Calculus 11th Edition Larson Test Bank

Calculus 11th Edition Larson Test Bank

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Calculus 11th Edition Larson Test Bank

Name: Class: Date:

Section 2.1

1. Find the slope of the line tangent to the graph of the function at the point .

a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
ANSWER: a

2. Find the slope of the line tangent to the graph of the function at the point .

a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
ANSWER: c

3. Find the derivative of the function by the limit process.

a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
ANSWER: d

4. Find the derivative of the function by the limit process.

a.
b.

c.

d.

e.

ANSWER: c
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Name: Class: Date:

Section 2.1

5. Find the derivative of the following function using the limiting process.

a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
ANSWER: a

6. Find the derivative of the following function using the limiting process.

a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
ANSWER: e

7. Find the derivative of the following function using the limiting process.

a.

b.

c.

d.

e.

ANSWER: e

8. Find the derivative of the following function using the limiting process.

a.

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Name: Class: Date:

Section 2.1

b.

c.

d.

e.

ANSWER: c

9. Find the derivative of the following function using the limiting process.

a.

b.

c.

d.

e.

ANSWER: e

10. Find the derivative of the function using the limiting process.

a.

b.

c.

d.

e.

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 The Tariff Speech of Samuel J. Randall.

Delivered in the House of Representatives, May 18, 1888.

He opened by referring to the President’s recent message, in which
the Executive advised Congress that the surplus in the Treasury by
the 30th of June, at the end of the current fiscal year, would be
expected to reach the sum of $140,000,000, including prior
accumulations; or more closely stated, the sum of $113,000,000,
apart from prior accumulations, over and above all authorized
expenditures, including the sinking fund for the current year.
He then quoted from the President’s message defining his position
on the tariff and internal revenue questions, and said that, from the
utterances of the President, he understands the Executive to be
adverse to any reduction of the internal taxes, as that mode of
taxation afforded, in the opinion of the President, “no just complaint,
and that nothing is so well able to bear the burden without hardship
to any portion of the people.”
The President further said that the tariff law was a vicious and
illegal source of inequitable tax, and ought to be revised and
modified, and the President had urged upon Congress the immediate
consideration of this matter to the exclusion of all others. The
President had asserted in substance that the reduction necessary
should be made by additions to the free list, and by the lowering of
the rates of duty.
In the presence of such language, emanating from the Executive,
authorized by the direction of the Constitution to communicate and
from time to time give to Congress information on the state of the
Union, and recommend such measures as he should judge necessary,
it was imperatively required of the representatives of the people to
give fair, intelligent, and prompt attention to the suggestions made.
He had done so.
 He had introduced and had referred to the Committee on Ways
and Means a bill to reduce and equalize duties on imports and to
reduce the internal revenue taxes, and some provisions of that bill
showed that the remedies he would apply were at variance with those
recommended by the President. The President sought to prevent the
continuation of the surplus revenue by resorting to changes in the
customs duties only.
The remedy he (Randall) proposed was through the repeal of
internal revenue taxes as well as by a full revision of the tariff, as
promised to the people by the Democratic Convention of 1884. The
reduction provided for in his bill aggregated $77,000,000 on
internal taxes.
Those taxes had always been the last to be levied, and the first to
be repealed when no longer necessary.
Jefferson had given the death-blow to excise taxes, that most
vicious of all taxes, and among the things he received the thanks of
the Legislature of his native State for doing, was for having the
internal taxes abolished. The first tax also to be repealed after the
War of 1812 had been the excise tax, which was recommended by
Madison, and was the first law enacted under the administration of
Monroe. The Democratic Convention of 1884 declared that internal
revenue was a war tax, and this declaration, taken in connection with
the other declarations of the platform, clearly established the fact
that the opinion of the Convention was that some of the internal
revenue taxes should first go, and that they should all go whenever a
sufficient sum was realized from custom-house taxes to meet the
expenses of the Government economically administered.
The country was practically in such a condition now, and the true
response to those declarations warranted the repeal of the internal
revenue taxes to the extent proposed by his bill. He favored now, as
he had always done, a total repeal of the internal revenue taxes.
In the bill which he introduced he proposed to sweep all these
taxes from the statute books, except a tax of fifty cents on whiskey,
and he would transfer the collection of that tax to the customs
officials if that was found to be practicable.
With Albert Gallatin, he regarded excise taxes as offensive to the
genius of the people, tolerated only as a measure of emergency, and
as soon as the occasion for them had passed away they should cease
to exist.
Gallatin and Jefferson had secured the repeal of the internal taxes,
and relieved the people from their annoyances and the hordes of
officials clothed with dangerous power. If this internal revenue
system was abolished to-day we would have no surplus revenue to
scare the country, while the administration of public affairs would be
rendered purer and better. His bill proposed a revision of the tariff
on the principle believed to be in harmony with the authorized
declarations of the Democratic party in their last convention.
Those declarations clearly recognized the fact that a difference
existed in the cost of production of commodities in this and other
countries on account of a higher rate of wages in the United States,
and declared for a duty ample to cover that difference. There was a
cardinal principle which must cover every intelligent revision of the
tariff. Labor in this country received a much larger share of what was
annually produced than in any other country, and this advantage to
labor could only be maintained by giving to the industries protection
equal to that difference.
He quoted from Edward Atkinson that since the end of the Civil
War, and yet more since the so-called panic of 1873, there had been
greater progress in the common welfare among the people of the
United States than ever before. The statements of Mr. Atkinson
would seem to settle the question as to whether we should adhere to
the benevolent policy of protecting home manufactures. It
demonstrated unmistakably the truth that, to increase wages,
products must be increased, for in the end wages were but the
laborer’s share of products.
While a dollar might buy more in another country than here, a
day’s labor here would obtain more of the comforts of life than
anywhere else. Under free trade this advantage to labor disappeared.
It was impossible it should be otherwise. If the tariff itself did not
give higher wages to the laborer, it did preserve from foreign
competition the industries from which the laborer received his
wages. He wished to refer to a few fundamental propositions which
had been maintained throughout this debate, and which appeared to
exercise and control influence over the opinion of men.
 First. That the duties were always added to the price to the
consumer.
On articles not produced in this country, this doubtless was true as
a general rule, and measurably true on articles in part produced in
this country, but not in sufficient quantities to supply the home
market. But on all commodities produced in sufficient quantities to
supply the home market, a different principle controlled. In these
things competition determined the price, and the foreign producer
came into this market, where the prices were fixed, and the duties
were what he paid for the privilege of coming into the market.
Another erroneous proposition was that duties on articles produced
in this country were a tax or bounty which the consumer paid to the
manufacturer, by means of which the manufacturer derived large
profits. If this were true, it was not easy to see what justification
there was for the committee bill any more than for the present tariff
law. But that it was erroneous seemed apparent on a closer
examination of the laws of trade. Adam Smith long ago had laid
down the proposition that larger profits in one industry than in
another could not long prevail in the same country. The United
States formed a world of its own. Would it be possible that one class
of consumers would pay a perpetual tax to another?
Suppose last year we had manufactured $1,000,000,000 worth of
products less than we actually did, and had gone abroad to supply
our deficiency, expecting to pay for the goods with our agricultural
products—we had sold Europe last year all of the wheat and corn the
continent could take—who could tell what prices Europe would have
paid if we had thrown upon her markets $1,000,000,000 worth of
agricultural products in excess of the quantity we had sold. The
farmer and manufacturer in this country must depend almost
exclusively upon our home market.
Any other policy would mean ruin and bankruptcy to the country.
The greater the producing power of the people the more independent
and wealthy would the country be.
Mr. Randall next entered into an explanation of the principles
upon which his bill had been constructed. He said that in fixing the
duties the rates had been adjusted as nearly as possible to cover the
difference in the margin of cost of production here and abroad. In
working out the details of the bill it had been his purpose to lower
duties wherever possible.
Between the extreme free trader on one hand and a prohibitory
tariff on the other there were intermediate positions. One of them
was to fix a revenue line on imports just high enough to realize a
sufficient revenue for the needs of the Government. Another was to
make the tariff sufficiently high to cover the difference of cost of
production in this country and other countries. To lower the rate of
duty when that line was passed must be to increase the revenue. To
raise the rate of duty when the line of maximum revenue was
reached would result in a decrease of duty.
Any computation that did not take these facts into account would
be utterly worthless. It might safely be assumed that when the
importation of any line of merchandise steadily increased from year
to year, and there was no good reason why those goods could not be
produced in this country, and the result of the increased
importations had been to suppress our manufactures, it was proof
positive that the duty should be increased.
Otherwise it might be assumed that the duties were quite high
enough. And when the duties were high enough to permit the
existence of trusts to raise the prices of the commodity, the duty
should be reduced as closely as possible to the line. He stated
distinctly that if it could be made to appear in any case that the
measure he proposed conferred more protection than was needed to
cover the cost of production, he was ready to lower it. If in any
instance the rate was too low to cover that cost, he was ready to raise
it.
Monopolies existed without the tariff. The standard oil trust, the
whiskey trust, and the cotton-seed oil trust, and others that he could
mention—the greatest trusts in the whole country—were not
protected by the tariff. He was for the protection of labor, not in one
State merely, but in all States.
He was for the protection and maintenance of that system that
allows to labor a larger proportionate share of its products than was
realized in any other country or under any other system.
The late Secretary Manning had signalized his accession to the
control of the Treasury Department by a more thorough examination
of the economic questions of the day than had been made by any of
his predecessors. His reports and public utterances were marvels of
honest, conscientious, and effective labor.
He had strongly urged the necessity for the substitution of specific
for ad valorem duties. The Custom House officers charged with the
collection of the revenues had given valuable and emphatic
testimony in favor of the change. The present Secretary of the
Treasury had taken the same grounds. (At this point Mr. Randall
quoted extensively from Secretary Fairchild’s utterances on the
subject. He then proceeded with his description of the objects of his
own bill.) Certain provisions of the metal schedules, he said, had
been very sharply assailed, and he devoted some time to answering
the speakers who had attacked his measure.
He took up the schedules relating to steel rails, and quoted figures
at length to sustain his action in fixing the duties at the rates he
proposed in his bill. The duty on cotton ties, he said, was one of the
inconsistencies of the present tariff. It was only fair that they should
pay a duty as hoop iron and as an article of manufacture. The present
law was a positive discrimination against the home manufacturer
and in favor of the foreign producer. The rate of wages in England in
cotton tie manufactories was hardly one-half of the wages paid in
such manufactories in Pittsburg.
He then proceeded to a criticism of the committee bill as follows:
A declared purpose of this bill is to secure “free raw materials to
stimulate manufactories.”
In execution of this idea, the bill places on the free list a large
number of articles which are really manufactured articles, such as
salt, sawed and dressed lumber, glue, various oils and chemicals,
china, clay, etc. These constitute the products of large and useful
industries throughout the United States in which many millions of
capital are invested, and employing many thousands of working
people. At the same time the bill leaves or puts upon the dutiable list,
lead, iron, zinc and nickel ores, and coal, which might be called raw
materials. Further than this, the bill not only makes so-called “raw
materials” free, but places on the free list the manufactured products
of these materials. Thus the manufacture of such articles is made
impossible in this country, except by reducing American labor to a
worse condition than that of labor in Europe. It goes even further,
and places or leaves dutiable certain so-called raw materials, such as
iron ore, lead, coal, paper, paints, etc., while placing on the free list
articles made from these materials, such as hoop iron and cotton
ties, tin plates, machinery, books and pamphlets, etc.
In other words, the bill leaves or makes dutiable the raw material
and puts on the free list the articles manufactured from it; thus not
only placing an insurmountable barrier in the way of making such
articles here, but actually protecting the foreign manufacturer and
laborer against our own, and imposing for their benefit a burden
upon the consumer in this country. Again, the bill places lower rates
on some manufactured articles than on the raw materials used in
making them. For instance, type metal, 15 per cent.; pig lead, 44 per
cent.; carpets, 30 per cent.; yarns used in their manufacture, 40 per
cent.
It leaves an internal revenue tax of more than 100 per cent. on
alcohol used in the arts, amounting to as much as the entire amount
of duty collected on raw wool. This article enters as a material into a
vast number of important and needful articles which the committee
have either made free or have so reduced the rates thereon that the
duty would be less than the tax on the alcohol consumed in their
manufacture.
In some cases, the difference between the duty imposed by the bill
on the so called raw materials and the articles made from them is so
small as to destroy these industries, except upon the condition of
levelling the wages of home labor to that of Europe. This was so in
the case of pig lead and red lead, which is made from it, and of pig
iron and steel blooms and steel rails.
Such legislation would leave the ore in the mines, or the pig lead in
the smelting works, or the pig iron to rust at the furnaces, while
foreigners would supply our markets with these manufactured
products. In a large number of articles throughout the schedules the
reductions proposed by the bill are so large that the effect must be to
destroy or restrict home production and increase enormously foreign
importations, thus largely increasing customs revenue instead of
reducing it, as claimed by the advocates of the bill. Particular
mention in this connection is made of earthen and chinaware, glass,
leaf tobacco, manufactures of cotton, flax, hemp, and jute, carpets,
brushes, leather, gloves, manufactures of India rubber, and pipes.
 Mr. Randall asserted that instead of the bill reducing customs
revenues $64,000,000, as was claimed, it would be fair to estimate
that its effect would be to largely increase the revenue, instead of
reducing it, while the amount of material wealth it would destroy is
incalculable.
Those supporting the bill, he said, hold themselves out as the
champions of the farmer, while they take from him the protection
duties on his wool, hemp, flax, meats, vegetables, etc. And what do
they give him in return. They profess to give the manufacturer better
rates than he now has. If this be so, how is the farmer to be benefited,
or where does he get compensation for the loss of his protective
duties?
Much has been said about removing taxes on necessaries and
imposing them upon luxuries. What does this bill propose? It gives
olive oil to the epicure and taxes castor oil 95 per cent.; it gives free
tin plates to the Standard Oil Company and to the great meat-
canning monopolies, and imposes a duty of 100 per cent. on rice; it
gives the sugar trust free bone-black and proposes prohibitory duties
on grocery grades of sugar; it imposes a duty of 40 per cent. on the
“poor man’s” blanket and only 30 per cent. on the Axminster carpet
of the rich; it admits free of duty the fine animals imported by the
gentlemen of the turf, makes free the paintings and statuary of the
railway millionaire and coal baron.
Mr. Randall said he yielded to no man on his side of the House in
his desire for continued Democratic control in the administration of
the Federal Government. He did not believe the adoption of the
committee’s bill would make such result certain, and added:
“I cannot be coerced into any particular action upon economic questions by the
direction of party caucus. The period of the political caucus has departed never to
return, and yet we should confer and have unity, if it is possible.
“In these matters I speak only for myself. My convictions on the tariff are strong,
and founded, as I think, upon principle, and upon information and intelligent
comprehension of the subject. When any one here enters upon the task of invoking
caucus power or other modes of coercion, I can only say to him, if he acts with
good purpose, that it will prove a fruitless undertaking; or if with ill motive, then I
consign him to all the natural contempt which such self-constituted
superciliousness deserves.”
In conclusion, Mr. Randall quoted from the earliest statesmen in
support of his views upon the tariff, and said:
 “If Jackson could say he was confirmed in his opinions by the opinions of
Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe, how much more am I confirmed in my opinions
by his great authority added to that of the founders and builders of the Democratic
party? I warn the party that it is not safe to abandon principles so fundamental to
our institutions and so necessary to the maintenance of our industrial system;
principles which attest the wisdom of those who established them by the fruits they
have borne, the full fruition of which, however, can only be realized in the
extension of diversified industries to all parts of the country, not in the North and
East alone, but in the South and West as well. A new era of industrial enterprise
has already dawned upon the South; no section of the country possesses greater
natural advantages than the South, with her genial climate, her limitless raw
materials, her mines of coal and iron, with abundant labor ready to develop them.
Considering what has been there achieved in a single decade, what may not a
century bring forth from her under a system calculated to favor the highest
industrial development? When I read the history of my country and consider the
past and present, and reflect on what is before us, I cannot believe that the idea
that went down in the convulsions of 1861 will ever again dominate the destinies of
the Republic.”
 Tariff Speech of Major Wm. McKinley, Jr.,

Member of Congress from Ohio.

In the great tariff campaign of 1888 the two most distinguished
Republican speakers were Mr. Blaine and Major McKinley. The latter
was invited by the Chautauqua Society of Georgia to explain the
doctrine of Protection, and did so in the following comprehensive
speech:

Fellow-citizens: I make my acknowledgments to the Piedmont

Society for the courtesy and cordiality of its invitation, which has
given me the opportunity to meet, for the first time, an assemblage of
the citizens of Georgia.
I have come, upon the suggestion of the committee, to address you
upon a public question of great national import, which concerns not
only the prosperity of one section, but of all sections of our common
country, and which is of commanding interest to our sixty millions of
people. It is no new subject which I propose to consider. It is as old
as government by men. Taxation, with few exceptions, has been the
chief and absorbing issue for more than a century of the republic.
A revenue tariff is such a one as will produce the largest revenue
from the lowest duty. The lowest rate of duty will encourage
importations, diminish home production, and inevitably increase the
revenue. It will, of necessity, check competition at home, and send
our merchants abroad to buy; it affords no protection, not even
incidental, for the very instant that you discover that such duty
favors the home producer, that instant you discover that
importations and revenue are checked, and that our own producers
are able to control the home market or a part of it. Then at once the
advocate of a revenue tariff reduces the duty, brings it down to the
true revenue standard, for it must not be overlooked, according to
the free trade maxim, “where protection begins, revenue ends,” and
the question of revenue is always controlling. A revenue tariff is
inconsistent with protection; it is intended for a wholly different
purpose. It loses its force and character as a genuine revenue tariff
when it becomes to any extent protective. It has but one object. It can
have but one effect—that of opening up our markets to the foreign
producer—impoverishing the home producer and enriching his
foreign rival.
England is more nearly a free trade country than any other, and
her system of taxation furnishes an unmistakable example of the
practice and principle of a revenue tariff. Her import duties are
imposed almost exclusively upon articles which cannot be produced
by her own people upon her own soil. Tobacco, snuff, cigars, chicory,
cocoa, currants, figs, raisins, rum, brandy, wine, tea, and coffee—
these are the articles from which her customs revenue is derived—
articles, in the main, not produced in England, but which must be
supplied from abroad; while, practically, all competing products of
foreign make and production are admitted through her custom-
house free of duty.
A brief statement of the dutiable imports of Great Britain will not
be without interest.
It will be observed that her duties are more largely imposed upon
the peculiar American products than upon any others. The duty upon
tobacco is, according to moisture, from 84 to 92 cents per pound for
the raw or unmanufactured article; and, if manufactured, it pays a
duty of from $1.04 to $1.16 per pound. The manufactured article is
made dutiable at 20 cents a pound greater than the raw product,
which, with all of England’s boasted free trade, is intended as a
protection to those engaged in the manipulation of tobacco. It is
almost prohibitive to Americans who would export manufactured
tobacco. The ad valorem equivalent of the duty on tobacco is nearly
2000 per cent. Cigars pay a duty of $1.32 per pound, and from
tobacco and snuff over $43,000,000 of duties are collected annually.
The duty on tea is 12 cents a pound. How would the Americans enjoy
paying such a duty upon this article of everyday use? The duty
collected from this source is over $18,000,000 annually. Coffee pays
a duty of 3 cents a pound; but, if ground, prepared, or in any way
manufactured, it must pay a duty of 4 cents a pound—another
example of where England protects those engaged in manufacture.
Cocoa pays a duty of 2 cents a pound, but if it is in any form
subjected to manufacture it pays 4 cents a pound, the duty on the
manufactured article being double that on the raw material.
Besides the articles named, there are about ninety or a hundred
others, chiefly of American production, patented and other
medicines, which are dutiable at $3.36 per gallon. More than
$96,000,000, or nearly one-fourth of the British revenues, are
raided from customs duties.
You will note the character of taxation to which the revenue
reformer invites the people of the United States. Both the breakfast
table and the sick room are made to bear a large part of the burden
under the British system of taxation. It is not without significance
that the nearer we approach this system the more generous the
bestowal of British commendation. Every step we take in that
direction, every enlargement of the free list of competing foreign
products, every reduction of duty upon such products is hailed as a
vindication of Cobden and a beneficence to British interests. It is in
vain for the British statesman to assure us that their system is best
for us. We are not accustomed to look to our commercial rivals for
disinterested favors. “It is folly,” said Washington in his farewell
address, “for one nation to look for disinterested favors from
another; that it must pay, with a portion of its independence, for
whatever it may accept under that character. There can be no greater
error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to
nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, and which a just
pride ought to discard.” We are not insensible to the good opinion of
mankind and of the English-speaking race, but when it is to be had
only at the expense of our industrial independence, at the sacrifice of
the dignity and independence of labor and the destruction of
national prosperity, we must regard it with supreme suspicion, and
turn from it as the eulogy of selfish interest and the commendation
of interested greed.
The other theory of taxation, and the one which I believe to be
essential to American development and national prosperity, is based
upon an exactly opposite principle. It permits all articles of foreign
production, whether of the field, the factory, or the mine, except
luxuries only, which we cannot produce in the United States, to enter
our ports free and unburdened by custom-house exactions. The duty
is to be imposed upon the foreign competing product; that is, the
product which, if brought into this country, would contend with the
products of our own soil, our own labor, and our own factories, in
our own markets. Under this system, if the foreign producer would
enter our market with a competing product, he must contribute
something for the privilege which he is to enjoy, and this something,
in the form of duties, goes into the Treasury, furnishing revenue to
the Government; and these duties operate to protect the joint
product of labor and capital against a like foreign product.
This mode of levying duties answers a double purpose. It produces
revenue to the Government, and at the same time fosters and
encourages the occupations of our own people, promotes industrial
development, opens up new mines, builds new factories, and
sustains those already established, which in turn furnish
employment to labor at fair and remunerative wages. A revenue tariff
accomplishes but a single purpose—that of raising revenue; it has no
other mission; while a protective tariff accomplishes this and more—
it brings revenue to the American treasury and discriminates in favor
of the American citizen. A revenue tariff invites the product of
foreign labor and foreign capital to occupy our markets free and
unrestrained in competition with the product of our own labor and
capital. A protective tariff invites the product of foreign labor and
foreign capital which are necessary to the wants of our people (which
we cannot produce in the United States) to occupy our markets and
go untaxed to the people, but insists that every foreign product which
is produced at home, or can be, successfully, in quantities capable of
supplying the domestic consumption, shall, whenever necessary to
maintain suitable rewards to our labor, bear a duty which shall not
be so high as to prohibit importations, but at such a rate as will
produce the necessary revenues and, at the same time, not destroy
but encourage American production. It says to the world of
producers: “If you want to share with the citizens of the United
States their home market, you must pay for the privilege of doing it.
Your product shall not enter into free and unrestrained competition
with the product of our own people, but shall be discriminated
against to such an extent as to fully protect and defend our own.”
 It is alleged as a serious objection to protective duties that the tax,
whatever it may be, increases the cost of the foreign as well as the
domestic product to the extent of such tax or duty, and that it is
wholly paid by the consumer. This objection would be worthy of
serious consideration if it were true; but, as has been demonstrated
over and over again, it is without foundation in fact. Wherever the
foreign product has successful competition at home, the duty is
rarely paid by the consumer. It is paid from the profits of the
manufacturer, or divided between him and the merchant or the
importer, and diminishes their profit to that extent. Duty or no duty,
without home competition the consumer would fare worse than he
fares now. There is not in the long line of staple products consumed
by the people a single one which has not been cheapened by
competition at home, made possible by protective duties. There is
not an article that enters into the everyday uses of the family, which
is produced in the United States, that has not been made cheaper
and more accessible as the result of home production and
development, which was to be secured only by the sturdy
maintenance of the protective system. While this is true of protective
tariffs, exactly the opposite is true of revenue tariffs. They are always
paid by the consumer. When a duty is put on a foreign product the
like of which is not produced at home, and which enters our markets
free from home competition, the cost to the American consumer is
exactly the foreign cost with the duty added, whatever that may be,
much or little. Supposing, for example, there was a tax upon tea and
coffee. There being no production of these articles in the United
States, and therefore no competition here, the cost to the American
public would be the cost abroad and the duty added. We imported
last year 526,489,000 pounds of coffee. A duty of 10 cents a pound
would have produced to the Government over $52,000,000, which
would have been paid by the 12,000,000 families of this country,
consumers of this article; 87,584,000 pounds of tea were imported
last year; at 10 cents a pound, $8,000,000 and upward would have
gone into the Treasury, every dollar of which would have been paid
by our own people. Take sugar as another example. We produced last
year in this country about eight per cent. of what our people
consumed. The duty collected from imported sugar amounted to
$58,000,000. The domestic production was so inconsiderable as
compared with the domestic consumption as to have had little, if
any, appreciable effect upon the price to the consumer, and therefore
this sum was almost wholly paid by our own citizens, and the cost of
sugar to the American consumer, because of the inadequate home
supply, is practically the foreign price, duty added, the domestic
production being so small contrasted with the domestic demand that
it in no wise controlled or influenced the price.
The revenue tariff periods of our history have been periods of
greatest financial revulsions and industrial decadence, want, and
poverty among the people, private enterprises checked and public
works retarded. From 1833 to 1842, under the low tariff legislation
then prevailing, business was at a standstill, and our merchants and
traders were bankrupted; our industries were paralyzed, our labor
remained idle, and our capital was unemployed. Foreign products
crowded our markets, destroyed domestic competition, and, as
invariably follows, the prices of commodities to consumers were
appreciably raised. It is an instructive fact that every panic this
country has ever experienced has been preceded by enormous
importations. From 1846 to 1861 a similar situation was presented
under the low tariff of that period.
Contrast this period with the period from 1860 to 1880, the former
under a revenue tariff, the latter under a protective tariff. In 1860 we
had 163,000,000 acres of improved land, while in 1880 we had
287,000,000, an increase of 75 per cent. In 1860 our farms were
valued at $3,200,000,000; in 1880 the value had leaped to
$10,197,000,000, an increase of over 300 per cent. In 1860 we
raised 173,000,000 bushels of wheat; in 1880, 498,000,000. In
1860 we raised 838,000,000 bushels of corn; in 1880, 1,717,000,000
bushels. In 1860 we produced 5,000,000 bales of cotton; in 1880,
7,600,000 bales, an increase of 40 per cent. In 1860 we
manufactured cotton goods to the value of $115,681,774; in 1880 the
value reached $211,000,000, an increase of upward of 80 per cent.
In 1860 we manufactured of woollen goods $61,000,000; in 1880,
$267,000,000, an increase of 333 per cent. In 1860 we produced
60,000,000 pounds of wool; in 1880, 240,000,000 pounds, an
increase of nearly 300 per cent. In 1860 we mined 15,000,000 tons
of coal; in 1880, 79,000,000 tons, an increase of over 400 per cent.
In 1860 we made 987,000 tons of pig iron; in 1880, 3,835,000 tons.
In 1860 we manufactured 235,000 tons of railroad iron, and in 1880,
1,208,000 tons. In 1860 our aggregate of national wealth was
$16,159,000,000; in 1880 it was $43,000,000,000.
From 1848 to 1860, during the low tariff period, there was but a
single year in which we exported in excess of what we imported. The
balance of trade during twelve of the thirteen years was against us.
Our people were drained of their money to pay for foreign purchases.
We sent abroad, over and above our sales, $396,216,161. This vast
sum was drawn from the United States, from its business, from the
channels of trade, which would have been better employed in
productive enterprises, and thus supplied our wants for which we
were compelled to go abroad. During the last thirteen years, under a
protective tariff, there was but one year that the balance of trade was
against us. For twelve years we sold to our foreign customers in
excess of what we bought from them $1,612,659,755.
This contrast makes an interesting exhibit of the work under the
two systems. You need not be told that the government and the
people are most prosperous whose balance of trade is in their favor.
The government is like the citizen; indeed, it is but an aggregation of
citizens; and when the citizen buys more than he sells, he is soon
conscious that his year’s business has not been a success.
Our wealth increases $875,000,000 every year, while the increase
of France is $375,000,000, Great Britain $325,000,000, and
Germany $200,000,000. The total carrying capacity of all the vessels
entered and cleared from American ports during the year 1886–7 in
the foreign trade was 28,000,000 tons. The amount of freight
transported by the railroads of the United States was alone
482,000,000 tons during the same period.
The sum of our industries exceeds that of any other people, or
tribe, or nationality. Mulhall, the English statistician, places the
industries of the United States at $11,405,000,000 annually, which
is $2,205,000,000 greater than those of the United Kingdom of
Great Britain, nearly twice those of France or Germany, nearly three
times those of Russia, and almost equal to the aggregated industries
of Austria, Italy, Spain, Belgium, Holland, Australia, Canada, and
Sweden and Norway.
This advancement is the world’s wonder. The nations of the earth
cannot furnish such a splendid exhibition of progress in any age or
period. We defy a revenue tariff policy to present such an exhibition
of material prosperity and industrial development. Art, science, and
literature have held their own in this wonderful march. We are
prosperous to-day beyond any other people. The masses are better
cared for, better provided for, more self-respecting, and more
independent than ever before in our history, which cannot be said of
the masses of other countries.
One of the striking differences between a revenue tariff and a
protective tariff is that the former sends the money of its people
abroad for foreign supplies and seeks out a foreign market. The latter
keeps the money at home among our own people, circulating through
the arteries of trade, and creates a market at home, which is always
the best, because the most reliable.
Surely a new era of industrial development has come to the South.
Nothing should be permitted to check or retard it. To her nature has
been most prodigal with her gifts. Her hills and valleys have been
made the storehouses of richest treasure. Coal and iron mines wait
impatiently the touch of labor and capital, and tempt both with the
promise of lavish profit.
Raw materials are found at every turn to invite the skilled artisan
to transform them into the finished product for the highest uses of
man. She possesses the fibres in rich abundance; her skilled labor
should weave the fabric.
It is said that there is nothing grown in any of the States, except
Florida, that Georgia cannot profitably produce. She has coal, iron
deposits, marble and building stone, cotton and the cereals. Nothing
but her own folly, nothing but blindness to her highest and best
interests can keep her from the front rank of the industrial States of
the Union.
Whether we discuss this question from principle, from statistics,
or experience, we must reach the same conclusion; all lead to the
same conviction.
One of the chief complaints against the protective system is its
alleged hindrance to foreign trade and a foreign market for our own
products. It is argued that if we could import raw material from other
countries free, and manufacture such raw material into products for
use, we could export them at great profit, and thus secure a standing
in the markets of the world. This theory is wholly, as I believe,
illusory. It is without substance. We have an example of free raw
material in a certain line of manufactures—that of leather for boots,
shoes, etc. In 1872 hides and skins were made free, so that our
manufacturers could import them without custom-house burdens.
They have had “free trade” in their raw material now for sixteen
years. This industry has been an exceptionally successful one, and yet
you cannot avoid being surprised when I say to you that in these
sixteen years we have been able to export but two per cent. of the
leather production of this country.
But if free raw material be necessary to secure an export trade and
the foreign markets, then I answer that our manufacturers to-day
have substantial free trade in foreign raw materials which they make
into the finished product in the United States, provided they export
it. Sections 3019, 3020, 3021, and 3022 of the United States Statutes
provide for the remission of duties on all foreign materials used in
manufacturing for the export trade. The law is positive that all
articles manufactured for export from imported materials upon
which duties have been paid, shall, when exported, be entitled to a
drawback of 90 per cent. of the duties paid on such raw materials.
Some use has been made of these laws. The remission of duties in
1884 paid upon imported material manufactured for foreign markets
amounted to $2,256,638. On some articles the drawback is equal to
the duty paid, but in no instance where articles are imported to be
manufactured here and sent abroad is the duty to exceed 10 per cent.
And yet we are gravely told by the tariff reformers that we cannot
reach foreign markets on account of the high tariff on the raw
material, when, in fact, for foreign trade foreign raw materials are
practically free. This principle was recognized as early as the
administration of George Washington, and has been enlarged and
made applicable to all imported materials, the drawbacks varying
from 60 to 100 per cent. What becomes, then, of the cry for free raw
materials in the presence of this fact? The truth is, we are not so
much concerned about the foreign market as we are about the home
market. The latter is the best, and we have not yet been able to
control it, and, until we do, that should be our chief concern. But if
any of our people are sighing for a foreign market, and value it more
highly than our own, they can import foreign raw material practically
free of duty, and after advancing it into the higher forms of
manufacture, can go out and possess the world’s markets. Taxed raw
materials do not stand in their way, and it is hypocrisy to claim
otherwise.
“The markets of the world,” in our present condition, are a snare
and a delusion. We will reach them whenever we can undersell
competing nations, and not sooner. Tariffs do not keep us out, and
free trade will not make it easier to enter them.
Upon what terms can we adopt a revenue tariff system in this
country? In one way only; by accepting European conditions, and
submitting to all the discomforts and disadvantages of our
commercial rivals. The chief obstruction in the way of a revenue
tariff are the wages paid American workingmen, and any return to
that policy involves a reduction of the cost of labor. We cannot afford
to have cheap labor in the United States. Cheap labor means cheap
men and dear money. I would rather elevate and improve the
condition of my fellow-citizens than increase the value of money and
the power of “money-bags.” This is a republic of free and equal
citizenship. The government is in the hands of the masses, and not of
the few. This is our boast, and it is a proud one. The condition of the
masses, their well-being, their intelligence, their preparation for the
civil duties which rest upon them, depend largely upon the scale of
industrial wages. It is essential, therefore, that the best possible
wages attainable shall be secured and maintained. This is vital and
fundamental. We cannot, without grave danger and serious
disturbance—we ought not under any circumstances—adopt a policy
which would scale down the wages and diminish the comforts of the
American workingmen. Their welfare and independence, their
progress and elevation are closely related to the welfare and
independence and progress of the republic. We have got no
pampered class in this country, and we want none. We want the field
kept open. No narrowing of the avenues, no lowering of our
standard. We want no barriers raised against a higher and better
civilization. The gateway of opportunity must be open to all, to the
end that they may be first who deserve to be first, whether born in
poverty or reared in luxury. We do not want the masses excluded
from competing for the first rank among their countrymen and for
the nation’s greatest honors, and we do not mean they shall be.
 Free trade, or a revenue tariff, will, of necessity, shut them out. It
has no respect for labor. It holds it as the mere machinery of capital.
It would have cheap men that it might have cheap merchandise.
With all of its boasted love for the struggling millions, it is infinitely
more interested in cutting down the wages of labor than in saving
twenty-five cents on a blanket; more intent in reducing the
purchasing power of a man’s labor than the cost of his coat. Things
are not always dearest when their price is nominally the highest. The
price is not the only measure, but the wherewith to buy it is an
essential factor. Few men before me but have found in the course of
their lives more than once that that which was cheapest when
measured by mere price was the dearest when they were without
money and employment, or when their products could find no
market, and, finding it, commanded no price at all commensurate
with the labor required to produce them. Primarily, it is labor which
is interested most in this question of protection. The man with
money can seek other avenues of profit and investment, or can wait
for his dividends, but the laborer cannot wait for his dinner, and the
United States do not want citizens who make presidents, and
senates, and the house of representatives, to be in a condition of
dependence and destitution. That is not the sort of citizenship we
want.
We are different from any other nation, and it is that difference
which makes us the best. Our political system rests upon a principle
different from that of any other. It is founded upon the consent of the
people. If we had wanted it otherwise we would not have left home,
but would have remained the obedient child of an imperious parent.
We would not have turned away from the mother country. We would
have remained one of her dependencies. We would not have fought
our way through blood and sacrifice to independence. We separated
to set up for ourselves a free and independent political society, and
that policy is the best for us which best subserves the purposes of our
organization, our citizenship and civilization. It is ours to work out
our own destiny, and, in doing so, furnish an example of a free and
progressive people, whose industrial policy has made it possible to
satisfy the best and highest aspirations of men, and which closes no
field to human endeavor. We would wish for all mankind the
beneficence of our system and the opportunities which it presents.
We bid them level their condition up to ours; we will not level ours
down to theirs. We will remove all restrictions from international
trade, as we have removed all restrictions from inter-State trade,
whenever they will raise their labor and their conditions to our
standard.
Men of Georgia, upon this great industrial question there should
be no North nor South. To us of every section have been entrusted
the interests of our country—our whole country. To others have been
confided the care of other nations and other people. We will not
interfere with them; we bid them not interfere with us. My fellow-
citizens, in this conflict, influenced by patriotism, national interest,
and national pride, let us be Americans.
 Speech of Hon. Chauncey M. Depew.

Presenting President Harrison for Re-nomination at the

Minneapolis Convention, June 9, 1892.
Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention.—It is the
peculiarity of Republican National Conventions that each one of
them has a distinct and interesting history. We are here to meet
conditions and solve problems which make this gathering not only
no exception to the rule but substantially a new departure. That there
should be strong convictions and their earnest expression as to
preferences and politics is characteristic of the right of individual
judgment which is the fundamental principle of Republicanism.
There have been occasions when the result was so sure that the
delegates could freely indulge in the charming privilege of favoritism
and of friendship. But the situation which now confronts us demands
the exercise of dispassionate judgment and our best thought and
experience. We cannot venture on uncertain ground or encounter
obstacles placed in the pathway of success by ourselves. The
Democratic party is now divided, but the hope of the possession of
power once more will make it in the final battle more aggressive,
determined and unscrupulous than ever. It starts with fifteen States
secure without an effort by processes which are a travesty upon
popular government, and, if continued long enough, will paralyze
institutions founded upon popular suffrage. It has to win four more
States in a fair fight, States which, in the vocabulary of politics, are
denominated doubtful. The Republican party must appeal to the
conscience and the judgment of the individual voter in every State in
the Union. This is in accordance with the principles upon which it
was founded and the objects for which it contends. It has accepted
this issue before and fought it out with an extraordinary continuance
of success. The conditions of Republican victory from 1860 to 1880
were created by Abraham Lincoln and U. S. Grant. They were that
the saved republic should be run by its saviours, the emancipation of
slaves, the reconstruction of the States, the reception of those who
had fought to destroy the republic back into the fold, without the
penalties or punishments, and to an equal share with those who had
fought and saved the nation, in the solemn obligation and
inestimable privilege of American citizenship. They were the
embodiment into the Constitution of the principles for which
2,000,000 of men had fought and 500,000 had died. They were the
restoration of public credit, the resumption of specie payments and
the prosperous condition of solvent business for twenty-five years.
They were names with which to conjure and events fresh in the
public mind which were eloquent with popular enthusiasm. It
needed little else than a recital of the glorious story of its heroes and
a statement of the achievements of the Republican party to retain the
confidence of the people. But from the desire for a change, which is
characteristic of free governments, there came a reversal, there came
a check to the progress of the Republican party and four years of
Democratic administration. Those four years largely relegated to the
realm of history past issues and brought us face to face with what
Democracy, its professions and its practices mean to-day. The great
names which have adorned the roll of the Republican statesman and
soldiers are potent and popular. The great measures of the
Republican party are still the best part of the history of the country.
The unequalled and unexampled story of Republicanism in its
progress and its achievements stands unique in the record of parties
in governments which are free. But we live in practical times, facing
practical issues which affect the business, the wages, the labor and
the prosperity of to-day.
“It will be won or lost upon the policy, foreign and domestic, the
industrial measures and the administrative acts of the
administration of Benjamin Harrison. Whoever receives the
nomination of this convention will run upon the judgment of the
people as to whether they have been more prosperous and more
happy, whether the country has been in a better condition at home
and stood more honorable abroad under these last four years of
Harrison and Republican administration than during the preceding
four years of Cleveland and Democratic government. Not since
Thomas Jefferson has any administration been called upon to face
and solve so many or such difficult problems as those which have
been exigent in our conditions. No administration since the
organization of the government has ever met difficulties better or
more to the satisfaction of the American people. Chile has been
taught that, no matter how small the antagonist, no community can
with safety insult the flag or murder American sailors. Germany and
England have learned in Samoa that the United States has become
one of the powers of the world, and no matter how mighty the
adversary, at every sacrifice American honor will be maintained. The
Bering Sea question, which was the insurmountable obstacle in the
diplomacy of Cleveland and of Bayard, has been settled upon a basis
which sustains the American people until arbitration shall have
determined our right. The dollar of the country has been placed and
kept on the standard of commercial nations, and a convention has
been agreed upon with foreign governments, which, by making bi-
metallism the policy of all nations, may successfully solve all our
financial problems. The tariff, tinkered with and trifled with to the
serious disturbance of trade and disaster to business since the days
of Washington, has been courageously embodied into a code which
has preserved the principle of the protection of American industries.
To it has been added a beneficent policy, supplemented by beneficial
treaties and wise diplomacy, which has opened to our farmers and
manufacturers the markets of other countries. The navy has been
builded upon lines which will protect American citizens and
American interests and the American flag all over the world. The
public debt has been reduced. The maturing bonds have been paid
off. The public credit has been maintained. The burdens of taxation
have been lightened. Two hundred millions of currency have been
added to the people’s money without disturbances of the exchanges.
“Unexampled prosperity has crowned wise laws and their wise
administration. The main question which divides us is to whom does
the credit of all this belong? Orators may stand upon this platform
more able and more eloquent than I who will paint in more brilliant
colors, but they cannot put in more earnest thought the affection and
admiration of Republicans for our distinguished Secretary of State. I
yield to no Republican, no matter from what State he hails, in
admiration and respect for John Sherman, for Governor McKinley,
for Thomas B. Reed, for Iowa’s great Senator, for the favorites of
Illinois and Wisconsin, but when I am told that the credit for the
brilliant diplomacy of this administration belongs exclusively to the
Secretary of State, for the administration of its finances to the
Secretary of the Treasury, for the construction of its ships to the
Secretary of the Navy, for the introduction of American pork in
Europe to the Secretary of Agriculture, for the settlement, so far as it
is settled, of the currency question, to Senator John Sherman, for the
formulation of the tariff laws to Governor McKinley, for the removal
of the restrictions placed by foreign nations upon the introduction of
American pork to our ministers at Paris and Berlin, I am tempted to
seriously inquire who, during the last four years, has been President
of the United States anyhow? Cæsar, when he wrote those
commentaries, which were the history of the conquests of Europe
under his leadership, modestly took the position of Eneas when he
said: ‘They are the narrative of events, the whole of which I saw and
the part of which I was.’ General Thomas, as the rock of
Chickamauga, occupies a place in our history with Leonidas among
the Greeks, except that he succeeded where Leonidas failed. The
fight of Joe Hooker above the clouds was the poetry of battle. The
resistless rush of Sheridan and his steed down the valley of the
Shenandoah is the epic of our civil war. The march of Sherman from
Atlanta to the sea is the supreme triumph of gallantry and strategy. It
detracts nothing from the splendor or the merits of the deeds of his
lieutenants to say that having selected them with marvellous sagacity
and discretion Grant still remained the supreme commander of the
national army. All the proposed acts of any administration before
they are formulated are passed upon in Cabinet council, and the
measures and suggestions of the ablest Secretaries would have failed
with a lesser President, but for the great good of the country and the
benefit of the Republican party they have succeeded because of the
suggestive mind, the indomitable courage, the intelligent
appreciation of situation and the grand magnanimity of Benjamin
Harrison. It is an undisputed fact that during the few months when
both the Secretary of State and the Secretary of the Treasury were ill
the President personally assumed the duties of the State Department
and of the Treasury Department, and both with equal success. The
Secretary of State in accepting his portfolio under President Garfield
wrote: ‘Your administration must be made brilliant, successful and
strong in the confidence and pride of the people, not at all diverting
its energies for re-election, and yet compelling that result by the logic
of events and by the imperious necessities of the situation.’ Garfield
fell before the bullet of the assassin and Mr. Blaine retired to private
life. General Harrison invited him to take up that unfinished
diplomatic career where its threads had been so tragically broken. He
entered the Cabinet. He resumed his work and has won a higher
place in our history. The prophecy he made for Garfield has been
superbly fulfilled by Harrison. In the language of Mr. Blaine: ‘The
President has compelled a re-election by the logic of events and the
imperious necessities of the situation.’
“The man who is nominated here to-day to win must carry a
certain well-known number of the doubtful States. Patrick Henry, in
the convention which started rolling the ball of the independence of
the Colonies from Great Britain, said: ‘I have but one lamp by which
my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no
way of judging of the future but by the past.’ New York was carried in
1880 by General Garfield, and in every important election since then
we have done our best. We have put forward our ablest, our most
popular, our most brilliant leaders for Governor and State officers to
suffer constant defeat. The only light which illumines with the sun of
hope the dark record of those twelve years is the fact that in 1888 the
State of New York was triumphantly carried by President Harrison.
He carried it then as a gallant soldier, a wise Senator, statesman, who
inspired confidence by his public utterances in daily speech from the
commencement of the canvass to its close. He still has all these
claims, and in addition an administration beyond criticism and rich
with elements of popularity with which to carry New York. Ancestry
helps in the old world and handicaps in the new. There is but one
distinguished example of a son first overcoming the limitations
imposed by the pre-eminent fame of his father, and then rising above
it, and that was when the younger Pitt became greater than Chatham.
With an ancestor a signer of the Declaration of Independence and
another who saved the Northwest from savagery and gave it to
civilization and empire, who was also President of the United States,
a poor and unknown lawyer of Indiana has risen by his unaided
efforts to such distinction as lawyer, orator, soldier, statesman and
President, that he reflects more credit on his ancestors than they
have devolved upon him and presents in American history the
parallel of the younger Pitt. By the grand record of a wise
administration, by the strength in frequent contact of the people, in
wonderfully versatile and felicitous speech, by the claims of a pure
life in public and in the simplicity of a typical American home, I
nominate Benjamin Harrison.”
 Speech of Hon. Leon Abbett.

Presenting Grover Cleveland for Nomination at the Chicago

Convention, June 22, 1892.
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention.—In
presenting the name to this Convention, I speak for the united
Democracy of the State of New Jersey, whose loyalty to Democratic
principles, faithful services to the party, and whose contributions to
its success entitle it to the respectful consideration of the Democracy
of the United States. Its electoral vote has always been cast in
support of Democratic principles and Democratic candidates.
In voicing the unanimous wish of the delegation from New Jersey,
I present as their candidate for the suffrages of this Convention the
name of a distinguished Democratic statesman, born upon its soil,
for whom in the two great Presidential contests the State of New
Jersey has given its electoral vote.
The supreme consideration in the mind of the Democracy of New
Jersey is the success of the Democratic party and its principles. We
have been in the past, and will be in the future, ready to sacrifice
personal preferences in deference to the clear expression of the will
of the Democracy of the Union. It is because of that that this name
will awaken throughout our State the enthusiasm of the Democracy
and insure success. It is because he represents the great Democratic
principles and policy upon which this entire convention is a unit; it is
because we believe that with him as a candidate the Democrats of the
Union will sweep the country and establish its principles throughout
the length and breadth of the land, that we offer to the Convention as
a nominee the choice of New Jersey, Grover Cleveland.
If any doubt existed in the minds of the Democrats of New Jersey
of his ability to lead the great Democratic hosts to victory they would
not present his name to-day. With them success of the party and the
establishment of its principles are beyond their love and admiration
for any man. We feel certain that every Democratic State though its
preferences may be for some other distinguished Democrat, will give
its warm, enthusiastic and earnest support to the nominee of this
Convention.
The man whom we present will rally to his party thousands of
independent voters, whose choice is determined by their personal
conviction that the candidate will represent principles dear to them,
and whose public life and policy gives assurance that if chosen by the
people they will secure an honest, pure and conservative
administration and the great interests of the country will be
encouraged and protected.
The time will come when other distinguished Democrats who have
been mentioned in connection with this nomination will receive that
consideration to which the great services they have rendered their
party entitle them, but we stand to-day in the presence of the fact
that the majority of the Democratic masses throughout the country,
the rank and file, the millions of its voters, demand the nomination
of Grover Cleveland.
This sentiment is so strong and overpowering that it has affected
and controlled the actions of delegates who would otherwise present
the name of some distinguished leader of their own State with whom
they feel victory would be assured and in whom the entire country
would feel confidence, but the people have spoken and favorite sons
and leaders are standing aside in obedience to their will.
Shall we listen to the voice of the Democracy of the Union? Shall
we place on our banner the man of our choice, the man in whom they
believe, or shall we, for any consideration of policy or expediency,
hesitate to obey their will?
I have sublime faith in the expression of the people when it is clear
and decisive. When the question before them is one that has excited
discussion and debate; when it appeals to their interests and their
feelings and calls for the exercise of their judgment and they then say
we want this man and we can elect him, we, their representatives,
must not disobey nor disappoint them.
It is incumbent upon us to obey their wishes and concur in their
judgment; then, having given them the candidate of their choice,
they will give us their best, their most energetic efforts to secure
success.
We confidently rely upon the loyal and successful work of the
Democratic leaders who have advocated other candidates. We know
that in the great States across the river from New Jersey, now
controlled by the Democratic party, there is no Democrat who will
shirk the duty of making every effort to secure the success of the
candidate of this Convention, notwithstanding his judgment may
differ from that of the majority.
The Democracy of New York and its great leaders whose efforts
and splendid generalship have given to us a Democratic Senator and
Governor will always be true to the great party they represent; they
will not waver, nor will they rest in the coming canvass until they
have achieved success.
Their grand victories of the past, their natural and honorable
ambition, their unquestioned Democracy will make them arise and
fight as never before, and with those that they represent and lead
they will march in the great independent vote and will again secure
for us the Democratic victory in New York. The grand Democrats
under whose leadership the city and State of New York are now
governed will give to the cause the great weight of their
organizations.
The thundering echoes of this Convention announcing the
nomination of Grover Cleveland will not have died out over the hills
and through the valleys of this land before you will hear and see all
our leaders rallying to the support of our candidate.
They will begin their efforts for organization and success and
continue their work until victory crowns their efforts. All Democrats
will fight for victory, and they will succeed because the principles of
the party enunciated here are for the best interests of the country at
large and because the people of this land have unquestioning faith
that Grover Cleveland will give the country a pure, honest and stable
government and an administration from which the great business
interests of the country and the agricultural and laboring interests of
the masses will receive proper and due consideration.
The question has been asked, Why is it that the masses of the party
demand the nomination of Grover Cleveland? Why is it that this man
who has no offices to distribute, no wealth to command, should have
stirred the spontaneous support of the great body of Democracy?
Why is it that with all that has been urged against him the people still
cry “Give us Cleveland?” Why is it, though he has pronounced in
honest, clear and able language his views upon questions upon which
some of his party may differ with him, that he is still near and dear to
the masses?
It is because he has crystallized into a living issue the great
principle upon which this battle is to be fought out. If he did not
create tariff reform he made it a Presidential issue; he vitalized it and
presented it to our party as the issue for which we could fight and
continue to battle until upon it victory is now assured.
There are few men in his position who would have the courage to
boldly make the issue and present it so clearly and forcibly as he did
in his great message of 1887. I believe that his policy then was to
force a national issue which would appeal to the judgment of the
people.
We must honor a man who is honest enough and bold enough
under such circumstances to proclaim that the success of the party
upon principle is better than evasion or shirking of true national
issues for temporary success. When victory is obtained upon a
principle, it forms the solid foundation of party success in the future.
It is no longer the question of a battle to be won on the mistakes of
our foes, but it is a victory to be accomplished by a charge along the
whole line under the banner of principle.
There is another reason why the people demand his nomination.
They feel that the tariff reform views of ex-President Cleveland and
the principles laid down in his great message, whatever its temporary
effect may have been, give us a live and a vital issue to fight for,
which has made the great victories since 1888 possible. It
consolidated in one solid phalanx the Democracy of the nation.
In every State of this union that policy has been placed in
Democratic platforms and our battles have been fought upon it, and
this great body of representative Democrats have seen its good
results.
Every man in this Convention recognizes the policy of the party. In
Massachusetts it gave us a Russell. In Iowa it gave us a Boies. In