IMAGINATION, COGNITION AND PERSONALITY, Vol.

23(1) 3-26, 2003-2004

IMAGINED INTERACTION CONFLICT-LINKAGE THEORY:

EXPLAINING THE PERSISTENCE AND RESOLUTION
OF INTERPERSONAL CONFLICT IN EVERYDAY LIFE

JAMES M. HONEYCUTT
Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge

ABSTRACT
Conflict is a pervasive feature of human existence. There are anger manage-
ment courses and popular books giving advice on dealing with unruly people.
Imagined interaction (II) conflict-linkage theory explains how conflict per-
sists in interpersonal communication through mental imagery and imagined
interactions. Imagined interactions are covert dialogues that people have in
which they relive prior conversations while anticipating new encounters.
Conflict is kept alive in the human mind through recalling prior arguments
while anticipating what may be said at future meetings. II conflict-linkage
theory provides an explanatory mechanism for why conflict is enduring,
maintained, may be constructive or destructive, and can erupt anytime in
interpersonal relationships. The theory explains features of face-to-face
conflict through understanding how people manage conflict during actual
interaction by looking at how they think between such interactions. In order
to understand conflict, cognitions about interaction episodes are examined
in terms of the messages that people imagine communicating to others as
well as those they recall from prior encounters. The theory contains three
axioms and nine theorems that explain how interpersonal conflict endures
and is managed. This report reviews the support for the theorems.

There is an old proverb that says, “Forgive and forget.” Yet, many people
remember old arguments very well and cannot forget. Indeed, in his book on
daydreaming about communication through imagined interactions, Honeycutt
describes a student giving a journal account of her recent imagined interactions
in which she recalls arguments with her boyfriend [1]. She indicates that she

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Ó 2004, Baywood Publishing Co., Inc.
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recalls the arguments because of emotions behind the past situations and that
she can release repressed anger. This report is about how everyday conflict is
maintained and managed through imagined interactions, in accordance with
imagined interaction conflict-linkage theory.
Conflict-linkage refers to how arguments or fights are ruminated on in the mind.
People often remember episodes of disagreement, arguing, or fighting and dwell
on them. We sometimes think about introducing prior conversations into the
current encounter. Having thought about a prior conflict, an individual may
engage the partner with the intent of retaliating. A series of conversations can
be linked together through memory. Recalling a prior argument may create
expectancies for the next anticipated interaction with the relevant individuals.

IMAGINED INTERACTIONS

Imagined interactions (IIs) are a type of mindful daydreaming in which we

imagine talking with real-life significant others such as relational partners, family
members, roommates, ex-relational partners, individuals in authority, work col-
leagues, and friends [1-3]. We may have IIs while walking, driving, listening to
music, meditating, before falling asleep, while surfing the internet, or using chat
rooms for newsgroups on the internet.
There are eight characteristics of IIs that Honeycutt discusses in his book on
imagined interactions and daydreaming about communication [1]. The first is that
of discrepancy, which is a reflection of the similarity or difference between the
II and the actual interaction. A second characteristic is valence, which reflects
the degree of emotional affect produced while having an II. There are negative,
positive, and mixed emotions that are felt while having an II. In addition, many IIs
elicit no affect. Frequency is a third characteristic of IIs, referring to the activity
and regularity. For example, women report having more IIs than men [1].
A fourth II characteristic is specificity, which refers to the level of detail and
distinctiveness of images contained within IIs. For example, some people report
many lines of alternating dialogue similar to the format of a playscript as well
as the location and scene of the envisioned encounter. Imagined interactions
also include the characteristic of self-dominance. This addresses who is more
prominent in the II, self or other. Honeycutt reviews research indicating that
many IIs serve a rehearsal function in which the self does most of the imagined
talk [1]. Variety refers to the diversity of topics and partners within IIs. Some
people imagine talking about the same things over and over. This is a component
of rumination in which people sometimes repetitively focus on themselves and
on the nature of what they are feeling [4].
It is important to note that IIs can be proactive or retroactive. Proactivity
refers to those IIs that are engaged in prior to actual interaction, and retroactivity
involves reviewing the interaction once it has taken place. For example, a worker
may desire a raise, so she decides to approach her boss concerning the matter.
 II CONFLICT / 5

Using an II proactively, she may visualize herself going into her boss’s office and
may even devise a plan for what she will say. Once the actual encounter has
occurred, she may reflect on the interaction, analyzing it to determine what worked
and what did not. This is an example of making use of a retroactive II. Many IIs are
both proactive and retroactive as a person thinks about prior encounters while
preparing for anticipated ones. Conflict is often ruminated upon because people
relive arguments while simultaneously preparing for future conversations.

IMAGINED INTERACTION
CONFLICT-LINKAGE THEORY
Table 1 presents the axioms and theorems of imagined interaction conflict-
linkage theory. The three axioms deal with how interpersonal relationships are
created and defined. Theorem 1 addresses two preeminent characteristics of IIs;
retroactivity and proactivity. Theorems 2, 4, 5, and 6 involve factors that influence
IIs. Theorems 3 and 7 involve consequences of having positive and negative IIs.
Theorems 8 and 9 deal with distorting reality and using IIs as a compensation
function, respectively. Following is a discussion of each axiom and theorem.

Axiom 1: Interpersonal relationships exist through intrapersonal

communication as imagined interactions involving the relational
partner outside of actual interaction.
Acitelli reviews research indicating how relationships are embodied in com-
munication and thought [5]. Within the field of communication studies, communi-
cation is a complex, multidimensional process. Dance, a communication theorist,
counted more than 100 distinct definitions of communication proposed by
scholars [6]. In attempting to integrate the myriad of definitions, a composite
definition emerges from Wood in which “communication is a systemic process
in which individuals interact with and through symbols to create and
interpret meanings” [7]. The symbols may be verbal, nonverbal, visual, overt,
or subliminal.
One type of communication is intrapersonal communication. This is com-
munication with ourselves through self-talk and/or imagined interactions. Indeed,
Barker and Kibler indicate that it is the most basic level of communication
from which all other forms of human communication are derived [8]. They
define it as “communication which occurs within the individual. It involves the
evaluating of and reacting to internal stimuli. These evaluative and reactive
processes help human beings to cope with and understand ideas, events, objec-
tives, and experiences” [8, p. 4]. Intrapersonal communication is the center of
all communication because it concerns individual processing of information. In
addition, as Shedletsky states, “Intrapersonal communication concerns the process
of assigning meaning (e.g., the mental structures and the retrieval processes of
memory) and the products of assigned meaning (e.g., schemata, labels, and
6 / HONEYCUTT

Table 1. Axioms and Theorems of II Conflict-Linkage Theory

Axiom 1: Interpersonal relationships exist through intrapersonal communica-

tion as imagined interactions involving the relational partner outside of actual
interaction.

Axiom 2: An interpersonal relationship is maintained and developed through

thinking and dwelling on a relational partner.

Axiom 3: A major theme of interpersonal relationships is conflict management

(e.g., cooperation-competition). Managing conflict begins at the intrapersonal
level of communication in terms of IIs.

Theorem 1: Recurring conflict is kept alive through retro and proactive IIs.

Theorem 2: The current mood of individuals is associated with whether or not their
IIs are positive or negative. The better a person’s mood, the more positive their IIs
will be, as well as the inverse.

Theorem 3: When an individual attempts to purposely create positive IIs (e.g., as

therapy for a poor marriage), negative, intrusive IIs will frequently occur, in many
cases with effects that undermine the therapy or positive intent.

Theorem 4: Suppressed rage is a result of the lack of opportunity or inability to

articulate arguments with the target of conflict.

Theorem 5: Thinking about conflict may be facilitated through exposure to con-

textual cues including music, substance abuse, and media (TV shows and movies).

Theorem 6: Recurring conflict is a function of brain, neurotransmitter activity in

which neurons are stimulated.

Theorem 7: In order to enhance constructive conflict, individuals need to imagine

positive interactions and outcomes.

Theorem 8: Conflict-linkage has the potential of distorting reality because conflict

is kept alive in a person’s mind and facilitates anticipating a conversation that most
likely will be discrepant from reality since the actual interaction will not occur as
planned.

Theorem 9: People use IIs as a mechanism for escape from societal norms. For
example, a person may be expected to talk a certain way with their boss in real life,
but in their IIs, the persons can be considerably more bold or liberated.
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memories)” [9, p. 101]. Regardless if one speaks of dyadic, interpersonal, small

group, organizational, societal, cultural, or mass communication, the individual
processing of information is nested within all hierarchies of communication
systems [10].
Honeycutt and Cantrill suggested that often the most important determinants
of relational development occur outside of immediate conversation, in the
cognitive realm that includes imagined interactions [11]. Consistent with this
suggestion is research by Duck, Rutt, Hurst, and Strejc in which people kept
communication journals across a six-day period, covering interactions with a
stranger, acquaintance, a friend, best friend, lover, and family member [12]. In a
separate study, participants were asked to report on one interaction for each
day of a two-week period. There were gender differences in which females
saw significantly more potential change for a given relationship resulting from
a single conversation than did males. However, communication was rated
as very important, particularly for lovers, even though intimate self-disclosure
was much less frequent in everyday life. In addition, the predominant form of
communication in intimate relationships is not only nonintimate, but it is not
easily distinguishable from communication in the other types of relationships
they examined. In one study, communication quality was rated as being the
highest in quality with lovers and the most valuable compared interaction
with strangers, friends, acquaintances, and family members. Furthermore,
Honeycutt reviews studies indicating how pleasant IIs are associated with
relationship happiness [1].

Axiom 2: An interpersonal relationship is maintained

and developed through thinking and dwelling on a
relationship partner.

Duck argues that the maintenance of a relationship is at least partly a result

of people agreeing that there is one, and that the enactment of relationships
is constituted in communication and thought [13]. He discusses how the
psychological creation of a relationship emanates from participants’ beliefs that
some continuity exists. There are shared stories about the relationship, shared
beliefs about the nature of the relationship, and shared beliefs that a relation-
ship exists.
Duck also suggested that explorations of relational communication should
involve interpersonal research, which looks at interpersonal relationships as they
evolve outside of direct relational encounters in terms of processes such as:
replaying relational events during time spent alone, planning future encounters,
and remembering the pleasures of encounters [14]. The study of imagined inter-
actions has provided for a means of investigating such phenomena [1-2, 11,
15-18]. IIs can psychologically maintain relationships by concentrating thought
on relational scenes and partners.
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An example of maintaining and developing the relationship through IIs and

intrapersonal communication is provided by a student from an II journal. She
reported that most of her IIs were with her boyfriend and that most of these
IIs were about events that happened during the day. However, her most recent II
involved arguing about his choice of friends. She did not like some of his friends
and previously told him that they were losers. She relived this because it was
a major fight and they yelled. She remembered attacking him too harshly and
often thinks about how she should have handled the situation differently. Still, she
reported that even though she relived this argument, most of her IIs with her
boyfriend involve pleasant activities like trips she planned with her boyfriend.

Axiom 3: A major theme of interpersonal relationships is

conflict management (e.g., cooperation-competition).
Managing conflict begins at the intrapersonal level of
communication in terms of IIs.

Honeycutt notes the possibility of identifying relational themes by analyzing the

linked imagined interactions that involve the replay of prior encounters while
preparing for anticipated interactions [1, 18]. Imagined interactions are linked
when a person recalls a prior conversation and replays it in his or her imagination,
while anticipating what could be said differently for an ensuing encounter.
Honeycutt and Wiemann allude to this axiom in their research that includes
Fitzpatrick’s marital typology [19]. Research suggests that certain martial types
share certain themes. Traditional couples have more communal and sharing
themes compared to Independent, Separate or Mixed couple types. Of course,
research specifically demonstrating the use of themes reflecting conflict and the
use of IIs in creating and maintaining themes is lacking. Certainly research
including the marital typologies could be an approach to uncovering such specific
ideas, since one of the key dimensions of the typology is that of conflict [20].
Allen and Berkos found support for Axiom 3 and Theorem 1 [21]. They
examined the themes of imagined conflict and how conflict was maintained
through retroactive IIs. They defined communication episodes as routines that
have identifiable openings and closing [22]. Watzlawick, Beavin, and Jackson
asserted that communication episodes are punctuated perceptually by individuals
in the episodes [23].
In examining the punctuation and themes of conflict, Allen and Berkos sur-
veyed 105 students at California State University, Long Beach, ranging in age
from 21 to 55 and averaging 26 years of age [21]. They surveyed 54% women
and 46% men. Participants were given a weekly journal assignment, asking
them to identify certain dimensions and functions of their IIs. From the journals,
two research assistants analyzed the journals and decided whether the com-
munication episodes were conflictual or nonconflictual, who they were with, and
if the level of conflict was behavioral, normative, or personal.
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Behavioral conflict involves disagreement about specific behaviors such

as different preferences for music, art, or recreation [24]. Normative conflict
involves disagreement over relational rules and norms such as household duties
and balancing finances. Personal conflicts concern an individual’s personality,
attitudes, values, and beliefs about the world.
The data revealed that out of 774 imagined interaction episodes, 41% of these
were conflictual. Most of the conflicts were with intimate relational partners
(27%) followed by friends and bosses (both 18%). A few were with co-workers
(8%) and roommates (7%). Furthermore, one-third of the conflictual IIs was
linked to some previous conflict that the participant had recorded in the journal.
Normative conflict (38%) and personal conflict (37%) were more frequent
than behavioral conflict (24%). Kroll-Mensing also found that the IIs of anxious
and depressed individuals were more conflict-focused compared to nonanxious,
nondepressed individuals [25]. She also found that “getting even” was associated
with anxiety. Furthermore, anxiety and depression were associated with having IIs
that explored causes of conflict in hopes of developing persuasive arguments.

Theorem 1: Recurring conflict is kept alive through

retroactive and proactive IIs.

Recall that a retroactive II occurs after a real conversation has occurred and
people re-experience the interaction in their mind. A proactive II occurs before
an anticipated conversation as individuals rehearse messages in their mind.
The correlation between these two characteristics is moderate (r = .34). There are
also moderate correlations between frequency and retroactivity (r = .65) and
between frequency and proactivity (r = .47) [2]. These correlations reflect a
general “activity” simplex identified by Edwards, Honeycutt, and Zagacki using
correlagram analysis [26]. Thus, some IIs may have simultaneous features,
in that they occur after an encounter and previous to the next anticipated
encounter. In fact, Honeycutt and his associates found that 54% of the imagined
dialogues were both retroactive and proactive [27]. The II served as a plan for
an upcoming one.
Roloff and Ifert discuss mutual influence in imagined interactions and note
that typically, mutual influence is thought to occur only during actual interactions
[28]. Mutual influence is an important characteristic of all human interaction.
The action of one person is dependent upon the action of another as well as
the inverse. The responses of a given person may be contingent on the prior
response of the other person [29, 30].
To show mutual influence, one must study the actions of at least two inter-
actants and be able to observe behaviors enacted by two persons. Apparently,
IIs that reside within the mind are beyond the scope of mutual influence. Yet,
Roloff and Ifert believe that mutual influence can be extended to IIs because
there are patterns that “suggest, but do not definitively demonstrate, the existence
10 / HONEYCUTT

of mutual influence” [28, p. 115]. Although IIs may be discrepant from actual talk,
the rehearsal function affects actual communicative behavior. Jones and Gerard
indicate how conversational behaviors reflect both mutual influences within the
conversation and plans created prior to the conversation [29]. Cloven and Roloff
found that thinking about a problem increased beliefs about how serious the
problem was [31]. This effect was stronger when people reported that their
arguments had been volatile about the issue. People reported replaying the volatile
statements as well as thinking about how to attack the transgressor in future
encounters. In effect, as Roloff and Ifert note that “dwelling on the partner’s
negative statements does not provide a strong basis for acting in a conciliatory
fashion in the future and might justify a counterattack” [28, p. 128].
Johnson and Roloff examined the factors contributing to the problem of arguing
in relationships and its effects on relationship quality [32]. They examined the
factors that affect how a conflict was resolved. They found that resolvability was
negatively associated with: 1) arguments arising from violated expectations;
2) counter-complaints and partner initiated demand-withdrawal; 3) predictability
of argumentative episodes; 4) overall discord; 5) withdrawal after a conflict
episode; and 6) mulling over the argument. The relevant factor from this study in
relation to conflict-linkage is the last factor—mulling. Mulling, which includes
mentally reliving the argument over and over, is the use of retroactive IIs that
allow an individual to revisit an episode once it has taken place. According to II
conflict-linkage theory, the revisiting of conflict may also be accompanied by the
reformulation of points and counterpoints for future interaction [1]. Thus, IIs
can help link unresolved, or serial, conflict episodes together.
Studies using an oral history interview for marital couples have revealed that
spouses often report imagining conversations with their partner concerning a
number of topics when not in the other’s presence [17, 33]. The oral history
interview is a semi-structured narrative that allows married couples to reconstruct
events from the relationship’s past. The interview also includes discussion of
how the couple met, what attracted them to one another, philosophy of marriage,
problems in the marriage, etc. Spouses’ imagined conversations include the issue
of conflict, where one may replay an encounter involving conflict and regret not
having said various things currently in one’s mind. This replaying involves the use
of retroactive IIs, with proactive IIs being used to rehearse for the next encounter
with the spouse, such that the conflict picks up where it was left off.
One study revealed that married couples who were Separates in Fitzpatrick’s
[20] typology were less likely to imagine positive interactions with their spouses
and were more likely to imagine doing most of the talking [33]. Separates value
autonomy, share little, and are physically and psychologically differentiated,
while Traditionals are interdependent, have a high degree of sharing, and main-
tain closeness. Traditionals often talk through conflict but avoid unimportant
issues [20]. Independents embrace conflict, maintain separate physical spaces
and believe that relationships should not constrain personal freedom. Honeycutt
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found that Traditionals and Independents had more pleasant IIs and had more
listening roles while imagining conversation with their partners [33].
Zagacki, Edwards, and Honeycutt found that many IIs involve conflict [34].
They asked participants about the topics of their IIs in examining the role of
emotional and mental imagery in the use of IIs. The topics were coded into one of
eleven categories: conflicts/problems, dating, school/class, work/job, activities,
family, money, friends ex-partners, small-talk, and miscellaneous. The topic
most reported involved conflict followed by dating, family, and friends.
Classic research conducted by Klos and Singer involved the inducement of
IIs in adolescents as a means of eliciting emotions about parental conflict [35].
The purpose of their research was to study the “determinants of adolescents’
ongoing thought following simulated parental confrontations” [35, p. 142]. The
participants engaged in simulated interactions while they were read one of
six predeveloped parental scripts. Afterwards the participants were asked to
think about the last visit with the same-sex parent that was three days or longer
in duration.
The scripts were representative of six different conditions: 1) collaborative
decision-making with parent, resolved; 2) collaborative decision-making with
parent, unresolved; 3) collaborative confrontation with parent, resolved; 4) col-
laborative confrontation with parent, unresolved; 5) coercive confrontation with
parent, resolved; 6) coercive confrontation with parent, unresolved. Coercive
confrontation involved a parent’s trying to win an argument without listening
to the subject’s viewpoint, while collaborative confrontation involved a parent’s
expressing her/his viewpoint while trying to understand the subject’s viewpoint.
Collaborative decision-making involved a parent and subject working together
to find a solution to a shared interpersonal problem external to the relationship.
Resolution/nonresolution focused on whether or not subjects were able to reach
a solution at the end of the imagined interactions.
After the IIs, subjects were taken to a separate room and given a 20-minute
period in which thought samples were elicited by sounding a buzzer at 20
random-intervals. At each interval, subjects were to report their thoughts, feelings,
and mental images. Thoughts were coded as “simulation-related” if they were
directly relevant to the simulation conditions. Affect was measured before and
after the simulations using 5-point Likert-type scales that reflected interest, anger,
distress, joy, disgust, and contempt. Stress with parents was also measured by
items that represented the level of interpersonal conflict and need satisfaction
including acceptance, recognition, and support.
The researchers reported that emotions of anger were higher in the coercive,
as opposed to collaborative, conditions. Once exposed to a simulated parental
conflict, students with a history of stress with parents reported as much as 50%
of their later thoughts concerning the simulations. Thus, the researchers indi-
cated that a reawakening of unpleasant past experiences is enough to sustain
arousal and recurrent thought even if the conflict is resolved. This research lends
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credence to Honeycutt’s idea that conflict is kept alive through proactive and
retroactive IIs [1]. Klos and Singer surmise that the thoughts of adolescents
who have a history of parental stress could be so unpleasant as a result of
environmental cues, that television plots and films could provoke recurrent
thoughts of conflict [35]. Whether an episode is resolved or unresolved depends
on the particular records that are evoked by the situation and their reconstitution
in the given scenario. That is to say, resolution is contingent upon the retro-
active IIs that are recalled and the ways in which they are transformed through
the use of proactive IIs. Long-standing child-parent conflict may be kept alive
and maintained as a result.
Communication satisfaction with an imagined interaction is also associated
with retroactivity. The Survey of Imagined Interaction asks participants to report
how satisfied they are with the most recently experienced II [1]. Finally, in support
of Theorem 1, it has been found that retroactivity is related to conversational
sensitivity, which is related with communication competence [3].

Theorem 2: The current mood of individuals is associated

with whether or not their IIs are positive or negative.
The better a person’s mood, the more positive their IIs
will be as well as the inverse.

Gilligan and Bower’s assert that prevailing moods influence thoughts and that
those particular thoughts elicit relevant mood states [36]. By implication, the
prevailing mood should influence whether an individual chooses to reflect on
positive or negative IIs, and the relevance of II’s should influence mood dynamics
in return.
The results of the research conducted by Zagacki and his associates reveal
that emotions are a vital feature of imagined interactions [34]. Rosenblatt and
Meyer proposed IIs as a means of emotional catharsis in counseling sessions
[37]. Imagined interactions serve to create a sense of catharsis for an individual
in a relationship by allowing one to relieve tension as well as to reduce uncer-
tainty concerning another’s actions [1]. Once an interaction has taken place,
an individual may feel better after reviewing the encounter. She may use IIs
prior to an encounter, perhaps through means of rehearsal, to lessen tension and
uncertainty. In some situations, IIs may amplify negative moods such that there
is a closed loop in which bad moods lead to negative IIs, which makes current
moods worse, resulting in more negative IIs. Hence, the person is caught in a
closed, absorbing state of emotional transference and self-fulfilling prophecies.
Honeycutt describes an example of IIs functioning in a cathartic way [1]. He
notes a husband’s report of an II with his wife in which he questions the example
she is setting for their son. The husband reports “mostly positive” feelings about
the II though the II involved his criticizing the wife for her child rearing views.
Catharsis was manifested as the husband used the II to suppress feelings. The
 II CONFLICT / 13

husband reported being thankful for not speaking impetuously and “putting his
foot in his mouth.” Instead, the II allowed him to release deep-seated feelings
while avoiding statements that would exacerbate the conflict.
Zagacki et al. found that mixed emotions (both positive and negative) were
associated with greater II activity and II retroactivity than positive emotions [34].
Negative emotions are associated with lower levels of pleasantness, more discrep-
ancy, and greater self-dominance. Again, this seems to suggest that IIs low
in pleasantness, most likely involving conflict, are associated with negative
emotions.

Theorem 3: When an individual attempts to purposely create

positive IIs (e.g., as therapy for a poor marriage), negative
intrusive IIs will frequently occur, in many cases with effects
that undermine the therapy or positive intent.

Many marital therapists lament how counseling and intervention may not result
in long-term benefits in getting married couples to communicate constructively
[18]. Floyd suggests that there is often a regression to dysfunctional patterns
of communication after intervention has ended [38]. In addition, Hatfield has
noted the difficulty that distressed couples have when talking about marital
problems [39]. Indeed, articulating the feelings of “being unloved” and remedi-
ating problems associated with such feelings are difficult tasks. Yet, the difficulty
may be dealt with through having discrepant IIs or having compensatory IIs
that are used to communicate some of the problems that are withheld and not
openly discussed.
An example of discrepant IIs occurs in rehearsing jokes in marriage. Using
Fitzpatrick’s marital typology to classify couples [20], Honeycutt and Brown
found that Traditionals used more IIs to rehearse the telling of jokes compared to
Independents who argued a lot, and that humor was associated with marital
satisfaction [40]. Humor was also associated with effectively dealing with conflict
and arguing. However, Independents who rehearsed their jokes reported more
discrepancy between their IIs and what actually happened when telling the joke.
For example, they imagined being more sarcastic and satirical. Some of the
Independents imagined using humor to tease their partner, which acted as a type
of catharsis and compensation in the II.
Ito and her associates discuss the negativity bias in cognitive processing so
that negative events are remembered more than positive events [41]. Positive
messages and acknowledgments are assimilated more easily into existing self-
schemata and are less likely to evoke recall because they are compatible with
existing sentiments. On the other hand, accommodation as a mode of cognitive
processing requires more time, vigilance, and effort. Accommodation occurs
when new information is contradictory with existing schemata and the existing
schemata must be modified or changed [42]. Negative messages are easier to
14 / HONEYCUTT

recall because they are more likely to challenge existing beliefs that require
accommodation of existing self-schemata.
One explanation for the intrusion of negative IIs involves II pleasantness being
negatively associated with memory [3]. IIs accompanied by more negative affect
are more memorable than pleasant IIs. Perhaps, this idea explains why negative
information or IIs, may be recalled more easily and have higher informational
value than positive information, or IIs.

Theorem 4: Suppressed rage is a result of the lack of opportunity

or inability to articulate arguments with the target of conflict.

Investigation of types of aggression has led to a more specific exploration of a

certain type of aggression known as verbal aggression [43, 44]. The study has
centered on the concept of verbal aggression as opposed to argumentativeness
in approaching conflict. Along that line, the primary difference between argu-
mentation and verbal aggression has been identified as the locus of attack [45].
Argumentativeness is defined as the presentation and defense of one’s positions
on controversial issues while attacking the positions taken by others on issues.
The locus of attack here is the message. Verbal aggression, while possibly
incorporating attacks on the other’s message, differs in that it also includes
personal attacks, or attacks on the other’s self-concept. As one can see, the locus
of attack for the verbally aggressive person is the messenger. Argumentativeness,
then, is seen as a more constructive way to address conflict, and verbal aggression
is a more destructive, less constructive way to address conflict [43].
More than a decade’s worth of research in this area sought to explicate the
differences between argumentativeness and verbal aggression, as a means of
understanding the communicative catalysts to physical violence [44]. Infante
and Wigley [45] suggest that verbal aggression and argumentativeness are two
distinctively different constructs with a correlation of –.04. This communication-
oriented approach asserts that destructive forms of communication, including
verbal aggression, lead to physical violence, while constructive forms, includ-
ing argumentativeness, reduce the likelihood that social conflict will escalate
to physical violence [43]. While not all verbal aggression leads to physical
violence, the correlation between verbal aggression and physical violence (r = .32,
p < .001) indicates that there is a moderate, shared relationship [45].
Several reasons for verbal aggression in interpersonal communication have
been posited. One reason is frustration (having a goal blocked by someone,
having to deal with a disdained other). Another reason is social learning (indi-
viduals are conditioned to behave aggressively or are encouraged to adapt a
behavior by observing a model such as a character in a television program). Still
another reason is psychopathology (including transference, in which a person
verbally attacks those people who symbolize or remind the person of unresolved
conflict or pain). A final reason is argumentative skill deficiency (individuals
 II CONFLICT / 15

resort to verbal aggression because they lack the verbal skills for dealing with
social conflict constructively) [45].
In the latter regard, Infante et al. formalized a theory which explains verbal
aggression in terms of one’s lack of communication skills, at devising an argument
that deals with the point of conflict, rather than attacking the person with whom
one is in conflict [43]. This has been labeled the argumentative skills deficiency
model. Research supports the idea that inability or lack of opportunity to articulate
arguments with a target of conflict causes increased levels of arousal [43]. As
rage mounts, verbal aggression intensifies, possibly culminating in physical
violence. Infante and Wigley note that not all verbal aggression leads to physical
violence [45]. If an individual experiences heightened arousal but stops short
of physical violence, the result can be suppressed rage.
Addressing the idea of increased arousal leading to violence, Zillmann [46]
discusses the notion of excitation transfer. According to this idea, a verbally
aggressive act produces negative emotional reaction, such as anger, and a covert
verbal response, which facilitates recall of the emotional experience at a later date.
From this description, it seems likely that imagined interactions may aid in
the recollection process. Zillmann suggests that the trace of negative affect
left behind (perhaps revisited through the use of IIs) can combine additively
with subsequent verbally aggressive acts. Infante and his associates indicate that
“basically, residues of excitation from previous verbally aggressive acts, if not
dissipated, intensify intentions to behave aggressively toward the origin of the
verbal aggression” [43, p. 165]. It can be reasoned that a factor that serves to
perpetuate residual excitation is the retroactive imagined interaction.
Sabourin, Infante, and Rudd took the notion of verbal aggression and the skills
deficiency model and expanded the research to include both members of a couple
rather than a single member, as past research had done [47]. Because most prior
research had looked at an individual’s tendency toward verbal aggression in
instigating violence, Sabourin et al. believed it was important to investigate
verbal aggression from a system perspective, which suggests that another’s
reciprocation of a verbally aggressive attack is more telling than the single act
of verbal aggression [47]. The sample included 82 couples who represent violent,
nonviolent-distressed, and nonviolent-nondistressed relationships. Major findings
of the study indicate that especially strong in differentiating violent from non-
violent disputes is the notion of inferred reciprocity [47]. Inferred reciprocity
involves a husband saying his wife used a given verbally aggressive message
while the wife says her husband is the one who used the message. They also
found continued support for the notion of an argumentative skills deficiency
model that differentiates distressed from nondistressed couples.
Honeycutt tested a path model of individuals in long-term relationship that
contained argumentativeness and verbal aggression in relation to imagined inter-
action characteristics of valence, frequency, proactivity, specificity, discrepancy,
and self-dominance [1]. Three functions of IIs were tested in the model: catharsis,
16 / HONEYCUTT

self-understanding, and conflict-linkage. I sampled students in long-term relation-

ships who were either dating or married. Figure 1 contains the model that is
reprinted from the imagined interaction book.
The circles represent variables that were not actually measured. This feature
of the analysis allows us to determine which variables best represent the theoreti-
cal constructs pertaining to imagined interactions. For example, the “II charac-
teristic” oval represents some of the characteristics of IIs. In this context, activity,
proactivity, and specificity best reflect the characteristics of imagined interactions
that are important in predicting verbal aggression. The higher the number, the
more the variable predicts the theoretical construct in a positive or negative
direction. As revealed in Figure 1, catharsis and self-understanding are the most
important functions of IIs in predicting verbal aggression.
The arguing variable reflected items including a tendency to approach argu-
ments (e.g., Arguing over controversial issues improves my intelligence) or items
indicating a tendency to avoid arguments (e.g., I enjoy avoiding arguments) [44].
Verbal aggression was measured using Infante and Wigley’s verbal aggression
measure consisting of 10 items (e.g., When individuals are very stubborn, I use

Figure 1. Path model of II characteristics, verbal aggression, and coercion.

(Reprinted with permission from Hampton Press, Inc.
 II CONFLICT / 17

insults to soften the stubbornness) [45]. Another 10 items reflected the avoidance
of verbal aggression (e.g., I am extremely careful to avoid attacking individuals’
intelligence when I attack their ideas).
Coercion was measured using the Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS) [48]. This scale
measures reasoning, verbal aggression, and physical coercion as methods of
dealing with relational conflict. For reasoning tactics, respondents were asked
how often during the past year they discussed issues calmly, got information to
back up their position or tried to bring in someone to help settle things. Verbal
aggression is measured by reports of insults or swearing, sulking or refusing to
talk about an issue, leaving the room, spiting the partner, and threatening to hit
or throw something. Physical coercion represents actually throwing something,
pushing, grabbing, shoving, slapping, kicking, biting, hitting, choking, threatening
to use a gun or knife or actually using a gun or knife.
Honeycutt measured the underlying dimensions of the CTS and found that
there were three dimensions or factors [1]. Extreme coercion represents choking
the partner and using a gun or knife. Physical coercion represent slapping the
partner, throwing something at him or her, kicking, biting, or hitting, pushing,
grabbing, or shoving the partner. Withdrawal represents stomping out of the
room, refusing to talk about an issue, saying something to spite the partner, or
trying to bring someone in to help settle things. Coercion is best reflected by
extreme coercion and the less intense forms of physical coercion, such as slapping
or pushing.
II characteristics of activity (frequency), proactivity, and specificity are statis-
tically associated with verbal aggression as revealed by the regression coefficient
of .41. However, II characteristics were not associated with persuasive arguments.
A possible explanation for this is the slight path from II functions to verbal
aggression (.15). The path diagram reflects how catharsis and self-understanding
reflect II functions are related to verbal aggression. Perhaps, individuals who
imagine being verbally aggressive as opposed to thinking about rational argu-
ments let off steam (catharsis) while also believing that they understand their rage
better. The path diagram results also support Infante and Wigley’s contention of a
direct link between verbal aggression and physical coercion [45]. In an alternative
model, arguing did not predict coercion (–.08), and coercion was negatively
associated both with II functions (–.20), and with II characteristics (–.80).

Theorem 5: Thinking about conflict may be facilitated through

exposure to contextual cues including music, substance
abuse, and media (TV shows and movies).

Support for this theorem can be found in the research by Murphy and O’Farrell
that looked at the factors associated with marital aggression in male alcoholics
[49]. According to their research, binge drinking is associated with coercive
marital conflict. Thus when alcohol is consumed, marital aggression is a likely
18 / HONEYCUTT

outcome for male alcoholics. The study also found that maritally aggressive men
exhibit more verbal aggression and higher alcohol use as well as less confidence in
their ability to manage interpersonal conflict without drinking. These findings
seem to suggest support for the association between alcohol consumption and
conflict as well as support for the provocation of thought about conflict by the
use of alcohol.
A study of the role of reciprocity of verbal aggression as a predictor of violent
couples acknowledges the influence of external factors, such as alcohol use, on
violent tendencies in couples [47]. While external factors can foster the use of
violence by couples, the key determinant of whether a couple engages in violent
behavior is the amount of reciprocated verbal aggression during interaction.
Music affects conflict as individuals hear songs that recall old conflicts and
relive their arguments. Music therapy is an entire field of practice and study in
which music is used to improve emotional, physical, physiological, and spiritual
well-being. Smeijsters describes a content analysis of students describing how
they reacted to music [50]. For example, they wrote in their journals how music
was “sentimental, worked like a dream, and evoked pleasant emotions but also
nightmares and repulsion” [50, p. 387]. This reflects the valence characteristic of
IIs. Smeijsters also presents data indicating that, for 41% of individuals reporting
on the functions of music in their lives, music reminds them of their past. Some
of the most common functions were: using music to get into a better mood
(65%), experiencing pleasure (50%), experiencing pain (50%), venting frustra-
tions (41%), getting physiologically aroused (62%).
The ISO principle of music therapy indicates that music can be selected to
gradually change the mood of a person [51]. If you are angry, start with music that
is loud. Later, switch to a more tranquil piece of music. The vectoring power of
music is that we can change the mood or emotion of persons from one affective
pole (joy) to its opposite (anger) through small incremental changes in the rhythm
and intensity of the music.
The top three functions of music are influencing moods and emotions, helping
with stress management, and being used as an expressive outlet. People have
retroactive and proactive IIs when listening to certain types of music [51]. The
melody or lyrics of songs may take individuals to different scenes of interaction
with significant others. In fact, the lines of a classic MOTOWN song by the
Four Tops—“Same Old Song”—claim that “it is the same old song, but with a
different meaning since you’ve been gone.” The song discusses the memory of
an old song with an ex-lover.

Theorem 6: Recurring conflict is a function of brain,

neurotransmitter activity in which neurons are stimulated.

Communication theorists indicate the importance of biological factors in deter-

mining communication traits such as communication apprehension and verbal
 II CONFLICT / 19

aggression [52]. In terms of communication apprehension, 50 to 80 percent of it

is explained by genetic factors [53]. The idea to be drawn from this research
is support for the idea that there is a biological link to conflict, particularly
verbal aggression. If certain communicative characteristics such as communi-
cation apprehension can be linked to biological determinants, then it seems logical
that likelihood to engage in conflict could be linked to such factors as well.
In delineating their rationale for a biologically rooted explanation for verbal
aggression, Beatty and McCroskey state that cognition cannot and does not
exist independently of neurological operation [54]. On this account, “theories
that posit cognitive and emotional processes that do not correspond to neuro-
logical functioning are probably wrong, regardless of how intuitively appealing
the theories might seem” [54, p. 449]. Thus, any explanation of a cognitive
phenomenon such as that of conflict in terms of linked IIs must acknowledge
the impact of neurology.
Much of the prior research in the area of verbal aggression has focused on the
social learning paradigm [44]. This approach has ignored the work of psycho-
biologists and communibiologists that strongly points to the biological and genetic
influences on personality traits like verbal aggression. Even though there are
gene-by-environment interactions, the primary thesis by Beatty and McCroskey
is that verbal aggression is an inborn trait that exists long before social influences
affect learning processes [54].
An argument suggesting that verbal aggression is linked to a biological explan-
ation as well as a social-learning explanation could be extrapolated to the existence
of a more general conflict-engaging nature. Those who engage more often in
conflict may experience more IIs that link conflicts together, thus experiencing
more recurring conflict.

Theorem 7: In order to enhance constructive conflict, individuals

need to imagine positive interactions and outcomes.

Infante and Rancer note in their review of research on argumentativeness

and verbal aggression that, in a trait approach, the concern becomes how per-
sonality traits and communication predispositions can be modified [44]. They
acknowledge that predispositions such as communication apprehension have
been affected favorably by programs that focus on cognitive orientations and
skill development. Such intervention, they suggest, seems possible for verbal
aggression as well. Therefore, if these predispositions can be positively affected
by training such that biological predispositions can be modified, this seems
to provide indirect support for the notion that constructive conflict techniques
can be taught.
In his work examining verbal aggression, Infante has taken the approach that
the prevention of verbal aggression can be achieved through communication skills
training [55]. He notes that abuse prevention programs taking a communication
20 / HONEYCUTT

skills’ approach have been tested successfully with distressed and abusive couples.
The central premise of the skills’ approach is that physical and verbal abuse will be
less likely to occur when interactants are proficiently trained communicators.
Although studies cited in the previous theorem’s discussion section indicate
that much of the cause for certain communicative attributes is being attributed to
biological factors, there is still variance that can be explained by environmental
factors. For that reason, imagined interactions, it seems, can be used to overcome
some biological predispositions. Research indicates that IIs tend to occur prior
to actual interactions rather than after [34]. With this proactive tendency, indi-
viduals can aid themselves in initially preparing points and counterpoints of
conflict in the most constructive way possible.
Several studies have suggested that IIs can be used strategically for rehearsing
anticipated encounters and for relieving stress, for example in such settings as
forensics competition [56, 57]. Participants involved in forensics competition
must be aware of the communication environment and in control of the messages
they convey, because doing so leads to the highest rewards.
Gotcher and Honeycutt found that competitors used IIs for rehearsal even when
several possibilities existed for the playing out of the interaction. In addition,
Honeycutt and Gotcher found that a higher frequency of IIs was associated with
an increased ability to construct an imagined situation which closely mirrors
reality [57]. Finally, proactive IIs were correlated with imagined success during
competition rounds but not with actual success [56].
IIs have been shown to be used by such individuals as those engaged in volatile
political protest and in preparing for cross-cultural university admission inter-
views [58, 59]. Studying the use of IIs by student protesters present at the
Tian-an-men Square demonstrations in Beijing, China, Petress indicated that
students actually present during the riots reportedly engaged in the use of IIs for
such purposes as rehearsing and preparing scripts in case they were taken in
for interrogation by the authorities [58]. Rehearsing scripts enabled students to
remain calm during the riots, and reflecting on actual experiences and interactions
endured after the riots were stopped.
Petress also looked at the use of IIs by Chinese foreign exchange students
in preparing to study abroad [59]. They reported using IIs for the purpose of
rehearsing meetings and interviews with individuals with whom they were seeking
help in the process of securing admission to a U.S. university as well as for
rehearsing meetings with future foreign advisers.
IIs have also been shown to aid in the planning process to help reduce anxiety
and increase speech fluency [60]. Emotions like anxiety are linked with non-
verbal forms of communication including object adapters. Ekman and Friesen
identified adapters as one of the major categories of nonverbal communication
[61]. Adapters are behaviors used to adjust the body and satisfy some bodily or
emotional need. Generally, adapters are classified into two subcategories: self
(touching the self or adjusting clothing) or object (tapping a pencil, biting a pen, or
 II CONFLICT / 21

playing with keys). Adapters are usually seen as reflecting nervous or negative
behavior. Use of object adapters has been directly linked to anxiety [61, 62], and
has been used extensively as a behavioral indicator of situational anxiety.
In research linking IIs and object adapters, Allen and Honeycutt had partici-
pants complete the Survey of Imagined Interaction following an experiment that
involved videotaping [60]. In the latter portion of the study, participants were
asked to devise a plan for convincing a friend with a drinking problem to seek help.
One group of the participants was then placed in a distractor-task condition for
the purpose of minimizing their message planning time. The other group was
given time solely to rehearse their plan for convincing a friend to seek help. Both
groups then engaged in the role-playing activity with a “friend.” These role-
playing tasks were videotaped and assessed for frequency of object adapter use
by participants. Allen and Honeycutt found that individuals who were able to
plan their conversations displayed fewer object adapters than those who com-
pleted the distractor task [60]. Evidence was also found which suggests that
those experiencing high levels of discrepancy between their plan and the actual
encounter more frequently used object adapters.

Theorem 8: Conflict-linkage has the potential of distorting reality,

because conflict is kept alive in a person’s mind and facilitates the
anticipation of a conversation that most likely will be discrepant
from reality since the actual interaction will not occur as planned.
Discrepancy is the II characteristic that provides for the incongruity between
IIs and the actual interaction. Research suggest that individuals who are chron-
ically lonely have been found to have highly discrepant IIs, which researchers
suggest serves to perpetuate their lonely state [26]. Lonely people have limited
prior interactions upon which to base their IIs, so any they experience prior to
new interaction is likely to be high in discrepancy.
Indirect support for this theorem can be found in the observation that verbally
based IIs are less pleasant [34]. These less pleasant IIs concern conflict and
are usually more verbal, as opposed to visual, in nature. Zagacki et al. note that
verbally based IIs are usually less similar to the actual communication they
represent [34]. Thus, through a syllogistic approach, if conflictual IIs are more
verbal, and verbally based IIs are usually discrepant, then conflictual IIs should
be more discrepant and, thus, should distort reality more.

Theorem 9: People use IIs as a mechanism for escape from

societal norms. For example, a person may be expected to talk a
certain way with his/her boss in real life, but in his/her IIs, the
person can be considerably more bold or liberated.
Although we could find no direct support for the idea that individuals use IIs to
escape societal norms, there is research indicating that IIs sometimes compensate
22 / HONEYCUTT

for the lack of real interaction. For example, Rosenblatt and Mayer indicate that an
individual may choose to use IIs in place of actually confronting a loved one in fear
that the loved one wold be hurt by the message [37].
Allen and Berkos discuss how individuals use IIs as a means of “getting things
off their chest” when they know that the expression of certain emotions is
inappropriate in actual interactions [21]. However, they cite no empirical research
in relation to this notion other than to indicate its association with the II functions
of self-understanding and catharsis.
Honeycutt has also discussed the use of IIs as a means of compensation by the
elderly who may not see their loved ones as often as they would like [1]. The
research focusing on geographically separated individuals and their increased use
of IIs during separation for the purposes of coping is additional indirect support for
the notion that IIs are used in the place of real interaction. Future research should
investigate compensation in more conflictual situations that may inhibit real
interaction, such as with disagreement between an employee and an employer.
Research by Kroll-Mensing reveals that IIs sometimes deviate from societal
norms [25]. She found some participants thought about revenge and were more
satisfied with their IIs when they imagined that they were in control of their fate
as opposed to feeling victimized by forces outside internal control. In addition,
McCann and Honeycutt [63] reported intercultural differences in terms of
Japanese feeling bolder in their IIs compared to Americans and Thais [63]. Their
data revealed a boldness dimension for IIs. Examples included: “I don’t feel
restricted by society’s rules in my imagined interactions,” “I can be myself in my
imagined interactions,” and “I am much bolder in my imagined interactions than I
am in my real life.” The Japanese were also highest on the conflict linkage and II
rehearsal characteristics, which seems compatible with the importance of avoiding
conflict and maintaining harmony in Japanese society as well as the high levels of
social anxiety among the Japanese [64, 65].

CONCLUSION

While some of the proposed theorems appear to have significant support in

current literature, other areas have only indirect or negligible support and thus
need additional research to support them. Conflict-Linkage Theory holds great
potential for explaining the effects of cognition outside of actual interaction on
real-life relationships, and its axiomatic approach makes for a logical and sensible
explanation for the perpetuation of conflict in interpersonal relationships. The
primary premise behind the notion of conflict linkage is that conflict is kept
alive in everyday life as a result of imagined interactions which allow indi-
viduals to relive old conflicts and even to construct new arguments. Through
continued research efforts such as are being made in this line of research, a greater
understanding of the causes of conflict can be achieved. Ultimately, therapists
 II CONFLICT / 23

and counselors might apply the research to actual intimate relationships for the
purpose of educating relational partners as to the roots of their conflicts.

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59. K. C. Petress, Coping with a New Educational Environment: Chinese Students’
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Direct reprint requests to:

James M. Honeycutt
Professor of Communication Studies
Louisiana State University
Baton Rouge, LA 70803
e-mail: sphone@lsu.edu