...

18

2. 3.

MS
I.

18
15

Cod. Petriburg. Q.
Cod. Monacensis

20
21

4.

5-

lat.

6298

Cod. Ambrosianus, O. 212 sup.

22
23

6.

Conclusions

...

PALAEOGRAPHICAL NOTES BY THE LATE

I.

DR.

LUDWIG TRAUBE.

Facsimiles of the Apostles' Creed

I.

Introduction

...

27 27
'.

2.
3.

Cod. Bernensis, N. 645 Cod. Paris,

lat.
\

12^6

28

MJe35988

VI

CONTENTS.
PAGE.

4.

5.

Cod. Vatic. Pal.

lat. i\gi

31 31
...

Cod. Paris,

lat.

\20\%
...
...

I 6.

Cod. Einsidlensis, 199

...

...

...

...

...

...

33

II.

Facsimiles of the Nicene

I
I.

Creed:
34
...

Rome

Cod. Vatic,

tat.

1322
...
...

2.

Cod. Tolosanus, 364

...

36

SUPPLEMENTARY NOTE ON COD. COLON.

PALAOGRAPHISCHE BEMERKUNGEN VON

212,

BY

C.

H.

TURNER,

M.A...

39

DR.

LUDWIG TRAUBE
43

(the German Version of the above Notes)

FACSIMILES AND TRANSCRIPTS.

I.

Cod. Colon. 212 (Darmstad. 2326),

fol.

113.

II.

fol.
fol.

113V.
114.

III.

fol.

IV.

Cod. Bernensis, N. 645,

Cod. Paris,
lat.

72.

13246,
lat.

fol. 88.
fol.
fol. fol.

V.

Cod.

Vat

Palat.

lat.

493,

16.

VI.
VII.

i6v.
17.

VIII.
IX.

Cod. Paris,

12048,

fol.
fol.

181.

191V.

X.
,

Cod. Einsidlensis 199,

Cod. Vatic,

lat.

p.

474.
15 3v. 154.

XI.
XII.
XIII.

1322,

fol.

fol.

Cod. Tolosanus 364,

fol. 4, fol.
fol.

4v.

XIV.

104,
fol.
fol.

fol.

104V.

XV.
XVI.
XVII.
XVIII.

Cod. Lugdunensis S. Fid.

109V.
1

I.

14.

fol.

114V.

Cod. Petriburgensis Q.

lat.

15, fol. 63.

fol.

XIX.

63V.

XX.
XXI.
XXII.
XXIII.

Cod. Monacensis

6298

(Fris. 98), fol. iv.

fol.

fol. 2.

Cod. Ambrosianus

212 sup.,
,

14.

fol.

14V.

XXIV.

fol. 15.

PREFACE.
The
MSS.
task

which

have attempted
It

in

this

book of facsimiles has grown more serious

during the past eight years.

of the

sprang from a desire to collect some photographs of early

was puzzling over Cod. Petriburg., Q. 15, it was my good fortune to obtain an introduction to Dr. L. Traube. His interest in the photograph led him to write his most suggestive article Perrona Scottorum} Everyone who knew him personally found a fascination in his treatment of the subject of palaeography, which has been too often at the mercy of theorists, who possessed neither his mastery over details nor his sure
Quicumque
uult.

While

i.

grasp of principles.
still

new

science.

He was qualified to be a pioneer in the laying of foundations of what is When he consented to write palaeographical notes for this book it entered
Despite increasing weakness he took an interest
in
it

on a new phase of potential usefulness.

to the

end of

his

life.

His

heirs
all

and

his literary executor, Dr. P.

Lehmann, have been most

kind

in

putting at our disposal

his papers

which had reference to the subject.

In Dr. Traube's

own

words, palaeographical notes on a collection of photographs

serve other than palaeographical ends must be something of a tour de force.

MSS.

in

question are of more than average palaeographical interest,

in

made to But many of the and some of them have

to take the risk

not been reproduced

any

collection of facsimiles, so

it

seemed worth while

of producing a book without

much

unity from the palaeographical point of view.

interest

The

venture
at

has been

justified, as

believe,

by the

and importance of Dr. Traube's discussions of

lat.

least three of the

MSS.,

Cod. Einsidlensis, 199, Cod. Paris,

13246, and Cod. Petriburg.,

Q.

i-

15-

My own

notes on the historical interest of the creed forms published in facsimile (with
for the first time^ are of necessity brief
until the

two exceptions)
other.

My

theories about the

is

forms are only put forward as working hypotheses

evidence

better

more obscure explained by some

remain unsolved
test

We

must be content

to let

many problems

in the history of the creeds

is

for the present, but

we

shall

make no

progress unless some theory

provided by which to
searched out.

the facts collected, or to point in the direction in which

new

facts

may be

Each group of MSS. has been

the Creed of Cyprian of Toulon,
I

selected with reference to

some problem.

The MSS.

of In

the Apostles' Creed have been chosen to throw light on the history of the Textus receptus.
shall exhibit

a pure Galilean Creed, then an Anglo-Saxon

of

recension of the Old

Roman

Creed, then different stages

approach to the

final

form

'

Sitzungsberichte der kgl. bayer.

'

Mabillon published a woodcut of the

i,

Akad. der Wissenschaften, Miincheri, 1900, iv, first words of the Quicumque uult

p.

469. Cod. Petriburg., Q.

I.

in

15 {de re

diplomatica, ed. 1789,

Apostles' Creeds, 1875,

366).
P-

Swainson pubHshed a copy of one page of Cod. Ambros., O. 212 sup.

(Nicetie

and

'>

534-)

Vlll

PREFACE.
in the

adopted

West, ending with the Creed of Priminius which

is

the

first

dated occurrence of

the completed form.

The

history of the Latin text of the

Creed of the Council of Nicaea

is

less

important than

the history of the later so-called Constantinopolitan Creed, the Latin versions of which open

out an almost unworked field of enquiry.

The MSS. which

in

quote,

apart

from

their

palaeographical interest, are

important links

the chain of evidence which connects the

Constantinopolitan Creed with the Church of Jerusalem.

With the third group of MSS. we enter upon Creed, more accurately described as the Quicumque
will

the debateable ground of the Athanasian

7ndt.
It
kill

may be hoped
in

that this collection

it

give the

cotip

de grace to the theory, which

in

is

hard to

England, though
in its

has been
is

pronounced dead
earlier

Belgium and Germany,' that no MS. of the Creed

century.

present form
L.
Delisle,

of

date

than the ninth

Through

the

kindness of M.

Vice-

President of the Society,

who was

the

first

to call attention to the

MS.,
see

am
in

able to publish

the text found in a MS., which was presented by Bishop Leidrat to the Altar of S.
in

Stephen

Lyons with an autograph

Delisle

inscription.

Leidrat

resigned

his

a.d.

814.

As

M.

points

out,

this

terminus ad quern

in the

case of one
In fact

assistance in enabling us to date others

more

confidently.

MS. may be of great we need not hesitate to

accept the palaeographical arguments by which the other

or even (in the case of the Milan

MSS.
from

are assigned to the eighth,

Incidentally the photograph
St.

MS.)

to the seventh century.

from

St.

Petersburg turns out to be that of a

its

MS.

lost

Germain-des-Pres, and
to its date,

Dr. Traube has confirmed the opinion of

first

editor,

Mabillon, as

besides

making it the starting point of his enquiry I hope that the new light which these
which has been expended on them.
the work.
I

into the handwriting of the

monks

of P^ronne.
in the history

facsimiles throw

on obscure passages
for the

of the Creeds will be held to justify the expense of their publication and the labour and care

am

in

no way responsible

prolonged delay

in

obtaining a photograph from Cologne, which prevented Dr. Traube from finishing his part of

But

am most

grateful to the Council of the

long patience as well as to Mr. Wilson and Mr. Turner for

Henry Bradshaw Society for their much help in the progress of the
for kindly

work;
I

to

Mr. Turner also

for his valuable note

on Cod. Colon. 212.

wish also to thank Mr.

J. P. Gilson, of the Briti.sh

Museum,

undertaking the

difficult

task of the transcription of the photographs and for relieving

me

of the burden of

responsibility.

A. E. Burn.

'

Art.

Athanasianum

in

Hauck's Encydopddie, Loofs; Le Symbole d'Atkanase, Morin, Revue Benidictine, Oct.

190

1.

HISTORICAL NOTES.
I.

THE APOSTLES' CREED.

I.

Introduction.

and

Creed has attracted much attention during the past thirty years, is increasing rapidly, especially in Germany. But it has seldom been remarked that the work of the veteran pioneer, Professor C. P. Caspari, of the
history of the Apostles'

The

the Hterature of the subject

University of Christiania, found stimulus in the work which Professor Heurtley had already

begun

at

Oxford

in the publication of his

Harmonia Symbolica}

Dr. Heurtley's book included

for the present

some important

facsimiles of creed-forms,

and thus opened the way

volume,

the plates of which after the lapse of nearly half a century have been printed at the same

University Press.

The

subject

falls

into

two main

divisions, the history of Origins,

and the history of the

400,
in

Received Text.

The

dividing line

approximate date of the famous

Aquileia compared the Old

may be drawn at the year a.d. Commentary on the Aposdes' Creed

investigation.
religion,

which

is

the

which Rufinus of

Roman Creed
modern
though

to the creed of his native city.

The work

of

Rufinus
in

is

the starting point of

He

wrote at the end of the century

for the first time,

which Christianity became a permitted

light of day,
in

and Christian Creeds,

concerned.
in

were brought into the

down
still

existed.

With

the history of Origins

in

many quarters we are not

the prejudice against writing

them

general survey of

the subject
[ed. 3),

may be

found

Harnack's

article

Ap. Symbolum

Hauck's Real-Encyclopddie

or the present writer's article Creeds in the forthcoming edition of the Encyclopaedia

Britannica.

Our present concern is with When we pass the year a.d. 400 we

the history of the Received Text.

feel that

a new era has begun

in the history of the

world.

We are

face to face with the tide of barbarian invasion,

tribes,

and must soon meet with the

is

problem of missionary work among uncivilised Teutonic

the survival of our Received Text and of
there were
its

which

the ultimate cause of

triumph over other forms.

In the

fifth

century

many Galilean, Italian, and African creed-forms of the same general type, of which the Old Roman Creed, quoted by Rufinus, is the most important specimen, as it For the sake of clearness I will quote the Old Roman is in all probability the archetype.
Creed
side

by

side with

the

Textus receptus, and

for the

sake of brevity shall hereafter

quote them as

and T.
having acknowledged his own debt, pointed out
well

' Dr. Swainson, Nicene and Apostles' Creeds, 1875, PDr. Caspari's frequent references to the work of Dr. Heurtley.

5i

The

known

Bibliothek der Symbole, which has been

edited by Dr. A.

Hahn, was first published in 1842, but it has always differed from the work of Heurtley and Swainson and Caspari as being a work which does not deal at first hand with new MSS. Within its own limits it is indispensable, and should be used with the monumental work of Dr. Kattenbusch, Das apostolische Symbol,
Dr. G. L.

Hahn and

1894.

FACS. CREEDS.

THE APOSTLES CREED.

Old Roman Creed
1.

R.
1.

Textus receptus

T.

Credo

in

Deum Patrem

omnipotentem.

Credo

in

Deum

Patrem

omnipotentem
eius

creatorem caeli et terrae.

2.

Et
qui

in

Christum lesum Filium eius unicum

est

2.

Et

in

< lesum
nostrum,

Christum> Filium

unicum

Dominum
3.

nostrum,
natus

Dominum
de Spiritu sancto
et

Maria

3.

qui conceptus est de Spiritu sancto

uirgine,

natus ex

uirgine,
4. qui

Maria
sub
Pontic
Pilato
crucifixus
est
et

4. passiis

sub

Pontio Pilato crucifixus viortuus

sepultus,
5.

et sepultus descendit

ad

iiiferna,

tertia die resurrexit

a mortuis,

5.

tertia die resurrexit

a mortuis,

6.
7.
8. 9.

ascendit in caelos,
sedet ad dexteram Patris

6.
7.
8.

ascendit

ad caelos,
Dei
Patris omnipotentis,

sedet ad dexteram

unde uenturus

est iudicare uiuos et mortuos.

inde uenturus est iudicare uiuos et mortuos.

10.

Et in Spiritum sanctum, sanctam ecclesiam,

remissionem peccatorum,
resurrectionem.

9.

Credo

in

Spiritum sanctum,
ecclesiam
catholicam,

10.

sanctam

sanctorum

coniinunionem,
11.

11.
1 2.

remissionem peccatorum,
carnis resurrectionem et uitam aeternam.

12. carnis

The
accidental,

variations
like

found

in

are not

all

of equal importance.

Some
final

are

more or
of

less

the

substitution

of inde

for

unde

(oOev).

But the

solution

the

problem of the origin of

phrase.

T
is

can only be found

by tracing out the history of each new

et

At

this

point

it

important to remark that creatorem caeli

a.d.

terrae,
in

passum,

morttmm,
of

catholicaiii,

sanctorum communionem were found before

400

the

Creed
in
fifth

Niceta of Remesiana, and

Gallican

we

shall

find

the remaining additions of

course,

united

century

Creeds.
descendit

Separately,

of

these

additions

have an even higher

antiquity.

Thus

ad inferna goes back

in the African

to the fourth century

Creed of Aquileia,

and

et

uitam aeternam was

Creed of Cyprian

in the third century.

With these words of preface we may pass on

Creed which has recently come
to light.

to the consideration of

an important Gallican

2.

Codex Colon. 212 (Darmstad.

2326).

The
on
fol.

letter of

Cyprian, Bishop of Toulon, to Maximus, Bishop of Geneva,

was

first

published in

Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Epp., iii, p. 434, by Dr. Gundlach.^ It is found 113b of this MS. Cyprian wrote to defend his use of the expression " the God-man

suffered."

To

our advantage he quotes the

first

two divisions of

his creed.

We are

thus able

to confirm the evidence of the creed-form extracted from Ps.

Aug. Serm.

244,

which has been

ascribed to Caesarius of Aries.

Caesarius, with

Cyprian asked that an answer might be sent to him through

communication.
it

whom

he was

in

division of the creed

this

we can

restore

Although Cyprian does not quote the third with confidence from the Creed of Caesarius which at

point is confirmed by the evidence of Faustus of Riez. Such a restoration of the South Gallican Creed includes two points, which are of some importance, (i) The threefold
'

Attention was called to an interesting quotation of the

Te Deum by Dom G. Morin

(Rev. Ben., 1894, p. 49),

and

to the creed-form of Cyprian

by the present writer {Guardian, March 13th, 1895).

THE APOSTLES CREED,

repetition of Credo

was common Gallican usage. This adds to the artistic character of the and Faustus seems to have the balanced rhythm in mind when he writes of Symboli salutare carmen, (ii) The omission of the words maker of heaven and earth is very marked throughout early Gallican Creeds. If T was formed after a Gallican model it seems strange
form,
that
it

possesses neither of these characteristics.

is

The

omission of

Cyprian

of less importance.

It

occurs in a

fifth

century sermon which

ad inferna descendit by may be connected

with Lerins.'
Cyprian of Toulon.
I. I.

Caesarius.
1.

Credo Credo

in

Deum Patrem
in

II. 2.

et

omnipotentem. lesum Christum filium

nostrum,

Credo Credo

in

Deum
in

Patrem omnipotentem.
Ciiristum
filium

eius

2.

et

lesum

eius

unigenitum
3.

Dominum

unicum Dominum nostrum

3.

qui conceptus de Spiritu sancto natus ex Maria

conceptum de Spiritu sancto natum

e,x

Maria

uirgine
4.

uirgine

passus

sub
*

Pontio
*

Pilato

crucifixus

4.

passum
et

sub

Pontio

Pilato

crucifixum

et sepultus
5.

mortuum
6.

sepultum, ad inferna descendit

tertia die resurrexit

a mortuis

5. tertia die resurrexit

a mortuis

6.
7.

ascendit in caelos
sedet ad dexteram Patris

ascendit in caelis
sedet in dexteram Patris

7.
8.

8.

inde uenturus iudicaturus uiuos ac mortuos.

inde uenturus iudicare uiuos et mortuos.

Faustus of Riez.
III. 9.
10.

Credo

et in Spiritum

sanctum

9.

Credo

in

Spiritum sanctum

sanctam ecclesiam sanctorum communionem

abremissa peccatorum
resurrectionem uitam aeternam.

10.

sanctam ecclesiam catholicam communionem

remissionem peccatorum
resurrectionem carnis et uitam aeternam.

sanctorum
1 1

11. 12.

12. carnis

3.

Codex Bernensis, N.

645.

The

contents of the

MS.
is

are of a geographical or chronological character.

is

The

creed-

form to which our attention

called

preceded by the Easter cycle of Victorius of Aquitaine,

and a catalogue of Church provinces made in Gaul. It is followed by the forged Acts of a supposed Synod of Caesarea, which were probably written in Britain during the controversies
concerning the keeping of Easter
in

the seventh century.

attention to a note,
fol.

The provenance
41
-,

of the

MS.

is

probably Gaul.
inspected the
collected in

Mr. Turner called

in 1900-,

my

which he found when he

782.

MS.
it,

-^ XV REGN CAROLI RG = a.d.

to

But the documents

which point

Britain as the country of their origin, leave us equally free to

regard Britain as the possible

home

of the creed-form.
it

This hypothesis

is

confirmed by the
In Art. 9

interesting resemblances which appear in

to the creed-form in Cod. Laudianus.

both forms show the ablative spu

sco, in Art. 10 sancta ecclesia, in Art. 12 the genitive (carnis)

'

Ausadtate expositionem, published by the present writer

Letter of 21st August, 1900.

in the Zeitschrift fiir

Kirchengeschkhte, July, 189S.

B 2

4
resurrectionist

THE APOSTLES CREED.

The

Cod.

Laudianus was brought

missionaries.

to

Britain before the beginning of the

eighth century, and

its

creed-form represents the normal type of Old

Roman

Creed, used by

Augustine and other

well represent this

Roman

The

form before us

in Cod.

Bernensis

may very

same type slightly modified, under the influence of Celtic Creeds, by the addition o{ passus, descendit ad inferos, catholica, in uitam aeternam. Kattenbusch^ has called attention to the fact that the same creed-form, without itt uitam aeternam, is found in an ancient sermon in Cod. Monac. lat. 14508 of the tenth century from
St.
p.

Emmeran
186.

in

Regensburg, which
it

published

in the Zeitschrift

fur

Kirchengeschichte, xix,
is

He

connects

with the Celtic missions in Bavaria, and there

nothing improbable

in the

view that a Celtic

monk may have

carried

it

with him to the Continent.

I

But we cannot
other
ix.''

speak very definitely about the provenance of the sermon because

of
it

can

now quote

MSS.
While

which deserve examination, the

earliest

being Cod. Barberini,

xiv, 44, saec.

we suspend judgment
distributed, there
itself.
is

as to the history of the sermon in which the creed-form

was so widely
But

no need
both

to

modify our judgment regarding the origin of the creed-form

It is

out of touch with the line of development followed either in Gaul or Italy.
its

we can

easily explain

origin

in Britain

and

its

transit

through Germany to Bavaria

or Switzerland.

Dr. Bratke's theory* that

before a.d. 400
is

it

represents the ancient form of the Galilean Creed as

it

existed

not borne out by the evidence.

4.

The Gallican Sacramentary.

in

The
and
is

so-called Gallican

Sacramentary

Cod. Paris,

lat., its

13246, saec.
antiquity.

vii, is

really

missal,,

but a mediocre witness of Gallican usage in spite of but opinions

are divided

It is

often called the

collection

Missal of Bobbio,

as

to the

origin

of the liturgical

contained

in

it.

Dom
Roman
sent
to

Cagin i^Paldographie musicale,

fifth

v.

96-184,

1896)

maintained that

it

contained

Missal of the
the

century brought by Columban to Bobbio, which had probably been

Britons at the time

additions,
e.g.,

when
in

enquiries

were made about the Liturgy

S.

secondly,

Columban 's

a Mass

honour of

Michael to be connected with the grotto

on the right bank of the Bobbio. But Dr. Traube suggests that Dom Cagin's assumption has been disproved by Duchesne, Lejay, and Morin. Dom A. Wilmart speaks of the MS.
as a Gallican witness with traces of Irish influence.*

For

my

present purpose

it is

immaterial

whether the mixture of Hispano-Gallic, Roman, and perhaps other elements and rites, which it contains, were combined in Bobbio or in the mother house of Luxeuil, in the diocese of
Besan^on.
In either case

we

are brought into touch with the

life

leader of the Celtic missionaries

who

at this period travelled

work of S. Columban, the great across Europe until they came

'

This was originally a grammatical

error,

but tended to

aeternam,
'^

Book
cit.,
ii.

of Deer, Cod. Sangallensis, 188, Sacr. Gallic,

become a Form C.

distinct reading carfiis resurrectionis

vitam

op.

748

ff.

Cf. Cod. lat.

Monac, 3909, Cod.

i.

Sangallensis, 676, Cod. Leidensis,

ff.

xviii.

Q.

17.

* *

Theol. Stud. u. Krit., F.

pp. 153

Cabrol, Diet, d'archeologie chretienne et de Liturgie, vol.

ii

(fasc.

xv), col. 961.

THE APOSTLES CREED.

into

touch with the

remnants of the old

in

Latin Christianity of the

Danube.
of T.

In his very

suggestive article

Some Creed Problems} Mr. Barns has

the
first

called attention to a fact

which

is

probably the missing link

evidence

relating

to

the

formation

The words
in

creatorem caeli et terrae are

bordering on the Danube.

found

in

the

Creed of Niceta of Remesiana, and

to the

a contemporary creed preserved

in

some Arian fragments belonging

same

district

They

are not found in the pure Gallican type, and the crux of the

investigation of the history of

into
it.

has been to find the source from which they

S. Gall

may have come

of the Latin

S.

Columban and

his

companion

were welcomed on the Lake of Constance by

the Christian priest of Arbon,

Church of Illyricum from the the Balkans " to strengthen The call came to S. Columban to go over the Brenner, to N. Italy and Gaul. the church along the highway of the East, on the confines of the ancient province of Illyricum.

who represented the remnant of the influence days when there was a strong current from behind

He
old

left

S.

Gall

on the Lake of Constance and himself

settled

at

Bobbio.""

Thus

the

experience of S. Columban brought him into touch with both the sources from which the

Western Creed was ultimately enriched, the Gallican type including descendit ad inferna, communionem sanctorum, etc., already familiar to Celtic Churchmen, and the clause creatorem
caeli et terrae

which that type lacked.

in

Regarding the Sacramentary as

Columban's day,
first
I

any case summarising the

I

liturgical

interests

of

turn to analyse

its

creed-forms, which
is

distinguish as A.

AE.

B. C.
in

The
the

three are Baptismal Creeds, the fourth

an isolated form which was probably used

at the Traditio

Hour Offices.'' A is reproduced in facsimile in PI. 5. The first Creed (A) is interpolated in a sermon used
which
is

Symboli

in

a section

probably of
first

Roman

origin.

It

follows the

words of the four Gospels. A represents the creed used by the monks at Luxeuil about a.d. 700. It differs from T by the substitution of Credo for et in Art. 2, also of tmigcnitum se^iipiternum for unicum, and
delivery of the
it

ceremony known as apertio aurmm or This was a Roman custom. We gather that

omits

Domimim.
creed

This variation recurs

in

the Gallican Missal (forms A,

AE), and has

been attributed

to the influence of the

The
the

AE, which
of

is

Te Deum} embedded in the exposition,

century.
descendit

is

nearer to the text of

so
to

than to
Gallican

Gallican

text

the

sixth

But

it

has

several,

speak,

encrustations,

conceptus,

mortimm,

ad

inferna,

ojnnipotentis,

catholicam,

uitam

aeternam.

has interesting points of connection with Ps. Aug. Serm. 243, which has been traced back to the sixth century but the question has not been decided whether it comes
;

The sermon

from Gaul or
est,

Italy.

Kattenbusch

calls attention to
it

the fact that

its

construction gui conceptus

qui passtis
it is

est is like

R, so that

forms a connecting link between

and T.^

The MSS.

in

which

found should be investigated.

'

Journal of Theol.
Barns, art.
cit.,
i,

Studies, igo6, p. 501.

p. 516. p. 55,
ii,

'
*

Kattenbusch,
lb.
ii,
ii,

p.

747, n. 34, p. 881, n. 14.

p. 776, n. 28.

'

p. 982.

THE APOSTLES CREED.

AE
uirginem
credis

(Sacr. Gallic.)
:

Ps.

Aug. 243.
ministratorem
tantae

Spiritum sanctum audis auctorem

potuisse
in utero

ne dubitas
.

Cum

Spiritum

sanctum

concipere
uirginis

Cur

non

natiuitatis

audieris,

nullatenus dubites

uirginem

eum

hominem
de

figurasse,
?

potuisse concipere.

Cur non

credis

quern

credis

hominem

fecisse

terra

Nee
. . .

incorruptae uirginis potuisse figurare,

deles

cum in utero quem credere

Mariam dubites uirginem mansisse

Si
te

post partum

hominem fecisse de limo terrae ? Nee dubites Mariam uirginem mansisse post partum.
Si
te

triduana domini tui sepultura conturbat,

triduana
gloriosa

domini

sepultura

conturbat,

resurrectio

magis

aeterna confirmet.

Quidquid
est.

resurrectio

confirmet.

Quidquid

enim

infirmitatis audis in Christo,

mysterium

infirmitatis audis in Christo, nostrae

tatis,

hoc necessiad

nostrae redemptionis est causa.

qui ab iniquis et impiis
ipse

Ecce

ille

qui ab iniquis est iudicatus in

terris,

de

Ipse

iudicatus

est

sede caelesti iudicaturus aduenit.

mortem,
reparetur in

omnes bonos

et iustos iudicaturus est

ad gloriam.
et carnis

tuae resurrectio

ut carnis tuae resurrectio te reparet

in

aeternum.

aeternum.
third

The

Creed (B) of

this
in

Sacramentary

is
is

an Interrogative Creed
plainly derived

in

the service of

Baptism used on Easter Eve

a section which

from a Gallican source.

There

is

a collect for the washing of the feet after Baptism which was a Gallican custom.
is

The form
the

of Renunciation

also Gallican,

habentejn substantiani which finds a parallel

and the Baptismal formula has an addition tinam in the Creed of the Bangor Antiphonary. From
last

same Gallican or
in the

Celtic source

comes the

phrase of the Creed uitam habere post

mortem, in gloriam Christi

who,
of the Creed in the

resiirgere.

archetype of this section or

B appears to me to be the work of some Irish monk, in this MS. itself, improved the form after the model
to us

Bangor Antiphonary, which comes

from Bobbio, though

its

form

may have been

equally familiar to the Celtic

monks

of Luxeuil.

5.

The Gallican

Missal.
is

Cod.

Vat. Pal. 493, the so-called Gallican Missal,

a volume containing fragments of

two Sacramentaries which have been bound up

together.

Some

of the leaves

have been
facsimiles

misplaced, so that the printed editions present a confused jumble of prayers.

are taken from the
first

Our

sacramentary,^ which has been connected with the diocese of Auxerre.

They
in

exhibit the form of

Creed which has been interpolated

at the

beginning of a sermon

delivered at the Tradition of the Creed.

The

context contains prayers, which are found also

is

the so-called Gothic Missal {Cod. Vat. Reg. 317) which

connected with the diocese of

Autun.

Dr. Traube points out the close palaeographical relationship of the two MSS., con-

cluding that our

"belongs to the school of Luxeuil, was written at the beginning of the eighth century, and came from Burgundy to Lorsch in the ninth century, by
(Palatinus)

MS.

way

of one of the cloisters that had relations with Germany."

The sermon

in

which the Creed

is

quoted

is

also found

among

the Pseudo-Augustinian

'

It

comprises folios 1-18.

In the printed edition

Mabillon,
xvi
p.

it

extends from section

i-iiia

down

to the

word " Fanuelis

xvi).

" (fol.

loS) ed. Neale

and Forbes,

p. 155, ed. p.

332

and again from section

facsimiles are oifo/s. i6a,

xv/^

and Forbes,

p. 171,

Mabillon,

346)

the words " Pater ex alto " (Neale

ad fin.

Our

i6l>,

i^a (section

THE APOSTLES CREED.

sermons, No. 242.
in the exposition,

The

text in this sacramentary

is

defective,

and the Creed-form

is

is

cut short
it

although the interpolated form at the beginning

complete.

call

inter-

polated because in these cases

that

we can always

extract an earlier Creed from the exposition than

which we

find

quoted

at the beginning,

and which probably

in

each case represents the

form familiar to the copyist.

Certainly the tendency would always be to assimilate a form.

is

The sermon
6298, of which
of St.
I

Ps.

Aug. 242

found, however, in
(PI. 20, 21).

its

completeness

in

Cod.

lat.

Manacensis

give two facsimiles

The Munich MS. comes from

is

the monastery

Emmeran

in the diocese of Freising,

and

an eighth century MS., so that we have

in the diocese of

the advantage of comparing two forms which ex hypothesi have been interpolated, the one
(Cod. Palatinus) in a

monastery of the school of Luxeuil

in the

Auxerre

{c.

a.d. 700),

and the other (Cod. Monacensis)

monastery of

St.

Emmeran

in the diocese of

Freising

some seventy years

uictor
after
to

later.

Both forms are substantially

ascendit}

like T, but the Palatinus

omits descendit
reading

ad inferna,

inserts

and preserves
Ps.

the

old

Galilean

abreniissione peccatorum.

Turning
not

the sermon,

collection of Gallican origin,

Aug. 242, we note that in the Munich MS. it is found in a probably made by Caesarius of Aries, though this sermon does
style.

show the

characteristics of his

Mindful of the uncertainty which attends the

it is

extraction of a creed-form from the exposition in which

embedded, we note the omission of

unicuin
art. 7.

domimim nostrum, morhnis,

descendit

ad

inferna,

and

all

mention of the Session

in

These omissions find parallels in the old Gallican creeds, and the threefold repetition
is

of Credo clinches the argument that this

creed,

an old Gallican sermon containing an old Gallican

the reading preserved in Cod. Palatinus, and
in the exposition as in the interpolated creed."

which probably had abremissione at

et tcrrae

first,
it

has had crcatorem caeli

Missale Gallicanum.

added

to

Ps. Aug. Serin. 242.^ E.

1.

Credo

in

Deum

Patrem
caeli

1.

Credo

in

Deum

Patrem
caelf

1.

Credo

in

Deum

Patrem
caeli

omnipotentem,
et terrae^
2.

crcatorem''

omnipotentem,
et terrae.

c7-eatorein

omnipotentem,
et terrae.

creatorem

Et

in

<;Iesum Christuni>

2.

Et

in

<^Iesum Christum^

2.

Credo

et

in

<^Iesum
. .

Filium

eius,

unicum Dominum

Filium eius unicum

nostrum,
3.

Dominum
est

Christum> Filium
3.

eius

nostrum,
3.

qui conceptus est de Spiritu

qui

conceptus

de

qui

conceptus

de Spiritu

sancto natus ex Maria uirgine

Spiritu sancto [natus]^ ex Maria

sancto natus ex Maria uirgine

uirgine

'

The

history of this picturesque addition

73,

is still

obscure, but I

may

note that

it is

found

in the

MSS. of a sermon-

sermon Quicumque uult esse saluus (Codd. Vat. It came in Pal. 212, 220), both of which I have published Zeitschrift fiir KG., xxi, p. 128, and in Ps. Aug. Serm. 238. and in the sermon Auscultate probably from an exposition, since it occurs in the exposition of Ps. Aug. Serm., 240, expositionem (Z. fiir KG., xix, 179). ' The huius {carnis) which Hahn'', p. 47, and others insert belongs to the exposition and not to the creed-form

Symbolum graeca lingua (Vesoul MS.

Cod. Sangall., 732), and

in a

since the
^

Munich MS. reads huius

affectu carnis.

The
I

exposition in the Missale Gallicanum

(=

Ps. Aug. Serm., 242)

is

defective.

The

creed-form

is

Credo

in

Deum
* '

Patrem omnipotentem, creatorem

quote the text of Ps. Aug. 242,
"

caeli et terrae.

Credo in Filio
lat.
'

eius.
saec. viii.
'

and

from Cod.

Monacensis, 6298,
celi.

Cod. creatori.

terre.

natus supr.

lin.

man.

sec.

THE APOSTLES CREED.

Missale Gallicanum.
B.
4.

Ps. Aug. Serm. 242.

A.
4.

E.
4.

passus sub Pontio Pilato

passus sub Pontio Pilato'

passus sub Pontio Pilato

.

crucifixus mortuns et sepultus *

5.

crucifixus mortuus et sepultus

descendif'

crucifixus est

et sepultus

*
die

ad

infertia

a
5.

#
* *

tertia^

resurrexit

5.

tertia

die

resurrexit

tertia die resurrexit

mortuis
6.
7.

mortuis

ascendit uictor
sed?y

ad

caelos*

6.
7.

ascendit in caelc
sed/V

6.

ascendit

ad

caelos,

ad

dexteram

Dei

ad dexteram
uenturus

\_Dei\'

7-

Patris oinnipotentis,
8.

Patris oinnipotentis,

inde

uenturus

iudicare

8.

inde

iudicare

8.

itide

uenturus"

iudicare

uiuos et mortuos
9.

uiuos ac mortuos
Spirit//
9.

uiuos et mortuos
in

Credo in sancto

Credo

et

Spiritum

9.

Credo

et

in

Spiritum

sanctum''
10.

sanctum
ecclesiam"
catli10.

sanct

ecclesirt^

catholicn

10.

sanctam

sanctam

ecclesiam

cath-

sanctorum coinvmnionein
adrermssione peccatorum
rcsurrectionem^^
///'-

olicavi}^

sanctorum

communi-

olicam sanctorum

communionem

onemS^
11.

11.
12.

remissionem peccatorum
carnis

1 1.

remissionem peccatorum
resurrectionem ui-

12. carnis

resurrectionem

et

12. carnis

fa?n aeternam.

uitam aeternam.

tam aeternam.

6.

The Sacramentary

of Gellone.
lat.

The

so-called

Sacramentary of Gellone {Cod. Paris,

in
c.

12048) was, as Dr. Traube has

shown, probably written

episcopate of
it

the monastery of Rebais,

in

the diocese of Meaux, during the

class,

Romanus

a.d. 750.

The Sacramentary
It

belongs to the Gelasian

though

includes masses of the eighth century."

contains two Orders of Baptism.

In the

first

the Interrogationes de fide remind us of

Credis in

Deum

patrem omnipotentem

1^ Credo.
?

Et

in

Christum Filium eius unicum dominum nostrum

I^ Credo.

I^ Credo.

Credis et in Spiritum sanctum, sanctam ecclesiam catholicam, remissionem peccatorum, carnis

resurrectionem

Martene says that the custom of

reciting the creed in

Greek over a boy and

is

in

Latin over

girl is

preserved in this Order, but he does not quote the creed-form.

is

In the second Order from which our facsimile

taken there

a similar reference to the

two languages.

The recitation of the Creed follows the apertio aurium, which is a characterTo the question "In what language does the child confess?" istic part of the Roman office. After the Creed follows the summary of the Gelasian the acolyte answers "In Latin." form is T, and it is important to note that it occurs in precisely the context Sacramentary. The
in

which the Gelasian Sacramentary has the Constantinopolitan Creed.

In fact

it

nullifies

the argument, which has been founded on the Gelasian Sacramentary, to the effect that in

'

philato.
celos.

^ "

discendit.

'

tercia.

* ' '"
'^

dei supr.
eclisia.

tin.

' "

inde uenturus supr.

aeclesiam.

tin.

sanctum supr.
e.g.,

tin.

man.

sec.

seq. ires. lift. ras.

ut nid.

Fcriae V. in Quadragesima.

" commonionem. Baeumer, Hist. Jahrb., 1893,

' resurreccionem.
p.

242.

THE APOSTLES CREED.

Rome R had

been exchanged

for C, that

it

was only under the influence of Charles the Great

in place of C. in the fact that the

that T, the Gallicanised form of the

An

insuperable objection to

Western Creed, was accepted that argument seems to me to lie

in

Roman
its

missionaries to Britain

who

traversed Gaul
If

the seventh century took with

for

them

at first R,

and then possibly T, but never C.

would have spread to
Britain.

C had

been substituted

some
if

traces of

use

The
to

eyidence of the Gelasian Sacramentary can be easily explained

we suppose

that

during the time of Byzantine influence C, the Baptismal Creed of Constantinople, was offered

Greek-speaking catechumens as the equivalent of

R', the

Greek

text of

which had been

more Greek-speaking catechumens. It became necessary to explain the existence of two parallel forms, and the absurd explanation The Order of Baptism of Vienne, which is was given that the second was used for girls
long ago forgotten.
passed, and there were no
!

Time

dependent on the sources of the Gelasian Sacramentary, confirms

question
is

this explanation. "

The
and

put to the Godparents, " Is

Greek

understood ?"

The answer

No"

follows,

then Credo in Detim.^

Some pages
blessing

later

is

the form for the Baptism of a sick catechumen.

is

The

collect for the

of the water

the
is

same

as that found in

the

Gelasian

Sacramentary, but the

is

Interrogative form of Creed

the Galilean form without creatorem caeli et terrae, which

substituted for the shortened form of

used

in

the Gelasian Sacramentary.

will print

the

two forms side by

side.

Sacramentarium Gellonense.
fol.

i8i

(?.

fol. \^\ b.

1.

Credo

in

Deum

Patrem

omnipotentem,

1.

Credis

in

Deum

Patrem

omnipotentem

creatorem caeli et terrae

2.

Et

in

(lesum Christum Filium) eius unicum

est

2.

Credis et in (lesum Christum) Filium eius

dominum
3.

nostrum,

unicum dominum nostrum

de Spiritu sancto natus ex
3.

Qui conceptus
uirgine,

qui conceptus est de Spiritu sancto natus ex

uirgine,

Maria
4.

Maria
4.

passus sub Pontio Pilato crucifixus mortuns

passus sub Pontio Pilato crucifixus viortuus

et sepultus, descendit
5.

ad inferna

et sepultus, descendit
5.

ad inferna,

tertia die resurrexit a mortuis,

tertia die resurrexit a mortuis,

6.

ascendit

ad

caelos,

6.
7.
8.

ascendit
sed//

ad

caelos,

7. sed?V 8. 9.

ad dexteram Dei Patris omnipotentis

ad dexteram Dei Patris omnipotentis

inde uenturus iudicare uiuos et mortuos

inde uenturus iudicare uiuos et mortuos

10.

Credo in Spiritum sanctum, ecclesiam catholicam sanctam

remissionem peccatorum,

9.

Cred/j in Spiritum sanctum,

sanctorum

10.

sanctam

ecclesiam

catholicam

sanctorum

cotnmunionem,
1 1.

communionem,
1 1.

remissionem peccatorum,
resurrectionem, uitam aeternam.

12. carnis

resurrectionem, uitam aeternam.

12. carnis

'

Pope

Vigilius in his Encyclical called

Symbolum, and the Latin

cap.

te.xt in

use at

Rome

had phrases

in

common

with R.
'

Martene,

De

antiquis ecclesiae ritibus,

lib. I.

i.

Ord. 12.

(vol.

i,

p. 42, ed. 1763).

"

FACS. CREEDS.

lO

THE APOSTLES CREED.

/.

Codex Einsidlensis,
we quote

199.

The
personal

full

title

of the treatise, from which

the

first

dated appearance of T,
little
is

is

Dicta Ahbatis Priminii de singulis

history of Priminius.

libris canonicis scarapsus.

Very
''

known about

the

He came
known
is

to

monasteries of which the best

the

Reichenau.

Alamannia as a peregrinus" and founded Driven thence, he ended his days in

Abbey

of Hornbach, where he received a visit from his friend Boniface,

who was

starting

on

his last missionary journey.

Dr. Traube's notes prove that the

specially associated with the

MS. may have been

e.g.

written at any of the monasteries

name
is

of Priminius,

Reichenau or Murbach.

The

relations

of the script to Spanish handwriting are very interesting.

They

coincide with the internal

evidence of the treatise which

dependence, to

dependent on a writing of Martin of Bracara. Such which Dr. Traube does not refer, confirms his suggestion that Priminius may

have been a Spaniard.

narrates the legend of
is

The
its

ordinary view that he was an Irish

monk

has no better support.

In the
first (c.

Priminius quotes the Apostles' Creed in three different contexts.

Apostolic origin.
In the second
{c.

10)

he

12),
[c.

from which our facsimile

is

taken, he describes the ceremonies of Baptism.

faith

The

third

28)

summary

instruction

on

and morals.

To show
will at

variations in the creed-texts are triflino-. o the dependence of Priminius in this passage on the earlier treatise of Martin
I

The

of Bracara de correctione rusticoruin,

will indicate the

words quoted by thick type.

But

it

once appear that he deliberately altered both the form of Renunciation and the form

of Creed.

Dicta abbatis Priminii.

Ideo, fratrcs, ad
v.g.
si

memoriam

ue.stram reducimus

cum

interrogati singuli

nomen nostrum a sacerdote

Et interrogauit sacerdos
eiiis
:

qualem pactum in ipso baptistirio cum dec fecimus, fuimus, quomodo diceremur, respondisti aut tu,
fecit,

iam poteras respondere, aut certe qui pro te fidem

aut aliud nomen.
et

qui te de fonte suscepit, et dixit

lohannis

dicitur,

lohannis, abrenuncias

diabulo

et

operibus eius

ovmibus pompis
Credis in

Respondisti

Abrenuntio, hoc
et

est despitio et derelinquo

eius, et

omnibus omnia
Credo.

opera mala et diabolica.

es a sacerdote
:

Post istam abrenuntiationem diabuli

omnibus operibus

interrogatus
:

deum

patrcin oi/inipotenteiii, creatorem caeli et terrae ?

filiiiin eius

Et respondisti
est

Et iterum

Crcdts et tu lesuin Christum

unicum, doiiiinum nostrum, qui conceptus

de spiritu
inferna,

sancto, natus ex

Maria

virgine,

passus sub Pontio Pilato, crucifixus, mortuus

et sepultus, discendit

ad

tertia die surrexit

iudicare uiuos et

a mortuis, ascendit ad caelos, sedit ad dcxteraui del patris omnipotentis, inde uenturus mortuos ? Et respondisti Credo. Et tertio interrogauit sacerdos Credis et in spiritu
:

sancto, saiicta aecclesia catltolica,

sanctorum communionc, remissionc peccatorum, carnis resurrectionem uitam

,
:

eternam.

Respondisti aut

tu,

aut patrinus pro te

Credo.

uestra apud

deum

tenetur.
et

Et credcns baptizatus

es in

Ecce pactio qualis nomine patris et filii et spiritus

et
in

promissio uel confessio

sancti in remissionc

omnium peccatorum,
uestem candidam, ad custodiendum
te

unctus es a sacerdote chrisma salutis

uitam aeternam, et induit corpus tuum

tibi

et Christus

animam tuam

induit gratiam

celestem, et adsignatus est

sanctus angelus

To

point the contrast between Martin's form of Renunciation and that of Priminius,
in parallel

will

quote them

columns with other Galilean forms.

THE APOSTLES CREED.

II

Martin

t 580.

Eligius of

Noyon

1 659.

Promisistis uos abrenuntiare diabolo et angelis

eius et

Abrenuntiastis
operibus eius.

enim

diabolo

et

pompis

et

omnibus opcribus

eius malis.

Miss. Gallic.

Sacr. Gallic.
saeculi,

Abrenuncias
uoluptatibus eius
?

Satanae,

pompis

et

Abrenuncias Satanae, pompis

saeculo huic
?

eius, luxuriis suis,

Priminius.

Roman
et

rite {Sacr. Gelas.

and Greg.)

Abrenuntias diabolo et omnibus operibus eius et

Abrenuntias Satanae

et
?

omnibus operibus eius

omnibus pompis eius?

omnibus pompis
it

eius

Martin's Creed was as follows, the points at which

varies from the

Creed of Priminius

being indicated by asterisks and

Credo
nattis est
in

italics.

Deum Patrem

****_)
*

;,-,

\csu Christ^?,

fili^

eius umco, deo ct

domino
*

nostro, qui

de Spiritu sancto

a Maria uirgine, passus sub Pontio

Pilato, crucifixus

et sepultus,

[descendit ad inferna],^ tertia die resurrexit uiuus a mortuis, ascendit in caelos, sed('t ad dexteram

Patris

* *

inde uenturus iudicare uiuos et mortuos.

Credo

in

(sanctum Spiritum), sanctaw ecclesiaw catholicaw

remissione;// omniuvi peccatorum, carnis resurrectionem ct uitam aeternam.

It is
it

true that Priminius

is

not giving a

full

account of the ceremonies of baptism, so that

is

not wise to lay

much

stress

on the

fact that

he speaks of baptism as following the

strong

recitation of the Creed.

This was a

Roman

custom, for in Gallican services an interval was

is

allowed to elapse."

But the cumulative argument

when we

note that in addition to

Roman form of baptism which may

the

Renunciation he adds a reminiscence of the

Roman
:

prayer of Unction after

be contrasted with the Gallican prayer as follows

nostri lesu
et

Roman.
Deus omnipotens,
Christi,

Gallican.

Pater

domini

nostri
et

lesu

Deus Pater domini

regenerauit

Christi,

qui te

qui

te

regenerauit
dedit
linit

ex aqua

Spiritu

per
dedit

aquam
et

Spiritum

sanctum,
per

sancto,

quique

tibi

remissionem

omnium

quique

tibi

remissionem

peccatorum

peccatorum, ipse te

chrismate salutis in uitam

lauacrum regenerationis

sanguinem, ipse

te liniat

aeternam.

chrismate suo sancto in uitam aeternam.

little

There can be
wrote
:

doubt that Priminius had the

Roman

prayer

chrisma^ salutis in uitam aeternam.

May we
?

not in default

mind when he of other evidence assume

in his

that his creed also

was derived from a Roman source

a.d. 730,
is its first
It.

The

evidence of Priminius thus bringfs

us to the crux of this whole investigation into the origin of T, since the occurrence of
treatise,

in his

which was written about

dated appearance, though

In another section

in

other

MSS.

we have found forms

closely approximating to

we

will

endeavour to

survey the whole evidence.

(?;.
2

Cod. Bernensis, codd. Sangall.

In the Gallican Order the recitation of the Creed took place on

c.

Maundy Thursday
declension
{ed.

Martin of Bracara can. 49.

p.

Ildefonsus,
'

34.

The form

chrisma

is

found

in Miss. Gallic, as

a noun of the

first

Mabillon,

363).

C 2

12

the apostles creed.

8.

Conclusions.
:

The

conclusions to which

am

led

by the evidence are as follows

The

existence of a Galilean type of creed, used by Caesarius of Aries and Cyprian

of Toulon, has been proved.

It

may be

traced in the writing of Eligius of

Noyon, and

in

other sermons such as Ps. Aug. 242, as in the Galilean sections

of Sacramentaries, the Galilean Missal and the Sacramentary of Gellone.

The

history of the Creed in Britain

began with Galilean forms of the type preserved

in

the Bangor Antiphonary, which Celtic Christianity

St.

may have

inherited through

Patrick

from

Lerins.

But the

type

brought by the missionaries

who

followed Augustine was of the simpler character of R, though the process of

assimilation to the
Celtic

Creed soon began.

The Creed

of Cod. Bernensis

N. 645

is,

as

it

were, a wreck cast up by the tide of change.

The
came

occurrence of forms approximating to

at

an

earlier date

than the

Creed of

Priminius such as

we

find in the Galilean

Sacramentary may lead eventually to proof that

conclusion that

Bobbio or more probably Luxeuil. But it does not invalidate the was disseminated from those centres of monastic life in conformity with Roman custom, and was probably substituted for R in Rome by one of the Popes before
into existence at
it

A.D. 700.

All

the

evidence

seems

to

converge

on

this

conclusion.

Amalarius

of

Treves

recommended The new text

in

to Charles the

Great with the statement that he followed the Ordo Romamis.

in Cod.

of the seventh

Ordo Romamis

Sessorianus 52 proves the existence of

friend of Boniface,
is

Roman collection of the ninth century. Priminius, the quote the Roman form of Renunciation and the Roman prayer
a
clear from his writings
disciples generally used

found to
it is

of Unction.
little

Though

not

what form Boniface used, there can be

T.

doubt that he and his

The form which we have found

acceptance
in

interpolated at Luxeuil in the

century.

seventh century finds

increasing

the

eighth

The

evidence

of

Priminius coincides with the evidence of the Galilean Missal and the Sacramentary of Gellone.

There was a constant Romanising of

eighth century.

liturgical

forms at work throughout Gaul during the

Among

other attempts which Charles

made

to bring order out of chaos

we

must put

his acceptance of T,

which arrived
all

at its

oecumenical position through the corrected

Psalters that spread from his schools

over the west.

We
Thus

can see, however, clearly that he

inherited a tradition which was nearly a century old.

He

built

on foundations already

laid

by

Pope Gregory

II.,

and

that great missionary Boniface. east

the old

Roman

Creed, enriched

by contributions both from

Galilean Church,

grew

into

and west, from the Church of the Danube lands and the early its final form and began its career as the Baptismal Creed of all

Western Christendom.

THE NICENE CREED.

13

II.

THE NICENE CREED.

of the Nicene Counch. (N).
lat.

I.

The Creed

Cod. Vatic,

1322, saec.

vi. vii.

Cod. Tolosamis 364

(I. 63), saec. vii.

The

type of the text of

quoted

in Cod.

Vat.

lat.

1322

is

taken from the Actio Sexta

of the Council of Chalcedon in the version of Rusticus, which

the Monastery of the Sleepless

is

dependent on a MS. from

Monks

at Constantinople.

It is

corrupted both by additions

and omissions, which probably represent the influence of the Constantinopolitanum (C) as the
Baptismal Creed of Constantinople, certainly from a.d. 451.

This does not surprise us when

we bear

in

mind the tendency of copyists

to

assimilate forms.
e'/c

The

omission of words
is

corresponding to TOVTianiv Ik t^s ovaia<i tov Trarpo? Beov

indicated additions by square brackets
text
is

eoO, which are not found in C,

is

probably intentional, but the omission of lumen de lumine

[
I

probably a blunder.
asterisks.

have

and omissions by

On

the whole the

vii,

purer than the Greek text which

1901), setting
its

have quoted from Mansi's Concilia,

p.

no

(Facsimile,
Decretis.

variations beside the original text as quoted

by Athanasius de
to
It

The
the

text transmitted
I.,

by Cod. Tolosamis, which

is

taken from the letter of Pope Leo

I.

Emperor Leo

is

pure,

and bears testimony

to the accuracy of

Roman

theologians.
I

confirms also the accuracy of the translation transmitted by Hilary de Synodis.

the trifling variations.

have noted

There

is

not

much

to say

about

this text.

Full information about other Latin versions

can be obtained from Mr. Turner's well-known book, Ecclesiae Occidentalis Monwnenta Juris
Antiquissima (Clarendon Press).

Cod. Vatic.^

Cod. Tolos. (with the variations found

quoted
in Hil. de Synodis).

in text

Credimus
bilium

in

unum Deum Patrem omnicaeli

Credimus
potentem
5

in

unum Deum Patrem omniuisi-

potentem, [factorem

ct
:

terrae]

uisi-

Et

in

omnium et inuisibilium unum Dominum lesum Christum

Dei unigenitum, qui natus
est

bilium

et inuisibilium factorem.

Et

in

unum Dominum nostrum

filium Dei

lesum

Filium

de
Patre
Patris,

natum de
est

[ex] Patre [ante

omnia saecula]

unigenitum

hoc

de substantia

Deum

de Deo, lumen de lumine.

5 inuisibilium

uisibilium V.

J de

de ex V.

4 uisibilium pr. omnium Hil. 5 lesum + Christum Hil.

:

de

ex Hil. ex Hil.

9 de

2 1

14

THE NICENE CREED.

Cod. Vatic'

Cod. Tolos.
uero,

Deum uerum
lO

de

Deo

natum non
per quern

10

factum, consubstantialem

Patri,

omnia

facta sunt

natum non quod Graeci dicunt omousion, per quern omnia

de
uero,

Deum uerum

Deo

factum unius substantiae

cum

Patre,

facta sunt, sine

terra.

quae

in caelo siue

quae

in

qui [propter] nos homines et propter salutem

qui propter nostram salutem discendit incar-

nostram discendit

et incarnatus

est

atque

natus est et
resurrexit

homo
die

factus

est

passus
in

est

humanatus
tertia
1

est
et

et

passus est et resurrexit

in
:

tertia

ascendit

caelos

die

ascendit

caelos,

uenturus

uenturus iudicare uiuos et mortuos

iudicare uiuos et mortuos

Et in Spiritum sanctum. Eos autem qui dicunt Erat aliquando quando non erat, et priusquam nasceretur non erat, [quia] Ex non extantibus factus
:

Et

in

Spiritum sanctum.

20

est,

aut

Ex

alia subsistentia uel substantia

dicentes esse

aut conuertibilem aut

mutabilem Filium Dei, hos anathematizat

catholica et apostolica Dei ecclesia.

1 1

propter

V.

cen.

12 Graece Hil.

nostra V.

12 homousion Hil. 13 om. siue Hil.

14 ascindit V. 16
in
:

siipr. lin.
:

V.

13 siue quae

et Hil.

20

alia

lia

V.

16 passus

pr. et Hil.
:

resurrexit

pr. et Hil.

23 apostholica V.

Dei

siepr. lin.

V.

ascendit

/;-. et

Hil.

Creed of Nicene Council.

Variations in the Greek Text of Chalcedonian
{Euseb. Ep.
*

ad

Caes. ap. Ath. de Decretis.)

Definition.

Uia-revofiev et? eva

Seov Trarepa
/cat

TravTOKparopa jto.vtwv opdrcov re

aoparmv
5

ttoitjttJv

Kat

et?

eva Kvptov 'Irjaovv

^pia-Tov TOP vlov Tov @eov,

yevvr/divra

eK TOV 7raT/3o? /lovoyevfj, TOVTearip

eK

T7J?

ovaiai tov
e'/c

iraTpo';,

Seov Ik

eoO, (^w? 10

(fxoTO'i,

&eov dXtjOivov eK @eov

dkrjOivov,
yevvrjOevTa, ov TroitjOevTa, ofioovaiov
Tcu TraTpl 8t
TO,

ov

to.

TrdvTa eyevcTo
to.

Te ev

Tft)

ovpavu) kuI

ev

TJj yfj,

out.

Ta Te

eu

tw ovpavcu kui tu

ev Ttj

yf}-

TOV Bi

rjfid'i

Toil? dvOpcoTTOVi

Koi

TUE NICENE CREED.

15 8ia TTjv '^/leripav crcoTTjpiav icareKdovra

15
eK Twi' ovpavcov eK Tli>ev^aTO<; 'Aylov Kal

Kal crapK0)6evTa

Kal evavOpwrrrjo-avTa 4

+ +

Maplas T^? TrapOevov

Tradovra

koI dvaaTuvra

+
+ + + + +

cTTavpcodevTa re virep

rjfiMV
rfi

eVi YlovTiov HiXdrov

TpiT^

VM'^P?'

+
,

"veXdovra eh

Kul Ta^evTa

Kara

Ta<; ypa<^at;

Kal

Tou? ovpavow

Kal ipyofievov

Kplvai

Kal Kade^o/xevov ev Se^ia

TOV YlaTpo'i Kal TTuXlV

20 ftSfTa? Kal

veKpov's

fiera 86^r)<;

ov

Tr}<;

/SacrtXet'a?

ovk

earai reXo^.

Kai
ou/c

et?

TO (iyiov irvevfia
^i*

tr.

TO TTcew/ia to ayiov
TO KVpiOV TO ^(ooiroicv

Toil? Se XeyovTa?,
j;!",

Trore ore

Kal Trplv <ysvvrj6rivai ovk qv

25 Kal oTL e^ OVK ovToiv iyevero

rj e'f rj

eripai vTroa-Tdaeo)<;

ov(7la<;
rj

<f>aa'KovTa'i eivai,

kticttov,

?;

Om.

))

KTICTTOV

Tpeirrov,

57

aXXoicoTov
("!)eoD,
rj

30 TOP

v'lov

Tov

+ +
^

+ TOUTOl'9
+ UTroaTo\i,Kr]

(IvadefLaTi^et
e/CKXrjOLa.

KCiOoKiKr)

2.

CONSTANTINOPOLITANUM.
is

The

type of the text of

is
I

which
sixth

transmitted in the Vatican and Toulouse

the Council of Chalcedon.
into the history of C.

MSS.

is

the
its

form which
importance
It
is

quoted

in

the

Aclio of

To

explain

must say something of recent enquiries

that

commonly agreed
if

is

a revised text of the Creed of Jerusalem, which was

mentioned, Chalcedon,
as in

not discussed, at the Council of Constantinople in a.d. 381.

it

At

the Council of

a.d, 451,

was read from the now

lost

Acts of the former Council and was quoted

some sense their exposition, i.e. That it was not edited by the Council of Constantinople may be proved by the fact that it was quoted by Epiphanius, Bishop of Salamis, in his treatise Ancorattis, which was written about the year a.d. 374. Some priests and leading churchmen of Syedra in Pamphylia had asked him for an exposition of Catholic Teaching on the Trinity. He appears to imply that
His words are ambiguous, but it had been introduced into his diocese as a Baptismal Creed. by a simple emendation, the addition of koX before aTro iravToiv, Dr. Bindley shows that they may be taken to give a consistent and true statement, namely, that the Creed was composed of apostolic, Jerusalem, and Nicene teaching' /cat avTrj [lev 17 ttlo-tl? TrapeSoOy) dno tc^v ayicav
:

" the exposition of the 150 Fathers."

dTTOCTTokojv,

Kai Iv iKKhrjcria

Trj

dyCa vroXet

[^Koij

diro irdvTov bjxov

twv ayiutv

iiricrKotTbiv virep

TpiaKocrioiv Se/ca tov dpidp.6v.

'

Oecunuitical Documents, 1899, p. 72.

THE NICENE CREED.

There can be no question that the revision of the Jerusalem Creed quoted by Epiphanius was the work of Cyril of Jerusalem, since three of the changes made in the old form, apart from the introduction of Nicene phrases, express opinions which he had taught definitely in his
Catechetical lectures.
vcKpatv for crapKo?.

These changes are

in

KaOelofj-evov for

KadicravTa,

jLiera

80^5

for eV 80^3,

Eutyches of falsehood
" It

by Diogenes of Cyzicus. He accused Nicene Council could receive additions. received an addition from the holy Fathers because of the perversities of Apollinarius and

At Chalcedon C was quoted

in

the

first

session

denying that the

faith of the

Valentinus and Macedonius and

the Fathers the words,
'

men like them and there have been added to the symbol of who came down and was incarnate of the Holy Ghost and the Virgin
;

Mary.'"

At
forth in

the second session

when

had been read and received with enthusiasm, Aetius,

Archdeacon of Constantinople, read

as

"the holy

faith

which the 150 holy Fathers

It

set

harmony with
:

the holy and great

all,

Synod

at Nicaea."

was greeted with exclamations

such as

"

This

is

the faith of

this is the faith of the orthodox, so

close of the conference the Imperial

Commissioners directed those

It

we all believe." At the who had doubts to come to

that Constantinopolitan

conference with Anatolius, Archbishop of Constantinople.

seems

churchmen, who had naturally a greater interest

work.
In

in the

Council of 381 than the representatives

of other Churches, pressed for recognition of the Creed which they had
all

come

to regard as its

probability the form in which they brought

it

forward at the second session was

the form in which they had for

some time used it as their Baptismal Creed. The result of the Conference with Anatolius was the triumph of the form which was brought up at the fifth
and confirmed
if

session

in

the

Definition

of

the

Council

at

the

sixth

session,

with

the

concurrence
Dr.

not the assistance of the Papal legates.

suggested,' and the idea
to put

Kunze has

was hailed by Dr. Kattenbusch,it

that Leo's letter

to Flavian

gave the impulse

parallel to

forward because

contained a parallel to the words " qui

natus est de Spiritu sancto et Maria uirgine," which

Leo quoted from the Old Roman Creed.

is

There was no
parallel in the

them

in

N.
.

In the form quoted at the sixth session there

.
.

another

words

" crucifixus est

et sepultus

"

on which again the Pope

laid stress.

We
all

may even

question whether the Pope had not this form of

in his

emphatically of the teaching as professed " in the

the faithful, and as confessed in the Creed by
It is

common and undistinguishable confession

all.'

mind when he wrote so " by

Constitutum.

noteworthy that the same form

omission of the Filioque
it

is

quoted by Pope Vigilius

noted.

in his

The
collated

may be

is

perhaps rash to raise the ultimate

temptation to assimilate texts

many more MSS. have been carefully question whether we have not in this old
Until
in the

Latin version the purest text of the original Constantinopolitan Creed.

There was

less

west where the Apostles' Creed was

used at Baptisms.

This process of assimilation of the texts of

and

had begun before

the Council of Ephesus, and was acknowledged in so

many

words at Chalcedon, when the

text published in the sixth session differed from that quoted by Aetius at the second session.

'

Das

Nicdnisch-Konstantinopolitanische Symbol, p. 37.

" ^

Theol. Literaturseitung, 1898, col. 681.

c.W: illam

communem
confitemur.

et

indiscretam confessionem

qua fidelium uniuersitas

profitetur

c.

omnes

etiam in Symbolo

THE NICENE CREED.

I

17

will

quote the text of

the Vatican and Toulouse

C as MSS.

published

in the sixth session,

comparing other MSS. with

in
A,
T,

Council of Chalcedon, Rusticus' version of Actio sexta.

Cod. Albigensis 2 't>^
saec. ix.
(I.
vi.

'

\
saec. vii.
J

MSS.

Cod. Tolosanus 364

Cod. Vat. 1322 saec. Cod.

63)

of the same marked as T.

collection.

Their

agreement

is

N,

M,

Mediolanensis Ambrosianus

147 sup.

p.

124,

saec.

vii-viii.

[Another MS. of the

collection of Rusticus from Bobbio.]

/
F,

Coa'.

FrtA 1127

j^^cr.

ix from

Angouleme
iti.

This

agreement
as F.
p. 165.

is

marked

Cod. Paris. B.N.

tat.

145

saec. ix

Collection of St.

Maur

H,
Vig.
cant.

Translation in Hadrian's edition o{ Dionysius Exiguus, printed by Hahn,^

Text found

in the

Cod. Cantabrig.

Constitutum of Pope Vigilius (553) Migne P.L. Ixix, 145. g. 5. 35 saec. xi from S. Augustine's, Canterbury.

ITERVM SYMBOLVM CENTVM QVINQVAGINTA.

Credimus
et in
5

in
:

unum Deum Patrem omnipotentem,

factorem caeli et terrae, uisibilium

omnium

et

inuisibilium

*
;

unum Dominum lesum Christum Filium Dei unigenitum, natum ex Patre ante omnia saecula Deum uerum de Deo uero, natum non factum, consubstantialem Patri per quem omnia facta
descendit
*
et

sunt

qui propter nos homines et .salutem nostram

uirgine, et

incarnatus est de Spiritu

sancto et Maria

humanatus
*,

est et crucifixus est pro nobis

sub Pontio Pilato

*, et

sepultus est et resurrexit tertia die

[est]

ascendit in caelos, sedet ad dexteram Patris, iterum uenturus

cum

gloria iudicare uiuos et mortuos, cuius regni

non

erit finis

10

et in

Spiritum

sanctum Dominum
confitemur
[et]

et uiuificantem

ex Patre
in

procedentem,
:

cum
*
:

Patre et Filio

adorandum
apostolicam

et conglorificandum, qui locutus est per sanctos prophetas

in

unam

catholicam et

ecclesiam

unum baptisma
futuri saeculi.

remissionem

peccatorum

expectamus

resurrectionem mortuorum
I.

uitam

amen.

ITERVM ITEM M IDEM ET CENTVM QVINQVAGINTA SANCTORVM PATRVM QVI CON.STANTINOPOLIM CONGREGATI SVNT F EXl'OSITIG FIDEI CL SANCTORVM [+ PATRVM A*] QVI CONSTANTINOPOLIM CONGREGATI SVNT T. 2. credo cant, omnium am. T. 4. in om. T. unigenitum om. TH.
: :

omnia: om.M..
cant.
7.

6.

et 1:
:

4-

propter
et
:

^a/.

/r.

nostram salutem
sup N.
Pilato
cant,

F
: :

cant
et

discindit

N
8.

+
:

de

caelis

et (ante Maria)
:

ex H.

humanatus (inhumatus T)

est et

homo

factus est cant, die

est (/>ost

humanatus)
iterum
qui ex

07n.

Vig.

pro nobis
in
:

propter nos F.

passus cant.

+ secundum
et

scripturas cant,
:

ascindit N.
et

ad
:

caelo

caelum

sedit
tr. finis

Vig. cant,

{praem

Vig.)

praem
11.

cant.

9. est

om.

MFTH
qui

Vig.

quuius M.
Filio

non erit T.

10.

uiuificatorem

F
et

Patre Filioque procedit cant,

cum

Patre et

simul adoratur et conglorificatur cant.

sanctos: ojn.f* cant,
cant,

Patrem/;
in

coadorandum
-I-

et glorificandum Vig.

loquutus

MT.

in: et

<r/.

Vi^.

unam:

sanctam

H
T

cant.

12. confiteor

* {corr.

mp)
Vig.

apostholicam

MN
1

baptisma

baptismam

in remissione

cant,
futuri

expectamus

speramus.

et

expecto

cant.

3.

resurrectione

mortuorum T.

et

otn.

MT.

FACS. CREEDS.

THE ATHANASIAN CREED

III.

THE ATHANASIAN CREED.

I.

Introduction.
of the so-called Athanasian Creed has been

This collection of facsimiles of

with the object of proving beyond

MSS.
all

made

doubt that the textus receptus has existed from the

with
the

seventh

century.

We
in

are

not

now concerned
in

evidence of

Commentaries, or
to the fifth

Quotations (either

sermons or

the Canons of Councils), or with the internal evidence

set back, certainly to the sixth

by which the date of the creed may be

century.

and probably

Having

lost the

valued aid of Dr. Traube at this point,

have somewhat enlarged the

.

palaeographical notes at the beginning of each section.

2.

Leidrat's

MS.
It

The MS.

is

preserved

in the

library of the Marist Fathers of Sainte-Foi-les-Lyon.

consists of 114 leaves, the size being 260

175

mm.

They

are .arranged in gatherings of

eight leaves, except that the third has only

fol. 104.

six,

and the

fifth ten.

The

signatures

i-xiii

end on
be

The

four leaves following, in two gatherings, have no signatures.

is

What might
1

a sixteenth gathering

reduced to a single sheet, which the binder by mistake has wrapped

this sheet are

round the preceding gathering so that the two leaves of

These

details are

necessary to explain the fact that the text

numbered 109 and 14. of the Quicmnque begins on

fol. 109"

and

is

continued on fol. 114".

it

The

script

is

ordinary Caroline minuscule.

full
it

description of

has been published by M. Leopold Delisle' whose attention was drawn to

by M. I'Abb^

J.-B. Martin, to

whom
Leidrat

am
licet

indebted for help

lies in

in

procuring the photographs.

i''.

The

central point of interest in the

MS.

the autograph note on fol.

indignus tamen eptsco/>us

istum librum tradidi ad altare

sancii stephani.

MSS., some treatises by S. Augustine in the library at Lyons (MS. 608 [524]), and the Commentary of S. Jerome on Isaiah in a MS. at Paris (Bibl. Nat. MS. lat. 152), also in Lyons 599 [515] Rufinus' version of Gregory of Nazianzus. A secretary All these dedications seem to have been written by the Bishop himself

The same

dedication

is

found

in three

other

might have used the formula luel indignus, but would almost certainly have used the Latin form of the name Leidradus.^ Leidrat held the see of Lyons from a.d. 798-814 when he
resigned.

The MS. must have been

written before 814, but not

much

earlier,

because

it

contains verses by Alcuin.

'

Notices et extraits des Manuscrits, xxxv,

2' partie.

'

M.

Delisle quotes a

MS. (Lyons Library 526)

in

which a similar dedication has been erased by a

thief

and

rewritten by a clerk of the ninth or tenth century with the form Leidradus.

THE ATIIANASIAN CREED.

Leidrat's successor

19

(Cod.

Agobard gave another important MS., the leading MS. of Tertullian Liber Agobardinus, Paris, B.N. lat. 1622). to the same church, with the inscription
:

oblatus ad altare sancti stephani ex uoto agobardi episcopi.

necessarily that the

This inscription does not imply

book was given during Agobard's lifetime. There were three churches Holy Cross, S. Stephen, S. John Baptist standing side Probably the phrases in both dedications imply no more than storage of the books by side.

in the Library.

The
(3)

contents of Leidrat's

MS.

are

(i)

Porphyry's Introduction

(2)

a translation of the

Categories of Aristotle attributed to

S.
;

Augustine, followed
(4) the

by some verses of Alcuin

Apuleius on the categorical
;

fragments of a treatise on
;

Dialectic

treatise

of

syllogism

(5) the

commentaries of Boethius on Aristotle's

condtd'onis attributed to S.
S.

treatise de Interpretatione

(6) the

de dignitatc
the
first

humanae

Ambrose^
S.

Nicene Creed, the Faiths of

Ambrose,

(7) a collection of creeds including Gregory the Great, S. Gregory of

Neocaesarea, S. Jerome
follows, then

(=

the Creed of Pelagius).

paraphrase of the

Lord's Prayer

an introduction

to the Psalter, including quotations

from Cassiodorus, Damasus,

Jerome, Isidore,

and Augustine.

was prepared for Leidrat's journey to But there were no phrases Spain in 798, when he was combating the heresy of Adoptianism. It seems more even in the Quicunique which directly combated this revival of Nestorianism. collection was the fruit of the general impulse given to historical research probable that the

M.

Delisle suggested that the collection of creeds

and theological studies by the influence of Charles the Great.

We
saec.
viii,

find similar collections in other

ix),"

MSS.

of the period, at
xviii, saec.

and
of

at
lat.

Karlsruhe (Cod. Atigiensis,

2341, saec.
x).

Leyden (Cod. There ix in.).

lat. xvii, 67, F.,

is

one of a later

date at Paris (B.N.

it

more importance to note that exactly the same collection of creeds in the But same order, together with most of the extracts which follow in Leidrat's MS., actually form the Introduction to the famous Golden Psalter at Vienna (Cod. 1861),' which was written by command of a King Charles for a Pope Hadrian. Dr. Traube had no doubt that this MS.
is

belonged

palaeographically
it

to

the

time of Charles

the

Great.

He

intended*
it

to

write

a dissertation on

in

conjunction with two friends

who were

interested in

from the point

calls the

of view of the history of Art.

He

connected

it

with a group of MSS., which he

Ada-Group, of which the best known, though not the best specimen, is the Treves Ada-MS. He was not, however, able to decide where MSS. of this group were written.
I

venture to suggest that Leidrat

may have been

instructed to prepare the collection for

was designed by Charles for Pope Hadrian I., after whose death, in A.D. 795, the MS. seems to have been given to Queen Hildegard.* In the Golden Psalter the Quicunique appears in what was, from this time forward, its usual place at the end of the Psalter, after the Canticles, the Lord's Prayer, and the Apostles'
the Psalter which

Migne, P. L., xvii, 1015. This collection includes the Confession of Faith of the nth C. of Toledo (675), in which Adoptianism is excluded by the words " Hie etiam Filius Dei natura est Filius non adoptione." ' I have also found the collection in a MS. at Brussels, Cod. 8656, saec. ix, where it is headed by the Quicunique.
'

'

Letter of Nov. 20th, 1901.

On

its

subsequent history, see

Ommanney,

Dissertation, p. 104.

20
Creed.

THE ATHANASIAN CREED.

We
1

can trace such Psalters spreading throi^ghout the ninth century from west to east

of the Empire.

There is the fine Psaher from the Abbey of St. Germain-des-Pres (Paris, B.N. 13 59) which was prepared on the eve of the coronation of Charles as Holy Roman Emperor. There are the Utrecht Psalter from the neighbourhood of Rheims, c. a.d. 830, the Psalters of Fulco of Rheims, of Charles the Bald, of Lothair, of Count Henry (at Troyes),
at St. Gallen

and others

and Wiirzburg.
itself

Leidrat's

MS. by

crushes the

theory that the

Quictmique was brought into

its

present form about a.d. 813, having existed previously in two separate portions.

We

may

accept without

question

a quotation of the second

clause

made by Agobard,

Leidrat's

whole creed and not from the first portion only. Some Church of Lyons, wrote to an Abbot Hyldrad about the years later Floras, a deacon of the He preferred to make a separate volume of the Hymns, correction of the text of Psalters. Symbol, Lord's Prayer, Faith (= Quicumqtce), calendar and prayers, which he found included Also in a letter which he wrote in the name of the Church of Lyons against the in Psalters.
successor, as a quotation from the

teaching of John the Scot, he refers to " the Catholic Faith, the true faith of thinking about

God which must

Thus
it

be preserved whole and undefiled."

is

no longer necessary

to

construct an elaborate argument^ to prove that the

silent

assumption that Paulinus of Aquileia and Alcuin were

indeed questionable.
really quotations.

regarding the

Quicumque

is

The

parallels

in

their

writings

to

the language

of the creed

are

But against the new Nestorianism of the Adoptianists as against the old
fifth

Nestorianism of the
In

century

its

phrases needed sharpening.

real value for palaeographical studies,"

M.

Delisle's

words Leidrat's MS. has "a

and

may

"furnish elements of comparative criticism to determine the date of several

MSS.

of the

beginning of the Carolingian period."^

3.

Codex

Pf.triburg. Q.

I.

15.
first

This MS.
Corbie

is

interesting from

many

points of view.

In the

place

it is

one of the
at

lost

MSS. which have found

their

way

to the Imperial

Library at

St.

Petersburg

in the

collection of Peter

Dubrowsky, who was an attache of the Russian Embassy

His name may be seen on foi.
632'.

Paris at the

end of the eighteenth century.

Mabillon found
to
it

(Plate 19.)

amonar the

MSS.

of the Benedictine
their

House

of St. Germain-des-Pres,

which the Benedictines of Corbie had brought

treasures in

1638,

most of them
it

eventually finding their

way
it

to the Bibliotheque Nationale.

He

published an account of

with

a facsimile of the

first

words of the
different

Unfortunately he gave

two

Quicumque uuli in his De re diploniatica^^ numbers, 257 and 267, which has caused some
upon

confusion in histories of the Quicujnque.'^

The
at

indefatigable zeal of Dr. Traube, who,

it,

my

showing him the photograph, was

once able to identify

it is

has traced the history of the

MS.

a stage further.

Though

it

belonged to Corbie

not written in the old Corbie hand.

In Traube's phrase the hand

is

'

Cf.

my The
cit.,

Athanasian Creed and

366.

its

early

Commen

aries, p. xlii.

^ ^

Art.

p. 16.

Ed. 1789,

torn,

i,

p.

Thus Ommanney,

Diss, on Ath. Creed, p. 97, quotes

it

as two separate

MSS.

THE ATHANASIAN CREED.

insular and probably Irish.
five

21

Corbie had comparatively few insular MSS., but there are some

and St. Petersburg. The phrase is intended to mark the distinction between Irish and Anglo-Saxon hands and the Continental types. This MS. has marked individual characteristics, especially the formation of the letters t and e, and the double types of the latter. The type \/ = e is found in the Book of Durrow, the Book of Dimma. the
or six
at

Paris

marginal writing of the Boniface

MS.

at Fulda,

and Oxford Douce

140.

On fol. 72 are found Aldhelnii enigmata ex diuersis rerum creaturis composita. This led Dr. Traube to the suggestion that the MS. comes from the Irish Monastery of P^ronne, which lay not far from Corbie. At the end of the seventh century there lived at P^ronne an
who was a great admirer of Aldhelm, the Anglo-Saxon Abbot William Malmesbury (675-709), who was also Bishop of Sherborne (705-709). Malmesbury in his Gesta pontificum Anglorum has preserved a letter from Cellanus
Irish

monk

Cellanus,

of

of
to

Aldhelm with Aldhelm's reply.' Cellanus was himself a writer of

Cod.
lat. phit., Ixvi,
it

verses,

which Dr. Traube found

in a

Florentine MS.,

40, of the

Laurentian Library.

He

notes that the Beneventine copyist

found

difficult

to

read the contractions of the old Irish hand.

Thus

s.

crux or

.?

crux

sed crux became scrux, hie became hinc,

premit.
It is

f = per became prae,

p^/rv/mit

= peremit became
acrostic
63<5

possible, therefore, that Cellanus

was the author of the strange

Johannis

celsi rifnans

mysieria caeli which, follows the text of the Quicumque on fol.

with
St.

of our

MS.

This

acrostic, together
in

the

riddles of

laudanda, occur

another

Petersburg

MS.

Aldhelm and Aldhelm's work, de (F. xiv, i) which comes from the Monastery

tiirginitate

of St. Riquier on the

Somme,

not far from P^ronne and Corbie.

The Annals

of Lorsch record the death of an Irish

Abbot Cellanus

in

706,

who

is

probably to be identified with Cellanus of Peronne.

We
make
Cellanus.

may suppose

the verses of

MS. was written by an Irish monk Aldhelm known to his neighbours in Corbie,
that the

of Peronne

who wished

to

not long after the death of

is

Dr. Traube notes that the contraction oi nostri ni ow fol. 63^

text of the

pre-Carolingian.

The
note that
814, that

Quicumque does not call for any special remark. But it is interesting to Angilbert, Abbot of St. Riquier, which is not far from Peronne, recorded, about the faith of S. Athanasius was sung by his school in procession on Rogation Days

with the Creeds and the Lord's Prayer."

4.

Codex. Monacensis lat. 6298 (Fris. 98).

vii/viii,

The MS.
it

is

described in the Catalogue as " membr. in 2 saec.

Its size is

114

fol.,

charactere
ascribes
certainly

anglo-saxonico binis columnis scriptus."

to Corbinian, first

lof

in.

8j

in.

modern note
though
it

Bishop of Freising

fol. 3 a certain Amalricus has added rhymes comes from the Cathedral at Freising. and a prayer in a hand of the eleventh century. A facsimile of fol. 71^ was published by Silvestre, Paldographie IV, f 12, but it is much

(+ On

730), but without authority,

less accurate

than a photograph.
'

Wilklm. Malmesb.,

5,

191 (188),

ed.

Hamilton, pp. 337 and 333.

'^

Hariulf, Chronique de Pabb. de Saint Riquier, pub. F. Lot, Paris, 1894.

22

THE ATHANASIAN CREED.

The MS.
pen.
It
is

contains a collection of sermons which were probably

made by Caesarius of
is

Aries, beginning with a preface Prologus

sme humilis

stiggestio,

which

certainly from his

text contains
in

immediately followed by the Quictimque without a

title.

The
was
enim

many

erasures, but does not confirm the

state.

argument that the

all

text of the creed

still

a transitional

The MS.

agrees

in

one unimportant variant with the Profession of Denebert, Bishop798,

elect

of Worcester, a.d.

against

other

MSS.,

clause

est.

It

probably

represents the complete text from which he quoted such clauses as

seemed

necessary.'

From another

point

of

view the

MS.

is

interesting

as presenting the

creed at the

beginning of a collection of the sermons of Caesarius of Aries, to

whom,

as

Dom

Morin has

shown, the authorship

may

with some plausibility be attributed.^

5.

Codex Ambrosianus

O
at

212

sup., saec. vii/viii.

It

This MS. came to the Ambrosian Library

is

Milan from the Monastery of Bobbio.

in.

a thin quarto

volume of 18
script of the

folios,

10

in.

7^

It

is

written in an

Irish hand, to

be

compared with the

Antiphonary of Bangor.

In the opinion of Dr. Ceriani, the

Librarian, both MSS. were probably written about the same time, i.e., the end of the seventh century. Dr. Traube does not say more than seventh or eighth century,^ but I think that anyone who has carefully examined the MS., without prepossessions, will be well content to

leave the date

700.
of

In either case,

it

supplies a link to connect the later eighth century

MSS. of the creed with the seventh century quotations. The MS. contains (i), The Book of Ecclesiastical Dogmas
(ii),

written

by

Gennadius,
title,

the

Faith

Bachiarius

with

short

prayer,

(iii),

the

Qiiicuniqtie

without

(iv),

a sermon on the Ascension,

(v), (in

a slightly later eighth century hand) the

Creed of

Damasus under the title "The Faith of Jerome."^ The text of the Quicumque on fol. \\r is of the
which have been supposed
In
cl.

earlier type, but there are

text.

two

variations,

to point to a transitional

form of

22, after procedens, the

words patri

et filio

coaeternus est are added.

They

occur,

however,

in

the treatise of Gennadius, and twice in the Faith of Bachiarius, which precede
it

the Quictmique in this MS., so

is

was very natural

that the copyist should insert them.

There

no reason whatever

for the

assumption that they must have been added after the

i.e.,

rise of the

Such teaching was familiar to theologians of the seventh century through the writings of Augustine,^ and instances may be multiplied in which the phrase occurs, e.g.. Canon of the Third Council of Toledo. In cl. 29 the words ante saecula genitus have been added by another hand. It is more
controversy on the
Procession of the Holy Ghost,
757.

probable that they were omitted

spiritus sancti of
cl.

through carelessness,

like the

words sed patris

et filii et

6,

than that they were lacking

in the original text.

Swainson suggests

'

Among
faith

recent discoveries of episcopal professions of faith which quote the Quicumque in part
;

Cod. Sessorianus 52 (clauses 4-6, 15, 16, 20-22, 24, 31, 30)

on the
^ ^ *

addressed to a newly elected bishop, found also

I may mentipn and Cod. Gandave?isis saec. ix/x, which contains a sermon in Ordo Romanus (ed. Hittorp, p. 74).

Rev. Benedicti7ie, Oct., 1901.

Perrona Scotiorum,

p.

500.

The

list

of contents in a late
to
vi,

hand on the
xi,

first

page omits the Quicumque and includes

five
ii,

other documents
224.

which were not

'

be found
13
;

in the

MS. even
24.

in the

seventeenth century.

Vid. Muratori. Anecdota,

de Trin.,

de Civ. Dei,

THE ATHANASIAN CREED.

that they were

2^

added

"

by someone who,
in

in

his love

for antithesis, lost sight of the original

meaning."^
fifth

But the antithesis

is

question was almost a commonplace in the theology of the

century,^ so that there

in the

no reason to doubt that they had a definite and satisfactory

It
is

meaning

mind of the author.

is

true that in the

Treves fragment they have been

earliest text.
et

rewritten over an erasure, but this

liberties in dealing with the text,
Co(jI.

part of a

sermon

in

which the writer allowed himself

In

and must not be accepted as presenting the

Monacensis

lat.

6298 the words are missing, but so are the words which follow

homo

est

ex substantia matris, obviously by mere oversight of the copyist.

6.

CoNCLUSldNS.
these texts are of two kinds, textual and
I

The
historical.

conclusions which

may be drawn from

Without attempting
light,

to give a complete apfiarattis criticus

will

print the text of

the creed and add

some notes on those doubtful

Cod.
ff.

readings, not
Cod.

many

in

number, on which

these

MSS. throw
Cod.
lat.

using the following symbols

;

Ambrosianus

Leidrat's
in

MS.

L4

Monacensis M,
p.

Petriburg.

these

being the symbols used

my

Introduction to the Creeds,

I

189

Quicumque
autem

vult salvus esse ante

omnia opus

est ut teneat catholicam

in

fidem,

quam

nisi

quisque

integram inviolatamque servaverit absque dubio

3 Fides
catiiolica

aeternum

peribit.

haec est ut

unum Deum

in Trinitate et

Trinitatem in Unitate veneremur

Alia est enim

neque confundentes personas neque substantiam separantes.

coaeterna majestas.

persona patris

alia Filii alia Spiritus Sancti, sed Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti gloria,

una

est divinitas, aequalis

8 Qualis Pater talis Filius talis et Spiritus Sanctus.

Increatus Pater increatus Filius increatus

immensus et Spiritus Sanctus. Aeternus 1 Pater aeternus Filius aeternus et Spiritus Sanctus, et tamen non tres aeterni sed unus 12 aeternus sicut non tres increati nee tres immensi sed unus increatus et unus immensus. 13 14 Similiter omnipotens Pater omnipotens Filius omnipotens et Spiritus Sanctus, et tamen non

10 et Spiritus Sanctus.

Immensus Pater immensus

Filius

tres

omnipotentes sed unus omnipotens.

Deus Pater Deus Filius Deus et Spiritus Sanctus, et tamen non tres Dii sed unus est Ita Dominus Pater Dominus Filius Dominus et Spiritus Sanctus, et tamen non tres 17 18 Deus. Quia sicut singillatim unamquamque personam et Deum 19 Domini sed unus est Dominus. et Dominum confiteri Christiana veritate compellimur ita tres Deos aut Dominos dicere catholica
15

16 Ita

religione prohibemur.

20 21 Pater a nullo
22 sed
genitus.

est factus

nee creatus nee genitus.

Filius a Patre solo est

non factus nee creatus

nee genitus sed

Spiritus

Sanctus a Patre et
tres

Filio,

non

factus

nee creatus

23 procedens.

Unus ergo Pater non

tres Spiritus Sancti.

Patres,

unus Filius

non

tres

Filii,

unus

Spiritus

24 Sanctus non

Et

in

hac Trinitate
sibi

nihil prius

aut posterius, nihil

:

majus
sicut

25 aut minus, sed totae tres personae coaeternae

sunt et coaequales
in Trinitate

ita

ut per
sit.

omnia

jam supradictum

est et Trinitas in Unitate et

Unitas

veneranda

26 27 Qui vult ergo salvus esse ita de Trinitate sentiat, sed necessarium est ad aeternam salutem ut incarnationem quoque Domini nostri lesu Christi fideliter credat.
28 Est ergo fides recta ut credamus et confiteamur
quia

Dominus

noster

Jesus

Christus Dei

29

Filius et

Deus

pariter et

homo

est.

Deus

est

ex substantia

Patris ante saecula

genitus et

'

Nicene and Apostles^ Creeds,

p.

321.

'

Aug. Enchiridion, 35

Vincentius, Commonitorium, 19.

24
30

THE ATHANASIAN CREED.

homo
est

ex substantia matris

in saeculo natus.

31 rational! et

humana came

subsistens.
licet

Aequalis
sit

32 secundum humanitatem.
33 34

Qui

Deus

et

Deus perfectus homo ex anima secundum divinitatem, minor Patri homo non duo tamen sed unus est Christus.
Perfectus
Patri

Unus autem non

conversione divinitatis in

came

sed adsumptione humanitatis in Deo.

Unus

Nam sicut anima rationalis et caro 35 omnino non confusione substantiae sed unitate personae. qui passus est pro salute nostra, 36 unus est homo, ita Deus et homo unus est Christus descendit ad inferos, resurrexit a mortuis, ascendit ad caelos, sedet ad dexteram Patris inde 37 38 venturus iudicare vivos et mortuos, ad cujus adventum omnes homines resurgere habent cum 39 corporibus suis et reddituri sunt de factis propriis rationem. Et qui bona egerunt ibunt in vitam aeternam, qui mala in ignem aeternum. 40 Haec est fides catholica quam nisi quisque fideliter firmiterque crediderit salvus esse non
:
:

poterit.

The
In

variations are few in

7

cl.

om

et

h^ corr ;

number and unimportant in character. and in 8, 9, 10, 13, 15, 17 om et Chi corr.
the
older
reading,

There can be
of
the

little

question

that

AM,

preserve

which

is

the

reading

earliest

commentaries.
In
cl.

22

ACL4M1

preserve the more rhythmical and probably correct ending genitus

sed proc^dens (curszis uelox).

In
cl.

25 L4 has what In
cl.

is

certainly the later reading

>

Unitas

in

Trinitate et Trinitas

Unitate.

28

om

pariter L4.

All

the

MSS.

taken together are almost equally

it

divided, but in

manv

of those which originally contained pariter

has been erased.

This

it Certainly the rhythm hdmo (cursus planus) is broken by it, and this would be felt to be an objection at the time when the creed was finding its way into Psalters as a canticle, since the old plain song was founded on the Cursus Leoninus. But in its earlier use as an Instruction the inequality of the rhythm would be less noticed, and the word was probably intended to sharpen the This view of its history is confirmed by the sentence against some form of Nestorian error. fact that it is found in the Treves fragment, and in the exposition of the Fortunatus Commentary, although the commentator does not quote it in his text.

shows

that a strong feeling existed against

in the ninth century.

Ddus

et

In

cl.

33

BCMi

have the readings carne

commentaries.

Deo
.

with the great majority of early

.
.

MSS. and

the

earliest

L4 has

carnem

Deo
.

with
.
.

the

Golden
have
of

Psalter

at

Vienna.

Waterland's argument that accusatives carnem

to

Deum

been changed

into ablatives

confute

Eutychian error

still

has weight.

The

balance

preference for this reading will turn upon the opinion held respecting the internal evidence,

whether the creed

is

ascribed to Apollinarian or later times, into which

in

cannot enter.

The
earlier

cl.

36 ad inferos BLMj, ad infernus C, presents a case

which the reading has

probably been affected by the current reading of the Apostles' Creed, which had inferna in

forms and inferos

is

in later.

The
it

evidence of the commentaries confirms the opinion

was in the Creed of Caesarius of Aries. We find inferos in the Creed of the Bangor Antiphonary as in Cod. Bernensis N. 645, where it is This may account for the reading of B. The reading probably due to Celtic influence. ad inferos does not seem to have found its way into Gallican Creeds before a.d. 600, and
that inferna

the best reading, and

became common about a century later. The readings Dei and omnipotentis in verse 2)1 found in L4M1 are the Apostles' Creed in which they become common after 500.

plainly insertions

from

THE ATHANASIAN CRKED.

I

25
light

do not think that the following facsimiles throw much fresh

on the vexed question

of authorship.

Dom

Morin's suggestion that Caesarius of Aries

in

is

the most probable author

finds support in the

It
is

which the creed follows the prologue written by Caesarius. now beyond question that Caesarius knew and used the creed, and it is significant that
in the habit of

Munich MS.,

he was
in

quoting great names at the head of his treatises as authorities for his
for the title

teaching.

This would account

Fides
still

s.

Athanasii, which does not, however, occur

the

Munich MS.
it is

For those who are

open
to

impressed by Waterland's argument that the

creed belongs to Apollinarian times, to the decade 420-430 which preceded the condemnation
of Nestorian errors,

argue that Caesarius

its

may have

received the creed from Lerins,

and assimilated
thought.

it

so thoroughly that

phrases are woven into the ordinary texture of his

The

theory that the creed was written by some earlier writer of the School of
first

Lerins, whether Hilary of Aries or the

parallels in the

Abbot Honoratus,

fits

in far better

with the close

Commonitoriuvi of Vincentius and the probable quotation by Avitus of Vienne,

who

as a rival of Caesarius

was not

likely to set

much

store

by any composition of

his.

The

trend of evidence in these early

MSS.

does confirm another historical conclusion, that

Leidrat's

the early use of the creed was rather as an instruction on the faith than a canticle.
inclusion of
it

in

a Psalter, together with revived interest in Church music, which the schools

of Charles the Great began at that time to foster, leads directly to the use in the Office of

Prime.

For further information

must

refer

my

readers to

my

Introduction to the Creeds}

'

London (Methuen),

1899.

FACS. CREEDS.

^^.

-.

_;"--"

[J

iff

PALAEOGRAPHICAL NOTES BY THE LATE

[These Notes of Dr. Traube were found ready
for press

DR.

LUDWIG TRAUBE.
left at his

among

the papers which he

decease,

and are printed by the desire of

his representatives.

Paul Lehmann.]

I.

FACSIMILES OF THE APOSTLES' CREED.

I.

Introduction.
I

The
the Rev.

palaeographical notes which

have added

to the plates here presented should

be

regarded from the following standpoint.

A. E. Burn,
in

The

material

connection with his

was collected by my respected great and uninterrupted work on the

friend,

oldest

was given to palaeographical points. On the other hand, it was my peculiar province to add palaeographical notes to the collected facsimiles without regard to their liturgical contents, or, I might better say, to add such notes as are Though I had some years ago expressed connected in a broad sense with palaeography. myself ready for this work, I had the opportunity of using only the Munich and Verona MSS. as a means of testing and correcting by personal observation the opinions which I had of
Christian symbols, but no special attention
necessity based on photographs, printed descriptions, and
lists

of abbreviations

made ad hoc.

The

other

MSS.

to

which

had previously had access

shall cite liturgical

studied without having yet in view

a definite palaeographical work.

It
I

need hardly be said that

works only

in special cases.

In general

presuppose an acquaintance with them.

For the above-mentioned facsimiles and descriptions I am indebted not only to A. E. Burn but also to the following friends and helpers C. U. Clark for help in Rome and Milan, Enander in Paris, P. Gabriel Meier in Einsiedeln, W. Riezler for help
:

in St. Petersburg, C.

H. Turner and

P.

August Merk,

S.J., for

help in Cologne and Milan.

2.

Bern, Stadtbibliothek, 645, Pol.

72.

Bibliography

On

the contents of the

I,

MS.
;

cf.,

in addition to

Hagen's Catalogue, Mommsen,

Chronica Minora,
p.

153 sqq.

564 and 674 Bratke, Theologische Studien und Kritiken, 1895, and A. E. Burn, Introduction to the Creeds, London, 1899, p. 241.
I

would designate as an intermediate step between Gallic half-uncial and minuscule. With this may be compared a number of French manuscripts, e.g., Cambrai 624 {Albutn Paldographique, pi. 13), Paris Nouv. Acq. 1597 (Delisle, Fonds Libri,

The

script of the manuscript

pi. 5, I, pi. 5, 2),

Chatelain, Scriptura

Uncialis, tab. C), Paris

St.

Nouv. Acq. 16 19
5,

(Delisle,

Fonds Libri,

Karlsruhe Aug. CCLIII,

in

Petersburg F.I.

F.I. 6, O.I. 4-

All these

manu-

scripts originated

the seventh. and eighth centuries.

Their

similarity,

however, to the
E 2

28
Bernensis
is

PALAEOGRAPHICAL NOTKS BY THE LATE DR. LUDWIG TRAUBE.

nowhere striking. The St. Petersburg MSS., originally from Corbie, and Paris (The Bernensis, Nouv. Acq. 1 619, have more the peculiar character of the half-uncial. however, shows on other pages some half-uncial and uncial forms, for example, the g, which do not appear on fol. 72.) The Karlsruhe MS., formerly in Reichenau, has more cursive The MS. Paris Nouv. Acq. 1597, which belonged to the cloister of St. Benedict elements.
at Fleury,

shows the

closest resemblance, but there are yet individual differences, for example,

in the sign for

(in the Floriacensis ~

and

in the

Bernensis only
if

),

which are not

to

be

mistaken.

One would
the

be inclined to place the

at

Bern MS.,

possible,

even before the eighth

Still,

century, or, at

latest,

the
true,

beginning of the eighth century.

but also in

the system of

abbreviations, incomplete

it is

some
;

respects developed, induces

fol.

me

to assign

as late a date as the middle of the eighth century

for example,

57" dns

nr

ihs

xps but on

same page also dnm nr ihm xpm ; on fol. 53 is again written correctly di. nri. See Traube, Perrona Scottoruni, Sitzungsberichte der bayer. Akademie, 1900, p. 521 [and Nomina Sacra, Also on the page here presented ?,^ot is put falsely for ikm (the writer wished, besides, p. 229].
the
to write originally

xpm ihm
fol.

in reverse

order

likewise, line 2,filium,

seems corrected

iroxw filiics).

Quite striking, on

57", is

prpt
;

for propter,

which might be explained as a confusion with

is

the legitimate Spanish form pptr

likewise the following psclis for paschalis

formed

in

the

Spanish manner.
cases where

Still,

in

these places, which are a part of the Cyclus Paschalis of Yictorius

is

Aquitanus, the South-French original

u,

probably reflected.
but within the
line,

This may also be true of the few

is

not at the end of the

e.g., fol.

line,

designated by the cursive

v,

written above,
regularly.

59 q"od aliq'ociens.

Episcopus {eps

etc.)

and

Israel {isrl) are treated

3.

Paris lat. 13246, Fol. 88.

is

Sacramentarium Gallicanum.

Bibliography

The MS.

completely described by Delisle, Cabinet des Manuscrits III, 224

[and since Traube's death, by

Chrdtienne et de Liturgie,
Facsimiles : L. Delisle,
loc. cit.,

Dom A. Wilmart in the edited by Dom F. Cabrol, fasc.

;

Dictionnaire d" Archeologie

xv. col. 941 sqq?^.

enumerates what he has before him

the small engraving which

Mabillon published
lines.

in the

Musaetmt Italicum, and the

pi.

later facsimiles of these

few
6.

Delisle himself gives again some lines on

XV,

6 and

7,

and

pi.

XVII,

[Four pages are reproduced by

In the year
1

Dom

A. Wilmart,

loc. cit.~\

68 1 Mabillon had already published his chief work.

Italy,

Not

until

1685 did he

undertake the journey to

benefit.

which was
Before him

far too late

and

far too short for real scientific

On

the

way home he spent

its

three days at the monastery of Bobbio, which had lonolay, as

ceased to have
Still

best

MSS.

he

tells later,

only magni nominis umbra.

for

he borrowed, among other things, and thus indirectly secured

codicei7t

the

home

of scientific
:

palaeography,

Liturgiae Gallicanae opthnae notae

litter is Jttaiusculis exaratujn^

this

MS.

is

now 13246
is,

of the National Library in Paris.

There

therefore,
in

no possible doubt of the provenance of our MS.

to the character of Bobbio,

If its script

corresponded only

some measure
'

which indeed changes and

Musaeum

Italicum, Paris, 1724, T.

i,

pag. 217.

PALAEOGRAPHICAL NOTES BY THE LATE DR. LUDWIG TRAUBE.

often varies, but
is,

29

on the whole, well known,

superfluous.'

did provenance and

But such
is

origin thus
;

seem

to coincide,

any

further

word would be

not the case

actual original (the

Sacramentarium Gallicanum with the Creed) but

exactly)

MS. not only the the many contemporaneous

the

or later appendices (which Delisle presents

is

so uncalligraphically written, and

occupies so e.xceptional a position that

In the
first

it

demands

investigation and discussion.

palaeography gives only negative information and leads us away from Bobbio, we must observe the " culture-influences " which appear in the MS., and which
place, since

might, perhaps, point to another definite centre.

For example, the word-form Romensis^ cf. Traube, Textgeschichte der Regula S. Benedicti, p. 129 (= Abhandlungen der Bayer. Akademie, XXI, iii, 727), which passed over from Spain to France, and is found also,
First, there are

without question strong Spanish symptoms.

317 and Gotha membr. I, 85. A part of the appendices, fol. 294, de tempore nativitalis Chrisii, appears again in a Spanish MS. of saec. viii, now Albi 29, The so-called loca Monachortitn, again in the if. Mommsen, Chronica Minora, III, 728.
e.g.,

in

Rome

Reg.

lat.

appendices, have also a distant connection with Spain

Charles,

XLIV,

58.

Nevertheless, script

Omont, Bibliotheque de tlicole des (together with the abbreviations) and orthography
;

cf.

throughout the

MS.

are anything but Spanish.

We

find

everywhere the type ni with some

;

cases of the type nri, but nowhere the Spanish forms of nosier
srl or one of the other Spanish forms
;

for Israel is written isrl, not

qnm and
in the

schn,
;

which appear, are indeed originally

stands in the actual

Spanish formations, but soon became

fairly
;

wide-spread

MS.

for per,

and

likewise, here

and there,/
in

ior pro

only

appendices does

stand also for per, but

this abbreviation

is

not only Spanish, but also early French.

are

More significant now agreed on

that

our

MS. than

the Spanish influences are the Irish.

their
in

The

liturgists

this

point.''

To

arguments may be added a reference

the

to

the

orthography

appears

occasionally

appendices

concesione,
it

posedet,

preceset

{=

praecessii), pasionein, 7nesam

{=

missani).

Such forms which,

is

true,

remind us again
for Italy,

of Spain,

we

are accustomed to regard in general as Irish.

Indications thus

seem
is

to point

back to Bobbio.

Correspondingly significant
I,

and

likewise for Bobbio,

the mention of St. Eugenia [Eogenia in Mabillon,

(p.

2,
I

pp. 281

and

289).

Formerly, in the Textgeschichte der Regula S. Benedicti

still

103

701),

had declared
des Missale

that the matter

localized.

stood as in the time of Mabillon

the cult of Eugenia could not be fully

In the meantime,
Freiburg, 1896,
:

Ebner {Ouelien und Forschungen zur Geschichte

Romamim,
to

Eugenia

Rome
loc.

424) found two unquestionably Italian MSS. with an invocation Sess. CXXXVI, saec. xi (from Como), and Florence Laur. Aed., CXI,
p.

saec. x (from Florence).

Textgeschichte,

cit.).

opposed the Regula Magistri {cf Here also Sancta Eugenia appears, though neither the rule itself
these

To

MSS.,

it

is

true, is

nor the
1

MSS.
consider

of the rule can be from Italy.^

Dom

Cagin's assumption that

the

contents

of

the

MS.

point directly to Bobbio disproved by

Duchesne, Lejay and Morin. I have since found many other examples that prove that Romensis was the Spanish form for Romaniis, and that Martene's Murbach MS., which contains the Breviarium ecdesiae ordinis the form spread from Spain into Gaul.
Mominsae,
^

I have, in the

meantime, found

in

Gotha.

Cf. Bannister, Jburna/

0/ Theological Studies,

(1903), 54.
is

The same

is

true of the Sacramentarium of Gellone, in which Eogeiiia

likewise invoked.

30
If,

PALAP;OGRAPHICAL NOTES BY THE LATE DR. LUDWIG TRAUBE.

however, we wished to accept the two

is

Italian

MSS.
it

instead of the

Regula Magistri,

the script

decidedly against a localization in Italy;

In

has absolutely none of the Bobbio

characteristics.

Bobbio, Irish and Italian culture meet, and something in the script and

the abbreviations of the Codices Bobienses indicates the product of this double stream.

We

see either Italian script with insular abbreviations, or insular script with Italian abbreviations,
often both together in the

same MS.

But where such crossing has not taken

is

place,

one of

the two elements, the insular or the Italian,

that there can be

wont

to be so strongly

and clearly developed

no doubt of the origin of the MS.

In regard to Parisinus 13246, however,

the script of the

MS.

itself is uncial

without Irish influence, in the appendices uncial mixed

There are no insular abbreviations. If we seek, however, another centre besides Bobbio, where Irish influence could affect the writer, and where the script of the codex would be more appropriate, our thoughts turn Mabillon had long before thought of Luxeuil, from Italy to Gaul, from Bobbio to Luxeuil. We also will speak guardedly. Columban's but not exactly from palaeographical reasons.
with minuscule, likewise without any insular note.

monastery
effect

in

France

is

distinguished from his Italian in that the Irish element has had no
script,

whatever on the character of the

which remains

Gallic.

Script

and abbreviations

in Paris
I

13246 are just as possible for Luxeuil as they are impossible for Bobbio. To be sure But the MS. is older than the other could not argue in defence of a particular similarity.
Luxeuil. In the language the above-mentioned
Irish

known examples from

peculiarity of
e.g.,

the appendices might well be significant of Luxeuil.

Other methods of
in

spelling,

the

above-mentioned Eogenia, and

seo, find
II,

corresponding types
;

the tradition of
p.

MSS.

{cf.

Schuchardt, Vokalismus,

163

Eranos Vindobonensis,

114, adn.

many Gallic The often 3).

des

very vulgar language of the appendices seemed to the linguists to point at least more to

France than to Romanes,

Still,

Italy

cf.

P.

Meyer, Romania,
latter in

(1872), 489, Boucherie,

et

Revue

Langues
1875.

(1874), 103,

and the

Mdlanges Latins

Bas-Latins, Montpellier,

these are general remarks that speak only partly for France as opposed to Italy.
in

Of

special arguments that might be adduced

peculiarities

favour of Luxeuil, with the exception of the Irish

is

and the close

relations

between Bobbio and Luxeuil, only the following

fol.

of value.

The name
places
:

Berhilfus, which appears,

197'',

on the margin of Parisinus

in the

(just as in other

Elderatus, Manubertus, Dacolena^ and Bonolo) was referred by Mabillon to the

Abbot

of Bobbio
ingly,

(+

639).

But Bertulfus came

if

to

Bobbio
If

year 626 from Luxeuil.

Accord-

we might

rather assume,
Still, this is
:

a connection exists, that Bertulfus brought the book with

him

to Bobbio.

a mere possibility.
the Parisinus
is

we wish

to restrict ourselves to the limits

difficult

of probability
localize

we may say
;

a work scarcely calligraphic, and

to

to

and date

probably the

MS. belongs

France as an example of the barbarous

seventh century.
to

Irish influences, reflected in the contents

and the orthography, might point

to Bobbio, but

Luxeuil or to a centre which enjoyed conditions similar to those of this Irish monastery in
If
it

France.

be said with

still

greater caution

the

MS. belonged

was written

by a scribe accustomed, not to the script of Bobbio, but to the French, the appendices could
rightly

be cited against the argument, since they also do not use the script of Bobbio.

'

Forstemann mentions a Dacolenus from a document of Moissac,

a.

680 (Pardessus,

Diplot/iata, II, 185).

palaeographical notes by the late dr. ludwig traube.

4.

Rome

Pal. lat. 493, fol. 16,

16",

17.

So-called Missale Gallicanum Vetus.

Bibliography :

On

this

MS.,

cf.

Adalbert Ebner, Quellen unci Forschungen zur Geschichte tmd

Ktinstgeschichte des Missale

Romanum, Freiburg
subject).

i.B.,

1896, p.

246 (which includes

the

previous literature on

the

To

this

may be added

new

edition of

Duchesne, Origines du

Ctclle Chretien, Paris, 1898, p. 144,

and the second volume

of F. Kattenbusch, Das Apostolische Sytnbol, Leipzig, i()oo, passitn. Facsimiles: I know only the engraving in Muratori, Liturgia Romana P^elus, Venice, 1748, Ebner designates a facsimile on p. 430 as "the title page Vol. II, opposite p. 391. from Cod. Palat. 493," but this is incorrect. The facsimile corresponds rather to

Rome
Delisle
""

Reg. 317,

fol.

169".
p.
']'}^

{Mimoires de rinstitut, Ac. des Inscriptions, Vol. XXXII,

forment treize cahiers, dont
In
fact,

rightly says

Ces cent

six feuillets

les

douze premiers sont

(fol.

les debris

d'un ou

de deux sacramentaires."
belong to the original
again
so

apart from the appendix are

to

100 sqq^, which does not

MS., three hands

the

be

distinguished.
this part of the

unlike
is

the others, and

arrangement of

Of MS.

these,
is

one

is

so different

that one

inclined to presuppose not only another

(fol.

hand but even another MS.

(fol.

To
first

this

belong the third quire

(fol.

34-43), the fourth and

fifth

19-33), ^he sixth to the twelfth

44-99); on

all

these pages the

(fol.

MS.

has twenty

lines.

On

the other hand, the

(fol.

quire

with sixteen lines

i-(o) and the second with fourteen lines

initial

11-18) resemble each

other closely in script and

ornamentation.

The same
lat.

variation in the

number of
far

lines

occurs, moreover, in the closely related

Rome

Reg.

317,

where the

first
is

part has fourteen,

the second part twenty lines, so that a conclusion based on such differences
Strictly within the limits of

from certain.

palaeography the elements for the criticism of the MS. are

(fol.

the following.
fol.

The
I

uncial,

the occasional minuscule

10", line

3 horn the end,

per dnm

17 twice cre<^do'> by another hand), and the ornamentation are peculiar, and clearly hark

back to what

have called the " School of Luxeuil." Murbach,

in the ninth century.

centre, perhaps

The appendix was written in a German The entire MS. belonged later to the cloister

of St. Nazarius in Lorsch.

There remains to be discussed the close relationship between Palat. lat. 493 and Reg. Both MSS. have often been compared palaeographically and in respect to contents. lat. 317. The connection is evidently close. To me Palatinus seems somewhat younger than
Reginensis
can
;

it

stands to Reginensis perhaps in the relation of a nephew.

It
:

Further, Reginensis

be more exactly placed than Palatinus.

was written
it

after

680

for the diocese of

Autun.

We

may

therefore, perhaps, say of Palatinus

belongs to the School of Luxeuil, was written

at the

beginning of the eighth century, and came from Burgundy to

Lorsch

in the ninth

century by

way

of one of the cloisters that had relations with Germany.

5.

Paris lat. 12048, fol. 181 and 191".

Sacramentarium and Martyrologium of Gellone.

Delisle,

Bibliography

Description

in

Le

Cabinet des Manuscrits,

Inscriptions,

III,

221

ff.

Delisle,

Mdmoires de
origin,
cf.

rinstitut,

Academie des

XXXII,

80.

Further, on the

Traube, Textgeschichte der Regula S. Benedicti

123

(=721);

Dom

32

PALAEOGRAPHICAL NOTES BY THE LATE DR. LUDWIG TRAUBE. Cagin

in

Melanges Cabrieres,

Paris,

1899,

I,

231

ff.

Dom
adds

Quentin,

Revue
the

Bdnddictitie,

XX
Le
in

(1903), 370

f.

Facsimiles: Delisle,
older

Cabinet des Manuscrits,

the

pi.

XIV,

8.

He
in et

also,

loc.

cit^.,

copies

Nouveau
pi.

Traits de Diplomatique,

Bastard (according to

Delisle's

numbering,

49-61), in

Le Moyen Age

la Renaissance,
I

and

in the
sq.

PaUographie
It
is

Universelle,

cf. also Michel, Histoire de I'Art,

(Paris, 1905),

313

the custom to designate

the script of this beautiful

codex as Spanish {icriture

to

visi-gothique).

The

authors of the
les

Nouveau Traits were

p.

the

first

do so

Silvestre, Delisle,

Molinier [Les Alanuscrits et

Miniatures, Paris, 1892,

Lecture des Notes Tironiennes, Paris, 1900,

loc. cit.)

p. 99), Chatelain [Introduction a la 120), Leprieur (in Michel's Histoire de I Art,

and others have accepted the designation, but Delisle expresses himself
cautiously,

in

one place

much more
gothique
"

and

speaks of " Ecriture demi-onciale qui

81).

se rattache a I'ecole visi-

{M^moires,

loc. cit., p.

Further, there are peculiarities in the orthography which might be significant of Spain
e.g.,

h^radicare,

tumum,

dihutius, habysi

(=

abyssi), but

we meet such

also in France.

The
ms (=
especially

abbreviations remind us here and there of the Spanish.

Thus

tcsrm (=: uestrum),

fashion,

meus),

and mo (=
In

meo).

The

letters

also are coloured

partly in Spanish

the g.

general,

however,

many

palaeographical

considerations oppose

the

assumption of Spanish origin.

The words
style.

noster and uester (with the exception of the abovein

mentioned form),
to the category of

Israel,

nomen, auteni, per, and pro,

the abbreviated forms used in our

to

MS., have not Spanish, but French

Bernensis.

The whole MS.,

judge from the

in

script,

belongs

French MSS. of the transition period, cited above

explanation of the

The

miniatures and ornaments (the " Buchschmuck," as

parallels

we

say) are very peculiar

and

have no exact

among

pre-Carlovingian and Carlovingian

p.

MSS.

Janitschek {Die

Trierer Ada-Handscltrift, Leipzig, 1889,

69) assumes Syrian influences.

has had some effect on this kind of book-painting

may

certainly

That the Orient be asserted even by those

is

who do

not accept all,Strzygowski's brilliant hypotheses.

that the examples that

may

be adduced from extant Latin

Is the

On the other hand, it MSS. for comparison

remarkable

with the

MS.

of Gellone originated in Spanish territory.

MS.
in

then perhaps more closely connected

with Spain than

we would
within
the

believe
p.

As

early as the ninth century, as the later insertions

show
of

Delisle enumerates them,

i.e.,

222

the

MS. was

Gellone

in the

South-French diocese

Lodeve,

sphere of Spanish influence.

But just these additions and

prove that the connection of the
In fact,

marginal notes, which are clearly distinguished from the script of the Sacramentarium and

Martyrologium, and are plainly Carlovingian

in character,

MS.

with Gellone was not established until the ninth century.

Fortunately,
it

is

not necessary to stop at this rather negative information.

Sollier has already noticed^ that definite original notes in the text of the Martyrologium have

special reference to the cloister Rebais in the diocese of

Meaux.

To

these cases

Dom

Quentin
of

has added

still

another, which proves that the

MS. was

written while

Romanus was Bishop

Meaux.

This

settles the date, with considerable certainty,

about the year 750.

'

\i.e.,

in the

Mem.

de rinstitut, xxxii, 80.]

124.

'

Cf.

Traube,

loc. cit, p.

PALAEOGRAPHICAL NOTES BY THE LATE DR. LUDWIG TRAUBE.

33

To

this

period and this region correspond perfectly the stage of development of the
in

abbreviations

the

MS.
:

We
the

recognize

this

especially

in

noster

and

uesier.

The

nominative

/",

the declension follows the type ni, forms of the type nri are rare.
I

To sum
of

up,

would say

MS. was

written

ca. a.

j^o for
at

'a.n6.

probably in the diocese

Meaux

the

calligrapher
teaching.

or

calligraphers

who worked

it

were perhaps influenced

somewhat by Spanish

6.

Cod. Einsiulensis 199,

:

it.

473 and 474.

From the Dicta Abbatis Priminh.

Bibliography

For an exact description of the MSS. Einsiedeln 199 and Einsiedeln 281 cf. Meier, in the Catalogus Codicum qui in Bibliotheca Monasterii P. Gabriel Einsidlensis servantur, Einsidlae, 1899, p. 155 sqq. and 257 sqq. [also L. Traube, Sitzungsberichte der bayer. Akademie, 1907, p. 71 sqq\

Facsimiles:

None

yet published.

[L. Traube,

/.c.

tab. I.]

Through

familiarity

with the treasures of his

own home, and

love for them, P. Gabriel

Meier, Librarian of Einsiedeln, brought his investigations to so successful a conclusion that

from the two Einsiedeln

Quires
,,

MSS.

199 and 281 the following old homiliary can be reconstructed

I-X

281, pp. 1-148.

199, pp. 431-526.

X-XV =

Still, it

XVI (- XVII?) =

281, pp. 149-178.

remains an open question whether these 16 or 17 quires, which are now separate but were probably connected in the ninth century, were from the first beginning intended for
the

same book.

It

is

possible,

though the hands change and one scribe seems

later

than the

other or the others.

age.

Our

selection belongs to the part that gives the impression of greatest

We
century

see before us a script that

in

was

at

home

in

a large district

in

Chur,

St. Gallen,

Reichenau,

Murbach,
to the

in

various Bavarian monasteries, from the closing years of the eighth

down

first

decades of the ninth.^

Thus, appropriately, the MS. contains

It is

the Dicta Priminii, of which our

script of the founder of

own

plate gives an example.

easy to imagine that the

in

monastic
land.

life in

Reichenau and

in

Murbach was propagated

its

the

type general

in

Alamannic

This
I

is

not the place to discuss in detail the peculiar type of this script and
it

origin.

may

only briefly mention, what strikes the eye of every palaeographer, that
;

is

the result

of a

many-sided movement

the minuscule

developing

in

France, as
in

influence of the School of

Monte

Cassino, which

was likewise
is

a state

came under the of development, was

it

forced in a peculiar calligraphic direction.

The
that

homiliary reconstructed by P. Meier

older than the founding of the monastery

Still,

at Einsiedeln,

by which

it

has been preserved.

e.g.,

there are other

s.

MSS.
;

in

Einsiedeln

show the same

type,

157 Gregorius in Ezeckielem,

viii/ix

199 pp. 257-430,

'

The nominative forms

Sacra, p. 224,]

nst

and ust have

also
I

been given
I

me

{cf.

Ferrona Scottorum,

p. 516).

Since they do not

[C/I

appear in the copies and photographs to which

have access,

prefer to omit

them

for the present as uncertain.

Nomina
'

Cf. Traube, Textgeschichte der

Regula

S. Betiedicti, p.

54

(=

652) and 66

(=

664).
.

FACS. creeds.

34
Canones,
s.

PALAEOGRAPHICAL NOTES BY THE LATE DR. LUDWIG TRAUBE.

It might be thought that these 357 Rufinus Historia ecclesiastica, s. viii/ix. came directly, perhaps from Reichenau, to Einsiedeln, but an interpolation on p. 452

ix

MSS.
of

Codex 199

indicates a different course.

On
is

this page,

between 14

lines of the text,

which contains a pseudo-Augustinian sermon,

related to the

written, in early twelfth-century letters,

an extremely valuable interlinear version of an

it

Romance dialect. P. Meier convinced that we have here the

evident

considers

Spanish.

I,

however,

am

oldest example of a Rhaeto-Romanic branch, and Grober informs me, that the Romanic has the colour of the Romontsch dialect of Gustav I, therefore, believe the Upper Rhine Valley. and have already so indicated in Perrona

Scottorum {Sitznngsberichte der buyer.

Einsiedeln from Rhaetian territory.
It
I

Akademie,

1900, p.

514)

that
there.
I

the

MS. came
in

to

may

also
loc.

have been written

cit.,

With

this

Rhaetian

origin

have,

also

connected a peculiarity
can

the

abbreviations of the homiliary.

Through Pater Meier's

parts of

friendly help

now

give further

information on the subject.

The
,

everywhere the type

ni, etc.

for nostri,

MSS. 199 and 281 combined by him show almost To this belongs the nominative nr {= nosier). etc.
p.

Of forms
474
{cf.

of the type nri there appears only once iirm.

our plate) and 481 of Codex 199, and on

strange that on pp. 432, 445, 473, 13 of Codex 281, the pure Spanish form
It is
I

nsm, instead of

nm

or

nrm, appears twice.

Formerly

attributed these traces of Spanish

formation to the school in which the homiliary was written.

Now, however, on account of the rarity of the Spanish forms, which at that time I had not fully studied, it seems more probable They are lacking in the other homilies to assume that they came over from the original.
contained
in

Cod. 199 and 281

they are found only

in

the Dicta Priminii.

Nothing
This

is
is

known

of the origin of Priminius except that he

came

to

Alamannia

as Peregrinus.

often interpreted that he

came from Ireland or England. May I express the supposition that Priminius was perhaps a Spaniard, that the strange name is a transformation of Pinienius (= not/AcVios) through the influence oi Primus and Primigenius ?

The orthography
unequal
p.
;

of the

MS., the language

in

general of the individual parts, are very

I.

cf.

Caspari,

Kirchenhistorische Anecdota,

{Christiania,

1883),

p.

VIII

sqq.,

151 sqq.,

p.

215 sqq.; the same, Eine Augustin fdlschiick beigelegte Homilia de Sacrilegiis
1886),
p.

(Christiania,
peculiarities.

52 sqq.

One meets

for

the

most part Gallic or general Romance

I

With regard

to exclusively

Spanish origin

can prove nothing with certainty

ressurgere and ressurrectio, as always in the Dicta Priminii, can be Spanish as well as Irish.

II.

FACSIMILES OF THE

I.

NICENE CREED.
1322,

Rome
d.

Vatic. Lat.

Canones.
224;
745
,

Bibliography: Bethmann, Archiv

Gesellschaft f. dltere deutsche Geschichtskimde,

.
. .

xii,

Maassen,
Leonis

Gesckiclite

d.

Quellen

des
(a. (a.

canonischen
xxx. Ixv
;

Rechts,

I,

'Ji'],

Spicilegium Casinense (ed. Amelli), tom.

1888), p.

Facsimiles:

Magni

opera ed. Cacciari II

1755)

p.

Spicilegium Casinense,

tab. III.

PALAEOGRAPHICAL NOTES BY THE LATE DR. LUDWIG TRAUBE.

35
vi/vii.
It

The MS.
from Verona.

consists of

two parts:
official

fol.

1-24, saec.

ix

fol.

25-285,

.?tr.

comes
fol.

This

is

proved not only by the entry in a fifteenth-century hand on

25

documents which are appended to it, to which must be added the connection with the collection of the MS. of Novara, which at least is in favour of The first part is a minuscule tracing it to a home in North Italy, but also by the handwriting. of a type that is known to us in many MSS. in Verona, and may, perhaps, be brought into
de Verona, and the Veronese

connection with the Veronese Archdeacon Pacificus (-j-844).

As

Pacificus

was

in

touch with

West Prankish
from the old

scholars

{e.g.,

Hildemarus of Corbie) so

this handwriting,

which has deviated

Italian character,

may

well

have been derived from France.

It

But the handwriting of the second part, which lies before us, may also belong to Verona. is half uncial, but no longer the pure hand of the fifth and sixth centuries, rather of the

second Italian stage.

An

eye accustomed to the older half uncial recognizes the difference at

once, and does not need that attention should be

drawn

to the separate faults in style

tell

{e.g.,

the uncial 3 instead of the half uncial

d).'

The

abbreviations

their tale

most plainly

here

peccatory, mortuor>, uery, itefy (where r struck through by a slanting stroke

These abbreviations as they appear here (and on fol. But quite similar handwriting with such abbreviations is to be found the older half uncial. in the half uncial writing of Verona liii (51), Facundus de tribus capitulis and contra
rum).

means 153" and 154) are not known in

Verona lix (57), Vatic, lat. 1322, judging by their contents, cannot have been written before the end of the sixth century. The composition of the treatise of Facundus Here we must leave out of the question the against Mucianus is ascribed to about a.d. 571.
(51),
fact

Mucianum, and Verona liii

lix (57),

Canones.

that in

Verona

liii

(51) fol.

288, scae
latt.

mm
I,

stands by the

name

of the author which

Reifferscheid {Bibliotheca

pairum

Italica,
is

55) certainly rightly interprets as sanctae

Still

memoriae, because a similar addition

occasionally found relating to living authors.

Verona

liii

(51)

is

of course not the original.

in

The Canons
The MS. must
o-ood of Vatic,

Verona

lix

(57) include, as

Maassen

{loc. cit.

pag. 763) points out, as the

in the edition of Rusticus.

latest portion of their contents the

Acts of the Council of Chalcedon

into existence after a.d.
in its

therefore have
lat.

come

550.

The same remark

holds

1322 since the

MS.
lat.

half uncial portion also contained the

Canons

of the Council of Chalcedon in the edition of Rusticus.

Verona

lix

(57)

and Vatic,

1322 are probably the oldest

is

MSS.

of the

work of

Rusticus, but most certainly neither the one nor the other

the ancestor of our tradition, they

are rather both of

them off-shoots, since they leave out the observations of Rusticus, which would otherwise have been inserted. The palaeographer is strangely affected by the occurrence of capitals among the halfuncial in Vatic, lat. 1322, the more so as these capitals are of a very bad style and suggest The copyist uses them not only in titles but also for beginnings and to give a later date. Apart from fol. 153" and 154, e.g., on fol. 34, which page begins thus temptant emphasis. adsurgere quae supra ho/minem sunt cogitamus (the rest of the line free, up to this point
:

in half uncials)/

confitemur etenim dnm nm ihm xpm filium

(etc.,

di

unigenitum

dm perfectum/
in older half

et

hominem perfectum
'

again in half uncials).

3,

On

the other hand the uncial q instead of the half uncial

which

is

next noticed,

is

found also

uncial

MSS.
F 2

36

PALAEOGRArHICAL NOTES BY THE LATE DR. LUDWIG TRAUBE.

2.

Toulouse 364
Gdndral
series),
I,

(I 63),

fol. 4,

4'',

104,

104".

Bibliography

cf.

Catalogue

des

Manuscrils
sqq.
;

des

Bibliotheques

Publiques

des

Ddpartements (old
canonischen Rechts,

VII,

203,

Maassen, Geschichte der Quellen des

;

592 (on the Albi MS.)

II (1901).
is

and especially C. H. Turner, Journal

Gallicum, Sitzungsberichte

of Theological Studies,
Facsimile
;

266-273.

An

unsatisfactory facsimile

found

in F. Schulte, Iter

der Wiener

A kademie, Phil. -hist.

in

Classe,

LIX
is

(1868), 422, Facsimile V.

to satisfy ourselves with
brilliant

That we do
statement:
C. H. Turner.

not,

the case of this

MS., have

the general

"Uncials of the period of decline,"

due only to a

discovery of

Turner recognized that Toulouse 364 (= T) and Paris lat. 8901 (= P) are original parts But he recognized further that, in a much later of one and the same great MS. of canons. MS., Albi 2 (:= A), we possess a copy of the original MS., which was made when the latter
had not yet been divided.
exist in the original
;

From

A
P

we

see also what parts of the original

MS. no

longer
in

for

A=T+

X.

This X, which exists

in

A, even though only

a ninth century copy, helps us,

among

other things, to so exact a dating and localization of

and

P, that

we

are scarcely

On

fol.

177" of Albi 2

more fortunate in any other MS. of the same epoch. we have Ego Perpetuus quamuis indignus presbyter/iussus a
:

domino meo Didone urbis Albi/gensium episcopum (epm.

deo auxiliante (auxiliant

cod.)

hunc librum canonum/scripsi.

fuit

Post incendium civitatis ip/sius hie liber recuperatus (re in loco raso, peratus superscr. cod.)
fOfl^.)/

sub die VIII (VIII superscr.

cod.) Kl.

Ag. ann. iiii regnante

(regnant cod?) domini nostri Childerici reg.

This subscription, as had already been seen, cannot refer to the

refer,

later

MS.

it

must

as Turner was the

first

to

establish, to the original of

A, therefore to
at the

and

P.

The

Toulouse MS. was accordingly written by a presbyter Perpetuus

command

of Bishop

Dido of
himself

Albi, of

whom we
probably

unfortunately

is

the author of the statement.

in

by a

later hand,

as Perpetuus had said), after

this subscriptio,

know As far as scripsi. Perpetuus The words that follow were added in the original of They state that the MS. (the Liber Canonum, cursive writing. the burning of the town Albi, of which event we hear only in
nothing further.

was recovered July 25, 666 or 667.' A contains a list of popes,^ which is Further, we have also a limit on the other side. While, This also must have been in the original of the Liber Canonum. lacking in T and P. the case of the other popes, the years, months and days of each rule are given in in
the
list,

Gregorius (the Great) with

whom

the

list

ends, has, instead of the correct statement

Gregorius "A'
the false and incomplete
:

sed. an.

XIII

mens.

II

d.

Gregorius

sed. an.

LX V.

'

On

these figures, supported by the dating of Krusch

Turner,

loc.

at,

p. 272.

To me

it

and Havet, cf. Duchesne, Fastes Episcopaux, II, 43, and seems probable that the exact date indicates both the day of the fire and the day of
I,

the recovery of the library. * Cf. Duchesne, Liber Pontificalis,

27

Mommsen,

Liber Pontificalis,

I,

xxxix.

PALAEOGRAPHICAL NOTES BY THK LATE DR. LUDWIG TRAUBE.

Duchesne and Turner have correctly concluded that With Turner we the Liber Canonum was written after Pope Gregory had come into power. can now say the MS. Toulouse 364 was written at Albi, near Toulouse, between the years
this

From

one may conclude

and

ca.

600 and 666.

This placing agrees well with the style of the uncial and some words in cursive writing (P fol. 28 and 35) and with the method of abbreviation, Turner has already pointed out that the use of the compendium for per, in a form that is otherwise employed for pro, betrays the

neighbourhood of Spain.

Forms of

the genitive plural, such as eporm, diacorm, prbirorm,

scrm can be similarly explained.

If

on

fol.

104 OMOYSiON

rule thus to distinguish

marked by a stroke, we must remember that it was a general Greek, and foreign words in general {e.g., also Hebrew), from their
is

Latin context.

itt.-

SUPPLEMENTARY NOTE ON
By
C.

COD.
M.A.,
Oxford.

COLON.

212.

H.

turner,
College,

Fellmv of Magdalen

Bibliography

Fr.

Maassen,

Geschichte der
pp.

Qtiellen
;

7ind der Literatur des canonischen

in

Rechts

im

Abendlande,

574-585

Wattenbach

Jaffe

and
93-95

Wattenbach,
;

Ecclestae

Metropolitanae

Coloniensis

codices

manuscripti,

pp.

Duchesne,
maiusculis
^-j

Le Liber

Poiitificalis, p. xv.

Facsimiles: Zangemeister and Wattenbach,

scriptoruni (Heidelberg,

Exempla

codictmi

laiinorum

litteris

1876),

give three pages

of this

MS., plates

reproducing the whole papal catalogue

Valence.

on

and 38 44 part

which see below

and

plate

of the letter of pope John II to Caesarius of Aries and of the acts of the Council of

This MS. consists apart from two guard-leaves (unpaged)

the
end,

at the beginning,

and three

at

of

the

MS. of twenty-two
are

gatherings

or

167

leaves,

and contains sixty-four

(fol.

documents.

New commencements

made with the

(fol.

twelfth gathering

86), with the

fifteenth (fol. 108a),

and with the nineteenth

136a)

but the division of the contents does

drawn from four different exemplars, and it is more likely that, as the work of copying progressed, it was shared between different scribes. The handwriting is semi-uncial throughout, and is attributed by Wattenbach and Maassen to the seventh century in the list prefixed to Ecclesiae Occidentalis Man. fur. Ant., I, p. xi, I
not suggest that these four parts were
:

followed their authority, but subsequent re-investigation

of the

palaeography of the
{ib.

MS.
end

convinced

me

that

its

date could be fixed as not

still

much

later
I

than the year 600

II, p. 34).

Abbreviations by suspension are

common

noster,

have noticed once

(at the

of a line, and therefore possibly to save space), and epi(scopus) pre{s)bi(ter) for the nominative
singular occur occasionally, ep[i)s(copus) and epis{copiis) for any case quite regularly.
is still,

Final

save at the end of the

-nt),

line,

written

in

full.

Ligatures are

still

frequent {-on, -ons, as

well as -us, -unt,

the end of a
uncial style

line.
is

MSS., to That the MS. was copied from an exemplar written in the same semiperhaps suggested by the misreadings urbicim for urbium (fol. 86(5) and sperti
in the earliest

the

more so

that they are

no longer confined, as

for spent (fol.

127^)

an

uncial
to

CD

could not easily be misread into rti: and a semi-uncial

in the sixth century.

exemplar may be assumed

have been written

The

contents of the

MS.

are in part closely related to those of two other Gallic

12097), written perhaps at Corbie
itself,

MSS.,

the Corbie

MS.

(Paris B.N.,

lat.

or

if

not in northern

Gaul, in the second half of the sixth century, and the Toulouse
at Albi

between 590 and 666

its

and

in

these

southern than to

northern relative.

MS. (see above, p. 31), written common portions our MS. is nearer in text to its Moreover, the Cologne MS. preserves at least three

pieces occurring at three separate points, which are absolutely unique

the

Council of Nimes,

40
A.D.

SUPPLEMENTARY NOTli ON COD. COLON.

396 (No. VIII
in the

2 12.

MS.,

fol.

2>od),

a letter of Cyprian, Bishop of Toulon in the

it,^),

first

half of the si.xth century, to

Maximus
fol.

Marseilles, of a.d. 533 (No. L,

Geneva (No. XXXVIII, fol. i and these seem to direct us 130^)

of
:

and the Council of

Provence as
far

clearly to

the

home

either of our
it

MS.

or of

its

immediate ancestor,

if

that ancestor

was not very

For southern Gaul, too, speaks the occasional use of the Visigothic But in any case our abbreviation p iox pro see Traube at the end of the preceding notice. MS. was already in Cologne early in the ninth century, for the name of Hildebald, bishop Hildebald was a great collector of from A.D. 785 to 819, is found written on the guard-leaf.

removed from

in date.'
:

MSS. and procured them that our MS. was one of

from places even as distant as Rome, so that

those which
St.

it

is

not impossible

owe

to

him

their present place

on the library shelves of

the metropolitan church of

Peter of Cologne.
also be said about the evidence of the guard-leaves, especially
in all

Something must, however,

as
it

has been mis-stated or misinterpreted

collection,

modern

descriptions of the

MS.

Of

the

two leaves that precede the main

mentioned
;

the

first

has only the

Hildebald inscription just

the second

is filled

with a catalogue of the contents of the

MS.

written in the

same

or a contemporary hand with the

MS.
:

itself

The

leaves that follow the collection

contain, however, three distinct

documents

(i)

on
in

fol.

i68a,

a set of references to various

canons of councils, the canon being identified

F^ In cann apost
carried
tit

each case by the number of a quaternion

xxvii

q.

i,

and so on

(ii)

on

foil.

i6?>b,

i6ga, a catalogue of popes,

down

in

the original uncial

semi-uncial hand
fol.

(such as that of the

hand to Agapetus (a.d. 535-536), and continued in a body of the MS.) down to Gregory (590-604) (iii) on
;

i69<5,

the latter part of the preface to the second edition of Dionysius Exiguus' Collection

of Canons.

Now
The
list

of these three pieces the

first

and
less
;

third admit of a quite certain explanation,

and

it

will be well therefore to dispose of them before attacking the problem of the papal catalogue.

on

fol.

i6Sa

is

nothing more nor

than a

list

of points to which

some very
will

early

reader of our

MS. wished

to call attention
is

the quaternions referred to are the quaternions of

fol.

our MS., and the same sign which

the appropriate place in the body
attention
is

prefixed to each reference on

i68a

be found at

of the MS., in the margin opposite the passage to which

intended to be called.

This annotator

is

almost or quite contemporary with the

original scribe.

Not much

later
fol.

within the
169^^,

limits of the

seventh century

falls

the insertion

by some reader who found that the Dionysian preface with which the main collection opens on fol. la was different, or at least had a different In fact, what the MS. gives is conclusion, from that with which he was himself familiar. what the corrector the preface to the ^rst edition of Dionysius (printed in Maassen, p. 960)
of the Dionysian matter on
;

gives
{id. p.

is

the additional matter, distinctive of the preface to the second edition of Dionysius

961),
left

and he has connected

his
69<5,

new matter with

and
doubt
it

the old by adding the sign

<1>,

both at

the top
lines

hand margin of
fol.

fol.

also between the words disciplina and seruata, five

from the bottom of

\a.

No

was the same seventh century

corrector,

who

in various

passages of the Nicene canons has substituted the phraseology of the second edition

and colophon of the canons of the Council of Orleans of a.d. 511 (fol. 37) " Incipiunt canones Aurelianenses de Francia," " Expliciunt canones Francisci "points also to a scribe writing outside the Frankish dominions, and therefore away from Cologne.
'

The

title

SUPPLEMENTARY NOTE ON COD. COLON.

2 12.

4I
Eccl.
Occid.

of Dionysiiis for that of the Gallic version given by the original scribe (see
Moil. hir. Ant.,
I,

p. 248).

Both these pieces then are seen

to be intimately

connected with the main body of the

papal catalogue, which occurs on the

MS., and are of the nature of early addenda to it. two pages (foil. i68<^, 169a) between these other
part of our

The

pieces,

was

clearly in its present place as

MS.

before the

say, before the

end of the seventh century

new Dionysian matter was inserted after it on fol. 1691^, that is to can we take its history any further back ? Our
;

authorities

Maassen,
it.

Wattenbach, Duchesne

all

agree

in

saying that the catalogue was

written in the sixth century, earlier than the

different origin

body of the MS., and must therefore have had a

into

and have been brought only

fortuitous

juxtaposition with the collection

to teach us
;

that precedes

But one of the new lessons which palaeography has

is

that

it

common and natural for scribes to be able to write in two hands and I believe that the scribe who wrote in uncials the catalogue that ends with Agapetus was the same as the scribe (or one of the scribes) who wrote in semi-uncials the main body of the MS. Anyone who has the opportunity of examining the documents will find that, wherever the letters admit of comparison e.g., F and Z the closest similarity exists between the forms used in the uncial catalogue and in the semi-uncial MS. Moreover this papal catalogue on the guardwas
quite

is

leaves at the end of the book

set within

an ornamental arcade

and the index of contents

on the guard-leaves at the beginning of the book which obviously presupposes the existence of the book is also set in an arcade, less elaborate no doubt than the other, but quite like it

in

general conception and arrangement.

date
for

And

the

very

difficulty

which has suggested the

it
;

earlier

the

handwriting of the catalogue, namely, that

it,

stops at Agapetus in

A.D. 535, carries with

scribe of this earlier

be called complete.

when looked at more closely, its own solution for it appears that the part knew that some addition was necessary to his work before it could Between the line which contains the name of Agapetus and the summary
is

of the total duration of the pontificates from Agapetus back to Peter, Ql fivnt anni dviii, a

space of some eight or ten lines

matter of
St.
fact,

left

blank

and

in this

space a semi-uncial hand has, as a

inserted the

Gregory.

names of the seven successors of Agapetus down to and including That the list ending with Agapetus was copied by our scribe from the same
his canonical collection,

exemplar from which he derived

unlikely that

cannot be proved

but as
it

we have
I

seen reason to think that the exemplar was written in the sixth century,
it

is

at least not

may have

contained a papal catalogue ending at just that point.

list
:

Nor am
is

prepared to say that the semi-uncial hand which continued the

the scribe, or of any of the scribes, of the main body of the

down

to

Gregory

that of

only to Gregory after

pontificate of

it

MS. but if the list was continued had passed out of the control of the original scribe or scribes, the
all

Gregory appears

the

more probably
a.d. 600.

to be the termitmx

ad

quern of our MS.,

which may therefore be dated

at

about

PACS. CREED.S.

PALAOGRAPHISCHE BEMERKUNGEN VON

I.

LUDWIG

TRAUBE.

DIE

ABBILDUNGEN

I.

DES SYMBOLUM APOSTOLICUM.

EiNLEITUNG.
Noten,
die
ich

Bei

der

Beurteilung
habe,

der
bitte

palaographischen
ich

zu

den hier gebotenen

Tafeln

beigesteuert

folgenden

Standpunkt einzunehmen.

Das Material
Symbole
Ich

wurde von meineni Freunde,

nie

Rev.

A.

E.

Burn, im
iiber

Zusammenhang
die
altesten
dafiir

mit seiner grossen,

unterbrochenen

historisch-kritischen

Arbeit

christlichen

gesammelt.

Besondere palaographische Riicksichten waren

auf ihren Hturgischen
Inhalt,

nicht massgebend.

wieder hatte nur den Auftrag und den Beruf, iiber die so
Riicksicht

gesammeken

Facsimiles, ohne
oder,
;

palaographische Adnotationen zu machen,

wie ich besser sagen soUte, Adnotationen zu machen, die einem Palaographen nahe liegen

denn ganz auf graph ischem Gebiete konnen sie sich nicht bewegen. Es kommt aber hinzu, dass ich, obgleich ich mich zu dieser Arbeit schon vor einigen Jahren bereit erklart hatte, doch
nur
bei

der

Miinchener und Veroneser

Handschrift die Gelegenheit fand,

meine

Ansichten, die ich auf Photographien, auf gedruckte und ad hoc geheferte Beschreibungen

und Verzeichnisse der Abkiirzungen griinden musste, durch Autopsie zu iiberpriifen und zu verbessern. Wenigstens habe ich die andern Handschriften, die ich von den hier
beschriebenen
sonst

noch

gesehen

habe,

vor

dem

Gedanken

an

eine

bestinimte

palaographische Arbeit gesehen.

Es

versteht sich von selbst, dass ich liturgische Schriften nur in besonderen Fallen
setze ich ihre Kenntnis voraus.
ich ausser

citire.

Im Allgemeinen
Fiir die

oben erwahnten Bilder und Beschreibungen bin

A. E. Burn zu

Dank
Hiilfe

verpflichtet folgenden

Freunden und Helfern

P.

C. U. Clark fur Hulfe in

fiir

Rom

und Mailand,
fiir

Enander

fiir

Hiilfe in Paris, P. Gabriel

Meier

Hiilfe in Einsiedeln,
S.J., fiir Hiilfe in

W.

Riezler

in St. Petersburg, C.

H. Turner und

August Merk,

Koln und Mailand.

2.

Bern, Stadtbibliothek, 645, Fol.

72.

Litterattii-

Uber den
I,
ff.

Inhalt der Hs. vgl. ausser

Hagens Katalog noch Mommsen, Ch-onica

Minora,
S. 153

Bratke, Theologische Studien ti. Kritiken, 1895, 564 und 674; und A. E. Burn, Introduction to the Creeds, London, 1899, pag. 241.

Die Schrift der Handschrift mochte ich bezeichnen als eine Zwischenstufe zwischen gallischer Halbunciale und Minuskel. Es lassen sich eine Reihe franzosischer Handschriften vergleichen, wie Cambrai 624 {Albutn Pal^ographiqtie, pi. 13), Paris Nouv. Acq. 1597
i(Delisle,

Fonds Libri,

pi.

5,

Chatelain, Scriptura Uncialis, tab. C)

5,

Paris

Nouv. Acq.
5,

,1619

(Delisle, Fo7ids Libri, pi.

2);

Karlsruhe Aug.

CCLIII

Petersburg F.I.

F.I. 6,

44
O.I.
ihre
4.

PALAOGRAPHISCHE BEMERKUNGEN VON LUDWIG TRAUBE.

Alle diese Handschriften sind

vom

7.

bis

zum
9,

8.

Jahrhundert entstanden.

Allein

Ahnlichkeit mit

dem

Bernensis

ist

nirgends durchschlagend.
161

Die Petersburger Hss.,

haben mehr vom eigenen Charakter der Halbunciale (doch kennt der Bernensis auf andern Seiten audi einige halbunciale und Die Karlsruher Hs., die unciale Formen, z. B. das g, die auf fol. 72 nicht vorkommen).
die aus Corbie stammen,

und Paris Nouv. Acq.

fruher auf der Reichenau lag, hat

Paris
hier

mehr kursive Elemente.

Am

nachsten steht noch die Hs.

Nouv. Acq. 1597, die dem Kloster des h. Benedikt zu Fleury gehort hat. Aber auch sind einzelne Unterschiede, wie in der Bezeichnung des m (im Floriacensis ~ und im
,

Bernensis nur

),

nicht zu verkennen.

Man

ware geneigt, die Berner Hs. womoglich noch

vor

dem

8.

Jahrhundert oder doch spatestens

am

Beginn des

8.

Jahrhunderts anzusetzen,
in
:

doch bewegt mich das freiHch sparsame und auch riickstandige, doch aber auch wieder

Einzelnem fortgeschrittene Abkiirzungssystem

z.

bis in die Mitte des 8.

Jahrhunderts zu gehen

B.

fol.

57"

dns nr ihs xps, aber auf derselben Seite auch dran nr ihin

xpm ;
S.
fiir

vgl.

dazu
[und

Traube, Perrona

Scottomm
229].

{Sitzungsberichte

der bayer.

Akademie,
ist

1900,

521)

Nomina

Sacra,

p.

Auch auf der

in Zeile 2

hier gebotenen Seite

ih^lm falschlich

ihm gesetzt
ihin

(der Schreiber wollte ausserdem wohl,

was

richtig

ist,

in

umgekehrter Reihenfolge xp?n

schreiben
fol.

ebenso scheint
fiir

filium erst verbessert SMsJiliiis).

Ganz

auffallig ist

auf

57" prpi

propter ;
ist

es diirfte auf

Verwechselung mit der legitimen spanischen Form

fiir

pptr beruhen, ebenso

gebildet.

das unmittelbar folgende psclis

paschalis nach spanischer Art

Doch

scheint an diesen Stellen, die im Cyclus Paschalis des Victorius Aquitanus

stehen, wahrscheinlich die sudfranzosische Vorlage durch.

Dies

diirfte

auch der Fall sein an

den wenigen

Stellen,

wo

ti

nicht

am

Zeilenschluss, sondern innerhalb der Zeile, durch das

fol.

kursive, iiber der

Linie

stehende v bezeichnet wird, wie

59 q"od

aliq'"ociens.

Gut und

regelmassig

ist

episcopus {eps, etc.)

und Israel

{isrI) behandelt,

3.

Paris lat. 13246, Fol. 88.

Sog. Sacramentarium Gallicanum.

Litteratur: Eine vollstandige Beschreibung der Hs. gab Delisle, Cabinet des Manuscrits HI,
224.

[Vgl. auch

Dom
col.

Wilmart im Dictionnaii*e
941 sqq. (1908).]

d' Archeologie

Chretienne et de

Liturgie, fasc.

XV,

Bilder : L. Delisle,
Schnitt,

loc. cit.,

zahlt das vor

in
;

ihm Vorhandene auf;

er beschrankt sich auf die spateren

pi.

den kleinen

den Mabillon

Mttsaeum Italicum gab, und

dieser

wenigen Zeilen

Delisle selbst giebt einige Zeilen wieder auf

Wiedergaben XV, 6 and 7,

und

pi.

XVH,

6.

[Vier Seiten bei

Dom

Wilmart,

loc. cit7\

Im Jahre
und
viel

1681 hatte Mabillon sein

fiir

Hauptwerk herausgegeben

erst 1685

viel zu spat
Bei der

zu

fliichtig

die Wissenschaft

unternahm

er seine Reise nach Italien.

Riickkehr

hielt

er sich drei

schon lange nicht

timbra.

Tage im Kloster Bobbio auf, wo sich freilich die schonsten Hss. mehr befanden. Vor ihm lag, wie er spater erzahlte, nur magni nominis
und erwarb so
indirekt
fiir

Doch
:^

entlieh er sich unter andern

das Heimatland der

wissenschaftlichen Palaographie codicem Liturgiae Gallicanae optimae notae litteris mainsculii

exaratum

es

ist

dies die Hs. jetzt der Nationalbibliothek zu Paris 13246.

'

Miisaeum

Italicuvi, Paris, 1724, T.

i.,

p. 217.

PALAOGRAPHISCHE BEMERKUNGEN VON LUDWIG TRAUBE.

45

Es

ist

also iiber die Provenienz

unserer Hs. irgend ein Zweifel nicht moglich.

Und

entsprache nur einigermassen ihre Schrift

dem wohl wechselnden und

oft verschiedenartigen,

doch aber Alles

in

Allem sehr bekannten Charakter von Bobbio, deckte

sich also Provenienz

:

und Ursprung, so ware jedes weitere Wort iiberfliissig.' Allein das ist nicht der Fall die Hs. sowohl der eigentliche Grundstock (das Sacramentarium Gallicanum mit dem Credo) ist so als die vielen gleichzeitigen oder spatern Nachtrage (Delisle fiihrt sie genau auf)

unkalligraphisch geschrieben und

nimmt

eine so exceptionelle Stellung ein, dass

man suchen

und debattiren muss. Da nun die Palaographie zunachst nur negativen Bescheid
wegweist, so miissen wir die Kultureinfliisse betrachten, die
vielleicht zu
in

und uns von Bobbio der Hs. zu Tage treten und

gibt,

Da

einem andern bekannten Centrum hinfiihren konnen. cribt es nun ohne Fragfe zunachst starke Spanische Symptome.

Romensis, vgl. Traube,^ Textgeschichte der Regula S. Benedicti, S.

Wortform 129 {= Abkandhutgen

So

die

der Bayer. Akademie,

XXI,
B.
in

und

steht

ebenso
fol.

z.

727); sie drang freilich von Spanien nach Frankreich vor, Rom Reg. lat. 317, und Gotha Membr. I, 85. Ein Stiick der
iii,

Nachtrage,.
s.

294,

de tempore nativitatis C/irisii, findet sich wieder in der spanischen Hs.,

vgl.

viii,

jetzt Albi

29:

Mommsen, Chronica Minora HI,

728.

Die sogenannten

y^ffl;
;

monackormn, wieder in den Nachtragen, haben auch entfernten Zusammenhang mit Spanien Dennoch aber ist Schrift vgl. Omont, Bibliotheque de I'^cole des Charles, XLIV, 58.
(mitsamt der Kiirzungen) und Orthographie in der gesammten Hs. nichts weniger als spanisch.

Wir

finden

uberall

den Typus
noster ;
;

7ii

mit einigen Fallen des Typus nri, aber nirgends die

z.fr/ fiir

spanischen

Formen von

es wird

Ara^/ geschrieben, nicht

5r/ oder eine der

andern spanischen Formen

vorkommen, sind zwar urspriinglich spanische Bildungen, die aber friih schon ziemlich verbreitet waren p steht in der eigentlichen Hs. immer fur per und daneben kommt hie und da / fiir pro vor nur in den Nachtragen steht p
sclm, die
; ;

qnm und

auch

{\\x

per; diese Art

ist

aber nicht nur spanisch, sondern auch friih-franzosisch.

spanischen scheinen die Irischen Einflusse zu sein, die auf die Hs.

Bedeutender
eingewirkt haben.

als die.

Die Liturgiker sind uber diesen Punkt jetzt einig.^ Argumenten etwa noch den Hinweis auf die Orthographie hinzufiigen, die
stellenweis
hervortritt
:

Mcfn kann ihren

in

den Nachtragen

concesione,

posedet,

preceset

[=. praecessit),

pasionem,

mesam

{=

missani).

Wir

sind gewohnt,

derartige

Schreibungen,
als irisch

die

freilich

auch wieder an

Spanien denken lassen konnten, im Allgemeinen

anzusehen.

Also hier scheinen wir doch nach Bobbio zuriickgewiesen zu werden.

Und

fiir

Italien,

und

damit auch wieder

fiir

Bobbio, spricht

dem Ansehen nach auch

pag. 281 und 289).

die

Erwahnung der

heiligen

Eugenia {Eogenia

bei

Mabillon

I,

2,

Ich hatte friiher in der

Textgeschichte der Regula S. Benedicti (pag. 103

Zeit

= 701)

erklart, dass es

noch so stande wie zur

Inzwischen fand
Freiburg,
1896,

Mabillons

Ebner
'

[Qziellen

man konne den Kult und Forschungen zur

der Eugenia nicht gut

Geschichte des

lokalisiren.

Missale

Romanum,

Ich halte

Dom

Cagins Annahme, dass der Inhalt der Hs. auf Bobbio weise, durch Duchesne, Lejay und Morin
fiir Romanus war, haben sich seither mir noch sehr viele Beispiele Form von Spanien aus sich in GaOien verbreitete. Die Murbache Hs. Martene's,

fiir

widerlegt.
*

Dafiir dass
;

Romensis die spanische Form

auch
dafiir,

ergeben
'

freilich

dass die

in der das

Breviarium eccksiae ordinis Rominsae

steht,

habe ich inzwischen

in

Gotha wieder aufgefunden.

Vgl. Bannister, /ournal 0/ Theological Studies,

(1903), 54.

46

PALAOGRAPHISCHE BEMERKUNGEN VON LUDWIG TRAUBE.

pag. 424) zwei sicher italienische Hss. mit

s.

Anrufung der Eugenia

Rom,

Sess.

CXXXVI,

Como), und Florenz Laur. Aed. CXI, s. x (aus Florenz). Freilich steht diesen Hss. die Regula Magistri gegeniiber (vgl. Textgeschichte, loc. cit.). Hier spiek Sancta Eugenia eine
xi (aus

Rolle,

und weder die Regel selbst noch die Hss. der Regel konnen aus Italien sein.^ Allein, wenn wir uns auch an die beiden italienischen Hss. und nicht an die Regula

Magistri halten wollten

ist

die Schrift

ist

entschieden einer Lokalisirung

in Italien

entgegen, sie

absolut nicht bobiensisch.

in

In Bobbio stiessen ja irische

und

italienische Kultur

zusammen,

und irgend etwas

mit
insularen
in

der Schrift und in den Abkiirzungen der Codices Bobienses lasst immer

das Produkt dieser doppelten Stromung erkennen.

Kiirzungen
oder
insulare

Wir sehen entweder

mit
italienischen

italienische Schrift
oft

Schrift

Kiirzungen,

beides

zusammen
das
eine

derselben Hs.

Wo
iiber
so.

aber eine solche Kreuzung nicht stattgefunden hat, ptlegt

der beiden Elemente, das insulare oder das italienische, doch so stark und klar

entwickelt zu sein, dass

Parisinus 13246
Beisatz, in
ist

man

die

Herkunft der Hs. nicht im Zweifel sein kann.

ist

Im

das nicht

Die Schrift

in

der Hs. selbst Unciale ohne irischen

den Nachtragen mit Minuskel gemischte Unciale, desgleichen ohne jeden Anklang

an das Insulare. Es kommt keinerlei insulare Abkurzung vor. Suchen wir aber nach einer andern Statte ausserhalb Bobbios, wo irischer Einfluss auf den Schreiber wirken konnte und zu der die Schrift des Codex besser passen wiirde, so werden
unsere Gedanken von Italien nach Gallien, von Bobbio nach Luxeuil gelenkt.

An

Luxeuil

hatte einst schon Mabillon gedacht, aber nicht gerade aus palaographischen Griinden.
wir wollen nur soviel sagen
:

Auch
von

Die franzosische Griindung Columbans unterscheidet

in

sich

der italienischen dadurch, dass

nicht eingewirkt hat
;

ihr

das irische Element auf den Charakter der Schrift gar

Schrift

diese bleibt dort vielmehr gallisch.

und Abkiirzungen
fiir

in Paris

13246 sind
<eine

fiir

Luxeuil moglich, gerade so gut moglich wie unmoglich

fiihren.

Bobbio.
ist

Freilich

besondere Ahnlichkeit konnte ich auch nicht ins Feld

Erzeugnisse aus Luxeuil.
der
Eigenthiimlichkeit

Die Hs.

aber alter als

die sonst bekannten

irische

In der Sprache konnte die oben erwahnte

Nachtrage
Hss.

gut

auf
z.

Luxeuil
seo,

gedeutet

werden.

Andere
in

Orthographica, wie das erwahnte Eogenia, und

Uberlieferung
vieler

B.

haben eine Entsprechung

Vokalisnms,
II,

der

gallischer

(vgl.

Schuchardt,

163;

Eranos

Vindobonensis, p. 114, adn. 3). Die oft sehr vulgare Sprache der Nachtrage schien den Romanisten wenigstens mehr nach Frankreich als nach Italien zu weisen vgl. P. Meyer,
;

Romania

(1872), 489; Boucherie, i?^2VM^ des Langties Romanes,

{\2>j^),

103; derselbe in

Melanges Latins et Bas-Latins, Montpellier, 1875. Doch das sind allgemeine Erwahnungen, die nur fiir Frankreich und zum Theilgegen Italien sprechen. Von besonderen Griinden, die sich
fiir

Luxeuil anfiihren liessen, ware ausser den irischen Eigenheiten und den nahen Beziehungen

zwischen Bobbio und Luxeuil nur folgender noch geltend zu machen.

der
fol.

Der Name

Bertulftis,

197''

auf

dem Rand

des Parisinus steht (eben so wie an andern Stellen: Elderatus,

Mamcberius, Dacolena^ und Bonolo), wurde von Mabillon auf den Abt von Bobbio (4- 639) bezogen. Bertulfus kam aber nach Bobbio im Jahre 626 aus Luxeuil. Wir mochten also
eher annehmen, wenn ein
mitbrachte.

Zusammenhang
eine vao-e

existirt,

dass Bertulfus das Buch nach Bobbio

Doch
gilt

dies

ist

Mooflichkeit.

Wollen wir uns

in

den Grenzen des

'

Dasselbe

vom Sakramentar von

Gellone,

wo

gleichfalls

Eogenia angerufen wird.

a.

^ Forstemann

fiihrt

eanen Dacolenus aus einer Urkunde von Moissac

680 an (Pardessus, Diplomata,

II, 185).

PALAOGRAPHISCHE I5EMERKUNGEN VON LUDWIG TRAUBE.

Wahrscheinlichen halten, so

47

ist

eben zu sagen
als ein

der Parisinus

ist

ein

wenig kalligraphisches
fallt
;

Machwerk, dessen Lokalisirung und chronologische Fixirung schwer

gehort die Hs. nach Frankreich
Irische Einflusse,

wahrscheinlich
7.

Erzeugniss des sehr barbarischen

Jahrhunderts.

die der Inhalt

und die Orthographie wiederspiegelt, konnten auf Luxeuil

die Hs. habe in Bobbio gelegen^

weisen oder eine Statte, die unter ahnlichen Bedingungen stand, wie diese irische Griindung in
Frankreich.
sei

Wollteman mit noch grosserer Vorsicht sagen

von einem an die Bobienser, sondern an franzosische Schrift Gewohnten geschrieben, so konnten dagegen mit Recht die Nachtrage geltend gemacht werden, da auch in ihnen nicht die Schrift von Bobbio angewandt ist.
aber
nicht

4.

Rom
:

Pal. lat. 493, Fol.

16,

16",

17.

Sog. Missale Gallicanum Vetus.

Litteratur

Zu vergleichen iiber diese Hs. ist Adalbert Ebner, Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte und Kunstgeschichte des Missale Romanum, Freiburg-i.-B., 1896, S. 246^
die altere Litteratur zu finden
ist.

wo auch
von
vol.

Hinzuzufiigen

ist

die neue Auflage

Duchesne, Origines du Culte Chrdtien,

F. Kattenbusch,

Paris, 1898, pag. 144,

von und der zweite Band

1748,

Das

Apostolische Symbol, Leipzig, igoo, passim.

Bilder ; Ich kenne nur den Stich bei Muratori, Liturgia

Romana

Vetus, Venedig,

H, gegeniiber von pag. 391.

Bei Ebner wird zwar ein Bild auf S.

"

" die Titelseite aus Cod. Palat.

Bild entspricht vielmehr

Rom

493 bezeichnet, doch Reg. 317, fol. 169".

liegt ein

Irrthum vor,

430 als und das

Delisle sagt [Mimoires de Ulnstitut, Ac. des Inscriptions, vol.

XXXH,

pag.

']i)

mit vollem
les debris

Recht

"

Ces cent

six feuillets

forment treize cahiers, dont

In der

les

douze premiers sont

d'un ou de deux sacramentaires."

(fol.

100 sqq.) abgesehen, drei

von dem ganz unzugehorigen Anhang Hande zu unterscheiden davon ist wieder eine von den

That

sind,

iibrigen so verschieden,

auch die Einrichtung dieses Theiles der Hs. so abweichend, dass

Hand, sondern auch eine andere Hs. vorauszusetzen. Hierher gehoren die 3. Lage (fol. 34-43), die 4. und 5. (fol. 19-33), die 6. bis 12. (fol. 44-99) Die i. Lage mit 16 Zeilen (fol. i-io) auf diesen Blattern hat die Hs. iiberall 20 Zeilen. und die 2. mit 14 Zeilen (fol. 11-18) stehen sich dagegen sehr nahe in Schrift und Initialsornamentik. Dasselbe Schwanken in der Zeilenzahl herrscht iibrigens auch in dem
geneigt
ist,

man

nicht nur eine andere

nahe verwandten

Rom
sich

Reg.

lat.

317,

wo

der erste Theil

14,

der zweite Theil 20 Zeilen hat,

ist.

so dass auf solchen Unterschied gebauter Schluss allein nicht sicher

Wenn man
Zeile
3

ganz im Gebiete der Palaographie

halt,

so hat

man

fur die Beurtheilung

(fol.

der Hs. folgende

Elemente.
;

Die Unciale, die gelegentlich verwandte Minuskel

fol.

10",

von einer anderen Hand), die Anklange an die von mir sogenannte Ornamentik sind eigenartig und zeigen deutliche " Schule von Luxeuil " der Nachtrag ist an einer deutschen Statte, wie etwa Murbach,
17 zweimal

von unten, per dnm

cre<^do~>

im

9.

Jahrhundert geschrieben.

Die ganze Hs. gehorte spater dem Kloster des

die nahe Verwandtschaft
oft

h.

Nazarius

zu Lorsch.

Hinzunehmen kann man noch

lat.

317.

Beide Hss. sind inhaltlich und palaographisch

ein enger.

493 mit Reg. Offenbar ist verglichen worden.

Palat. lat.
als

von

der

Zusammenhang

Mir scheint der Palatinus

um einiges junger

der Reginensis.

48-

PALAOGRAPIIISCHE BEMERKUNGEN VON LUDWIG TRAUBE.

steht

Er

zum Reginensis

vielleicht

im Verhaltniss eines Neffen.

Nun
die

ist

der

Reginensis

genauer zu
geschrieben.
Luxeuil,

localisiren als der

Palatinus.

Er wurde nach 680

:

fiir

Diocese von Autun

Man

darf daher

wurde geschrieben

vom Palatinus vielleicht sagen er am Beginn des 8. Jahrhunderts, kam

9.

gehort zur Schule von

aus Burgund uber eines

der Kloster, die Beziehungen zu Deutschland hatten, im

Jahrhundert nach Lorsch.

5.

Paris

lat.

12048,

Fol.

181

und 191". Sacramentarium und Martvrologium VON Gellone.

Litteratur

Beschreibung bei
I'Institut,

Delisle,

Le

Cabinet dcs Manuscrits,

Inscriptions,

III,

221

ff.

derselbe,

Memoires de
in

Acaddmie des
Paris, 1899,

XXXII,

80.

Vgl. ferner iiber die

Herkunft Traube, Textgeschichte der Regida

S. Benedicti, 123
ff.
;

(=

721)

Dom

Cagin

Mdlanges Cabrieres,
(1903),

I.

231

Dom
Er

Ouentin, Revue Bdnddictine,

XX
Bilder
:

370

f.

Delisle,

Le

Cabinet des Manuscrits,

pi.

XIV,

8.

fiihrt

auch,

loc. cit.,

die alteren

Abbildungen
in

im Nouveau Traits de Diplomatique, bei

Bastard (nach der von

et la

Delisle eingefiihrten

Zahlung

pi.

49-61), in

Le Moyen Age
Codex
als

Renaissance, und

der PaUographie Universelle, an.

ist

Man
Silvestre,

gewohnt, die

Schrift

dieses

prachtigen

"spanisch"

(ecriture

visigothique) zu bezeichnen.
Delisle,

Die Verfasser des Nouveau Traitd haben es so

die

eingefiihrt

Chatelain {Inirodtiction a la Lectu.re des Notes Tironiennes, Paris, 1900,

pag. 120)
Stelle

und Andere haben

Bezeichnung angenommen, Delisle aber

driickt sich

an einer

auch wieder

viel vorsichtiger aus,

und

spricht

von

" Ecriture

demi-onciale qui se rattache

I'ecole

visigothique" {Mdmoires,

loc. cit.,

pag. 81).

Nun

gibt es wohl Eigenthiimlichkeiten in der Orthographic, die

:

man

fiir

Spanien geltend
treffen

machen konnte
In

z.

B.
in

h^radicare,

Ininum,

dihutius, habysi

(=

abyssi).

Aber wir

desgleichen doch auch

Frankreich.

der Kijrzung gibt es spanische Anklange hie und da.

So usrm (= uestrum), ms

(=
g.

meus) und 7no

(=

ineo\

Auch

die

Buchstaben sind

z.

Th. spanisch gefarbt, besonders das

Im Allgemeinen

spricht aber auch in der Palaographie sofort vieles

spanischer Herkunft.

Die Worte noster und

in

tiester (bis

gegen die Annahme auf die oben erwahnte Form), Israel,

fiir

nomen, auteni, per und pro haben

spanisches,

den Kurzformen, die unsere Hs.

sie setzt,

nicht
in die

sondern franzosisches Geprage.

Die ganze Hs. gehort, der Schrift nach,

Kategorie der

oben zur Erklarung des Bernensis zusammengestellten franzosischen Hss.

der Ubergangszeit.

Die Miniaturen und Ornamente (der " Buchschmuck," wie wir sagen) sind sehr eigenartig und es gibt unter den vor-Karolingischen und Karolingischen Hss. keine genaue Parallele.
Janitschek {Die Trierer Ada-Handschrift, Leipzig, 1889, pag. 69) denkt an syrische Einflusse. Dass der Orient irgendwie auf diese Art der Buchmalerei eingewirkt hat, darf gewiss

behauptet werden

auch von denen, die Strzygowskis geistreiche

annehmen.

Indessen bleibt es merkwiirdig, dass was

Hypothesen nicht alle man am ehesten von vorhandenen

als

lateinischen Hss.

zum Vergleich der Hs. von Gellone heranziehen konnte auf spanischem
ist.

Boden entstanden

Ist die

Hs. also

vielleicht

dennoch mit Spanien enger verbunden

PALAOGRAPHISCHE BEMERKUNGEN VON LUDWIG TRAUBE.

wir glauben mochten
zahlt sie pag. 222 auf
d. h. in
?

49

Schon im

9.

Jahrhundert, wie die spateren Eintrage zeigen

in

Delisle

befand sich die Hs.

Gellone, in der siidfranzosischen Diocese Lodeve,

der Sphare spanischer Einfliisse.

Aber gerade

diese Nachtrage

und Randnotizen,

die

sich

von

der

Schrift des Sakramentars und Martyrologiums deutlich abheben und

Karolingischen Charakter tragen, beweisen, dass der

erst

Zusammenhang der Hs. mit Gellone

im

9.

Jahrhundert hergestellt wurde.

sind
in

Wir

der gliicklichen Lage, bei dieser mehr negativen Auskunft nicht stehen
In der

bleiben zu brauchen.

That hat schon

Sollier gesehen,' dass

bestimmte urspriingliche
in

Notizen im Text des Martyrologium besonderen Bezug auf das Kloster Rebais

der Diocese

Meaux nehmen.
sich erofibt,

Dom

Quentin hat diesen Stellen noch eine weitere hinzugefuhrt, aus der

dass die Hs. tjeschrieben wurde wahrend

ca. 750.

Romanus Bischof von Meaux

war.

Dies

fiihrt

mit ziemlicher Sicherheit auf das Jahr

Fur diese Zeit und diese Gegend passt nun auch vollstandig das Stadium, in dem die Der Besonders konnen wir dies an noster und tiester erkennen. Kiirzungen der Hs. stehen.
Nominativ ist nt^ die Deklination folgt dem Typus ni, selten sind Formen des Typus nri. Zusammenfassend mochte ich sagen die Hs. ist ca. a. 750 fiir und wahrscheinlich in der der Kalligraph oder die Kalligraphen, die an ihr Diocese Meaux geschrieben worden
: ;

arbeiteten,

haben

vielleicht

irgendwie spanische Schulung auf sich anwirken lassen.

6.

EiNSIEDELN

199, pp.

473 UND 474.

DiCTA PrIMINII.

Litteratur

Eine genaue Beschreibung der Hss. Einsiedeln 199 und 281 gibt P. Gabriel Meier im Catalogtis Codicum qui in Bibliotheca Monastcrii Einsidlensis servantur,
:

und 257 sqq. [L. Traube, Sitzungsberichte der Bayer. Akademie, 1907,
Einsidlae, 1899, pag. 155 sqq.

S. 71

ff.]

\Bilder : L. Traube,

loc. cit., tab.

I.]

Vertrautheit mit den heimischen Schatzen und Liebe zu ihnen haben

dem

Einsiedler

Bibliothekar P. Gabriel Meier das hiibsche Forschungsergebniss geschenkt,' dass aus den

beiden Einsiedler Handschriften 199

und 281 folgendes

pag.

alte

Homiliar hergestellt werden

kann

Quaternio

X XV =
Doch
bleibt

X = 281
ob

148 199 pag. 431 526

i

XVI (XVII
die

?)

281 pag. 149178.

getrennten,

Frage

offen,

diese

jetzt

im

9.

Jahrhundert

aber

wahrscheinlich noch zusammengebundenen 16 oder 17 Moglich ist es, fiir dasselbe Buch bestimmt waren.
'

Quaternionen von vornherein schon obgleich die Hande wechseln und der

Vgl. Traube,

loc. cit.,

pag. 124.

sie

Fiir den Nominaiiv werden mir noch die Formen nst und ust angegeben (vgl. Perrona Scotioriim, pag. 516). auf den mir zuganglichen Abbildungen und Photographien nicht vorkommen, so mochte ich sie vorlaufig
*

Da
als

unsicher weglassen.
'

[Vgl.

Nomina

sacra, pag. 224.]

Vgl.

Catalogus Codtcum, qui in Bibliotheca Monasterii Einsidlensis seivantur, Einsidlae, 1899, pp. 155 sqq. und

257 sqq.

FACS. CREEDS.

50

PALAOGRAPHISCHE BEMERKUNGEN VON LUUWIG TRAUBE.

eine Schreiber junger erscheint als der andere oder die andern.

Unser

Stiick gehort zu

dem

Thelle der Handschrift, der den altesten Eindruck macht.

Wir sehen vor uns

St. Gallen,

eine Schrift, die in einem grossen Bezirk heimisch

war

in

Chur,

Reichenau, in
8.

Murbach,

in

einzelnen bayerischen Klostern, und zwar von der

Wende

des

zum
es

9.

Jahrhundert

bis in die ersten Jahrzehnte des 9.

iiberliefert.

Jahrhunderts hinein.'

Dazu stimmt
klosterlichen

gut, dass cod.

199 die Dicta Priminii

in

Der Begriinder des

Lebens auf der Reichenau und

Murbach kann

leicht einen Verbreiter seines

Werkchens gefunden haben, der sich solcher Schriftzuge bediente, wie sie im alamannischen Lande zu Hause waren. Es ist hier nicht der Ort, auf den eigenthiimlichen Typus dieser Schrift und ihren Ursprung einzugehen. Kurz erwahnt sei nur, was sich jedem palaographisch geschulten Auge aufdrangt, dass sie das Resultat einer von verschiedenen Seiten ausgehenden Bewegung ist die in Frankreich sich entwickelnde Minuskel ist unter dem Einfluss der gleichfalls noch in der Entwickelung begriffenen Schule von Montecassino in eine eigenartige
:

kalligraphische Richtung gedrangt worden.

Das von Pater Meier

nicht ganz
s.

rekonstruierte Homiliar

ist

alter als die

Griindung der geistlichen

Einsiedeln auch sonst
in Ezechieleni

Statte, die seine versprengten Theile

aufgehoben

hat.

Doch

fehlt es in

an Handschriften, die denselben

Typus
;

zeigen.

So 157 Gregorius

VIII/IX; 199 pag. 257

An

357 Rufinus, Historia ecclesiastica s. VIII/IX. sich lage es nahe, zu denken, dass diese Biicher auf geradem Wege von der Reichenau
;

430

Canones

s.

IX

nach Einsiedeln

an einen

gekommen anderen Gang der

dieser

seien.

Aber

ein spaterer Eintrag auf pag. 452

von Codex 199

lasst

Uberlieferung denken.
in

Auf
14
Zeilen

Seite

steht

Buchstaben des angehenden

Dialekt.

12.

Jahrhunderts zwischen
eine

des Textes, der eine pseudo-Augustinische

Predigt enthalt,

merkwiirdige
fiir

Interlinearversion in einem offenbar romanischen

Pater Meier hielt ihn

dem

Spanischen verwandt
lernte,

ich wurde, sobald ich auf einer Photographic die ganze Stelle kennen
in

von der

P.

Meier
dass

seinem Katalog nur ein kleines Stiick veroffentlicht hatte, zur

wir
hier

Meinung

gedrangt,

vielmehr

die

alteste

Probe eines rhatoromanischen

Sprachzweigs vor uns hatten.

Ich
hatte

Gustav Grober belehrte mich, dass der romanische Text die

sei.

Farbung des Romontsch aufweise, das im oberen Rheinthal zu Hause

selbst

mich

zunachst
in

auf die

Schrift

des

Textes

gestiitzt

und auf eine

S.

Beobachtung, die mich schon

gefiihrt
hatte,

Perrona Scottoriim [Sitzungsberichte, 1900,

514) dazu

den Codex

als

einen rhatischen zu bezeichnen.

Hiilfe, weitere

Aber gerade

hieriiber erlaubt
ertejlen.

mir jetzt Pater Meiers erneute freundliche

und bessere Auskunft zu

Die von ihm zusammengefiigten Telle der Handschriften 199 und 281 zeigen auf
der Kiirzungen fast durchweg den

dem Gebiet

Typus ni

etc. fiir

nostri etc.

Als Nominativ gehort dazu

nr

{=

noster).

Von Formen
ist

des Typus nri

kommt

nur je einmal, wie es scheint,

nrm und
:

nr^ vor.

Seltsam

nun, dass an

folgenden

Stellen

Codex 199 auf

pag. 432, 445, 473, 474, 481

ich diese Uberreste

spanischer Bildung

und in denn das sind

nsm statt nm oder nrm steht in Codex 281 auf pag. 13. Friiher habe
sie unzweifelhaft

der

besonderen

Schule zugewiesen, in der das Homiliar geschrieben wurde.

Seltenheit der spanischen
'

Es

scheint mir jetzt

wegen der

Formen

in

der Einsiedler Handschrift, woruber ich damals noch

(

Vgl. Traube, Textgeschichte der Regula S. Benedicti, S. 54

652) und 66

(=

664).

PALAOGRAPHISCHE BEMERKUNGEN VON LUDWIG TRAUBE.

nicht geniigend

51

Bildung

hat, viel

und vor allem, weil lediglich der Accusativ die spanische wahrscheinlicher anzunehmen, dass die Vorlage dieser Handschrift von einem
unterrichtet war,

spanischen Kalligraphen herriihrte.

halten
wollen.
als

Man
Man

wird sich dabei zunachst an die Dicta Priminii

Priminius weiss

Uber

die

Herkunft des
nicht die

man

nichts,

nur dass er nach

Alamannien

peregriims kam.

deutet diese

Bezeichnung auf seine Herkunft aus

Irland oder England.

Darf aber
der

Vermuthung ausgesprochen werden, dass Priminius

eine
?

Spanier war?

dass

seltsame

Name

an Priimts und Primigenius angelehnte den einzelnen Bestandtheilen,

Umgestaltung von Pimenius

ist

(=

not/xeVio9) ist

Die Orthographie der Handschrift, iaberhaupt die Sprache

sehr ungleich
ff.,
;

in
I

vgl. Caspari,
ff
;

Kirchenhistorische Anecdota,

(Christiania 1883), S.

VHI

ff.,

S. 151

S.

215

Caspari,

Eine Augustitt falschlich

Zumeist
trifft

beigelegte Honiilia

de

Sacrilegiis

(Christiania

1886),

S.

52

ff

man

galHsche,

oder allgemein

romanische

Auf ausschHesslich spanischen Ursprung kann ich mit Sicherheit nichts zuruckfiihren ressurgere und ressurrectio, wie immer in den Dicta Priminii begegnet, kann ebensogut spanisch wie irisch sein kalandae, wie immer geschrieben wird und was an sich in
Eigenthiimlichkeiten.
;
;

einer lateinischen Handschrift nicht als Graecismus, sondern als irische Orthographie gelten

konnte, wird eher als rhatische Eigenheit zu fassen sein.

II.

DIE ABBILDUNGEN DES

I.

SYMBOLUM NICAENUM.
1322.

Rom
d.

Vatic, lat.
Gesellschaft

Canones.
Geschichtskunde,
I,

Litteratur :

Bethmann, Archiv
;

fur

altere deutsche

XH,

224
Bilder

Maassen, Geschichte der Quellen

Spicilegium Casinense, tom.
I, a.

....
a.

des canonischen Rechis,

737 und
Spicileg.

745 Leonis
;

1888, pag. xxx. 1755),

II,

Magni

Opera, studio Cacciari (Romae,

pag. Ixv.

Im

Casinens., tab. III.

Die Hs. besteht aus zwei Theilen

fol.

1-24,

saec. ix

fol.

25-285, saec. vi-vii.

fol.

Sie

und die Veronesischen Aktenstiicke, die am Schluss nachgetragen sind (vgl. Maassen y^y, und Amelli im Spictleg. Casinens., pag. xxxii), wozu der Zusammenhang mit der Hs. von Novara kommt (Spicileg., pag. xxx), der wenigstens flir oberitalienische Heimath spricht, sondern auch Sie ist im ersten Theil der Hs. Minuskel in dem Typus, den wir aus vielen Hss. die Schrift. in Verona kennen und vielleicht mit dem Veroneser Archidiaconus Pacificus (+ 844) in Verbindung bringen konnen. Wie Pacificus mit westfrankischen Gelehrten (z. B. Hildemarus
25,

stammt aus Verona.

Dies erweisen nicht nur der Eintrag, saec. xv, de Verona,

von Corbie)

abgestreift hat,

Aber

kann diese Schrift, die alien italienischen Charakter wohl aus Frankreich abgeleitet werden. auch die Schrift des zweiten Theiles gehort vielleicht nach Verona. Es ist
in

Zusammenhang

steht, so

Halbunciale.

Aber

nicht

mehr

die

reine

von

saec.

v und saec.

vi,

sondern die der zweiten

italienischen Stufe.
sofort

Ein an die

altere Halbunciale
(z.

gewohntes Auge erkennt den Unterschied

und braucht auf die einzelnen Fehler

statt

B. ofter unciales 3 statt halbuncialem d)^ nicht

Halbunciale.

'

Dagegen unciales q

halbuncialem 3 auch

in alter

Verona LIII (51) hat auch q;

desgl.

LIX

(57).
II

52
erst

PALAOGRAPHISCHE BEMERKUNGEN VON LUDWIG TRAUBE.

aufmerksam gemacht zu werden. Am deutlichsten sprechen auch hier die Abkiirzungen peccatory, mortuory, uery, itery (wo r mit einer schragen Fahne r7i7n bedeutet), wie sie hier
z.

B.

vorkommen (auch auf

fol.

153"

und

154),

kennt die altere Halbunciale nicht

aber ganz

gleiche Schrift mit eben solchen Abkiirzungen mit

sich in

dem eben

so gebildeten

Fahnchen finden

konnen nun auch nach ihrem Inhalt Die Abfassung des gegen vor dem Ende des VI. Jahrhunderts nicht geschrleben sein. Mucianus gerichteten Werkes des Facundus wird etwa aufs Jahr 571 angesetzt. Es muss hier davon abgesehen werden, dass bei dem Namen des Verfassers in Verona LI 1 1 (51),
(57), Vatic. lat. 1322,
fol.

Verona LI 1 1 (51), Verona LI 1 1 (51), Verona

Facundus, de tribus capitulis und contra Mucianum.

LIX

288, scae

mm

steht,

was Reifferscheid

i^Bibliotheca patrum latt. italica,

I,

55) gewiss richtig

als

sanctae memoriae deutet, weil ein solcher Zusatz gelegentlich bei

Lebenden vorkommt.

Immerhin ist Verona LI 1 1 (51) natiirHch nicht das Original. Die Canones in Verona LIX (57) enthalten, wie Maassen (loc. cit., pag. 763) zeigt, als Die jiingstes Stiick die Akten des Concils von Chalcedon in der Ausgabe des Rusticus.
Hs. kann also nicht vor

550 entstanden sein. Dieselbe Bemerkung gilt von Vatic, lat. 1322, da die Hs.
a.

in

ihrem halbuncialen Theil die

Canones des Concils von Chalcedon ja auch in der Ausgabe des Rusticus enthalt. Verona LIX (57) und Vatic, lat. 1322 sind wohl die altesten Hss. der Bearbeitung des Rusticus, aber keineswegs ist eine oder die andere der Stammvater unserer Uberlieferung,
vielmehr sind beide nun Ableger, da
weglassen.
Eigenthiimlich beriihrt den Palaographen in Mitten der Halbunciale von Vatic,
lat.
fiir

sie

die sonst erhaltenen

Anmerkungen des

Rusticus

1322
ein

der Gebrauch

der Capitalis, und zwar einer schlechten, ungeschickten, die auch

jijngeres Alter der

Hs. spricht.

Der Schreiber verwendet

sie

nicht nur fur Uberschriften,

sondern auch

fiir

Anfange und Hervorhebungen.

2.

Toulouse 364
ist

(I, 63),

Fol.

4,

4",

104,

104".

Litteratur :

Zu

vergleichen

Catalogue Gdndral des Manuscrits des Bibliotheqjies Publiques

des Ddpartements (alte Serie), VII,

203 sqq.

Maassen, Geschichte der Quellen des

;

canonischen Rechts,

I,

592 (wegen der Hs. von Albi)

vor Allem C. H. Turner,

Bild :

Journal of Theological Studies, II (1901), 266-273. Ein ganz ungeniigendes Facsimile bei F. Schulte, Iter Gallicum, Sitzungsberichte der
Wiener

A kademie,

Phil. -hist. Classe,

LIX

(1868), 422, Facsimile V.

Dass wir uns

bei dieser Hs. nicht mit der allgemeinen

Angabe
lat.

Unciale der Verfallszeit,

zu begniigen brauchen, wird einzig einem glanzenden Funde C. H. Turners verdankt.

Turner erkannte, dass Toulouse 364 (= T) und Paris Bestandtheile einer und derselben grossen kanonistischen Hs.
dass wir in einer viel jiingeren Hs., Albi 2
besitzen, die

8901

(=

P) urspriingliche
ferner,

sind.

Er erkannte aber

(=

A), eine Abschrift der urspriinglichen Hs.

genommen wurde

als diese

noch nicht auseinandergerissen war.

nun, das in

Aus

ersehen
;

wir auch, welche Bestandtheile der urspriinglichen Hs. nicht

denn es

ist

A=T+

jr.

Dieses

mehr im Original vorhanden sind A, wenn auch erst in einer Abschrift des

PALAOGRAPHISCHE BEMERKUNGEN VON LUDWIG TRAUBE.

9.

53

Jahrhunderts,

vorhanden

ist,

verhilft unter

anderm zu
"

einer so

genauen Datirung und

gestellt sind.

Lokalisirung von

and

P, dass wir bei

fol.

kaum

einer Hs. derselben

:

Epoche besser

Es
iussus

heisst namlich auf

177" von Albi 2

Ego Perpetuus quamuis

episcopum

indignus presbyter/

domino

meo

Didone urbis

Albi/gensium

(epm cod^ hunc librum

cod.) Kl.

canonum/scripsi.
superscr.
cod.) fuit

Post incendium civitatis ip/sius hie liber recuperatus (re in loco raso, peratus

deo auxiliante (auxiliant

cod.)l

sub die VIII (VIII superscr.

Ag.

ann. II

II

regnante (regnant cod.) domini nostri Childerici reg."

sich,

Diese Subscription kann

nicht

wie

man schon

friiher

gesehen

hatte,

auf die junge Hs.

beziehen

beziehen, also

muss sich, wie erst Turner auf T und P. Die Toulouse Hs.
sie

festgestellt
ist

hat,

auf

das Original von

also geschrieben

von einem Presbyter

die

Perpetuus auf Befehl des Bischofs Dido von Albi, von

wissen.

dem

wir sonst leider nichts naheres

Bis scripsi hatte Perpetuus selbst diese

Angabe gemacht. Die Worte,

in

nun

folgen,

waren im Original von

hinzugefiigt worden.

von einer spateren, wahrscheinlich

Kursive schreibenden

Hand

Sie besagen, dass

man

die Hs. (den Liber

Canonum, wie Perpetuus

gesagt hatte)
Subscriptio

nach einem

erfahren,

am

Brande der Stadt Albi, von dem wir wieder nur aus dieser Also T ist alter als 25. Juli 666 oder 667' wiedererlangt hat.
Seite.

666 oder 667. Wir haben nun aber noch eine Grenze der andern
Papstliste,^ die in

In

findet sich

auch eine

und P

fehlt.

haben.

Wahrend

sonst die

muss im Original des Liber Canonum gestanden Jahre, Monate und Tage der einzelnen Regierungszeiten in
sie

Auch

dieser Liste verzeichnet werden, hat Gregorius (der Grosse), mit

statt

dem

die Liste schliesst,

der richtigen Angabe

Gregorius
die falsche

sed. an.

XIIL mens

II. d.

und unvollstandige
Gregorius
sed. an.

LXV.

Hieraus darf
der
war.

man folgern und ist von Duchesne und Turner richtig gefolgert worden dass Liber Canonum geschrieben wurde, nachdem Papst Gregor zur Herrschaft gekommen
:

Mit Turner also konnen wir jetzt sagen die Hs. Toulouse 364 wurde zu Albi, in der Nahe von Toulouse, geschrieben, zwischen den Jahren ca. 600 und 666. Zu dieser Fixirung passt aufs beste die Art der Unciale undeinige in Kursive geschriebene
(P,
fol.

28 und 35) und die Art der Kurzung. Turner hat schon darauf hingewiesen, dass der Gebrauch des Compendiums l\xr per in einer Form, die sonst i\i.r pro verwendet wird,
die spanische Nachbarschaft verrath.

Worte

Bildungen des Genetivus Pluralis wie

eportn, diacorm,

prbtrorm, scrm werden auch daher gerechnet werden konnen, Wenn fol. 104 omoysion durch einen Strich ausgezeichnet wird, so sei erinnert, dass es allgemeine Regel war, griechische und
liberhaupt
lateinischen

fremdsprechliche Worter

(z.

B.

auch

hebraische)

in

dieser

Weise von

ihrer

Umgebung

abzuheben.

Uber diese Zahlen, die sich auf die Datirungen von Krusch und Havet stiitzen, vgl. Duchesne, Fastes Episcopaux, and Turner, loc. cit, pag. 272. Mir scheint wahrscheinlich, dass das genaue Datum zugleich den Tag des Brandes und der Errettung der Bibliothek aus diesem Brande ergibt.
'

II, 43,

"

Vgl. Duchesne, Liber Potitificalis,

I,

27;

Mommsen,

Liber Pontificalis,

I,

xxxix.

X.

FACSIMILES

AND TRANSCRIPTS.

NOTE.
The
They
transcripts

which

accompany
J. P.

the

plates

have

been

prepared and revised by Mr.

Gilson of the British Museum.

are intended to furnish such assistance in the examination

of the plates as

may be

of service to a reader not accustomed to

early

the difficulties which

some of the

MSS.

present.

Capital letters have been used for the initials of proper names.

The
MS.

punctuation has been treated with some freedom, but every

stop in the transcript represents

some mark of punctuation

in

the

Square brackets
are

[ ]

have been used

for

words or
in

letters

which
for

not

now

to

be seen in the

MS., and

a few cases

accidental omissions

by the

scribe.

Angular brackets
change apparently
later

^^

are

employed

to

mark an

addition or

than the original writing of the

first

hand.

few special points are dealt with

in footnotes.

PLATE

I.

est

deus quoniam ipse fecit nos et non ipsi nos, credimus quia in hac clarissima tuba omnes inprobitas
COnquiescat.
deus uos incolumes custodiat fratres karissimi.
Filio

xxxviii. dat.

x kalendas Septembres.

Paulino a

EXEMPLVM EFISTOLAE DOMINI CYPRIANI EPISCOPI

TELONENSIS AD SANCTUM MAXIMUM EPISCOPUM lENAUENSIM.

T|OMNO
uestra

SEMPER

SUO

MAXIMO

EPISCOPO

CYPRIANVS

EPISCOPVS

Peruenit ad
inpiritiam sententias
uel

paruitatem

meam quod
esse
si

beatitude
uel apos-

nostram
adtendites,

iudicet

culpandam

eo quod
tholi

deum hominem passum

dixerim. sed

consideratis,
scrutari

iubetes,

patrum testimonia diligenter etiam symbuli textum puto quod et ipsi hoc iuxta fidem
uel

rectam
care,
et

quod
quia

fatemur

debeatis

recipere

et

praedi-

sicut

credimus
dicente

ex uirgine
ita

deum natum
et

ipsum hominem deum factum,

crucifixum,

credi-

mus

quibus Christus secundum carnem, qui est super omnia deus benedictus in saecula, et post aliquanta istum quem deum esse benedictum in saecula dixit, audi quid de enim confite<a>ris inquid eo credendum doceat, si in ore tuo dominum lesum et credediris in corde tuo quia deus ilium suscitauit a mortuis saluus eris dominum ore confiteris corde utique quem
apostholo,

ex

suscitatum
et
alibi,

mortuis
signa

credere

omnino
Graeci
uocatis

iuberis.

ludaei

petunt

sapientiam

quaerunt,
et

nos

uero

praedicamus
ipsis

Christum

lesum
ludaeis

hunc

crucifixum,

uero

Cod. Colon. 212 (Darmstad. 2326)

fol.

113 recto.

< WE/m!riST-50An-Cf PRiANl EFT

coq'uo J' Irn4)on)i Nt-mp jirfcin: Jixer 1^
ffe-in ic^^^j^\or

tut c i u.TumcxVrvor-rtju crccicr^e-QTrit^ii r40Uit'>cr^^^^

CTViut-iccr<icip4vum{prifuc-roLioccJLTinuJucii
4

Cod. Colon. 212 (Darmstad. 2326),

fol.

113

II

peet um

t ec,i

mur^cLlefi oum

Jm aio unNem<xJ.:| u

frttltn 'Lc^J^mu^cl^lap1e^lT^ameldNtr)c;lon1oLe

/^*M oru

TpJfn\itlcaHnn^nr>cAj^<Jou:or^uJ^OfcroL,

cica:trMcuYY^ujf'rK.K)LcoMar-et^u.tiic rU?hwt>icjo

n^ tlJt c^o^tnoiporchol a uet

ua en lire

cci--cei>-m

Cod. Colon. 212 (Darmstad. 2326),

fol.

113^'.

PLATE
ep[isto]le.

II.

adque Graecis Christum dei uirtutem

aduerte
quia

et

dei

sapientiam.

ipsum dei sapientiam confitetur. adhuc apertius audi apostholum protestantem. si enim inquid cognouissent, numquam dominum gloriae crucifixissent. et in Actibus beatus Petrus ludaeis, petistes inquid uirum humicidam donari nobis, uitae auctorem uero inquern
crucifixum
dixit
terfecistes.

sed

inibi

beatus
in

Paulus,

adtendite
spiritus sanctus

inquid nobis et uniuerso graeci'

posuit
siuit

quo nos
dei,

episcopus

regere

ecclesiam

quam adque-

sanguine suo. legimus auctorem uitae interfectum, legimus ecclesiam dei sanguinem adquisitam, legimus dei sapientiam dominum gloriae et
crucifixum,
et

negauimus hominem
apostholus,
illud

deum

cum

alibi

dicat
sibi.

reconcilians

deus erat in etiam euidens

passum, Christo mundum

testimo-

nium est quod Thomas apostholus post resurrexionem domini ad confirmanda corda nostra de eodem domino passo inspectis cicatricibus adque palpatis sit professus, deus inquid mens et dominus meus. utique postquam clauorum signa perspexit, et
banc uocem credulitatis emisit. et si apostholi hoc dixequare runt me ueneratorem uestrum repraehendites cum apostholis uera sentire. certe symbolum quod et tenemus et credimus hoc continit. Credo in deum patrem omnipotentem credo et in lesum Christum filium eius, unigenitum dominum nostrum,
cicatricum
uistigia

contrectauit,

sic

ecce

explicitae

sunt

dum

deitatem.

persone patris et filii quid uero pro redemptione

1

secunnostra

leg. gregi.

Cod. Colon.

212 (Darmstad.

2326)

fol.

113 verso.

PLATE

III.

Sancti Cypriani episcopi.

unigenltus deus egerit, audi quod sequitur. Qui conceptus de spiritu sancto, natus ex Maria uirgine utique subaudis unigenitus deus, quia non aliam nomenasti personam, passus inquid sup Pontio Pilato, qui utique filius unigenitus deus, crucifixus et sepultus, qui nihilominus unigenitus deus, tertia die resurrexit a mortuis, ascendit in caelos sedet ad dexteram
filius

patris,
os,

inde

uenturus

iudicaturus

uiuis

ac

mortufilius

qui

nitus

utique quern superius est. et quia haec omnia

inamissibiliter
et

es

confessus,

unige-

secundum hominem
sumpsit
ipse

quem
uirgine,
est

aeternaliter

ex
factus

passus
habitauit

creditur

deus,

quia
et

homo
caro

deus,
et

euangelista
in

dicente,

uerbum

factum

quare fidem meam in hac parte, si tamen uirum est repraehendire uoluistes, quia sicut nee in natura sua pati potuit deitas, ita nee in uniuersum mundum a captiuitaest

nobis,

miror

te

diaboli

sola

liberare

potuissit

humanitas.

sed per batur in

gloriae

personae, ita filius hominis dicecaelo esse cum essit in terris. sicut dominus in terris crocem creditur pertulisse cum

unitatem

sene
nitas

dubio
in

non

diuinitatis

substantiam,

sed

deum adsumptam pertulerit. sicut ait doctissimos miro quodam inquid et incogitabilis modo passus est deus, et non est passa diuinitas, et alius de domino ita dixit, quem in croces mortem dominum maiestatis agnoscimus, et in gloria diuinitatis deum hominem confitemur, legite etiam inmo relegite
lari

humaquidam

quia

non dubito uos

et
ibi

legisse

libros,

euidenter

confessores Heagnoscites eum contra herebeati

ticos

Cod. Colon. 212. (Darmstad. 2326)

fol.

114 recto.

'

'

III

"W

phtifiihMqeT^iautdr CT^Jcipivutt'cit.pulTUt- vV.fiMi

HlLoTy^^^^uT'u^41^c^^'l

urjo

<rei"'MctdKi efur-T^X"'

orc|uiuiiv^ qneT*>foptTi'^tt^'eoH^cffCn^piLiufoM.,

HKUtctt CivuncAj^aLecommcLiecuMcltiinKoTmNcrrN
aiTXj^TMe paTfafcr^J^TUi^clr cjiJiaiipt^.lu)Tnopuu^i:i^^

jf^hcxcptxTxe-rix^caneMun arrjufa r^T)TSAdbewJn eUoLuiItcT- qu lOLficcJf Nt ciM HOL'i UT cxf uLXpcA'tipoTurr 4eiTcjJ^iTcxweciwiJMiucr<UTnTy>UNJiiTntxcu.pcTU?Tix
fe

'Cist^lfaliolirottJkLfUcrtM epo'tuirrr'xf>nTr>cAMi
feiJ| K? tcxi iiT-j
^ I

tcif

'

fj.-

mn oxaerripci foMGie iTcxpiljurfioTmHifclicc

(wcLoefffecurn efTT-i iMtenr it ficu x JiTr

cLor ?(jitM N'reT^i^ircr^oct^ncT^ecliTTUtrpeT'L til !f feoT

feHeJLi[o!oMONc|iuiHn.AT:iffu(:,RuLH'iniiir>-feJViUTnc',

NVxaf^HdrVS u.<.lt{JTr>p'ccxTy^[iei"'c ulet-ii fTcm juxrcjuicla:

cocYtTT>ootrir>iTM)quoci^vTniMqLiu!e'riNeut'iTaioiLir

TrK^dopoitcitl^clreTr^oHtM MetlNoirodyiMT c|Ut"noiNcr^ocelrnonTtTrn<JHrrvTr>a^

noTniHCTncoNun tnoi jr .Lectaeeaiocipi Nmot-e Icc^i

'

'-J<^^^i^'-A.

Cod. Colon. 212 (Darmstad. 2326),

fol.

114

I"-*

IV
rsFSEsraPBHSTn^
T1

l^

;7f

lUOc) uol^tri

f ill ti*eiu i" U Kt ^-etsi i<rwV<?tr> pi

,JcCl.>iMiT,<iuJu-v;Ctluio>

.vcT1^oV.Tuo1'

^^* .11

"

>

frV ; "^^^-^di^^^C^^oU CA.:

"^

f.v. ^>3<rtinhctniiu4.vtril'tvccert'p<'c4cc-tiij'ft

/
Cod. Bernensis N. 643,
fol.

72

Cod. Paris,

lat.

13246,

fol.

88

PLATE

IVa.

PLATE

IVb.

(audita

symbolum
|

quod uobis hodie materno

Credo

in

deo patrem omnipotentem. Et

eius,

in

lesum

ore sancta catholica tradedit

aeclesia

Christum, filium

Credo

in

deum

paceli

Unicum dominum nostrum,

trem omnipotentem creatorem

Maria
uirgine,

Natum de

spirito sancto et

et terrae

Credo

in

lesu Christo

Passus sup Pontic Pilato,

Crucefixum,
et

filium eius unigenitum sempiinferos,

sepultum discendit ad

ternum
sancto

Conceptum de

spiritu

Tercia die resurrexit ad mortuis,

AJscendit ad caelos, sedit ad dexteram patris,
IJnde uenturus iudicare uiuos ac mortuos.

natum ex Maria uirgene

Passus sub Poncio Pilato

crucifixum

mortuum

et sepul-

Credo

in spiritu sancto,

tum
na
uitam aeternam.

Discendit ad infer-

Sancta ecclesia chatolica remissionem peccatorum,

Carnis resurrectionis,
in

tercia die resurrexit

amen.

a mortuis
celos sedit

Ascendit ad

IINCIPIT

TRACTATVS ORDINIS
mundum
transissent

ad dexteram dei
Inde uen-

Cum
]omnis

patris omnipotentis

omnis apostuli de hunc

turus iudicare uiuos et

p]er universum
Gallii

orbem diuersa erant

anniuersarium
viii

ieiunia
kal.

nam
mortuos

Credo

in sancto

unum diem

apr.

spiritu sancta aeclesia catolica

pjascha tenebunt, dicentis, quid nobis est necesse ad

Sanctorum comunione remislu]nae conpotum

cum

ludaeis facere pascha, ut se-

sione peccatorum carnis

cu]ndum domini natalem quocumque

die uenerit

viii.

kal.

resurreccioniem uitam

aeternam amen.

Cod. Bernensis N. 645

fol.

72 recto.

Cod. Paris,

lat.

13246

fol.

88 recto.

PLATE

V.

et

salutem

nostram
et

con-

lationem
professione

fidei

gratia

mistirii

memoriam mstrueris conmendandum sed

ad
istius

lam

sacrament!

plenitudmem
modo.

textumque

ueniamus quod
mcipit.

hoc

Credo m deum
omnipotentem
terre.

patrem
creatori c^li et
fi-

Et m lesum Christum
ems, unicum

hum

dommum
conceptus

nostrum.

Qui

Cod. Vat. Pal. 493

fol.

16 recto.

'

eT5 ;\Imipi^nos'^'^-^' CP^ lA-nowe poei ctc^katiA piuypcssioMe imsTiiui tne Ol Ol vl A 1 MSTRtlC 1 u s
coNineKic>Awt>( nr> seO iaod

AI>STnuSSAC KACllCMTl
pLEmTllT>lNett>TeA:^t^cl
tiewiAttiLis uuoT)iwlx>c
Cr>OC>0'
I
I

INCipiT\^

i^

HOSTKcFQciicioiaceptur
-S

Cod. Palat.

lat.

493,

fol.

16

VI

avvKiAciiuqiNe pAsscis sciBj3omion,| A^^

Q,,(, ci|:iAci.sfnoi;-iucLst-iso

pul.Tcis^TcuciAt^mKescr
KtiVirrAcnoivixiis r^c(^K,
p

ArjiT>e\1T' K,\tt> Wl pATK^is

ciew?it!ucis icif>icAKeciicio

CTir0Kl10S Kec>oiN

^COSlUl siAecl ISIA cxiUo

^

OMG: ABKCflllSSSOWC npc

Cod. Palat.

lat.

493,

fol.

16 v.

PLATE

VI.

est

de spiritu sancto Natus ex

uirgine

Maria
sub
cifixus

Passus Cruse-

Pontic

Pilato
et

mortuus
Tercia
a

pultus
rexit
dit

die

resur-

mortuis

AscenSedit

uictor

ad

celos

ad dexteram dei patris

omnipotentis

Inde
uiuos

uenturus
et

ludicare

mortuos

Credo

sancto spiritu sancta eclisia catholica

sanctorum communiabremissione
pec-

onem

catorum
Cod. Vat.
Pal.

493

fol.

16 verso.

PLATE

VII.

Carnis

resurreccionem
aeternam.
istud
dilec-

uitam

Simbulum
tissimi

non

atramento
sed

depingetur
nis

huma-

cordibus

insertum
<^Cre[do]^

memoria
Tterato

retenetur.

uobis

repeti-

mus quo

facilius

eum

tenire possitis <^Cre[do])> Cre-

do
lex

in

deum patrem
fidei

et
tri-

quia

nostre

in

nitate

consistit.

Terut
ipse

cio

repetimus

Cod. Vat.

Pal.

493

fol.

17 recto.

VII

(^AixHisixi:iinKixrcc:io>ie

cinAa^AfitrKMAin
'^ici^iicilciHi is'Lt lO

oiLec

seolxunA MIS COl^Ol BUS IMSCHvl tr

DcpiwtyCTLiii
Q-^etr^OKlAlvtzTENr'ltlK
]

<^f'

*1EKATCll>BlSKepeiI o>us quoFAfTiLitisetun

TEwiKe possiTiS'- ^ ue ?K>iisir>S pArrruz cTucnA Lev NpsTi^jie i^itjei In'i.ri

1-*

Cod. Palat.

lat.

493,

fol.

17

>

*a >

'

VIII

"1

'^

'
I

.*RCA-Tiiii.JV

sc3ps JCRCA-Ki^i Cidem cauikCHa^orzrs

concevtit- SiAntrntfutr' \ier\xm
-ueVirtctxe-

iu^:ca.Oiyii/*

Tircocor^oe

ctmue* lATionem mn
Aj^cecSir*.*-

cbain oui-ntTjeri'Titr

inlutninAT

Stisci

'^

vt-

po-cd^

SMitMcmtV caiT'ciir' utr

SdrjbiTP-

t*>npcrytfl |.TTi-a.piM
Jttent?

J^

''

'^^

? -

Qr-reMeus ^^coLitus

mANumsup c^iur
'

. CArtf^r*Ott:> r^'r g^tvei^o

b<ri

jcmi cili

\^ iCT iMOm ^^ 1

nt.vrKe- otrypr

pueRj oic SiroibuLM liocOe -^ I -!

rt5p-C"t'eA-

de^pu SCO WA-TUf ^<*>-VTVlA.

XJIR^IMCr,

^^^IMpe-R.T%iIrtJS

Oct-*.-

Ol^

RjCSlK.Rj2>3>C^VfrORTUIS

A-SCCtM^I-T-Jk^OClR^

SeOiT.A^

^<?xr-rcfi-ak.

^rpATTCiS- orrpTis

/MoeueNrunus
-

lu
1

'r\

'

$ sV-ty

Cod. Paris,

lat.

12048,

fol.

181

PLATE
uenerabilis

VIII.

pasch^

lauare

baptismatis

renascentes sicut sancti

omnes meriamini
. .

fidelis

munus

infantiae a Christo

domino nostro

perficere
et dicit

qui uiuit et

regnat in saecula saeculorum et digit praefactionem simboli.

nobis accepturi sacramenta baptismatis
et

praefacione synboli

Dilectissimi

in

nouam

creaturam sancti spiritus procreandi fidem

toto corde concepite et animis uestris
tatis

quam

credentes iustificandi estis

ueram conuersationem muest

ad deum qui timentium uestrarum

inluminator accedite susciapostolis

misteria.

pientes euangelici symbuli

sacramentum a domino inspiratum ab

institutum

cuius

pauca

quidem

uerba

sunt

sed

magna
tali

sanctus et^nim spiritus qui magistris ^cclesiae ista dictauit

tali

eloquio

briuitate

salutiferam

condit

fidem ut quod credendum

intelligentiam possit latere

nobis

est

semperque

proficiendum nee
Intentis

nee

memoriam
et

fatigare,

itaque

animis
alicni

symbulum

discites,

quod uobis

sicut accipimus

tradimus non
uestris

materiae que corrum-

pi potest sed paginis cordis

scribite.

confessio itaque fidei

-quam

suscipitis
ipsis

hoc

incoatur

exordium
in

et

tenens

acolitvs

acofuur

unum ex

infantibus mascolo

sinistro

brachyo et interrogat

ei presbyter

qua lingua confitetur dominum nostrum lesum Christum, Respondit acolitus

dicit

Latina.

iterum

presbyter adnuncia fidem ipsorum qualiter credunt.

et tenens acolitus

manum
redo
in

super caput pueri dicit symbulum hoc de-

-cantando,

deum patrem omnipotentem,

filium eius

creatore celi

et terre, et in

lesum Christum

unicum dominum nostrum, Qui conMaria uirgine,

et

ceptus est de spiritu sancto natus

Pontio
-ad

ex

Passus sub
Discendit

Pilato

crucefixus
di^

mortuus
a

sepultus,

inferna
sedit

tertia

resurrexit

mortuis

ascendit

ad

c^iu-

lus

ad dexteram dei patris omnipotentis,

Inde uenturus

dicare uiuos et mortuus.

<:atholicam

Credo

in

spiritum sanctum sanctam ^cclesiam

sanctorum conmunionem
uitam eternam.

remissionem peccatorum

carnis
iterum
alter

resurrectionem.

amen,

[itervm alter]

acolitus tenens similiter

feminam

et interrogat ei presbyter

qua lingua

Cod. Paris,

lat.

No. 12048

fol.

181

recto.

PLATE
seruitio tuo impleatur auxilium

IX.

per

seqvitvr benedictio
sanctificator, te suppliciter

JLyomine sanct^ pater omnipotens aeterne deus spiritallum

deprecamur ut ad hoc misterium humilitatis nostrg respicere

digneris
ratas

super

has

abluendis

et

uiuficandis

hominibus
peccatis
spiritu

praepauite

angelorum

sancti< >tatis
deterso

emittas

quo

prions abluti
regeneratis

reatuque

purum sancto

habitaculum

pro currit per dominum.

JZLrXorcizo te creatura

aque
fili

in

nomine
et

dei patris omnipotentis et in

sancti,

caritatem
ut
et

lesu

Christi

ius

spiritus

J^xorcizo

te

omnis

uirtus

aduersarii

omnis
et

incursio

Satan^

omnis
aqu^,

fantasma
ut
fiat

h^radicare
fons

effugare
in

ab

hac

cre-

atura
et

salientis
fiat

uitam

^ternam

qui ex ea baptizatus fu^rit

in

templum

dei uiui et spiritus sanctus

habitit

^o,

in

remissionem omnium peccatorum per dominum

est iudicare uiuos
iiii
''

nostrum lesum Christum qui uenturus

et
tit

et

mortuus

saeculum per ignem

crisma
in

et

insufflat
in

in

uitibus
et

inde

mit-

modum

crucis

ipsa

aqua,

cumdicit
illi

miscitat

eam cum

ipsa aqua, et interrogat presbyter

V_^redis in credis et in

deum patrem omnipotentem.

lesum Christum
filium ^ius,

respondet, credo, iterum

dicit,

unicum dominum nostrum qui con-

ceptus est de spiritu sancto, natus ex Maria uirgine, passus sub

Pontio
cendit
dit

Pilato

crucifixus
tercia

mortuus
die,

et

sepultus

dis-

ad inferna

resurrexit

a mortuis

ascen-

ad c^lus sedit ad dexteram dei patris omnipotentis inde uenturu[s]

et

iudicare uiuos

mortuos.

respondet,

credo,

et

iterum

dicit,

credis in spiritum sanctum, sanctam ^ccl^siam chatolicam, sanctorum

conmu-

nionem remissionem peccatorum carnis resurrectionem

uitam ^ternam. respondet,
et

credo,

et

excepit

^um

in

manus suas

baptizat

^um sub
ita

trinam

mersionem,

tantum

sanctam trinitatem

simel

inuocans

dicendo.

Cod. Paris,

lat.

No. 12048

fol.

191

verso.

IX

y^^K ^ri^ SCfir.

pAfrcmpr'

.V'r**eclK

SPI'T^iW SclntCVT Ti^supplic

dt^neru^B
rtvtiv-r

SMPh.\S3.bl^ld^^4.^.v AiiiuiniCAric/ir- hoin*iL,

I

pp
I

tvn<;ofX iff
If

ffci'/'^cafnir enir"r-\j
'

cTM^prc cvrir

Mi-rt?

-T

Ctvp-r^vat**" ihuA-pi piii .eiur*

&TSps sci^

]tT,xR.ci^c-iv

Aornr^

n.vM-r.vsrrj<. |iy^tiA.iCA.R.e; &eppu4j<3crv-

^Lh^vcc:Rje-

^:

^rdm

ni^nAi

-.T

iMi?iippt.-Vt- IM-

/111-

vii'ilU; /Ki^i'iT>i<r

'

-I

'

'

71
^

'
H
.

^'^

-'V

'-V

ceprns ce
'

cicspu ^co hattus e?eo>AiHA -viin^iMe. pAf-^iisSub

F \ eT"*t^Ml-rMir* tir

' I pONTiopil'Vra cfiMCipi^Mf voiVTMur

CCM^lTANlMCrRNA
*r|iT rtr!c/*I"S

TTIAHiy-.

K^SMKK^
-\'

A<TOfl.Tllir

A^Cen

Scc/rt

AcUe^-reKAc/rpATHira'wp'nr: iNdf t<Ar^r

'

lUcllCAR.tr

\ -v uiUiU e^rrORJXXioT- RDO- <^R0%>0. eII'lVl*l oil'

3CAO,4^Ccl-CSA fhA-Ti'llCA-

CKf.7ir

ll>i:pt>.SCr>

Scoum Ct>*<a

loioMr Rc<T>irai<Me peccAT*?!*."" car.hi*? tnssuTt.tKJif^>nanli

XI
ITB^-rt
--

lic.vTeum

I jSuLtkim^

"
4ei

Cod. Paris,

lat.

12048,

fol.

191

1;.

-13

L
Vi',-

V
Cod. Einsidlensis 199,
p.

474

PLATE

X.

Credis in
|

deum patrem omnipotentem creatorem

et respondisti credo
filium eius

c^li

et

terr^

Et iterum

credis et in lesu Christum

est

unicum dominum nostrum qui conceptus

mortuos
tertia

de

spiritu

sancto
Pilato

natus ex
crucifixus

Maria uirgine passus sub Pontio

et

sepultos
surrexit
sedit

dis-

cendit

ad inferna

die

mortuis

ascendit

ad

celos

ad

dex-

teram dei patris omnipotentis inde uenturus

disti

iudicare

uiuos

et

mortuus

et

responsacer-

credo.

Et
in

tertio

interrogauit

dos credis et

spiritu

sancto sancta ^cclesia catholica

sanctorum communione remissione peccatorum carnis

ti

resurrectionem
aut
tu

uitam

^ternam.

Respondis-

aut patrinus

pro te credo.

Ecce pactio qualis et promissio uel confessio uestra apud deum tenetur et credens b[aptiza]
tus

es

in

no[mine eUJ]

Cod. Einsidlen. 199

fol.

237.

PLATE XL

^
Simboium Nicenum ccc
xviu patrum

Credimvs in vnvm devm patrem omnipotenxem et terrae factorem caeli visibilivm OMNIVM ET [in]vISIBILIVM ET IN VNVM DOMINVM lESVM
CHRISTVM FILIVM DEI VNIGENITVM QVI NATVS EST DE EX PATRE ANTE OMNIA SAECVLA DEVM VERVM DE DEO VERO natum non factum consubstantialem
patri

per quern

omnia
et

facta

sunt

Qui

<(propter>

nos
natus
tia

homines
et et

propter
est
et

salutem
atque
resurrexit

nostra<(m)>

disci ndit

incarnatus

humater-

est

passus
ascindit

est
in

die

et

caelos

uenturus

iudicare uiuos et mortuos et <in> spiritum sanctum

JH OS

autem
non

qui
erat

dicunt
et

erat

aliquando
nas-

quando
ceretur
tibus

prius

quam
non

non

erat
est

quia
aut

ex
aut

extanuel

factus

ex
esse

[a]lia

subsistentia

substantia

dicentes

conuerti-

bilem
Simboium
Constantmop-

aut

mutabilem filium dei hos anacatholica

et

thematizat

apostholica
^

<dei>

ecclesia

ci!~m.

Itervm SYMBOLVM CENTVM" qvinqvaginta. ^ CREDIMVS IN VNVM DEVM PATREM OMNIPOTENTEM Factorem caeli et terrae uisibilium om-

nium et inuisibilium et in unum dominum lesum Christum fiHum dei unigenitum natum. ex patre ante omnia saecula deum uerum de deo uero natum non factum consubstantialem patri per quem omnia facta

sunt

Codex Vat.

lat

1322

fol.

153 verso.

XI

I,

>^

CRtDI^VSl^iV^iW-"^

Olvii

\\ll^^yi\o\\ni

o/f

pcvCr-iX^ei^lvieti>onri:K3icvPoXrcci(i:iKiC Qciii/

Kitvceiiieii

e%poi7C3iie'itecr^iUivr^e>oTcx:eu

^cIOIccvrvetlluolx^cAl>onclaone<^rpil>I^^Tl

^^^.

...

to

'"""fi

Cod. Vatic.

lat.

1322,

fol.

153

f.

XII

JiprK>prn^Tsrort)QtYmMeret:KxlMxetT^>yar ci'^^ciTT ^^ irc ie^clixTi isicctr^Too^cptieft^ei pcT

1
i

n iltvcoc cixrpcilx<ji~eft exi^erurv o^^ca ixer-

\
I

'>4i-*<jo'isier^i'CPi.iaii^exif^i:ptT^rcrr^^'B^rT ) ^ CCTLii uxPi ccxT-a CJe-TT) ej^poT T^ CrpTM3 CBJ c^vlem CruTy^pcxxi>e CCp.t)o cvDorMJL>a^ xittd Ct COi- j

I
k

qlo r^iPiccLxviciuTx *^xiilocujnE?Pt per- Rforpno

>

tlvr^i-^vi ivicxYT > CCLxl->ol)CCXir crcXJL|Jol^J>o IjCtxm eccleficxiiCo^r^Fix:eTn[->iJT- tn-^xjiTn-)

1-)

6'

:>

J:>c^vpX7 frr>cv.i'tvrT^Orr 1 1 ntio <r e t If rpeCCCixoi^'^ exrpecccciT>cifT'^Itii^r<Xrc70 E>Jem rr-^oi^CviOt'

'c tx c 7 rexco'^^j Pi 1 - Txicv c lOT^eri > fcvpi cr^r Tioc rr> bolui r Cc RlItlx ccxT^e' Ji Lii ^cvec;t>o.'xicve

QY

DEp^TTiefTjiMFr^iL,o,f;JspqSc6p^'RfFt^Itt>*iMi)orcj Ccd ^Vli^nir > a. isjcA CIO f^oh ^TJi^ cljxCrsaCX: rpi e *^ xittxepr<veiX? J^xrxx ^eJ<'lTT>l>ii<\<^iiiiC* r^ itcx ciPi>cpiH.) boi^cpiMjtoJicoL^xioi^eTiitt) >^ici-j'cepper" pr-opi-ca iiCi^cfic Kxocitifcjo

%
.^

^itlovlpTM^KiotiK^^l*.!

r-^i

Jlf pO^lcixr70T>jir

Cod. Vatic.

lat.

1322,

fol.

154

PLATE

XII.

Qui

propter

nos homines
et et

et

salutem
est

nos-

tram discindit
sancto
et et

incarnatus

de

spiritu

Maria uirgine
est

humanatus
Pontio

est

crucifixus
et

pro nobis sup

est
et

Pilato
tia

sepultus

resurrexit

ter-

die ascindit in caelos sedit' ad

patris

dexteglo-

ram
ria

iterum
uiuos
finis

uenturus est
et

cum

iudicare

ni
et

non

erit

et

in

mortuos cuius regspiritum sanctum dominum

et

uiuificantem
patre
et

ex patre procidentem^
filio

Cum
phetas
licam

adorandum
est
et

con-

glorificandum
in

qui

loc[ut]us

per

sanctos

pro-

unam

catholicam

apostho-

ecclesiam

confitemur

unum

baptisma in remissionem peccatorum expectamus resurrectionem mortuorum et uitam futuri saeculi amen Sufficeret quidem ad plenam cognitionem pietatis et confirmationem sapiens hoc
et

salutare

diuinae

gratiae

symbolum

DE PATRE ENIM ET FILIO ET SPIRITV SANCTO PERFECTIONEM DOCET et domini humanationem fideliter accipientibus
ritatis

repraesentat

Sed quoniam
co-

hii

qui

ue-

reprobare

praedicationem
heresis

nouas uoces genuerunt hii quidem mysterium quod pro nobis est domini dispensationis
nantes

per proprias

sedet corr.

procedentem corr.

Cod. Vat.

lat.

1322

fol.

154 recto.

PLATE

XIII.

EXPOSITIO FIDEI CL SANCTORVM QVI CONSTANTINOPOLIM

CONGREGATI SVNT.

V.

c
tio

Iredimus
terrae

in

unum deum patrem omnipotentem

et

Factorem

caeli

et

uisibilium
dei

inuisibilium

Et
ante

in

unum dominum lesum

saecula,

Christum

filium

Natum
uero

ex

patre

omnia

deum uerum de deo

tantialem
patri

Natum non
facta

factum

consubs-

per

quem omnia
et

sunt,

Qui

propter

nos

homines
est

salutem

nostram discendit,
et

Et incarnatus
humanatus
Pilato
est,

de spiritu sancto

Maria uirgine
nobis

et

in-

Et

crucifixus
est

est

pro

sub
die

Pon-

et

sepultus
caelos
gloria

Et
ad

resurrexit

tertia

Ascendit
uenturus
cuius

ad

sedet

dexteram
uiuos
in
et

patris

Iterum

cum

ludicare
erit

mortuos,

regni

finis

non

Et

spiritum

sanctum dominum
et
filio

et

uiui-

ficantem

ex

patre
et

procedentem

cum
qui

patre

adorandum
est

conglorificandum
prophetas,

loquutus

per

sanctos

In

unam

cathoHcam

et

apos-

tolicam
in

ecclesiam

Confitemur

unum baptismam
resurrec|

remissione

peccatorum

Expectamus

tione
v]i

mortuorum

uitam
qvi

futuri

saeculi

amen.
cl.

Nomina episcoporvm

subscripservnt
(I

episcopi

qvi

in

eodem.

Cod. Tolos. 364

63)

fol.

4 recto et verso.

XIII

cn

^pcbuxLiLiaitir f^l3a:n3al9KpaL^^^JeA^neocn^ilA.^Aec:ubv

^onibccv3ersei>olxusesr

grRjesuRFJ^nxei^rnxoie'

K-i^icju^ 4^^<nun>Roccx>eKrTCcn Cuaipx^Rg^n^iLio

r
TloMecnoiriUoRticn orrAcn ranuui ^JJV.ccol)
II

^^c6>eKi

iVii-^li'^^ f^H'*^^-^ ,'^-*^w-l^ /^i .^-^ ^ ^ ^-^'^'^la^epuiu^a7v|t^v;u^^'^cmW5:^TlUt<^l^ Ci-vni^am

Cod. Tolosanus 364,

fol. 4, fol.

v.

'

-.

XIV

-3

,^'
'

Cod. Tolosanus 364,

fol.

104, fol. 1041'.

PLATE

XIV.

fidem

praedicare
firmauit

atque
dicens,

defendere

Quam
in

sancta

synodus

Nichena

Credimus
et

unum deum patrem

factorem.

omnipotentem

Visibilium

inuisibllium
dei

Et
patre

in

unum

dominum nostrum

lesum

filium

Natum de

unigenitum

Hoc
'

est

de

substantia

patris

deum de deo lumen de lumine

Deum uerum
tantiae

de
patre

deo

uero

Natum non
dicunt

factum

unius

subs-

cum

Quod
facta

Graeci
siue

omousion,
caelo
dis-

Per quem omnia

sunt

quae

in

sine

quae
cendit

in

terra

Qui propter nostram salutem

est
et

incarnatus

homo

factus

passus

est

resurrexit

tertia

die
et

Ascendit

in
in

caelos

Venturus
sanctum.
etiam

iudicare
fessione,

uuios

mortuos

Et

spiritum

In
nos

qua pro-

hoc euidentissime continetur

Quos

Cod. Tolos. 364

(I

63)

fol.

104 recto et verso.

PLATE
<mihi autem nimis

XV.

honorati sunt amici tui>

< alleluia

quoniam>

<aruitus>

Os

parificat,
clarificat,

cor

letificat,

U terrem

excelsam

aedificat,

homiperfecticelesspiri-

nem onem
tis

sensus aperit.
excelsa
inter

omne malum
et

occidit.

instruit.

demonstrat

desiderium
facit.

regni

dat,

pacem

corpus

animam
Radicem

Ignem

talem in corde succendit,

contra omnibus
est,

uitiis

sollicitudo

est

Certamen
expellit.
lutis<(est)>.

bonum
sicut

cotidie

malorum
defendit.

omnium
spes
sa-

lurica

induit,

sicut.

galea

consolatio doloris, Refectio laboris. Notitia ueri lumi-

nis.

fons sanctitatis.

super
est.

terram
qui
diligit

dat.

hominem iuuenem castigat, Regnum dei Tedium anim^ detrahit. Tuba miralis

psalmorum assiduae non potest peccatum agere, qui habet laudem dei in corde suo. in postremo apud deum gaudebit. et animam suam in c^lo mirificabit in saecula saeculorum amen, fides sancti athanacanticum
SII

EPISCOPI ALEXANDRINI.
uult

Quicumque
teneat

saluus

esse

ante

omnia
nisi

opus

est

ut

catholicam

fidem,
erit

Quam

quisque integram

inuiolatamque ser\ua)>

absque dubio
est

in

eternum

peribit
in
trini-

Fides
tate

autem
et

catholica
in

haec

ut

unum deum

trinitatem

unitate

ueneremur,

Neque

con-

fundentes

personas

neque

substantiam
filii

separantes.

Alia est enim persona patris. alia

et
filii

alia spiritus sancti. sed patris

et spiritus sancti

una

est diuinitas aequalis gloria coetern[a]

filius

maiestas,

Qualis pater

talis
filius

talis

et^

spiritus

sanctus,

Increatus pater increatus

increatus
et*

et*

spiritus sanctus,

Inmen-

sus pater inmensus

filius

inmensus

spiritus sanctus aeternus^ pater

'

et ras.

j-^s.

Cod. Lugdunensis S. Fid.

fol.

109 verso.

XV

)0'V)1

Tccti^

V,

iv'coy^ci^fvcc^cCi-r7 Corvxycco-mrub', uraiy*foLL|CrtuJo^

^|>#Un- ftCutrU^cxmclutT-,ftc.^.<^Uccol^-/^diT-. Sj^eTA Urnfcor^y^ UcTno jiUy-if^ 3-^f^xio UcUtjf ."MoT^-nccx^Sn U*-^i

^. qutcfiti5rircXn-nCut>-fjyccUv>i>y-v.>>> x^ Jvxcc^

-i^f

oW+^

UiCa-**>q'. eAt^l

^n^ioUx xrcm*|-, yey^u]^*Ttr ccb^-,d-*o

Odl

Cod. Lugdunensis,

fol.

109

f.

XVI

Cod. Lugdunensis,

fol.

114

PLATE

XVI.

eternus

filius.

^ternus

et'

spiritus

sanctus,

et

tamen non
inmensi.

tres

aeterni.

sed unus
increatus
et^ spiritus sanctus,
fili[us]

aeternus,
et et

Sicut

non

tres

increati.

nee

tres

sed

unus

unus inmensus, Similiter omnipotens pater, omnipotens

filius.

omnipotens

tamen non

tres omnipotentes. sed

unus omnipotens,
tres dii.

Ita

deus pater deus

Ita

deus

et^ spiritus sanctus.

filius.

Et tamen non

sed unus est deus,

dominus

pater.

dominus
sicut

dominus

et^ spiritus

sanctus. et

tamen non

tres domini. sed

et

unus est dominus, Quia

confiteri

singillatim

unam quamque
conpellimur.

personam
Ita tres

deum
deos
a
aut

dominum

Christiana
dici

ueritate

dominos
est
factus.

catholica

relegione

prohibemur,
Filius

Pater

nullo
est.

nee creatus.
tus.

nee genitus.
Spiritus

a patre

solo

non factus nee creafactus.

sed genitus. sed

sanctus a patre et

filio

non
tres

nee creatus. nee

genitus.

procedens,
filii.

Unus ergo

pater,

non

patres.

unus

filius

non <tres>
aut
sibi

unus

spiritus sanctus.

non

tres spiritus sancti,

Et

in

hae trinitate
co^terng
est

nihil

prius

posterius

nihil

maius

aut
Ita

minus,
ut

sed

tot^

tres

person^

sunt
unitas
uult

et
in

coaequales,
trinitate,

per
in

omnia
unitate

sicut

iam

supradictum
sit.

et

et

trinitas
ita

ueneranda
sentiat,

Qui

ergo

saluus

esse,

de
ut

trinitate

Sed
quoque
fides

neces-

sarium

est

ad

aeternam
lesu

salutem,
fideliter

incarnationem

domini

nostri
et

Christi

eredat.

Est ergo
lesus

recta
dei

ut

cre-

damus
et

confiteamur.
est,

quia

dominus

noster

Christus

filius.

deus

homo

Deus
et

est

ex substantia patris ante

est

s^cula genitus.
in saeculo natus,
rationali.

homo

ex substantia matris

Perfeetus deus. perfectus homo, ex anima

et

humana
Qui

carne

subsistens,

Aequalis

patri

secundum

diuinitatem.
licet

minor
sit

patri
et

secundum
homo,
non

humanitatem.

deus

duo

tamen.

sed
in

unus

est

Christus,

Unus autem

non
in

eonuersione
deo,

diuinitatis

carnem.

sed

adsumptione

humanitatis

Unus omni-

no non confusione substantiae. sed <unitate> person^,

nalis et

Nam

sicut

anima

ratio-

caro unus est homo. Ita deus et

homo unus

est Christus,

Qui passus

est

pro salute nostra deseendit ad inferos resurrexit a mortuis,

et ras.

Cod. Lugdunensis S. Fid.

fol.

114 recto.

I)

PLATE

XVII.

ascendit ad

c^los

sedit

ad dexteram dei

patris

omnipotenti[s]
cuius

Inde uenturus iudicare uiuos et mortuos,

Ad

adue[n]suis

tum omnes homines resurgere habent cum corporibus

Et
reddituri

sunt de
in

factis

propriis rationem,

Et qui bo[na]
in

egerunt.

ibunt

uitam aeternam. et qui mala

est
fides

ignem
fidel[iter]

aeternum,

Haec

catholica

quam
esse

nisi

quisque

\3-cy firmiterque crediderit.

saluus

non

poterit.

<SIMPLICES(?)>

<ADF[IRMATIVA] <ADF[IRMATIVA] <ADF[IRMATIVA]

[Est]

iustus

homo. homo.

NEG[ATIVA] Non

est Justus

homo.>
homo.>

Est iniastus

NEG[ATIVA] Non
NEG[ATIVA] Non

est iniustus

Est non iustus homo.

est

non

iustus

homo

< < <

omnis homo iustus

(?)

est.

NEG[ATIVA]

non

est est

omnis

> homo iustus >

iustus

non

est

omnis homo non iustus

ADF[IRMATIVA]

omnis homo non

>

< partes

orationis quot

sunt>

Cod. Lugdunensis S. Fid.

fol.

114 verso.

XVII

i43eri-

inP
i'

i
I

V
-^Va'-N
i-

im

'

>-

-.

..,^->r

11
-*<

j>r
s

T. ^-

T^y-i^j'

.Tf ,-!.<"

orwn'^nej

c]i^

r;>"

i.:f

ri

Cod. Lugdunensis,

fol.

ii^v.

XVIII

/o"^. AO

'
I

/'j

'

"V/f

fV

'

'

fVVl^^ rAKitatc^^Mf

virv ty^fT^T^i vlt<;^'VftMl

Cod. Petriburgensis Q.

i.

15,

fol.

63.

PLATE
Primum namqiie superbia genus
transgressionis
est

XVIII.
Coaeterna maiestas qualis pater
talis
talis

eorum qui per

Alius

culpam contemptu habent diuina

est

et

spiritus

sanctus

increatus pater

increatus

filius

praecepta.

Secundum genus eorum

qui ex conser-

increatus spiritus
filius

sanctus inmensus pater inmensus

aeternus pater aeter-

uatione

mandatorum adtolluntur
Tertium genus eorum

eleuatione uirest

inmensus
filius

spiritus sanctus

tutum.

qui per contumaciam

nus

aeternus spiritus sanctus.

sic

Et tamen non
tres

tres

mentis subdi dedignantur seniorum imperiis quae qui-

aetemi sed unus aeternus

non

increati

dem
rio

uitia

diuinitus

adiuuante gialia

h<i>is

e contra-

non

tres

inmensi sed unus increatus

Et unus inmensus

curantur uirtutibus.
uigiliae.

Gulae enim concupiscentiam

conpunctio cordis.
contrilio

Oimiliter omnipotens pater omnipotens

filius

repraemunt

et

omnipotens

spiritus

sanctus et
Ita

tamen non

tres

Fomicationem extinguet
ris
afflictio

cordis

et

corpo-

omnipotens sed unus omnipotens.

deus
filius

deus pater
tres dii sed

et oratio

adsidua uel laboris exercitium

uel

deus spiritus sanctus

et

tamen non

unus deus

est.

metus quoque gehennae

amor

caelestis

patriae.
et

Ita et

dominus pater dominus

filius

dominus
est

spiritus sanctus et
sicut
sinet

tamen

Inuidiam superat amor fraternae dilectionis

non

tres

domini sed unus dominus

Quia
et

quoniam

caeleste

regnum non accipiunt

et

nisi

Concordes.

gillatim
confiteri

unum quamqu<e>- personam

dominum
Ita tres

d<eu>m

Iram temperat patientia

ratio

aequanimitatis.
et

Christiana ueritate conpellimur.

Auari<;i>iam subiu-Ogat elimosina

retribuitionis.
et

spes aeternae

deos aut dominos dicere catholica relegione

Tristitiam

fraterna conlcquia

prohibemur.
nee genitus

Pater a nullo
filius

factus

nee creatus

consolatio scripturarum.

Arrogantiam calcat

a patre solo est nee factus

Spiritus sanctus a

metus ne uana gloria dilinitum animum a uir<tu>tibus

cunctis
se

nee creatus sed genitus.

et

patre

excludat.

Et per iectantiam perdat semet-

fiUo

nee factus nee creatus nee genitus

ipsum

et pereat.

lam superbiam deprimat metus

sed procedens.

Unus ergo
tres
filii

pater non

tres

patres
tres

diabulicae ruinae absque exempio humilitatis Christi.

Explicit
liber

unus

filius

non

unus spiritus sanctus non

sancti

Isidori episcopi.
caeli

spiritus sancti.
uti

In hac trinitate nihil prius

nihil

Ora pro me

sepisfimi

deum

carissimi

mea

aut

posterius

mains aut minus

Coaeternae
sibi

innumera Christus remittat cremina.

deo
gratias.

amen,

sed totae tres personae.

et

sunt

coaequales
est et

ita

ut

per omnia sicut iam supra

in

dictum
Fides sancti Athanassi episcopi Alexandriae

trinitas

unitate.

Et unitas

Q.,e juicumque
fidem

in ult

trinitate

ueneranda

sit.

saluus esse ante

ut

omQui uult ergo saluus

esse
ita

nia opus est

de

trinitate

teneat catholicam
sentiat

quam

nisi

quisque integram inuio-

sed necessarium est ad aeternam

labilemque seruauerit absque du[bi]o peribit in aeternum.

Fides autem catholica
in

salutem ut incarnationem quoque domini nostri lesu

Christi
fideiter eredat. est

Haec

est

ut

unum deum

ergo fides recta

in trinitate et trinitatem

unitate

uenerasubstan-

ut eredamus.

et

confiteamur quia dominus noster

filius

mur.
tia

Neque confundantes personas neque

lesus Christus dei

et

deus pariter et

homo

est.

separantes.
filii

Alia est enim persona patris

Deus
et spiritus sancti

est

ex substantia patris ante saecula

alia

alia spiritus sancti.

Sed

patris et

filii

genitus et
in

homo

est

ex substantia matris
Perfectus

una

est

diuinitas aequalis gloria

saeculo genitus.
et

homo

ex anima

Col.

i.

1.

16.

Auaritiam]

supra

lin.

rationabili

humana came
ii.
1.

subsistens

subiugai] una littera rasa.

Col.

14.

qui. ..dominum scriptor, que. ..deum corr.

Cod. Petriburg. Q.I.

15.

fol.

63 recto.

PLATE
Aequalis patri perfectus deus secundum diuinitatem.

XIX.
Edita uisurum externae nunc oppida terrae
Retibus. ut
.

Qui

licet

deus

sit et

homo non tamen duo

nunquam

gradiens uestigia frater

.

sed unus est deus. unus autem non conuersatione

diuinitatis in carne sed
nitatis in deo.

Infandis hostis uallant quae castra perosi

adsumptione huma-

Atra graues pereant ne

sic caelestia uota.

Unus omnino non confusione

Candida sed

rutilent cordis praesagia

donee
.

Arbiter arcitenens superarit proelia dira

substantiae sed unitate personae.

Nam
homo

sicut
ita

anima
et

rationalis et care

unus

est

Et miles supera gaudebit comptus in urbe. Limpida famosum spectet per saecla tribunal
lohannis caeli rimans mysteria
caeli.

deus

homo unus

Christus qui passus est

pro salute nostra,

discendit ad infernus

resurrexit a mortuis ascendit ad caelos

sedit

ad dexteram

patris inde uenturus est

iudicare uiuos et mortuos ad cuius

aduentum

Habent resurgere omnes homines cum

corporibus suis et reddituri sunt de factis
propriis rationem et qui
in

<Ex MusAEO

Petri

Dubrowsky>

bona egerunt ibunt

in

<Parisiis

i792>

uitam aeternam qui mala

ignem

aeternisi

nam.

Haec

est fides catholica

quam

quis fideliter firmiterque crediderit

saluus esse non poterit

CHRISTI
E
I

ohannis

celsi

rimans misteria cael

laborat

bnixeque

d<i>u

cum

uiribus

ultr

H A
N N
I

ic

imitare studens

almis uirtutibus

Enoc

aether<e>is properat qui scandere templa qua clarum non fuscant pallia lumen. ec tenebris altum pertranant nibula culmen.
rcibus
octis

H A
N

N
I

dcirco

iugiter

gaudet sapientia Christ

pulchri

I.

acra perfundi

cheu nectaris haustis.

caelestibus
isti

aelicolum
scis

mallens

pasci

C
soL.

E L
S
I

quam

spurcae carnis subcumbere mensae

trudit

lurida

quae

mentes ad tartara

ni

E L
S
I

sorte

beans donis inlustret corda benigniS

glauci
inuisus

interea
ratibus
ictibus

pertranans aequora

ponti.

R
1

qua

est

tempestatibus imber,

R
I

horrendis nautae

dum
fessi

fulmina spargi.
disperdere
uitam.

M
A
N
S

magna

uident metuunt

M
A
N
S

astamen intrepidus scrutatur mente serena.

non cessans
sic

Christi

penetrabit

pectore lumen.
fructus.

igitur

lector

librorum

carpere

M
Y
S

multimode recolens per latum nititur orbem. ymnizans que deum fatur sub cardine cael
sancio
taliter

M
I. I

summatim

paucis

per famina uerbis

exhortans ut mentem dicta peragrent.

T
I.

Cod. Petriburg Q.

15

fol.

63

ver.so.

XIX

'

p(]v*<>lM2ftSv'v7vi4'^v'y**vyHrt;vv

VyT

'

*1

Cod. Petriburgensis Q.

i.

15, fol. 637'.

1
1

> 1

XX

*
5i

iticumcjuetiuirjulMMir

|?aie|t

InmoYiipplturlnrrxin

oeteiinui-

M cur nr|ia-!nCfLetx

Cod. Monacensis

lat.

6298

(Fris. 98), fol. i v.

PLATE XX.

/~\uicumque

uult saluus

omnipotens
est

filius

omnipotens
tres

spiritus

esse ante
ut

omnia opus

sanctus

Et tamen non
ita

omnipotens

teneat catholicam fidem

nisi

sed unus omnipotens

deus pater,
et

quam

quisque integrara

deus

filius

deus spiritus sanctus

ita

tamen non

tres

inuiolatamque seruauerit absque

dii sed

unus <est> deus

filius

dominus pater

dubio peribit in aeternum

fides

dominus

dominus

et spiritus sanctus et

tamen

autem catholica haec

est ut

unum

non
in

tres doraini

sed unus

est

dominus

deum

in trinitate et trinilate<

>

quia sicut singillatim

unam quamet

unitate ueneremur neque con-

que personam ad deum

fiteri

dominum

con-

fundentes personas neque sub-

Christian! ueritate conpelliita tres

stantiam separantes.

ali<a>-enim
alia spiritus

est

mur

decs aut tres dominos

persona patris alia

sancti sed patris et

filii

dicere catholica relegione pro-

filii

et spiritus sancti

una

hibemur

Pater a nuUo est

est diuinitas equalis gloria

factus nee creatus nee genitus

coaeterna maieslas qualis pater talis filius talis et spiritus

filius

<;a patre solo

est

non factus nee

sanctus

creatus.

sed genitus spiritus sanctus a pa-

increatus pater increalus

fili-

tre et filio

non

factus

nec>

us increatus et spiritus sanctus inmensus

creatus nee genitus sed procedens

pater inmensus

filius

inmen-

unus

est

ergo paler non tres patres

sus spiritus sanctus gternus pater ae-

unus

filius

non

tres

filii

uni:s spiritus

ternus

filius

eternus spiritus sanctus.

tres aeterni sed

sanctus non tres spiritus sancti

nitate nihil prius aut posterius

<et>

in

hac enim

tii-

Et tamen non

unus

aeternus sicut non tres increati

nihil est

maius aut minus sed

to-

nee

tres

inmensi sed unus

in-

tae tres personae coaeternae

sibi sunt.

creatus et unus inmensus.

Similiter

Et coaequales

ita ut

per

omnipotens pater

omnia

sicut

iam supra dictum

est

Col.

i.

lin. 8.

eras. ?

Col.

ii.

lin.

15-17 in rasur.
21 et supra
lin.

lin.

Cod. Monac.

lat.

6298

fol.

verso.

lif

PLATE XXI.
<c
casus est periculo]>

-<]et unitas in trinitate uene-

salutae
ros
et

nostra

discendit ad

infe-

tandi
esse.

sit.

Qui

uult ergo saluus

resurrexit a
et

mortuis
in

ascendit
caelos

>

ita

de

trinitate

ad inferos
sedit

resurrexit

sentiat sed necessarium est

ad

ad dexteram dei
uenturus

patris

omni-

aeternam salutem ut

incarnostri lesu Christi

potentis inde

ifidicare

nationem quoque domini

fideliter credat est

uiuos

et

mortuos ad cuius aduentum

ergo fides
confite-

habent resurgere omnes

homines
reddituri

recta ut

credamus ut

cum
fi-

corporibus

suis

et

amur
lius

quia dominus noster lesus Christus dei

sunt
qui

de

factis

propriis

rationem
in

et

et

deus

pa<

>riter et liomo est

bona egerunt ibunt

uitam ae-

deus ex substantia patris

culo natus perfectus

<^hoc>

in sae-

ternam

nam

qui
est

mala
fides
fideliter

in

ignem

ae-

perf<ectus> hoet

ternam haec

catholica
firmiterpoterit.

mo

ex anima rationabili

hu-

quam

nisi

quis

mana came
lis

subsistens aequa-

que crediderit saluus esse non

patri

secundum diuinitatem

minor

patri

secundum humalicet

T N nomine homo
<^Christus]>
diui-

lesu

Christi

domini nostri conti-

nitatem quia

deus

sit

et

nentur hoc in codice.

non tatem duo sed unus

est

Omelias a sancto Agustino episcopo editae

unus autem conuer<si>one

nitat<^i>s in

ad populum anni per curriculum

totum unde hoc orditur breuiarium
i.

came
in

sed adsumpti-

one humanitatis
nino <[in>
tiae

deo unus om-

Omelia ante dies

le

x.

aut

xv.

de

nata-

confusione substan-

ii.

domini dicenda. Item Omelia ante natale domini

alia.

sed unitate personae

nam
et

iii.

Item

Item

alia

sicut

anima
est

rationabilis

ca-

iiii.

Omelia de natale domini

Item
alia.

ro

unus
est

homo

ita

deus
passus

et

homo
est

V.

<^vi.^ Item

alia

unus

Christus

qui

pro

vii.

Omelia
Item

in natale sancti

Stephani primi martiris

die.

viii.

alia

de eodem

Col.
,, ,,

I.

U.
I.

1-3. in ras.
10.
t

Col.
,,

i.

1. 1.
1.

19.

si in ras.

ras.

20. e scriptor, i corr.

I. 1. 1. 1.

,, ,,

h supra lin. fectus supra lin. 18. Christus in ras.

II.
12.

,,

Col.
ii.

1.
1.

22. non ras. 22. iton scriptor.

2, 3.

expunct.

19. sati ras.

Cod. Monac.

lat.

6298

fol.

recto.

XXI

c CAfurefc

pen cm Lo

effe-'

;iuC'c';jaiv.Cut<3^
l^eJiTvii; Jevzeyram
^'i

pcupifcmtii

U!tior d'r>v^|auicr dJCLiiitr ai'ttcntum

v^t"rpvtCtt|"'p^p|rinp pOvtoneiri cv

mo etuMifnvV puiiottai'tad-ki

c|uatntiipi,auirp^elite|v

piimtr*^

^Y
nviionpai|itrectn"<^titii

bmtvv

nomine tl"fuxpi^ninp4
ncSixunhoclnco^ice"

C(?nti

Omeii^ w\peo Octiptino (^?ipe54ru<e^

i^y u&populun'>annipe|vcupptculum
eiiidpjti

.vno

rnconpipione^piitp

-"70

|iounurvJTlionioica^pd-'!i<?wo

vl

leindiia" ]tetna'tcv

tinitpA^vpi' Juiporiw^^T^pp'^^

m^ lnm?pct|T^:^wUnp|utni mopr'

mm

Cod. Monacensis

lat.

6298

(Fris. 98), fol.

II

XXII

^4ipOirtDeJr^'ttto5Tcped(:ir<or;

/qui.

7T

-*.'i(

TV^ftT^f^^^"^ imif^ic^ ^pndoft^-^n^-^r^

?>f

iimr Hf^j

juj

^p(^c^itn^ penfcr

'

p cJerV CcttJi ot^c^ lo^^^t-t

^-x:nTiTro6c5n TT'inuccOf
-

ut.^uMw^<^ ^^^V^^"^^'^*'^

Cod. Ambrosianus O. 212.

sup., fol. 14

PLATE
accipientes
stracta
fidei

XXII.

scutum

fidei

Et

ille

pro aureis aerea

facit

qui

subtinni-

ueritate

solum degenere reddit ex confessione

in

tum.

Et cum deuotus uideatur

id

numero tamen reus inuenitur

de quibus quidem dixisse

ex uoto

quod non

credit

confitendo.

beatus apustolus suspicandus est habentes

et

speciem pietatis
tibi

uirtutem eius abnegantes.

in

nonne uidetur

uirtus

in

auro et

species

aere

posse
ut

sentiri.

sed optamus adsertionem

nisi

profe-

ticam
nostri

custodire.

ante

pedes equorum regis qui

episcupi

adque doctores sunt quorum pedes ueloces sunt

fidei

super montes euangelizantes pacem

nostrae scuta
trinitatis

ponamus. tricenta autem aurea scuta siue beata

fides siue
ris

omnium creaturarum

satio caeli terrae et

mailli

cursores

autem qui ante pedes equorum ponunt ea

cre-

dendi sunt qui potuerunt dicere Cursum consummaui qua

instituti lege ut

usque ad finem seruare possimus ne

ilia

Susacim
(?)

rex Aegypti hoc est diabulus a templo nostri cordis abstraxisset

excubent suffragia orationum tuarum ad lesum Christum dominum

nostrum
I

cui gloria in saecula

saeculorum est

finit

amen deo
est ut

gratia

|ui

cumque

uult esse saluus ante

omnia opus
nisi quis

^-w gram
in

teneat catholicam fidem

quam

inti-

inuiolatamque seruauerit absque dubio

peribit.

aeternum

fides

autem catholica haec

est

ut

unum deum

in trinitate et trinitatem in unitate

ueneremur neque confudentes personas neque substanti-

am

separantes.
filii

alia est

enim persona

patris alia perpatris et

talis
filius
fili

sona
lis

alia

persona spiritus sancti

<sed

et spiritus

sancti> una

est diuinitas aequa-

gloria coaeterna maiestas.

talis et

qualis pater

filius

spiritus sanctus.

increatus pater increatus

increatus spiritus sanctus. inmensus pater inmensus

filius

in-

mensus

spiritus sanctus. aeternus pater aeternus filius aeteriii.

nus spiritus sanctus et tamen non

1.

aeterni. sed

unus aeternus

26. sed

sancti

supra

lin.

Cod. Ambrosianus O, 212 sup.

fol.

14 recto.

|!

PLATE
[sicut

XXIII.
et

non

tres

Increati

nee

tres

inmensi sed un]us [inmensus]

filius-

[unus

increjatus

[similiter]

omnipotens pater omnipotens

omnipotens
deus
filius

spiritus sanctus et

non

tres

omnipotentes sed unus omnipotens.

iii.

ita

deus pater

deus

spiritus sanctus et

tamen non

dii.

sed unus deus.

iii.

ita

dominus pater
si

dominus
cut

filius

dominus

spiritus sanctus et

tamen non
et

domini. sed unus dominus. quia

et

singillatim

unamquamque personam
conpellimur
ita

deum
aut
est

dominum

confiteri

Christiana
catholica

ueritate

tres

deos

dominos
factus
factus

dicere

religione

prohibemur.
filius

pater

a
solo

nuUo
est et

nee
nee
factus
cre-

creatus

nee

genitus

patre
a
et

non
filio

atus

sed

genitus

spiritus

sanctus
patri

patre
filio

non
est
iii.

nee

creatus

nee

genitus

sed
pater

procedens

coaeternus
filius

unus

ergo

non
iii.

tres

patres

unus

non

filii

unus
aut
pos-

spiritus

sanctus
nihil

non

spiritus sancti.

et in

hac

trinitate

nihil prius

terius

maius
et
et

aut

minus

sed
ita

totae ut

tres

personae
sicut
in

coaeter-

nae

sibi

sunt
est

coaequales
trinitas in

per
et

omnia
unitas
ita

iam
trinita-

supradictum
te

unitate

ueneranda
sed

sit

qui

uult

ergo

saluus

esse

de
ut

trinitate

sentiat

neccessarium

est

ad

aeternam
lesu

salutem
Christ!

incarnationem
fides

quoque

domini
et
et

nostri

fideliter

credat

est

ergo
Christus

recta
filius

ut
et

credamus
deus
pariter

confiteamur

quia

dominus
est

noster

lesus

dei
tris

homo
est

est

deus

ex

substantia
in

pa-

<ante saecula genitus>. homo

deus
perfectus

ex substantia matris
rationabili
et

saeculo natus per-

fectus

homo ex anima
patri

humana
minor

carne
patre

subsistens

aequalis

secundum
qui
licet

diuinitatem

secundum

humanitatem

deus

sit

et

homo non
>ione
unus
diui-

duo tamen sed unus

nitatis
in

est Christus.

unus autem non conuers<

carne

sed

adsumptione
substantiae
et

hum<a>nitatis
unitate
est

in

deo.

omni-

no
sicut

non

confusione

sed

personae

nam
deus
et

anima
est

rationabilis

caro

unus
pro

homo

ita

homo
ad
in-

unus
[feros]

Christus

qui

passus

est

salute

nostra
sedit

discendit

surrexit
patris

mortuis

ascendit

ad

caelos ac
in

ad

dexte-

[ram]

inde

uenturus iudicare

uiuos

mortuos
,

ad

cuius

aduentum

omnes

homines
suis
et

resurgere

habent

corporibus

reddituri

sunt.
1.
1.

22. ante s.g. in marg. 26.

duae

litterae ras.

Cod. Ambrosianus. O. 212 sup.

fol.

14 verso.

XXIII

9
Cod. Ambrosianus O. 212.
sup., fol.

14 f.

'

XXIV

5i^^ A<y^^'^

^^^ ^"^* ^^'^'^ ''"^ '''^'^''

'''
'

^c irrcue/n:

K-J-^f'^-

JW

Cod. Ambrosianus O. 212. sup.^

fol.

15

PLATE XXIV.
de
factis

propriis

rationem
in

et

qui

bona egerunt [ibunt

est fides

in

uitamj

aeternam qui mala

ignem aeternum. haec

firmiterque
fecit

ca[tholica]

quam
rit.

nisi

quisque

fideliter

crediderit

saluus
fecit

esse
te

non [pote-]
ip[
]

Lacta mater eum

te.

qui

te

quia talem
tibi

ut

in

Lacta

eum

qui

fructum foecunditatis
natus.

dedit

conceptus

et

decus uirginitatis non abstulit

Incipit

de ascensione

domini nostri

lesu

Christi

sermo dicendus.
carissimi nobis

T^omini nostri lesu Christi aduentus ac discensio multas fratres ^-^ praestitit festiuitates nascitur enim primum. magis ostenditur

post

paulo.

patitur.

resurgit.

ascendit.

ut

nos

cum eo

nas-

ceremur.

ac

cum

tripertitis

muneribus nobis ostensum ado-

raremus
illo

similiter

crucifixi

cum eo resurgentesque a mortuis cum

in

apud

ilium

per ilium ad patrem ascenderemus

Christi

caelos

haec

nobis

praestat

humilis

dignatio

et

ideo

uel

nunc eadem

nobis operatur et
beneficia

in<e>ffabili Sacramento semper antiqua innouat

et in

nascamur itaque primum

sacramenta seruemus
inlibatam
ut
et

nos

in

dei

filios

hoc est

baptismi
dei

uirtutum

pulchritudine
filius
si

natiuitatem

custodiamus ad hoc enim

filios

dei
filii

unicus

natus

est

deo
filium

gratia
est

faceret.

secundo.

dei

sumus unicum dei

remur
et trea

qui

deus uerus

cum
ei

triplici

honore uene-

munera diuina
est

regalia
tus
ei

humana
deifico

mistice
fidelis

offe<ra>mus quia deus

tionis

cultu

fumi hoc est ora-

indeclinabilis

uaporeum calorem

ut

debitum reddamus
qui

quia

rex

est

auro

cumul<a>ndus

est

aurum sepe pro sensu accipimus

<sensu>
[

aureo ergo hoc est perfecto scientiae dona regi uero<off>eramus

sic
ei

]er

de

illo

sentiamus ut quidquid sumus quidquid habeintellege

et

mus totum

debemus <ipse

?>

a quo esse habemus et tributa

militiae

ei

a quo [

mur non solum homines sed

fidem quoque hominis eius

omnes caelorum

soluamus

non negemus ut trea dona

ofiferendo

placeamus ac ad nostram patriam redire mereamur

tertio

mor-

tifican<do>
ius
dlei

uolun<ta>tes

crucifigamur.

Cum
est
[et

uero dissurgant
caelos
siquis

cum

illo

e-

gentes
huius

Cum eodem
opus
est

ascendere
hodierni

mereamur ad
uirtus

hoc
[ ]

haec

ut

de

morte surrexit ascendat

a
1.
1.

surge qui
apustolus

dormis
et

ex]surg[e]

mortuis

dicit

cont[inges] Christum
1.
1.

1.

15. e super lin. 22. ra in marg. 24. e ut videtur scriptor,

corr. ?

sepe scriptor, corr. fortasse quippe.

1.

25. sensii in marg. off. super lin. in raSr 27. ipse inlelUge (?) super lin. 31. do, ta super lin.

Cod. Ambrosianus O. 212 sup.

fol.

15 recto.

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